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Without directly coming to terms with it, the collectivity being hailed by Arendt in her discussions
on how power and violence intersect is the state. She argues that unchecked violence cannibalizes
power, meaning that violences fuel is the withering away of state power. This contention comes
through strongest in her definition of terror, which she describes as rule by absolute (i.e.
powerless) violence and its inherent social atomization (everyones a potential snitch/informant).
Weak statesor weakly supported statesare violent states. This framework rings somewhat
hollow through the lens of fascist Italy that Antonio Gramsci sought to come to terms with; its also
at a loss for addressing Pierre Bourdieus symbolic violence in which power is practically a
precondition.
The state is in a fundamentally fragile and unstable position in Benjamins critique: Legally
constituted and preserved by violence, while desperately trying to bracket individual violence that
poses an existential threat to the legal order (i.e. the state) itself. The bracketing of non-
sanctioned violence, Benajamin notes, does not stem so much from the nefarious ends that this
kind of violence might pursue, but rather from the threat it poses to the law itself by virtue of
flaunting the law and, thereby, the state (a similar point is also made by Carl Schmitt). The Great
Criminal (the outlaw as folk hero), interestingly, appears in both Benjamin and Foucault
somewhat in Arendt, tooprobably because of how much such figures can tell us about the fragile
ties between law, power, and violence in relation to social justice, all central themes to these texts.
Finally, using Sorels distinction between the political strike and the proletarian general strike,
Benjamin calls the latter pure means and non-violent, precisely because of its waging of no
demands, meaning it skirts a means-end calculus and is beyond the purview of the law and its
violent entrapments.
This entry was posted in Carl Schmitt, Critique, Illegality, Law, Michel Foucault, Power, Race & Ethnicity, Sovereignty, The State, Violence. Bookmark the permalink.
Agamben seems to side with Arendt and Benjamin over Foucault. But Agamben also appears not to have read Foucaults last few seminars, at
least when he was writing Homo Sacer.
Territorial Masquerades
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