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Experimentar o Experimental
Avant-garde, Cultura Marginal, and
Counterculture in Brazil, 196872

Christopher Dunn

Este ensaio examina a relao entre a vanguarda construtivista, a cultura

marginal e a contracultura no Brasil durante o perodo mais repressor da
ditatura militar entre 1968 e 1972. Focando o artista plstico Hlio Oiticica,
o poeta e produtor Waly Salomo, e a cantora Gal Costa, entre outros,
meu objetivo revelar as encruzilhadas entre a vanguarda construtivista,
sobretudo suas manifestaes mais heterodoxas, a literatura experimen-
tal e a cultura popular consumida pelos jovens urbanos que abraavam a
contracultura.

Ithen aMuseum
manifesto-like catalogue essay for the 1967 New Objectivity exhibit at
of Modern Art in Rio de Janeiro, Hlio Oiticica (19371980),
sought to account for the current state of the avant-garde in Brazil: O
fenmeno da vanguarda no Brasil no mais hoje questo de um grupo
provindo de uma elite isolada, mas uma questo cultural ampla, de grande
alada, tendendo s solues coletivas (2007: 229). Oiticica had been a cen-
tral figure in neo-concretism, a liminal experience of the Brazilian con-
structivist avant-garde in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Like other avant-
garde movements, neo-concretism was generally not perceived as a broad
cultural issue, but rather, a specific intervention for a rarified audience of
artists and critics.
By 1968, a confluence of interventions in several artistic fields emerged
under the banner of Tropiclia, a term coined by Oiticica for an installation

Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1 229

ISSN 0024-7413, 2013 by the Board of Regents
of the University of Wisconsin System
230 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

he presented at the Nova Objetividade exhibit. Astonished with the unex-

pected resonance of his work, Oiticica would write to British art critic Guy
Brett: One thing, crazy but in a sense very important to me, is that my idea
of Tropiclia (. . .) became the most talked about thing here . . . He goes on
to explain parenthetically that Tropiclia is a word here, today, that most
often means psychedelic or hippie, and I think that it will soon be all over
the world to characterize a Brazilian thing. Oiticica concludes by referenc-
ing the song Tropiclia by a young artist, Caetano Veloso, for whom he
had already felt many affinities (Basualdo 360).
Tropiclia was not a movement with a coherent set of propositions,
but a particularly effervescent moment of cultural production that had
an impact on all artistic fields, most notably in popular music (Dunn 2001:
73; Sussekind 31). It coincided with a turbulent and violent political mo-
ment in Brazilian life. A military coup in April 1964 had brought to power
an authoritarian regime backed by traditional landed interests, an urban
comprador elite, international capitalist powers, and even broad sectors of
a conservative middle-class. As progressive alliances of workers, students,
intellectuals, and clergy mobilized to confront the dictatorship, the regime
further restricted civil society opposition, which in turn sparked the emer-
gence of several urban guerilla factions, guided by notions of revolution-
ary national liberation. The tropicalists opposed authoritarian rule, but also
disturbed sectors of the left for their embrace of pop aesthetics, formal ex-
perimentation, and refusal of established discourses of cultural nationalism.
Tropiclia was also an inaugural gesture of a nascent Brazilian countercul-
ture, as Oiticica himself suggested in associating the term with the hippie
movement.
The tropicalist moment came to an abrupt end in December 1968, when
hardline forces within the military regime gained control of the state appa-
ratus and, in the fift h of a series of institutional acts (Ato Institucional 5, or
simply AI-5) dissolved congress, suspended habeas corpus, and established a
regime of strict censorship over journalistic media and cultural production.
The leading tropicalist musicians, Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, were
imprisoned for two months, placed under house arrest in Salvador, and ex-
iled to London in June 1969. Gal Costa, the leading tropicalist female vocal-
ist, became the most visible face of musical tropicalism and soon emerged as
an icon of the counterculture. Most of the artists who identified to varying
degrees and in different ways with Tropiclia remained in Brazil, where they
developed new projects often described in terms of cultura marginal, which
was manifest in several areas, namely cinema marginal, poesia marginal,
and imprensa marginal. Synonymous terms for cultura marginal included
the English-language term underground, its Portuguese-language equiva-
lent subterrneo, and its homophonic transliteration udigrudi, which was
Dunn 231

used especially in the realm of cinema. While conditions of production and

distribution played a significant role in how cultura marginal was positioned
and understood, questions of aesthetic practice and cultural politics were
even more significant (Coelho 239).
Cultura marginal was indebted to the constructivist avant-garde, but
also had deep affinities with the Brazilian counterculture, a diverse range of
practices and discourses oriented toward notions of personal liberation from
the strictures of an authoritarian and conservative society, which gained
adherents throughout urban Brazil. Embracing the counterculture could
mean several levels of dissent, from pursuing a modestly alternative life-
style within a middle-class structure to more radical options of dropping
out, avoiding formal employment, pursuing an itinerant hippie lifestyle,
or living on a commune. The recreational use of drugs, especially marijuana
and hallucinogens, expanded dramatically among urban adolescents and
young adults, becoming for many a central feature of daily life. A distinctly
Brazilian neologism, desbunde, and its adjective, desbundado, was added to
the urban lexicon to refer to a range of countercultural practices, from psy-
chedelic revelry to quiet withdrawal from family and society to pursue a
life less oriented toward work and consumption and more oriented toward
creative leisure.
This combination of vanguardist intention and countercultural disposi-
tion is perhaps more forcefully represented in the work of poet Waly Salo-
mo (19432003). A native of Jequi, a small town in the interior of Bahia
state, Salomo was loosely affiliated to the grupo baiano, which in addition
to Veloso and Gil, included singer-songerwriter Tom Z, vocalists Gal Costa
and Maria Bethnia, poets Jos Carlos Capinan and Torquato Neto, and
graphic designer Rogrio Duarte. Although he didnt participate directly in
Tropiclia, Salomo emerged as a central figure, both as an artist and pro-
ducer, during the early 1970s, when he initiated a collaborative relationship
with Oiticica, composed song lyrics, produced popular music concerts, and
published his first book. In 197172, he burst on the scene as a songwriter
and concert producer for Gal Costa, then an icon of the Brazilian counter-
culture, and as the author of Me segura queu vou dar um troo, a kaleido-
scopic prose-poem, written largely in the first person, documenting life on
the streets and in the prisons of Rio de Janeiro during the dictatorship. Like
Oiticica, Salomo developed his projects in several realms and registers in
which spectacular erudition was juxtaposed with references to popular cul-
ture, urban marginality, and everyday violence.
Writing in 1971, the journalist Zuenir Ventura evoked the idea of vazio
cultural to describe the relative dearth of vital artistic production in com-
parison with the period before 1968. Ventura argued that this impasse in
cultural production had created a series of binary oppositions in terms of
232 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

artistic strategies: o industrialismo e o marginalismo; a vanguarda e o con-

sumo; a expresso lgica e a expresso mais intuitiva, emocional (51). A
closer look at specific works and events of this period, however, reveal that
these oppositions frequently dissolved in practice. Artists with substantial
mainstream appeal within the culture industry could adopt postures, at-
titudes, and repertoires that were readily identified as marginal while
emergent outsider artists with precarious access to the media were able to
intervene sporadically in mass culture. In similar fashion, artists who em-
braced and defended vanguardist projects, were also given to, perhaps out
of necessity, to producing work for popular consumption. In the early 1970s,
as Brazil suffered through its most repressive phase of military rule, cultura
marginal functioned as a conduit and fulcrum mediating between the avant-
garde tradition in Brazil and a more generalized youth counterculture.

We are the Proposers

The story of cultura marginal and its association with the counterculture has
unlikely origins in a mid-century constructivist avant-garde and its peculiar
permutations in the 1960s. Just as Abstract Expressionism was consolidating
its dominant position in the United States, Brazil witnessed the emergence
of an entirely distinct form of abstract, non-figurative art that celebrated
rationality, functionality, and technological progress that coalesced under
the banner of concretism in the early 1950s. The Brazilian concretists first
came together under the name of Ruptura with a debut exhibit in 1952 at
the Museum of Modern Art in So Paulo. Much concretist work from this
period was geometric abstraction devoid of all external representation or
symbolism.
The concretist avant-garde of Brazil emerged in opposition to modern-
ist figurative painting that was concerned foremost with representing Bra-
zilianness either with the intent to advance social critique, as in much of
the work of Candido Portinari, or to celebrate images of tropical sensual-
ity, exemplified by the mulata portraits of Di Cavalcanti. We find a parellel
challenge in the realm of art music, as young composers led by German
emigr Hans Joachim Koellrueter rejected the nationalist modernism of
Villa-Lobos and his followers and embraced the dodecaphonic experiments
of Schoenberg and later the serial compositions of John Cage. The most in-
fluential and sustained mid-century avantgarde developed in the field of
poetry led by Augusto and Haroldo de Campos and Dcio Pignatari, who
eliminated verse in their efforts to produce functional objetos-palavras and
poemas-produtos informed by techniques of contemporary graphic design
and mass communication. In different ways, all of these cultural manifesta-
tions expressed a cultural logic of modernization, identified in Brazil with a
general developmentalist program.
Dunn 233

Against orthodox concretism, a neo-concretist group formed in Rio de

Janeiro around the poet-critic Ferreira Gullar and included artists Lygia
Clark, Hlio Oiticica, Willys de Castro, and Lygia Pape among others. Al-
though still dedicated to the constructivist tradition, the neo-concretists re-
jected, in the words of Gullar, a arte concreta levada a uma perigosa exacer-
bao racionalista. Concretism, in Britos estimation, would represent the
fase dogmtica of implementation, while neo-concretism would be a fase
de ruptura brought on by choques de adaptao local (Brito 74). Unlike
the paulista concretists, the carioca neoconcretists evidenced little interest
reaching a mass audience through graphic and industrial design. While still
working with a language of abstraction, the neo-concretists sought to re-
incorporate elements of emotion and affect that assigned primacy to the
sensorial experience of the spectator who is called upon to participate ac-
tively in the production of meaning. If the concretists had replaced the word
create, linked to a romantic sensibility, with the word invent, associated with
the scientific rationality of orthodox concretism (Farias 398), we might say
that the neo-concretists in turn replaced invent with the term propose to
describe their highly speculative and contingent artistic practice that relied
on the sensorial participation of the public.
Lygia Clark articulated the most concise and passionate explanation of
this idea in Somos os propositores, a mini-manifesto written in 1968:

Somos os propositores; somos o molde; a vocs cabe o sopro, no interior

desse molde: o sentido da nossa existncia.
Somos os propositores: nossa proposio o dilogo. Ss, no existimos;
estamos sua merc.
Somos os propositores: enterramos a obra de arte como tal e chamamos voc
para que o pensamento viva atravs de sua ao.
Somos os propositores: no lhe propomos nem o passado nem o futuro, mas
o agora.

What is distinctive about Clarks language, which is proper to the neo-

concretist avant-garde, is the notion of artistic practice as a proposal that
is contingent, speculative, and depends on direct participation. These pro-
posals were, as Clark suggests, timely and ephemeral, concerned foremost
with the here and now. Despite its suggestion of novelty, Clarks statement
reveals an obvious debt to the historical avant-garde, which in the 1920s had
attacked the institutional status of art in bourgeois society. The institutional
critique, as Brger has shown, would ultimately lead to the most radical and
elusive goal of the historic avant-garde: art was not to be simply destroyed,
but transferred to the praxis of life where it would be transformed, albeit in
a changed form (49).
Clark and Oiticica were interested in transcending the limitations of pic-
torial space produced by the frame and releasing painting into space. Oiti-
234 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

cica achieved this effect with remarkable force in Grande ncleo (1960), part
of his spatial relief series. Oiticica saw this line of work as both an extension
of and break with Mondrians experiments with color and space in a two-
dimensional space. This liberation of color and form into space revealed a
key element in his subsequent work: the sensorial experience of erstwhile
viewers turned participants. Clark found her own way of addressing this
issue with her Bichos, a series of sculptures made of metal planes articulated
by hinges to be manipulated by the spectator-turned-participant. With the
Bichos emphasis was on tactile experience, or what Merleau-Ponty called
the haptic gaze, a form of seeing through touch (Herkenhoff 328). Later
in the decade, Clark further explored sensorial experience with the series
Objetos relacionais, which included proposals involving masks, gloves, and
goggles that seek to induce visual and tactile experiences in which the par-
ticipant gains heightened awareness of his/her own body, its relationship to
other bodies and objects, and its role in the constitution of self.
The neo-concretist group disbanded in 1961. The movements principal
theorist, Ferreira Gullar, abandoned the avant-garde project altogether and
joined the CPC (Centros Populares de Cultura), which advocated direct
communication with the masses based on discursive clarity and social pro-
test. He would later expand his critique by questioning the very relevance of
vanguardist practice in Brazil (1969: 35). The artists and theorists of the CPC
were also committed to participation in artistic practice, which entailed
agit-prop events, political consciousness-raising, and direct communication
with the public-at-large.
During this period a tension between overtly political art and the con-
structivist tradition was exacerbated. Whatever tensions had existed be-
tween the paulista concretists and the carioca neo-concretists were mini-
mal in relation to the deeper rifts between artists of diverse fields who were
devoted primarily to formal experimentation and those who believed that
the primary function of art was to communicate with the povo and raise-
consciousness. This debate took on greater urgency with the ascension of
military rule in 1964 and the hardening of the regime during the second half
of the decade. Oiticica was troubled by Gullars renunciation of the avant-
garde (Asbury 35), but it provided impetus to radicalize some key concepts
of neo-concretism while developing connections to popular culture.

The Participatory Turn

The constructivist avant-garde continued to be the primary point of ref-
erence for both Clark and Oiticica as they forged new directions that put
greater demands on the spectator-participant. At a time when left-wing art-
ists typically conceived of participation in discursive or symbolic terms
Dunn 235

based on political content that could be delivered to a mass audience, they

conceived participation largely in terms of process. The passive specta-
tor would be encouraged, if not obliged, to be an active participant in the
creation of the work. The participative turn in Oiticicas work intensified in
1964, when he accepted an invitation from two other artists, Jackson Ribeiro
and Amlcar de Castro, to visit the Morro da Mangueira, one of Rios old-
est favelas and home to one its most acclaimed samba schools. As Mrio
Pedrosa observed: Foi durante a iniciao ao samba que o artista passou
da experincia visual em sua pureza, para uma experincia do tato, do mo-
vimento, da fruio sensual dos materiais, em que o corpo inteiro, antes
resumido na aristocracia distante do visual, entra como fonte total da senso-
rialidade (357). Oiticicas rejection of the distant aristocracy of the visual
and his embrace of embodied forms of expression also implied a critique
of dominant cultural values that privileged works of art designed for static
contemplation. Waly Salomo would later characterize Oiticicas immersion
in the Mangueira community as a form of social transgression: Ruptura
radical com a viso etnocentrista do seu grupo social e drible nos crculos
da cultura dominante de ento (2003b: 126).
It was not, however, unusual for middle-class revelers and patrons to
venture up to the morro during the carnival season to take part in rehearsals
and parade with the samba schools, nor was Oiticica alone in forging sus-
tained ties with the favelas. In the early 1960s left-wing musicians, fi lmmak-
ers, and theater directors, especially those associated with the CPC, sought
direct connections with these poor communities and took particular inter-
est in the velha guarda samba musicians from Mangueira who they saw as
bearers of authentic cultural traditions. In this context, Oiticica positioned
himself as an outsider in that he was not interested in the questions of au-
thenticity defined in terms of cultural nationalism or the popular roots.
He appears to have had little or no contact with venerable samba musicians
then being rediscovered by artists, critics, and producers (Vianna 5051).
The popular culture of the favelas was for him temporally coeval with Bra-
zilian modernity, not a vestige of a traditional past.
His new proposals came in the form of parangols, a series of multi-
layered capes of different colors, forms, and sizes, some with defiant in-
scriptions like Incorporo a revolta and Da adversidade vivemos. Oiticica
conceived the parangols in relation to his earlier neo-concretist explora-
tions of structure-color in space, but situated them within a new paradigm
centered on the participador-obra (1992: 93). When he invited some of his
friends from Mangueira to perform with the parangols at the opening of
the collective exhibit Opinio 65 at the Museum of Modern Art in Rio de
Janeiro, they were expelled from the museum. Oiticica and his friends from
Mangueira left the building to exhibit the parangols in the exterior patio of
236 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

the museum. Although not planned, the event is now remembered as a key
moment in contemporary Brazilian art that generated a kind of institutional
critique of the museum as a space and of the art work as an object of pas-
sive contemplation.
During this time, he forged friendships and creative alliances with peo-
ple identified as marginal, most notably the famous urban bandit Cara de
Cavalo, who was murdered by a death squad in 1964. Oiticica would later
create a homage to his friend, Caixa Blide 18Homenagem a Cara de Ca-
valo (1966). For Oiticica, marginality was a social reality, but also an ethical
position in a context of violence and exclusion. In the program of conser-
vative modernization promoted by the military regime, poverty was itself
criminalized as large segments of the population were excluded from the
formal economy. At the same time, middle-class Brazilians were dropping
out of society to join the clandestine urban and rural armed movements
against the regime. Cultural production from this period is fi lled with art
works, films, and songs that focus on issues of violence, criminality, and
marginality in Brazilian society. The rapid expansion of Brazilian cities in
the post-war era had contributed to the rise of urban poverty and violence,
further exacerbated by authoritarian removal policies implemented by lo-
cal authorities. In the mid-1960s, the state government of Rio initiated a
wide-scale demolition of urban favelas to make room for middle class de-
velopments. For Oiticica, marginality was an ethical stance in relation to
state violence against favelados, as well as a strategic position-taking in the
artistic field. Writing to Lygia Clark in 1968, he stated: hoje sou marginal ao
marginal, no marginal aspirando pequena burguesia, o que acontece com
a maioria, mas marginal mesmo: margem de tudo, o que me d surpreen-
dente liberdade de ao . . . (Figueiredo 44).
Although he rehearsed some of the ideas for what he called penetrveis
in the ncleo series of the early 1960s, Tropiclia was Oiticicas first true am-
biente, an installation designed for multisensorial experience. Tropiclia
featured stereotypical references to Brazilshanty-like structures, plants,
live parrots but the work also questioned familiar notions of Brazilian-
ness. The smaller of the two penetrables, for example, is inscribed with the
words Pureza um mito, a pointed reference to cultural hybridity in the
context of modernization. The larger penetrable is a maze-like structure that
leads the participant through a dark passage to a functioning television set.
The historiography of Tropiclia has tended to focus on popular mu-
sic, the only field in which an actual movement coalesced, often leading
to the erroneous perception that the tropicalist phenomena in other fields
were mere appendages of the music. Coelho makes a point of distinguish-
ing between Tropiclia, which involved avant-garde visual artists, writers,
and filmmakers, and tropicalismo musical, which reconfigured the field
Gal Costa, 1972. Photo by Maurcio Cirne for tima Hora. Courtesy of the Arquivo
Nacional, Rio de Janeiro.

237
238 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

of popular music and operated in the terrain of mass culture (24). While
this distinction allows us to better appreciate the long trajectory of several
distinct art forms in relation to internal debates proper to their respective
fields, particularly in relation to the avant-garde tradition, it also obscures
the vital intersections, however partial, qualified, or messy, between them.
Tropiclia may be regarded as a fractured and fleeting totality, encompass-
ing several projects, rife with tensions, but still meaningful as moment of
exchange across artistic fields.
The tropicalist moment reveals a productive tension between the tradi-
tion of constructivism with both concretist and neo-concretist manifes-
tations, and an emergent visual aesthetic informed by US American and
British Pop art. Whereas the constructivism of Oiticica and Clark sought
to overcome the image and privilege sensorial, participative experiences,
Brazilian neo-figurativism reveled in worn-out or banal images of everyday
life, often with reference to the role of mass media, especially newspapers
and TV. This tendency within Tropiclia can be seen in the paintings of
Rubens Gerchman, the carnivalesque theater of Teatro Oficina, and several
compositions by Caetano Veloso that embraced an aesthetics of kitsch or
mau gosto. Oiticica recognized the critical value of lampooning prevailing
notions of good taste through the use of cafona cultural references. He
warned, however, that it had also paved the way for conservative expressions
of saudosismo and velhaguardismo, which he associated with reactionary
and paternalist nationalism that coincided with the cultural program of the
military regime (Oiticica Filho 11718). Oiticica was also wary of pop-kitsch
tropicalism as a spectacular explosion of images for mass consumption. In
an essay about his installation Tropiclia, he asserted the aesthetic and ethi-
cal integrity of experience in the face of imagistic trends within the larger
complex of works: h elementos a que no podero ser consumidos por
essa voracidade burguesa: o elemental vivencial direto . . . (2007 241).
Writing to Guy Brett in 1968, Oiticica discussed ideas for a new project
designed to engender a new community that would come coalesce around
creative affinities. Elaborating further, he explained: Not a community to
make works of art, but something as the experience in real life all sorts
of experiences that could grow out in a new sense of life and societykind
of constructing an environment for life itself based on the premise that cre-
ative energy is inherent in everyone (Hlio Oiticica: 135). These ideas would
directly inform his next major work, den, a large environment first exhib-
ited at the Whitechapel Gallery in London in early 1969. den would only
be mounted in Brazil in 1978 after Oiticicas long residency in New York. In
an essay composed in English for the exhibition catalogue, he characterized
den as an experimental campus, a kind of taba, where all human experi-
Dunn 239

ments will be allowed . . . (1992: 12). Whereas Tropiclia worked with an ob-
viously Brazilian image in an effort to advance a critique of contemporary
Brazilian society, den was more universal in its aims, having been inspired
by his reading of influential texts of the international counterculture, in-
cluding Herbert Marcuses Eros and Civilization, Edgard Morins California
Journal, and Marshal McLuhans Understanding Media. In London, he had
also initiated a dialogue with experimental artists and alternative commu-
nities, most significantly the Exploding Galaxy collective founded by David
Medalla (Jacques 118; Asbury 3536).
While Tropiclia is structured as space to walk though, den was a multi-
sensorial environment conceived as space in which individuals would come
together, hang out, and potentially form communities, however ephemeral.
Participants were invited to take off their shoes, traipse through the sand,
rest in little nests of straw, seek refuge in enclosed spaces, and linger in the
environment for extended periods of time. Photos from the Whitechapel
exhibit show Londoners, some with kids in tow, lounging in nests and frol-
icking through the penetrables. den included an homage to the tropicalists
in the form of the tenda Caetano-Gil in which participants could relax
and listen to their music: nessa tenda preta uma idia de mundo aspira seu
comeo: o mundo que se cria no nosso lazer, em torno dele, no como fuga
mas como pice dos desejos humanos (Hlio Oiticica: 136). Oiticicas use
of the tent in this context is suggestive in the way that it refers to an am-
bulant lifestyle of the counterculture and also in the way that it references
leisure as a creative liberating practice. Waly Salomo described den as a
paraso imanente created on earth, suggesting that people must assume
the responsibility of creating their own spaces for pleasure and creativity
(2003b: 72). One can infer a reference to the hippie movement as the den
project coincided with and drew inspiration from a whole range of life expe-
riences and dispositions associated with the counterculture in transnational
context. Oiticica conceived den as a estrutura germanativa that would
develop into a utopian communitarian project, the Barraco, which was
never realized (Jacques 119).
Following the den project, Oiticica returned to Brazil, where he re-
mained for most of 1970, before leaving for New York. In an interview about
his experience in the UK, Oiticica spoke at some length about the value and
meaning of participation: Para mim, a participao do espectador e in-
troduo de elementos sensoriais foram importantes para a introduo de
uma nova forma de comportamento (. . .) , e no a criar uma nova forma de
arte (Oiticica Filho 90). Participation was, for Oiticica, no longer a formal
or structural dimension of his work, but rather a permanent disposition ori-
ented toward everyday life.
240 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

Hold me back: Waly Salomo

Oiticica was the first person to see a manuscript by Waly Salomo, a young
poet who began writing in February 1970 while he was detained in the in-
famous Carandiru prison of So Paulo following a drug bust for marijuana
possession. Oiticica created a geometric layout for the text, which was later
confiscated in a police raid and forever lost. Two years later Salomo pub-
lished Me segura queu vou dar um troo under the pseudonym Waly Sailor-
moon. A kaleidoscopic work with several narrative voices, it is part prison
notebook, part theater, and part movie script, interrupted by news flashes,
commercials, police interrogations, and prophecies. Antonio Candido char-
acterized the text as literatura anti-literria in which
se cruzam o protesto, o desacato, o testemunho, o desabafo, o relatotudo
numa linguagem baseada geralmente na associao livre e na enumerao
catica, formada de frases coloquiais, gria hippie, obscenidades, perodos
truncados, elipses violentas, transies abruptas, resultando um movimento
bastante vivo cuja matria a experincia pessoal do autor (13).

Salomos publisher arranged for the book to be sold at newsstands, not

in bookstores, which were then under surveillance. Although much of Me
segura is narrated in a first person voice, it is a polyphonic voice, inhabit-
ing several different positions. His own subjectivity as a poet is also super-
dramatized, larger-than-life, occupying a quasi-mythic plane, as announced
in the opening line of the first section Apontamentos do PAV 2, which es-
tablishes the Carandiru prison as the site of enunciation SRIO desponta
de dia a phrase that connects his personal identity as a Brazilian of Syr-
ian descent to Sirius, the brightest star in the night sky. Further down, this
image appears again as the poet identifies himself through his pseudonym,
Sailormoon: EU, SAILORMOON, de sangue indomrabe, Srio desponta
de dia = DILVIO (2003a: 76). This exaggerated self-aggrandizing may
be understood as a compensatory gesture for a prisoner for whom writing
was a way to resist feeling like a victim. Antnio Ccero has observed that
his basic strategy in Me segura may be understood in terms of teatralizao:
a penchant for transforming everyday life, including situations of confine-
ment, into a kind of theater (33).
The first part of the book, Apontamentos do Pav 2 is a chronicle of his
experience in prison, written in brief telegraphic flashes. Its framed as a
Dante-esque descent into hell with a pop music soundtrack featuring Roberto
Carlos, Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso, Ray Charless Georgia on my mind,
and Jorge Bens Charles Anjo 45. Salomo also provides commentary on
his fellow inmates who had been detained for a range of transgressions, some
criminal, some political, some behavioral, and some apparently arbitrary:
Dunn 241

A descida ao inferno do poeta. Estou ouvindo Roberto Carlos, Ray Charles,

Georgia, Gil e Caet Charles anjo 45. O carioca legal que emprestou o carro
pro amigo, preso na boca. O detento pequeno-burgus que manda cartas pra
noiva como se estivesse acidentado num hospital da Argentina. A limpeza
e os ideais do xadrez 506. O dbil mental que perdeu cala prum passista de
Escola de Samba. Os bunda mole (2003a: 61).
Although described as a hellish experience, Salomos brief stint in prison also
appears to have been a catalyst to write: The experience led to a process of
liberation inside of me and I began to write . . . The descent into hell liberated
me to start writing . . . So you can see, from the beginning I had an affinity for
what you might call counterculture or marginality (Dunn 2006: 251).
Like Oiticica, Waly Salomo took refuge in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro.
He wrote most of Me segura in the Morro de So Carlos after being released
from prison. He regarded this community as a kind of liberated zone within
Brazil during the most repressive era of the dictatorship (Dunn 2006: 255).
This insight came from personal experience: the policewoman that arrested
him for marijuana possession was an undercover agent posing as a hippie in
a sting operation that would have been impossible in the favela. The incident
that landed him in jail may have inspired a lingering antipathy toward hip-
pies, which erupts occasionally in his text, as on the first page of a section
titled Fa-talLuz Atlntica Embalo 71 in which he writes: Temos em
comum, eu e os policiais, dio asco aos hippies nacionais, nossa campada
hippielndia on the road. viagens miserveis vapor barato (2003a: 163). As
a literary polyphonic literary text with multiple voices and discourses, its
not clear that the I in this statement can be easily conflated with the au-
thor, but other texts from the period suggest his view of hippies as anti-
intellectual and conformist (Coelho 28485).
Salomos text was, nevertheless, widely interpreted as a countercultural
text. Silviano Santiago read Me segura in relation to curtio, a colloquial-
ism that designates enjoyment, which is frequently used in conjunction with
with desbunde. In an article published in 1973, which elected Salomos text
as an illustrative example of new literary trends, he argued that the post-
tropicalist generation generally despised literature, associated with solitary
reflection, and was attracted more to popular music and other forms of art
oriented toward non-verbal communication (124125). For Santiago, these
texts should be approached less in terms of leitura and more in terms of
curtio. In reading texts like Me segura, the reader is invited to curtir o
texto, or get kicks from the disparate textual fragments. Yet Me segura
doesnt lend itself easily to curtio, not only because it is filled with all kinds
of intertextual references, but also because it requires at every step of the
way the readers participation. It is what Barthes might have called a writ-
erly text, which requires substantial effort on the part of the reader to pro-
242 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

duce meaning, much in the way that the works of Hlio Oiticica depended
on the active participation of spectators.
In the first in a series of written communiqus to his friends called He-
liotapes, Oiticica read Me segura in relation to his own work, calling it uma
construo numa estrutura, a curious description of a text that seems so
utterly devoid of any narrative or poetic structure. This is possible because
Oiticica read Me segura in light of vanguardist projects to fuse art and life.
In his words, Me segura created conditions for these kinds of experiences:
criar condies assumir uma posio existencial, assumir uma posio
diferencial na relao com o dia a dia. (Salomo 2003a 200). In his analy-
sis, Oiticica likened Me segura to Brancusis overcoming of the pedestal in
sculpture. Oiticica cites in particular one of the last sections of Me segura,
Um minuto de comercial in which Salomo proclaims the end of the
text several times, yet keeps adding narrative, dialogue, and aphorisms. In
Oiticicas reading, the end functions structurally as the pedestal (or the
frame in painting) that is overcome or absorbed by the text itself, which
is repeatedly revised through a process of amendment. Oiticica interprets
these successive textual fragments como se fosse a biblioteca do dia a dia,
no, uma euxistnciateca do real, no, porque a coisa uma criao em si
mesma (Salomo 2003a 203). He invents and discards a neologism euxis-
tnciateca, which is highly suggestive, but ultimately unsatisfactory because
it suggests a catalog of personal experiences that is exterior to the work.
In Oiticicas reading, Salomos text functioned as a strategy to create
conditions for perpetual experimentation and critical reflection that was
analogous to some of his own work. The final product, whether an object
or published text, is ultimately less important than the quotidian process of
creation and elaboration. Seen in this light, Me segura is rather more like a
proposal akin to one of Oiticicas open environments rather than fiction,
poetry, or memoir. His readership was, of course, quite small, but by the
time of publication in 1972, Waly Salomo had begun to reach a much wider
audience working in the realm of popular music, which was, as elsewhere,
the focal point for the youth counterculture in Brazil.

Gal Fa-tal
Between 1969 and 1972, while Veloso and Gil were in exile, Gal Costa
emerged as the most visible and alluring icon of the Brazilian countercul-
ture. This period of her career is characterized by emphatic expressions of
artistic identity independent of the tropicalist group and new collaborations
with visual artists, poets, and musicians associated with cultura marginal.
Her first two solo albums, both released in 1969, highlighted her penchant
for juxtaposing soft bossa stylizations with psychedelic rock, R&B and blues,
Dunn 243

inspired by female singers from the US, especially Janis Joplin. In 1969, she
began working with Jards Macal, a young singer-songwriter from Rio who
had worked with Maria Bethnia during her famous series of performances
at the Teatro Opinio in 1965. In 1970 when they initiated a two-week run
at Sucata, a famous nightclub in the Lagoa neighborhood in Rio, they in-
vited Hlio Oititica to serve as artistic director. Having just returned from
his exhibit at Whitechapel, this project allowed for him to experiment with
environmental art outside of a gallery space and within the context of a
popular music event.
Eschewing notions of conventional cenography, Oiticia created instead
an ambientao for Gals performances at the Bar Sucata in June 1970
(Figueiredo 201). Entering the venue, the audience passed through, as if in a
ritual of deconditioning, a dense forest of plastic fi laments into a space orga-
nized into compartments by gauze-like screens hanging from the ceiling to
the floor. The musicians, the rock band Os Bubbles (later renamed A Bolha)
with the percussionist Nan Vasconcellos, were instructed to wear every
day clothes which further reinforced the idea of environment instead of
a show. Once inside, audience members would accommodate themselves
on cushions and pillows that created an environment that was reminiscent
of den. On the first night of a two-week run at the Sucata, much of the
environment was ripped down by the audience, which suggested that the
audience disliked the visual sense of distance and alienation from their idol,
but also enacted the principle of spectator participation.
Despite his aversion to readily consumed images, Oiticica created the
album cover for Gal Costas LP Fatal. The cover featured a black and white
photo of the singer cropped to show only the right half. A photo collage,
arranged as long wavy hair flowing down from her head and face features
well-known cultural figures from Brazil and abroad (Caetano Veloso, Gil-
berto Gil, Jards Macal, Waly Salomo, James Dean), images of experimen-
tal art (Lygia Clarks Mscara Sensorial, Lygia Papes Ovo. his own Blide
Bacia 1), along with festival scenes from the UK. He chose photos that sug-
gested uma referncia potica, virtual, nada de coisas ligadas a Gal, mas
imagens sem limite (Figueiredo 173). The overall effect of the cover art was
to situate Gal Costa in relation to Oiticicas circle of experimental artists. He
wrote enthusiastically to Lygia Clark about the project, noting that it helped
him to earn money and acquire experience in another artistic realm, while
offering a platform for inserting his own visual synthesis of the cultural mo-
ment, its relation to Gal, and its vital link to experimental culture in Brazil
(Figueiredo 137).
Following the Sucata shows, Oiticica departed for New York, but Gal
continued to work with artists from his circle of friends as she prepared for
Gal Fa-tal, a series of performances in October 1971 at the Teresa Raquel
Waly Salomo, 1972. Photo by Joo Rodolfo for Correio da Manh. Courtesy of the Ar-
quivo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro.

244
Dunn 245

Theater in Copacabana. The show was under the general direction of Waly
Salomo and the artistic direction by Luciano Figueiredo. Within months,
it was released as a double LP Gal Fa-tal: A todo vapor produced by Roberto
Menescal, who was best known as a bossa nova composer. Salomo and
Figueiredo created a set design that combined visual elements, avant-garde
aesthetics, and subtle political critique. The stage, painted purple was embla-
zoned with the suggestive neologism violeto, a word invented by Waly Sa-
lomo. Its semantic charge is ambiguous, simultaneously evoking the color
violet, or violeta, and the context of political repression, aptly described as
violento. The purple hue of the stage suggested the first meaning, but this
was undermined by the absence of the correct final vowel, while the second
meaning was compromised by the absence of the n. The letters FA
TAL appeared on the green and yellow backdrop. Salomo separated the
word fatal into two phonemes, drawing attention to the rhyme tal/Gal
(a certain Gal), while retaining the complete word with all of its various
meanings in Portuguese (deadly, fateful, inevitable). The use of ambiguous,
but highly allusive word-objects, the fragmentation of words, and the stra-
tegic deployment of graphic space revealed a debt to concrete poetry, while
the total environment of the venue suggested the influence of Oiticica.
In addition to the unconventional staging, the concert also marked a
departure from ways in which Gal Costa had been presented as an artist.
During the first part of Gal Fa-tal she performed solo in a stripped down voz
e violo presentation typically reserved for artists who had achieved some
competence with the instrument. With the guitar, Gal was a novice, lend-
ing the opening numbers a certain air of amateurish informality, as if she
were playing for a group of friends around a campfire or at the beach. Her
vocal style and repertoire moved seamlessly from bossa nova to hard rock
to traditional sambas and rural song forms from the Brazilian northeast.
Gals repertoire, developed in consultation with Salomo, was notable for its
eclecticism. It included none of the standards of bossa nova or her recent hits
from the Tropiclia period. Instead, it featured two songs from traditional
Bahian folklore, classic sambas from Geraldo Pereira (Falsa baiana) and
Ismael Silva (Antonico), and a baio (Assum preto) by Luiz Gonzaga,
who was then experiencing a late-career revival after some twenty years out
of the limelight. In addition to four songs by Caetano Veloso, the show also
featured new compositions by emergent artists such as Jards Macal, Luiz
Melodia, Duda Machado, and Waly Salomo.
Gal Fa-tal opened with a capella version of Fruta gogoia, an anony-
mously authored song from Bahian folklore, which established her identity
as a baiana, while suggesting a connection to pre-modern musical tradi-
tions from the northeast. Picking up an acoustic guitar, she next performed
246 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

a fragment of Charles Anjo 45, Jorge Bens homage to the redeemed outlaw
from the favela, leading into Caetano Velosos Como 2 e 2, a melancholic
assessment of the present state of affairs in authoritarian Brazil:

Tudo vai mal, tudo

Tudo mudou no me iludo e contudo
A mesma porta sem trinco, o mesmo teto
E a mesma lua a furar nosso zinco

The final refrain sums up the sensation of disaffection and disorientation

common among those who opposed the regime: Tudo em volta est deserto
tudo certo/ Tudo certo como dois e dois so cinco. At least one journalist
interpreted the entire performance as a manifestation of generational de-
spair, reporting that ela canta, meio amarga, que o sonho hippie acabou,
que a cultura underground faliu.
This sense of disillusionment was dramatized at the end of Gals opening
acoustic set when she performed Vapor barato, a countercultural anthem
written by Waly Salomo and Jards Macal. Narrated in first person voice,
Vapor barato, a slang term for marijuana, relates the existential drama of a
desbundado who is leaving behind a partner to embark on some unspecified
journey. While the term vapor barato is never actually cited in the song, a
cloud of marijuana smoke seems to hang over the song, a simple five-chord
blues lament for a wayward hippie dressed in red pants, a military coat,
with rings on every finger. As we have seen, Salomo often took a dim view
of hippies in his literary work, but he was capable of creating an empathetic
portrait of them in his songwriting:

Sim!
Eu estou to cansado
Mas no pra dizer
Que eu no acredito mais em voc
Com minhas calas vermelhas
Meu casaco de general
Cheio de anis
Vou descendo
Por todas as ruas
E vou tomar aquele velho navio

The song captured the sense of fatigue and disillusion felt by urban middle
class youth who opposed the regime. It is an interesting companion to Chico
Buarques much more famous and certainly more exuberant samba, Ape-
sar de voc, which was recorded around the same time: apesar de voc,
amanh h de ser outro dia. Both songs frame questions of public discord
in personal termsa fallout between two lovers yet while Buarques song,
Dunn 247

directed at the authoritarian state, suggests a day of revenge and redemp-

tion, Salomos song conveys a sense of disillusionment, not only in relation
to a person, but also to the ideals of the counterculture as manifested in the
desbunde.
At eight minutes and thirty-eight seconds, Vapor barato was the lon-
gest piece in her repertoire, serving as a leitmotif for the entire performance.
Half way through the song, Gals electric band, led by electric guitar vir-
tuoso Lanny Gordin, entered with a blues vamp, marking a passage from a
mournful acoustic set to a raucous rock-inflected jam session. The following
number, D um rol, was a blues rock number featuring Gals soaring vo-
cals and Gordins Hendrix-inspired guitar runs. Written by Moraes Moreira
and Luiz Galvo for their group, Os Novos Baianos, the song expressed an
attitude of curtio and love in the face of violence and fear: Eu sou, eu sou,
eu sou amor/ da cabea aos ps. Performed right after Salomos lament,
D um rol gave expression to the festive, Dionysian dimensions of the
counterculture.
The Gal Fa-tal show was a milestone in the cultural history of the dicta-
torship, establishing Gal Costa as the muse of the Brazilian counterculture
and Salomo as popular lyricist, producer, and cultural mediator in Rio de
Janeiro. The recording, Gal A todo vapor has entered into the canon of Bra-
zilian popular music from the golden age of the LP. In 2007, it was voted
twentieth in a Rolling Stone critics poll of the top 100 Brazilian albums.
Gal Fa-tal also created conditions for experimental artists such as Waly
Salomo to reach a substantial audience of young, middle-class denizens of
Rios zona sul.

Navilouca: Toward the Experimental

During the period that Salomo, Figueiredo, and Oiticica were working
with Gal Costa, they were also in the initial stages of an editorial project
that brought together poets, fi lmmakers, visual artists, and musicians iden-
tified with the concretist avant-garde, Tropiclia, cultura marginal, and the
counterculture. Inspired by his reading of Foucaults Madness and Civili-
zation, Salomo named the project Navilouca, a reference to the stultifera
navis, ships of the late medieval and renaissance periods that ferried around
Europe the deranged people who had been expelled and banished from their
communities. A vibrant alternative press had emerged in response to the
censorship of mainstream media, but its journals often folded after a few
issues. In contrast, Navilouca was conceived as a one-off manifesto, an-
nouncing on the cover that it was the primeira edio nica. The editors
of Navilouca, Waly Salomo and Torquato Neto, conceived the project as
a way to overcome provincial rivalries and divisions within Brazilian arts,
248 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

especially in relation to the acrimonious split between the paulista concre-

tists and the carioca neo-concretists in the late 1950s. Luciano Figueiredo
and Oscar Ramos oversaw the graphic design and layout of the publication.
It was, as Figueiredo describes it, uma aventura editorial artesanal more
akin to limited edition art book than to an underground magazine (Ferraz
and Conduro 188).
Navilouca brought together a diverse group of artists including the con-
crete poets (Augusto and Haroldo de Campos, Dcio Pignatari), artists
associated with neo-concrete movement (Hlio Oiticica and Lygia Clark),
former tropicalists (Caetano Veloso, Torquato Neto, and Rogrio Duarte),
and young experimental artists identified to varying degrees with cultura
marginal (Waly Salomo, Jorge Salomo, Luciano Figueiredo, Ivan Cardoso,
Oscar Ramos, Luiz Otvio Pimentel, Duda Machado, Chacal, and Stephen
Berg). Each of the artists were invited to contribute texts, ideograms, photos,
film stills, collages, cartoons, and anything else that could be represented on
a page. The entire project was assembled by 1972, but was delayed for two
years because the publisher, Lcio Alves of Edies Gernasa, did not have
enough money to publish it. In November 1972, Torquato Neto, took his own
life after a long struggle with depression compounded by professional frus-
tration and the repressive environment created by the regime. The project
was put on hold until 1974, when Caetano Veloso was able to secure funding
from Andr Midani, then the president of Philips Records (the owner of
Phonogram) in Brazil, to pay for the printing costs.
Navilouca congregated and synthesized in one omnibus publication di-
verse poetic, graphic, and discursive currents that connected the avant-garde
tradition in Brazil to cultura marginal and its diff use articulation through
the counterculture. Figueiredo has described it as a manifesto, but it con-
trasted sharply with earlier vanguardist manifestos in its sheer heterogene-
ity of aesthetic values, social concerns, and obsessions, which undermined
any programmatic intention. It didnt identify rivals or seek adherents, rev-
eling instead in riotous polyphony. Elaborate visual and poetic homages to
Brazilian experimental writers of the past found a place next to cartoons,
fake advertisements, and concert photos. There are film stills from classic
Hollywood cinema, chanchadas, horror films by Z do Caixo, and under-
ground fi lms like Jlio Bressanes Famlia do barulho. Images of Lygia Clark
donning her Luvas sensoriais accompany photographic reports of Oiticicas
new projects in New York and Rhode Island from the early 1970s, including
his Babylonests and Ninhos created as integrated living-work spaces in his
lower Manhattan loft.
The concrete poets took the opportunity to reaffirm the ongoing vital-
ity of poetics of invention from the late nineteenth century, through mod-
ernism of the 1920s, and on to the mid-century concretist avant-garde. In
Sonoterapia, Augusto de Campos made homage to the ostracized heroes
Dunn 249

of this tradition: na gelia geral da nossa histria/ sousndrade kilkerry

oswald vaiados/ esto comendo as pedras da vitria. A famous photo from
the early 1970s of the three paulista icons of concrete poetry (Augusto and
Haroldo de Campos, Dcio Pignatari) holding an open book with a photo
of the trio in the 1950s further emphasized the idea of continuity and per-
petual renovation of the concretist project. At the other end of the cultural
spectrum, the filmmaker and photographer Ivan Cardoso, known for his
low budget pornographic and horror fi lms, contributed photos of bikini-
clad bombshells and glistening beefcake together with campy stills from
B movies. Navilouca also featured an advertisement for Cardosos Super-8
film Nosferatu no Brasil, a parody of the German expressionist film of
1922. It was the first of several Super 8 fi lms made by Cardoso that he called
filmes de terrir, which combined elements from the horror film genre with
trashy comedy.
Twelve pages of Navilouca were entirely dedicated to the work of Waly
Salomo, the principle instigator of the project. Salomos text is divided
into several distinct sections, beginning with a manifesto with the Spanish-
language title Planteamiento de Cuestiones that outlined the problems
facing experimental artists at the time, his own position as a writer, and
possible strategies for creating and maintaining conditions for artistic pro-
duction. He positions himself as an embattled warrior, occasionally using
the Arabic term fedayin (ie. fedayeen) as a mode of self-identification. The
key trope of his text is forar a barra, something like to push the envelope
or break boundaries through constant innovation:
FORAR A BARRA:
Estou possudo da ENERGIA TERRVEL que os tradutores chamam
DIO ausncia de pais: rechaar a tradio judeo-cristiana ausncia
de pais culturais ausncia de laos de famlia
Nada me prende a nada
Produzir sem esperar receber nada em troca:
O Mito de Sisifud.
Produzir o melhor de mim pari-passu com a perda da esperana
de recomPenso. Paraso
FIM DA FEBRE
DE
PRMIOS & PENSES
DUM
POETA SEM
LLAAUURREEAASS

For Salomo, the radical rejection of cultural traditions, family ties, and
literary recognition creates the conditions for total artistic freedom. Liter-
ary creation becomes an existential question of daily struggle and resistance
oriented toward process and not the result (Hollanda 76).
250 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1

Oiticica was living in New York as the Navilouca project was in produc-
tion, but maintained a constant and extensive correspondence with the edi-
tors, especially Waly Salomo. He sent a manifesto Experimentar o experi-
mental, written in March 1972 in which he traced his own artistic trajectory
since 1959, from his neoconrete ncleos e blides through the participative
turn represented by the parangols e ambientes. Much of the text is dedicat-
ing to critiquing Brazilian visual arts, especially painting and sculpture, the
gallery system, and puerile rivalries between artists. It echoes some of the
ideas outlined in text written for the Nova Objetividade exhibit, yet makes
no mention of the avant-garde. If, in 1967, the idea of the avant-garde in Bra-
zil was for Oiticica uma questo cultural ampla, by the early 1970s the term
had largely dropped out of his writings. In the context of authoritarian rule
with so many artists in exile, the call to programmatic action, guided by a
vontade construtiva geral no longer retained the ethical and aesthetic va-
lences as it had in the late 1960s. The idea of avant-garde ceded to a more dif-
fuse, less rigid, but equally vital imperative: o experimental. The shift from
the avant-garde to the experimental was already implicit in Oiticicas work
since the end of neo-concretism and his embrace of anti-art conceived in
terms of open proposals and environments. With a nod to the interna-
tional counterculture, he quotes Yoko Ono: To create is not the job of the
artist. The job is to change the value of things. He concludes the manifesto
on a hopeful and insurgent note, calling attention to the potentially endless
possibilities of the experimental in Brazilian cultural life, even at a time of
severe political repression:
os fios soltos do experimental so energias que brotam para um nmero
aberto de possibilidades
no brasil h fios soltos num campo de possibilidades: porque no explor-
los

His language is speculative and utopian, speaking of possibilities for new

proposals and actions. While the manifesto did not directly inspire politi-
cal resistance to the regime, it figures as an important call for affirming the
primacy of the experimental energies at a time when the regime used the
power of the state to enforce conformity and obedience.

Notes

1. Manifesto Neoconcreto. Suplemento Dominical do Jornal do Brasil, (March

2122, 1959).
Dunn 251

2. Originally published in Livro-Obra (1968), Ns somos os propositores is ar-

quived on the site O mundo de Lygia Clark (www.lygiaclark.org.br). Accessed
June 7, 2012.
3. In 1979, Ivan Cardoso made a short fi lm about Oiticica, HO, that features a
marvelous segment shot within the labyrinthine structure of den with Oiticica,
Clark, Caetano Veloso, Waly Salomo, Ferreira Gullar, among others.
4. Macal gained notoriety in the 1969 International Song Festival in Rio with
the song Gotham City, a thinly veiled denunciation of life during the most repres-
sive phase of the military rule that he composed with Jos Carlos Capinan: Os
mortos vivos eles peranbulam em Gotham City/ agora eu vivo o que eu vivo em
Gotham City/ chegou a hora da verdade em Gotham City/ e a sada a porta prin-
cipal/ Cuidado! H um morcego na porta pricipal.
5. O som e a imagem de Gal, Veja (June 17, 1970).
6. Teresa Cristina, Gal Costa d um show a todo vapor Fatos e Fotos (Oct. 28,
1971).
7. Lista dos 100 maiores discos da msica brasileira, Rolling Stone (October
2007).

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