Language maintenance or language shift

among the Punjabi Sikh community in

Malaysia?
MAYA KHEMLANI DAVID, IBTISAM M. H. NAJI, and
SHEENA KAUR

Abstract

This study of the Punjabi Sikh community in Petaling Jaya, using a 85-item
questionnaire directed at 312 respondents, attempts to determine language
choice and the dominant language of the community in the home and
religious domains and with different interlocutors. The findings show that the
community is shifting to English and/or using a mixed code that consists
of three languages.

Aim of study

The aim of this study is to determine the language choices of the Punjabi
Sikh community of Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, with the ultimate objective of
determining if they are still maintaining their ethnic language. Although
no research has been conducted on the language choices of the com-
munity, it is believed that Malaysian Sikhs of today tend to speak English
(Sidhu 1991).

The country of origin

The original homeland of the Sikhs is Punjab, which lies in the northern
province of India. Punjab is primarily an alluvial plain, which rises
on the north to the foothills of the Himalayas. This geographical area
contains a wide range of religious groups Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims
all of whom go under the generic Punjabi. The Sikhs are primarily
Punjabis for they claim Punjab to be their homeland and share with other
Punjabis a common language (Punjabi), homeland (Punjab), distinctive
dress (salwar-kameez for the women), history, family pattern, art, and
value system (Helweg 1979).

01652516/03/01610001 Intl. J. Soc. Lang. 161 (2003), pp. 124

Walter de Gruyter
2 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
The Sikhs constitute 2 percent of Indias population and have shown
considerable initiative (http://adaniel.tripod.com/sikhism.htm) in venturing
abroad and establishing communities outside of Punjab. To date, there are
about 19,161,000 Sikhs in the world (Britannica 1998). Although most of
them are found in Punjab, many are also found in countries like Australia,
England, America, Canada, East Africa, UAE, Iran, Fiji, Malaysia, and
Hong Kong (Helweg 1979; Guninder 1993).

Background to the setting

Malaysia, being a multiracial and multiethnic as well as multilinguistic

nation, is made up of Malays and other indigenous groups (61%), Chinese
(28%), Indians (8%), and other ethnic groups (Khoo 1991). Of the Indian
community, 90 percent are made up of South Indians and the rest are
North Indians. The North Indian group comprises the Punjabis, Gujeratis,
Sindhis, and Bengalis, of whom the Punjabis form the largest number. The
majority of the Malaysian Punjabis are Sikhs.
The vast majority of Peninsular Malaysias 29,000 Sikhs enumerated
in the 1970 census were highly concentrated in the West Coast states of
Selangor and Perak. Table 1 shows that in 1970, the highest populated
areas of the Sikhs come from these two states. According to (Sidhu, 1991),
75 percent of these who are in the state of Selangor live in Kuala Lumpur.
They are also found in Klang (917), Ulu Selangor (693), Ulu Langat (314),
Kuala Selangor (158), and Kuala Langat (105). In a more recent census
(1980), the Sikhs were enumerated at 32,684 persons, comprising barely
0.3 percent of the total population in Peninsular Malaysia (Manvir 1986).

Table 1. Distribution of Sikhs in West Malaysia in 1970

State Number Percentage

Selangor 9,627 33.22
Perak 9,517 32.84
Johor 2,491 8.60
Pulau Pinang 2,456 8.47
Negeri Sembilan 1,850 6.38
Kedah 1,206 4.16
Pahang 874 3.02
Melaka 572 1.97
Kelantan 194 0.67
Perlis 102 0.35
Terengganu 91 0.31
Total 28,980 100

Source: Sidhu (1991: 65)

 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 3
History of the migration of Sikhs to Malaya

Many aspects of Sikh migration to Malaysia, then Malaya, remain

unknown due to lack of documentary evidence. Moreover, no exact date
can be given as to when the first Sikhs arrived in Malaya. (Lopo-Dhaliwal
1971; Manvir 1986; Sidhu 1991; Sarjit 1999). However, it is commonly
believed that the Sikhs probably made their appearance in Malaya as a
tribal group around the early eighteenth century (Lopo-Dhaliwal 1971).
They were initially sought after for internal security and were first brought
in by the British as security guards in Larut, Perak, to combat Chinese
insurgency among the tin mines of Larut, Perak, and they were known as
the First Battalion Perak Sikh, 1884. Although many of them were not
conversant with the English language, they seem to have served the police
force admirably well. After their successful debut as lawmen, the Sikhs
were eagerly sought after by other troubled state governments in the
Peninsula. They were then sought after by private employers for such jobs
as caretakers and watchmen.
The majority of the Sikhs in Malaya came directly from the rural and
densely populated areas of Punjab, especially from Mahja, Malwa, Main
Doabia, Doabia, and Pothohar (Malhi 1984). It is estimated that the total
number of Sikh immigrants arriving in Malaya between the 1850s and
1950s was about one hundred thousand, or less than 5 percent of the total
Sikh population of India in 1900 (Sandhu 1987).
What were the forces that led the Sikhs to come to Malaysia, then
Malaya? Sidhu (1991) lists some interrelated factors that caused the
migration of Sikhs from Punjab to Malaya. He states that some push
factors in Punjab caused the migration of Sikhs. This was initiated by
political upheaval in Punjab, especially the death of Maharaj Ranjit Singh
(17991839), the lion of Punjab, and such political upheaval drove
the Sikhs out of Punjab. In addition, the socioeconomic pressure in Punjab
caused many Sikhs to leave their homeland to seek greener pastures
elsewhere. In many instances, it was to pay off debts that Sikhs sought
temporary work in other parts of India or migrated to countries like
Malaysia, Fiji, and Canada. The Sikhs, like other minority migrants
like the Sindhis (David 1996) came with the intention of a short-term stay
in order to earn sufficient money.
Malaya, a strong pull factor in itself, among the many other foreign
countries, offered a natural outlet. The news regarding Malaya and its
labor needs reached Sikhs in the Punjab through their relatives who either
were in the army or had already migrated to Malaya. With the exception of
a few who came as indentured laborers or under contracts without penal
sanctions, most Sikhs paid their passage to Malaya.
4 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
The Sikhs, like the Sindhis (David 1996) came on a chain-migration
cycle. This is a process whereby one member of a family, village, or town-
ship successfully establishes himself abroad and then writes to one or two
friends and relatives at home, encouraging them to come and join him,
frequently helping them with housing, jobs, and passage expenses. They
then invited others to join them, so setting off a chain that resulted in a
number of migrants from one district coming to the new country.
The earliest Sikh settlement was at the police barracks and tin mines
(Amarjit 1983). The Sikhs set up their gurdwaras [Sikh place of worship]
in these settlements. In Selangor, the first gurdwara was built in 1890
by Sikh policemen (Amarjit 1983).
One of the features common to Sikh migrants was the preponderance
of males over females. Females seldom appear to have exceeded 20
percent of the total Sikh immigration until after the Japanese occupation
(Sandhu 1970).

Economic mobility of the Malaysian Sikhs

Many changes have taken place in the Sikh community since the arrival of
the first Sikh migrants in Malaysia. Initially concentrated in such services
as the police and military forces, Sikh immigrants and their descendants
are today found in almost every major sphere of the countrys economy,
being particularly prominent in the professional groups. Although the
majority had come to Malaya with no financial assets, today a large
number are comparatively wealthy and well established (Sarjit 1999). The
Sikh community in Malaysia, though small in absolute numbers, has made
a great impact on all phases of the Malaysian socioeconomic and political
scene, especially in business, education, agriculture and dairy farming,
the armed forces, sports, and politics, as well as specific professions like
education, law, and medicine.

The religion

The word Sikh comes from the Punjabi form of the Sanskrit Shishya,
which means a learner or a disciple. The Sikhs are the disciples of their
ten gurus, from Guru Nanak Dev Ji (14691539) to Guru Gobind Singh
(16661708), some of whose writings are compiled in the Sri Guru Granth
Sahib, the sacred book of the Sikhs. The Sikhs have been defined as
neither a race, nor a nationality, nor a caste, but primarily the followers
of a religion (Lopo-Dhaliwal 1971: 7). The Shiromani Gurdwara
 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 5
Parbhandhak Committee (SGPC) of Amritsar defines a Sikh as any
person who believes in one God and the Ten Sikh Gurus, the Guru Granth
Sahib and other scriptures of the Sikh religion. Additionally, [he] must
believe in the need and importance of Amrit (the baptism ceremony)
(Mansukhani n.d.: 7). Sikhism as a religion, therefore, is best understood
as a discipline, a way of life, and a system of beliefs expounded by Guru
Nanak and developed by subsequent gurus.
Sikhs are easily recognizable or at least those who observe the five
conventions of their community. These features include uncut hair (kesh
to keep the hair long to preserve the God-given form), a steel bangle on the
right wrist (kadha signifying strict discipline), a sword (kirpan to
defend the weak and the oppressed), a comb in the hair (kangha to keep
the hair clean) and specially designed undershorts (kachha for ease
of movement). These five Ks, as they are called, are attributes of a Khalsa,
a Sikh who has undergone the sacred Amrit ceremony.
These symbols set the Sikhs apart in appearance from the other Indian
minorities in Malaysia. Although religion still plays an important role in
the Malaysian Sikh community, many Sikhs nowadays, especially those
of the younger generation of Sikhs, do not adhere very strictly to all tenets
of the Sikh religion (Sidhu 1991).

Some social and religious features

Every Sikh male bears the last name Singh, which literally means lion
but in this usage means saintsoldier. A female Sikh, on the other hand,
carries the word Kaur after her name, meaning princess. The use of such
last names is significant as Singh/Kaur indicate equality, as Sikhism
rejects the Hindu caste system.
The teachings of the gurus, the abolition of the dividing distinctions of
caste and creed, and the establishment of Sikh congregations throughout
the country make the Sikh community in Malaysia a close-knit one,
devoted to the spirit of kinship. Intracommunity interactions are frequent
and intense, with the community keeping very much intact through the
gurdwara, or the Sikh place of worship. Pritam cited in Sarjit (1999: 64)
contends that the gurdwaras

have become an integral part of the Sikh community and they have been so
from its very birth . . . Gurdwaras produce Sikhs and Sikhs produce Gurdwaras.
Gurdwaras are the memory of their Gurus whom they can never forget.

The word gurdwara is a combination of two words: gur, meaning

a person who shows the way or leads, and dwara, meaning door. So
6 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
gurdwara means the doorway to the guru or the religious leader. The
pattern of worship consists principally of the singing of passages from the
Guru Granth Sahib, some of which are designated for particular times of
the day. When first entering the gurdwara, a Sikh will always prostrate
himself before the Granth and make an offering. The granthi or priest
and other religious members of the community, such as the kirtan [hymns]
singers and readers of the Guru Granth Sahib, are always placed in the
most prominent position in the gurdwara and treated with great reverence.
The gurdwara is not only a religious but also an important social institu-
tion for the Sikhs (Sukhdave 1988). Besides religious ceremonies and rites
related to life cycle ceremonies like birth, marriage, and death, there is
also the free kitchen (guru ka langgar) and an informal school where
the children learn Punjabi and Gurmukhi writing in most gurdwaras.
In addition, the gurdwara is also the panchayatghar or the institution
of discussion, where the members sit and discuss grievances and problems
arising from their community.
The important elements in the life of a Sikh are seva, guru ka langgar, and
sangat. Seva is defined as to serve selflessly, guru ka langgar free kitchen,
and sangat congregation where two or more Sikhs pray. These elements
encourage the Sikh disciples to keep close-knit networks.
In order to cater for the social and religious needs of Malaysian Sikh
youths, the Malaysian Sikh Youth Organisation (Sikh Naujawan Sabha,
Malaysia) was officially formed in 1967. It is aimed at promoting the Sikh
religion among the youth. Besides Youth Camps, the Sabha also organizes
various religious, educational and cultural programs in Malaysia.

Religious and cultural ceremonies among the Malaysian Sikhs

The cultural and religious ceremonies of the Sikhs are congregational in

nature, thus establishing a spirit of comradeship. Among some important
cultural and religious ceremonies practiced are Amrit Sanskar [baptism
ceremony for the initiation of the Sikhs into the Khalsa brotherhood];
Sri Akhand Paath Sahib (non-stop, cover-to-cover reading of the Sri Guru
Granth Sahib, undertaken to celebrate joyous occasions, such as marriage
and moving in to a new house]; Gurpurabs [the celebration of important
anniversaries associated with the lives of the Gurus]; Sangrand [the cele-
bration of the beginning of the new month] and Vasakhi [the celebration
of the day considered to be the birth of the Khalsa order]. Other cultural
ceremonies, also religious in nature, are the three significant milestones
in the life of a Sikh, which are birth, marriage, and death. These events
are marked with religious customs and cultural traditions.
 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 7
The Punjabi language

The Punjabi script is known as Gurmukhi, which literally means from the
mouth of the Guru. The Gurmukhi script is used not only by the Sikhs but
also by older Sindhi Hindus in Malaysia (David 1996).

Methodology and statistical treatment

An 85-item questionnaire was administered to 312 respondents who live in

Petaling Jaya and attend the Petaling Jaya gurdwara. This site was selected
as a large number of Sikhs stay in Selangor. The data generated from
the questionnaire was processed using the Statistical Package for Social
Sciences (SPSSwin). Descriptive and inferential statistics were used in the
analysis. For the descriptive statistics, simple frequency distributions and
percentages were applied and for the inferential statistics chi-square (x2)
was used.

Analysis

The primary data for this analysis comes from the 85-item questionnaire
given to 312 respondents. The questionnaire elicited the following details:
(a) demographic data, (b) the dominant language of respondents, (c)
respondents self-perceptions of ability in three languages (Punjabi,
Malay, and English), and (d) language/s most often used in different
domains and with different people.

Profile of the respondents

The respondents were 312 members of the Punjabi community living

in Petaling Jaya whose ages range between 19 and 70 and above. For an
easy analysis, the different age groups were divided into six main groups
(Figure 1). The groups were differentiated by age. About half of the
respondents were in the 1925 (27.2%) and 2636 (23.4%) age groups. The
3745 and 4655 age groups consisted of 52 (16.7%) and 44 (14.1%)
respondents respectively. The eldest age group namely 5670 and above
70 consisted of 35 and 23 respondents (11.2% and 7.4% respectively).
Table 2 shows that more than 50 percent of the respondents were
married (171, or 54.8%). Ten, or 3.2 percent, of the respondents were
divorced, and eleven, or 3.3 percent, were widowed. The vast majority
(96.8%) of the respondents parents were Sikh.
8 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur

Figure 1. The age of respondents

Nearly half of the respondents are highly educated. Slightly more

than one-third of the respondents had received university education and
13.5 percent had a postgraduate degree. The other half of respondents
had completed a secondary education. One hundred eighteen of the

Table 2. The demographic variables

Variables No. %
Marital status
married 171 54.8
single (never married) 120 38.5
divorce 10 03.2
widowed 11 03.3
Is mother Sikh?
yes 302 96.8
no 10 03.2
Is father Sikh?
yes 301 96.5
no 11 03.5
Academic level of education
form 5 118 37.8
form 6 34 10.9
university 116 37.2
post-graduate 42 13.5
Where were you born?
Malaysia 269 86.2
Punjab 32 10.3
other parts of India 5 01.6
others 6 01.9
 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 9
respondents had completed Form five and 34 respondents had a Form
six, which represents 37.8 percent and 10.9 percent respectively.
Respondents were also asked to indicate the type of schools they were
attending/had attended. The vast majority of the respondents across all
age groups attended government schools. For a large majority of the
respondents, 93.9 percent, the medium of instruction in school was Malay.
Only 4.2 percent of the participants had had English, 1.6 percent had
Chinese and Malay, and only 0.6 percent had Tamil and Malay as the
medium of instruction.
A large majority, 269 out of 312 of the participants, were born in
Malaysia. Only 10.3 percent of them were born in Punjab. Five of the
participants were born in other parts of India and another six were born in
Singapore and Australia. The participants were also asked whether they
had lived in Punjab or India. More than half of them (67.3% and 67.9%
respectively) had never lived in Punjab or India, and Malaysia has been
the only home they know. Only one-third of the respondents had lived in
India and Punjab but this too did not exceed five years.

First and dominant language of respondents

While Punjabi is the first language spoken by more than 75 percent of the
respondents, English is the first language spoken by 21.2 percent (Table 3).
The majority (57) of those for whom English has become a first language
come from the younger, 1925 and 2636, age groups. Table 3 shows that
only two respondents one from the 2636 age group and the other from

Table 3. The first and dominant language

Variables No. %
First language learned/spoken
Punjabi 242 77.6
English 66 21.2
Malay 2 00.6
others 2 00.6
Dominant language
Punjabi 84 27.3
Tamil 4 1.3
Hindi 1 00.3
English 130 42.2
Malay 3 1.0
English and Punjabi 34 11.0
equal E + M + P 25 8.1
more E and less M 8 2.6
more M and less E 1 00.3
others 17 5.5
10 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
the 5670 age group reported that Malay was the first language they
spoke, and another two respondents from the 1925 age group indicated
that Tamil and Gujarati were the first languages they spoke. Such
variations in responses, though only of a negligible population, imply
that language choices are to a large extent shaped by personal histories.
The respondents were also asked to state their dominant language
(language most often used daily). Table 3 shows that English is the
dominant language for two-fifths (130 out of 312 or 42.2%) of the
respondents, followed by Punjabi (27.3%); about 20 percent of the respon-
dents used a mixture of languages when communicating. Eleven percent of
the participants reported that the dominant language for them is a mixture
of English and Punjabi, followed by 8.1 percent who stated that the
mixture of an equal amount of each of the three languages, namely,
English, Punjabi, and Malay, is their dominant language.

Self-assessment of proficiency

Self-assessment of proficiency could be an important predictor of language

use and shift. The respondents were asked to assess their abilities in
different skills in their ethnic language (Punjabi), English, and Malay on
a continuum ranging from very poor to very good.
The 1925 age group reported that they are either good or very good
only when it came to speaking and understanding Punjabi (50.8% and
47% respectively Table 4). In contrast, between 46 and 58 percent of the
1925 and 2636 age groups reported that they are either very poor or poor
in reading and writing in Gurmukhi and in understanding the Guru Granth.
It is clear then that the respondents abilities in Punjabi decrease with
age. The overwhelming majority (between 91.3 and 100%) of the oldest age
group, that is, those above 70, revealed that they are very good in all
the four language skills of Punjabi. Two-thirds of the middle age groups
(4655 and 5670) revealed modest abilities in all skills of Punjabi.
With regard to the proficiency in the English and Malay languages, the
reverse is true. The vast majority of the 1925, 2636, 3745, and 4655
age groups reported that they are either good or very good in all skills
of English (between 86.0 and 98.7%), followed by Malay (between 77.3 and
94.5%). These percentages decrease with older respondents. For instance,
about one-third of the oldest age group (above 70) reported that their
proficiency in English followed by Malay is only fair as compared to
their proficiency in Punjabi (Table 4). It is also clear, then, that the ability
to speak and understand the three languages is better than reading and
writing skills. This is because spoken language can be picked up more
easily than reading and writing.
Table 4. Self-assessment of proficiency

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 Above 70

Language and skills P F G P F G P F G P F G P F G P F G
Punjabi
1. read Gurmukhi 48.20 24.70 27.00 46.70 20.50 32.80 30.60 26.50 42.90 22.80 27.30 50.00 25.70 17.10 57.10 0.00 0.00 100.00
2. speak Punjabi 27.40 23.80 50.80 31.50 19.20 49.30 8.20 22.40 69.40 4.50 9.10 86.30 2.90 14.30 82.90 0.00 0.00 100.00
3. write Gurmukhi 58.30 23.80 17.90 52.10 16.40 31.50 37.60 22.90 39.60 20.50 34.10 45.40 34.30 14.30 51.50 0.00 0.00 100.00
4. understand Punjabi 23.50 29.40 47.00 24.60 24.70 50.70 8.40 25.00 66.60 4.50 11.40 84.10 5.70 11.40 82.90 0.00 0.00 100.00
5. understand Granthi 50.60 20.00 29.40 42.40 26.00 31.50 26.50 14.30 59.20 9.00 15.90 75.00 14.30 11.40 74.30 4.30 4.30 91.30
6. understand Guru Granth 55.30 25.90 18.80 49.30 20.50 30.10 28.50 18.40 53.10 16.30 16.30 67.50 22.90 17.10 60.00 0.00 4.30 95.60

English
1. read English Text 1.20 8.20 90.60 0.00 1.40 98.70 0.00 8.20 91.90 2.30 11.40 86.40 11.50 11.40 77.10 30.40 34.80 34.70
2. speak English 3.60 5.90 90.60 0.00 2.70 97.20 0.00 8.20 91.80 0.00 9.10 90.90 10.50 14.30 74.30 13.00 39.10 47.80
3. write in English 1.20 5.90 93.00 0.00 1.40 98.70 0.00 8.20 91.90 2.30 11.60 86.00 17.10 8.60 74.30 30.40 34.80 34.70
4. understand English 1.20 5.90 93.00 1.40 2.70 95.90 0.00 8.20 91.80 0.00 11.60 88.40 11.50 11.40 77.10 13.00 39.10 47.80
Malay
1. read Malay 1.20 4.80 94.00 2.80 2.70 94.50 12.30 8.20 79.60 6.80 13.60 79.60 43.30 11.40 54.30 43.40 30.40 26.00
2. speak Malay 1.20 7.10 91.80 2.70 8.20 89.00 10.20 12.20 77.60 4.60 18.20 77.30 8.60 34.30 57.20 8.70 60.90 30.40
3. write Malay 2.40 3.50 94.10 4.10 8.20 87.70 14.30 6.10 79.60 13.60 9.10 77.30 34.30 17.10 48.60 43.50 34.80 21.70
4. understand Malay 2.40 3.50 94.10 2.70 8.20 87.70 8.10 12.20 79.60 4.60 15.90 79.50 5.80 37.10 57.20 8.70 60.90 30.40

Key: P = poor.
F = fair.
G = good.
Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs
11
12 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
Language(s) used in different domains: at home

Respondents were asked to indicate the language/languages used in the

home. The 5670 and above-70 age groups indicated that they prefer
Punjabi to the other languages although even this older age group
indicated that they tend to code-mix Punjabi, English, and Malay (31.4%
and 39.1% respectively). The middle age groups (3745 and 4655) also
code-switch but tend to use more English with some Punjabi and Malay at
home (51.1% and 56.8% respectively). The young age groups (1925 and
2636) are more inclined to use stand-alone English or English mixed with
other languages (Punjabi and Malay).
While using stand-alone Punjabi at home increases with age, the use of
stand-alone English at home increases as the age of respondents decreases.
It can be seen then that there is a language shift from Punjabi to either
English or a mixture of three languages. In other words, the Punjabi
community has a tendency to use a code-mixed variety of Punjabi, English,
and Malay.

Language most often used with/by different family members

Language used with parents

Respondents were asked to indicate the choice of language/languages

that they used with family members. Table 5 shows that a vast majority
(between 59.1% and 87.0%) of the middle and old age groups (4655,
5670, and above 70) indicated that they use Punjabi with their
parents, although some respondents indicated that they mix Punjabi with
English and Malay. Stand-alone English is used by about 22.4 percent and
23.5 percent respectively of the youngest age group (1925) with their
parents. Even when they code-switch, English tends to be the dominant
language in the code switch. About one-third (30.5% and 31.7% respec-
tively) of the youngest group use mostly English and less Malay
and Punjabi with their parents. It is only a very small number, less than
10 percent (8.2% and 7.1% respectively), of the youngest age group who
use only Punjabi with their parents. It can be seen then that there is a lang-
uage shift away from using Punjabi at home among the young and middle
age groups (1925, 2636, and 3745) to using either stand-alone English
or a mixture of English, Malay, and Punjabi.
According to the respondents, their fathers (across the 1925 and
2636 age groups) tend to use less Punjabi and more English either alone
or as a mixture of more English and less Punjabi and Malay with them
(Table 6).
 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 13
Table 5. Language(s) most often used with parents

Language used with Age groups % Chi-sq.

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 + 70
mother
Punjabi 8.2 31.5 34.6 59.1 65.7 87.0
English 22.4 26.0 5.8
Malay 2.3
mostly E less M + P 30.5 16.4 11.5 6.8 11.4 0.00
mostly M less E + P 2.4 1.4
mostly P less E + M 24.7 15.1 40.4 25.0 20.0 4.3
equal amt. of E + P + M 10.6 6.8 3.8 2.9
N/R 1.2 2.7 3.8 6.8 8.7
father
Punjabi 7.1 23.6 32.7 59.1 60.0 82.6
English 23.5 29.2 5.8
Malay 2.9
mostly E less M + P 31.7 22.3 15.4 9.1 17.1 0.00
mostly M less E + P 3.6 1.4
mostly P less E + M 20.0 12.5 36.5 20.5 14.3 4.3
equal amt. of E + P + M 12.9 6.9 3.8 5.7
N/R 1.2 4.2 5.8 11.4 8.7

Table 6. Language parents used with respondents at home

Language used with Age groups % Chi-sq.

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 + 70
Mother
Punjabi 11.9 30.1 38.5 59.1 62.9 87.0
English 21.4 26.0 5.8
Malay 2.3
mostly E less M + P 30.9 20.5 11.5 4.5 8.6 0.00
mostly M less E + P 4.8 1.4 2.9
mostly P less E + M 20.2 16.4 36.5 29.5 22.9 4.3
9.5 1.4 3.8 2.9
N/R 1.2 4.1 3.8 4.5 8.7
Father
Punjabi 10.7 26.0 34.6 54.5 60.0 82.6
English 22.6 28.8 7.7 2.3
Malay
mostly E less M + P 32.1 23.3 13.4 6.8 14.3 0.01
mostly M less E + P 4.8 1.4 2.9
mostly P less E + M 16.7 13.7 34.6 27.3 17.1 4.3
Equal amt. of E + P + M 10.7 1.4 3.8 5.7
N/R 2.4 5.5 5.8 9.1 13.0
14 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
Table 7. Language(s) most often used with siblings

Language used with Age groups % Chi-sq.

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 + 70
Elder sisters and brothers
Punjabi 3.6 4.1 5.8 22.7 40.0 69.6
English 23.8 31.5 11.5 4.5 8.6 4.3
Malay 2.9
mostly E less M + P 39.3 27.4 61.6 52.3 31.4 .041
mostly M less E + P 6.0
mostly P less E + M 8.3 16.4 11.5 15.9 8.6 17.4
equal amt. of E + P + M 13.1 4.1 3.8 5.7
N/R 6.0 16.4 5.8 2.3 2.9 8.7
Younger sisters and brothers
Punjabi 3.6 5.5 5.8 22.7 40.0 65.2
English 18.1 30.1 11.5 2.0 8.6 4.3
Malay 2.9
mostly E less M + P 40.9 34.3 61.6 55.8 31.4 0.00
mostly M less E + P 6.0
mostly P less E + M 8.4 15.1 11.5 13.6 11.4 21.7
equal amt. of E + P + M 15.7 5.5 3.8 5.7
N/R 7.2 9.6 5.8 4.5 8.7

Language used with siblings

Table 7 shows that a majority (69.6% and 65.2% respectively) of the older
age group (above 70) use only Punjabi with their older and younger sisters
and brothers, while in contrast, 17.4 percent and 21.7 percent respectively
use a mixture of three languages. In sharp contrast, for the younger age
group, English is the language used with siblings. A considerable number
of the respondents (between 18.1 and 31.5%) from the age groups 1925
and 2636 use English with their siblings at home. The majority (between
61.6% and 52.3% respectively) of the middle age group (3745 and 4655)
use mostly English and less Malay and Punjabi with their siblings. This
finding shows that there is a shift away from Punjabi and toward English
among the young and the middle age groups when speaking to siblings.
This group tends to use either stand-alone English or a mix of three
languages, compared to the oldest age group, who still maintain Punjabi.
It is clear then that in the use of Punjabi there is marked difference between
the 5670 age group and their younger siblings (at level 0.05).

Language used with grandparents

The respondents were also asked to indicate the language they most often
use with their paternal and maternal grandparents. Table 8 shows that an
 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 15
Table 8. Language(s) most often used with grandparents

Language used with Age groups % Chi-sq.

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 + 70
Paternal fathers grandfather
Punjabi 20.2 34.7 53.1 70.5 68.6 87.0
English 6.0 6.9 6.1 2.9
Malay
mostly E less M + P 20.2 15.3 6.1 4.6 8.6 0.00
mostly M less E + P 4.8
mostly P less E + M 29.8 18.1 20.4 11.4 11.4
equal amt. of E + P + M 7.1 1.4 5.7
N/R 11.9 23.6 14.3 13.6 2.9 13.0
Paternal fathers grandmother
Punjabi 20.2 35.6 53.6 70.5 65.7 87.0
English 4.8 9.6 6.1 2.9
Malay
mostly E less M + P 19.1 15.1 6.1 4.6 5.7 0.00
mostly M less E + P 7.2 1.4 2.9
mostly P less E + M 31.0 19.2 20.4 13.6 11.4
equal amt. of E + P + M 6.0 1.4 5.7
N/R 11.9 17.8 14.3 11.4 5.7 13.0
Maternal mothers grandfather
Punjabi 19.0 37.5 53.1 70.5 65.7 87.0
English 9.5 12.5 6.1 5.7
Malay
mostly E less M + P 22.6 18.1 8.2 4.6 5.7 0.00
mostly M less E + P 2.4
mostly P less E + M 28.6 12.5 18.4 13.6 14.3
equal amt. of E + P + M 6.0 1.4 2.9
N/R 11.9 18.1 14.3 11.4 5.7 13.0
Maternal mothers grandmother
Punjabi 17.6 35.6 52.0 70.5 65.7 82.6
English 10.6 12.0 6.0 5.7
Malay
mostly E less M + P 16.5 17.5 10.0 4.6 8.6 0.00
mostly M less E + P 7.1 2.7
mostly P less E + M 27.1 13.7 20.0 13.6 11.4
equal amt. of E + P + M 5.9 1.4 2.9 4.3
N/R 15.3 17.8 12.0 11.4 5.7 13.0

overwhelming majority (65.787%) from the middle and old age groups
(4655, 5670, and above 70) use Punjabi when communicating with older
members of the family. It could be concluded that the respondents are
inclined to use Punjabi if the listener is not proficient in other languages or
to make the listener more comfortable (Omar 2000). On the other hand,
there is a constant inclination to use either standalone English and/or a
mixture of three languages by the young age groups (1925 and 2636)
16 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
as compared to the middle and old age groups. It is clear then that the use
of Punjabi with grandparents decreases with age.

Language used with children

A considerable majority (52.2% and 69.6% respectively) of the respondents

above 70 use more Punjabi and less English and Malay with their children;
although a number (26.1% and 21.7% respectively) reported that they use
only Punjabi with their children (Table 9). In contrast, a vast majority
(between 53.5% and 62.5%) of the respondents in the middle age group use
a mixture of dominant English and less Punjabi and Malay. The married
participants from the young age group (1925) who have children tend to
use a mix of more English in their mixed discourse of Malay and English
(6.8%). These figures suggest a possible language shift in favor of either
English or a mixture of three languages, English, Punjabi, and Malay.
The emergence of Malay as a language in this mixture of languages
used by the younger respondents with their children does suggest that the
change in language policy and medium of instruction has affected, to some
extent, the codes and choices of languages used with children. However, it
should be noted that Malay is not cited by the respondents from the middle

Table 9. Language(s) most often used with children

Language used with Age groups % Chi-sq.

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 + 70
Son/sons
Punjabi 4.1 3.1 2.0 13.6 14.7 26.1
English 1.4 12.5 12.5 11.4 14.7 4.3
Malay
mostly E less M + P 6.8 12.6 60.4 54.6 50.0 4.3 0.00
mostly M less E + P 4.1 4.3
mostly P less E + M 2.7 12.5 6.3 6.8 20.6 52.2
equal amt. of E + P + M 1.4 4.7 6.3 4.3
N/R 97.7 54.7 12.5 13.6 4.3
Daughter/daughters
Punjabi 2.7 2.1 9.3 16.1 21.7
English 2.7 12.5 10.4 7.0 16.1 4.3
Malay
mostly E less M + P 4.1 15.7 62.5 53.5 45.2 4.3 0.00
mostly M less E + P 2.7
mostly P less E + M 1.4 7.8 6.3 9.3 19.4 69.6
equal amt. of E + P + M 2.7 4.7 6.3
N/R 83.8 59.4 12.5 20.9 3.2
 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 17
Table 10. Language children and spouse use with respondents in the home

Language used with Age groups % Chi-Sq.

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 + 70
Son/sons
Punjabi 2.7 3.0 2.0 11.4 17.6 21.7
English 1.4 13.6 22.4 15.9 23.5 4.3
Malay
mostly E less M + P 8.2 9.1 44.9 52.3 13.0 17.4 .185
mostly M less E + P 4.3
mostly P less E + M 2.7 15.2 10.2 6.8 2.9 47.8
equal amt. of E + P + M 2.7 1.5 6.1 2.9 4.3
N/R 82.2 56.1 14.3 13.6
Daughter/daughters
Punjabi 1.4 2.0 9.5 18.8 17.4
English 12.5 18.4 11.9 18.8 4.3
Malay
mostly E less M + P 6.8 12.5 44.9 54.7 50.0 17.4 0.00
mostly M less E + P
mostly P less E + M 2.7 10.9 10.2 4.8 3.1 56.5
equal amt. of E + P + M 2.7 1.6 6.1 3.1 4.3
N/R 86.3 62.5 18.4 19.0 6.3
Spouse
Punjabi 1.4 3.0 2.0 18.2 34.3 52.2
English 4.1 22.4 12.2 9.1 11.4 4.3
Malay
mostly E less M + P 6.8 23/9 59.2 50.0 40.0 0.00
mostly M less E + P 4.3
mostly P less E + M 4.1 16.4 10.2 11.4 8.6 39.1
equal amt. of E + P + M 4.1 3.0 6.1 4.5 5.7
N/R 79.5 31.3 10.2 6.8

and the oldest age group as a language they use with their children. This is
because for this age group Malay was not the medium of instruction.
The data in Table 9 show a sharp decline in the use of Punjabi mixed
with Malay and English to either stand-alone English or a mixture of
dominant English with a sprinkling of Punjabi and Malay. Some 20.6
percent and 19.4 percent of the parents from the older age group (5670)
use mostly Punjabi and less English and Malay with their children. In con-
trast, only 2.9 percent and 3.1 percent of sons and daughters, respectively,
use the same mixture with their parents (Table 10). This can be because the
children of the 5670s age group are educated and have been exposed to
other languages, such as English and Malay. Moreover, children from the
2636, 3745, 4655, and 5670 age groups show a remarkable shift from
Punjabi to either English or a mixture of predominantly English and less
Punjabi and Malay with their parents at home. In other words, there is a
18 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
significant difference (at the level of 0.05) in language/languages most
often used by the respondents and their children in the home domain.
Sons, across all age groups, use English with their parents at home more
than daughters do. This finding is not in tandem with the Malaysian Tamil
study of language choice, which disclosed that more girls tend to use
English with their fathers at home as compared to the boys (David and
Naji 2000). Generally speaking, there is a nonreciprocal language use
between the respondents and their children.

Language used with spouse

Figure 2 displays the data concerning the language used with spouse at
home and reveals remarkable differences between respondents across all
age groups. The use of Punjabi decreases with age. A considerable majority
(52.2%) of respondents above 70 use Punjabi with their spouse, followed by
a modest percentage (39.1%) that uses a mix of most Punjabi and less
Malay and English. Only 4.3 percent of the older age group use stand-
alone English or a mix of dominant English and less of Punjabi and Malay
with their spouses. In sharp contrast, half (5059.2%) of the respondents in
the middle age group reported that they use a mixture of dominant
English and less Punjabi and Malay. Only 2.0 percent and 18.2 percent
respectively of the middle age groups (3745 and 4655) use only Punjabi
with their spouse.
Education also affects language choice with spouse. Nearly half (44.7%
and 57.9% respectively) of the respondents who have a degree and/or

Figure 2. Language used with spouse by age

 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 19
postgraduate degree tend to use stand-alone English or a mixed discourse
of dominant English and less Malay and Punjabi.
The spouses of respondents from the 2636 and 5670s age groups
showed a remarkable progress in using either stand-alone English or a
mixture of the three languages, namely English, Malay, and Punjabi, with
respondents. Again, the respondents from the above age groups are
educated and hold either a university or a postgraduate degree.
It could be concluded that the use of Punjabi with spouse at home
decreases with age. Expressed otherwise, there is a language shift among
the young and middle age groups in favor of English or a mix of dominant
English and less Punjabi and Malay. This is another indicator of the
emergence of language shift among the Punjabi-speaking spouses, which
has implications for future generations. Children growing up in homes
where the parents speak predominantly English will also use English.

Table 11. Language(s) most often used with ethnic friend(s)

Language used with Age groups % Chi-Sq.

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 + 70
Younger friends
Punjabi 1.2 2.7 3.8 11.4 11.8 34.8
English 23.8 32.9 9.6 9.1 17.6 4.3
Malay 1.2
mostly E less M + P 45.3 46.6 76.9 54.5 35.3 4.3 0.00
mostly M less E + P 7.2 1.4
mostly P less E + M 4.8 9.6 3.8 18.2 29.4 52.2
equal of E + P + M 13.1 5.5 5.8 6.8 5.9 4.3
N/R 3.6 1.4
Older friends
Punjabi 3.5 12.3 1.9 18.2 28.6 47.8
English 20.0 26.0 9.6 6.8 11.4 4.3
Malay 1.2
mostly E less M + P 44.7 43.9 52.0 25.0 17.1 4.3 0.00
mostly M less E + P 5.9
mostly P less E + M 12.9 6.8 30.8 40.9 37.1 39.1
equal amt. of E + P + M 8.2 6.8 5.8 9.1 5.7 4.3
N/R 1.2 1.4
Older members
Punjabi 9.4 21.9 23.1 29.5 40.0 69.6
English 10.6 11.0 5.8 4.5
Malay 1.2
mostly E less M + P 32.9 32.9 21.2 9.1 14.3 0.06
mostly M less E + P 5.9 5.5 1.9
mostly P less E + M 30.6 19.2 44.2 52.3 37.1 30.4
equal amt. of E + P + M 8.2 6.8 3.8 4.5 8.6
N/R 1.2 2.7
20 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
Language used with ethnic friends

Table 11 shows that there is a large and statistically significant difference

(at the 0.05 level) across all age groups with regard to the language
most often used with younger/older friends from the same ethnic group.
Although, those above 70 reported higher levels (34.8% and 47.8% respec-
tively) of the use of the ethnic language (Punjabi) with both younger and
older ethnic friends, the ethnic language is not the only language often
used with friends. Respondents of the young age group (1925 and 2636)
stated that they use stand-alone English (between 20.0% and 32.9%) or a
mixture of predominantly English and less Malay and Punjabi (between
43.9 and 46.6%) with both younger and older ethnic friends. The use of the
ethnic language (Punjabi) by the young age group with their younger and
older ethnic friends is not remarkable (1.2% and 3.5% respectively).
Those above 70 indicate that they use only Punjabi (69.6%) or a mixture
of predominant Punjabi and less English and Malay (30.4%) with older
members of the community. This is in marked contrast to the 1925
and 2636 age groups (between 9.4%21.9% and 30.619.2% respectively).
Even when interacting with older members of their community, younger
respondents use English almost as much as Punjabi. It is clear then that the
variance in language choice across all age groups is an indicator of
language shifting from the ethnic language either to English or to a
mixture of the three languages.

Language choice outside the home

Table 12 shows that Punjabi is rarely used outside the home. Respondents
across all age groups report that they use either English or a mixture of
three languages instead of stand-alone Punjabi outside the home. About
half of the respondents from the 1925 and 2636 age groups (45.2% and
50.7% respectively) reported that they use more English and less Malay
and Punjabi outside the home. In addition, 39.1 percent of the older age
group tends to use an equal amount of three languages, namely English,
Malay, and Punjabi. It appears, therefore, that outside the home there is a
shift, from the use of the ethnic language to either English or a mixture of
three languages. This feature was also disclosed in the study of the Tamil
community (David and Naji 2000).

In the gurdwara

In the gurdwara, Punjabi is mostly used by the older age group (above 70).
65.2 percent of the older age group tend to use only Punjabi and 34.8
 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 21
percent from the same age group code-mix Punjabi with Malay and
English. Table 12 shows that the youngest age groups (1925 and 2636)
tend to use stand-alone English or a mixture of English and Malay and
Punjabi in the gurdwara. Although both the home and religious domains
have often been cited to be the last bastion of ethnic language use, it is clear
from Table 12 that there is a great language shift among the youngest
and the middle age group respondents. Perhaps the tendency to code-
switch arises because of lower proficiency to speak and read and write in
Punjabi.
There are significant differences (at level 0.05) between respondents
across all age groups regarding language/languages used at home, outside
the home, and in the gurdwara. This finding suggests that there is a
likelihood of language shift, from the use of the ethnic language to either
English or a mixture of three languages for the younger group.

Table 12. Language(s) most often used in different domains

Language used Age groups % Chi-sq.

1925 2636 3745 4655 5670 + 70
At home
Punjabi 10.7 6.8 4.1 11.4 31.4 39.1
English 14.3 23.3 10.2 9.1 8.6 4.3
Malay
mostly E less M + P 32.1 43.9 51.1 56.8 37.2 4.3 0.05
mostly M less E + P 8.4 1.4 2.0 4.5 2.9 0.00
mostly P less E + M 19.0 16.4 20.4 18.2 11.4 52.2
equal amt. of E + P + M 15.5 8.2 12.2 0.0 8.6 0.0
Outside home
Punjabi 2.4 2.0 4.5 5.7 21.7
English 20.2 19.2 10.2 11.4 11.4 8.7
Malay
mostly E less M + P 45.2 50.7 34.7 28.0 28.5 8.7 .004
mostly M less E + P 12.0 1.4 4.0 6.8 5.8 0.0
mostly P less E + M 2.4 1.4 4.1 2.3 17.1 21.7
equal amt. of E + P + M 17.9 27.4 44.9 47.7 31.4 39.1
In Gurdwara
Punjabi 7.1 4.1 4.1 13.6 20.0 65.2
English 13.1 15.1 8.2 4.5
Malay
mostly E less M + P 41.7 43.8 26.5 25.0 20.0 .195
mostly M less E + P 7.2 2.8 2.0 2.3 5.7
mostly P less E + M 20.2 21.9 46.9 47.7 45.7 34.8
equal amt.of E + P + M 10.7 12.3 12.2 6.8 8.6
22 M. K. David, I. M. H. Naji, and S. Kaur
Summary

It is clear then that the Punjabi Sikh community of Petaling Jaya is shifting
away from the ethnic language (Punjabi), both in the home and outside the
home, to either English or a mixed code that consists of three languages.
Younger respondents tend to use a mixture of English, Punjabi, and
Malay. Outside the home, respondents across all ages report that they
use either stand-alone English or a mixture of three languages instead
of stand-alone Punjabi. Even in the religious place of worship the
gurdwara there is a great language difference in the language choices of
younger and older community members.
Younger community members admitted low proficiency in the ethnic
language. Between 42 and 58 percent of the 1925 and 2636 age groups
reported that they are either poor or very poor in reading and writing in
Gurmukhi and in understanding the Granthi [priest] and the Guru Granth.
The respondents abilities in Punjabi increase with age. Two-thirds of the
middle age groups (4655 and 5670) revealed modest abilities in all skills
of Punjabi. The overwhelming majority (between 91.3 and 100%) of the
oldest age group (above 70) are proficient in all four skills of Punjabi. With
regard to the proficiency in English and Malay, the vast majority of the
1925, 2636, 3745, and 4655 age groups reported that they are either
good or very good in all skills of English (between 86.4 and 98.7%)
followed by Malay (between 77.3 and 94.5%). These percentages decrease
as the respondents ages increase.
The extreme contrast in the choice of language between the youngest
and oldest age groups, a mix of Punjabi and English and Malay and
Punjabi only, respectively, is a clear indication of language shift among the
different age groups.

Conclusion

There has been a tendency in the study of communities experiencing

shift to move away from their ethnic language to a new language, which
becomes their dominant language. In the case of a multilingual setting like
that of Malaysia, what has occurred is that the Punjabi Sikh community,
like the Malaysian Sindhi community (David 2001), is moving toward
a mixed discourse of three languages, in this case, English, Malay, and
Punjabi. The ethnic language tends to take a minority role in this mixed
discourse.
The younger members of the Punjabi Sikh community in Petaling Jaya
tend to gravitate toward English, and English has become the dominant
 Maintenance or shift among Punjabi Sikhs 23
language in this mixed discourse of code mixing, code switching, and code
shifting. English has at times become a stand-alone language for many
younger community members. Despite the fact that Malay is the national
language (English has the status of being the second most important
language in Malaysia), it should be noted that respondents across all age
groups do not cite stand-alone Malay as a language that is used at home,
outside home, or in the gurdwara. Malay is not used alone but
emerges only as one of the languages used in the code-switched variety
used by all age groups at home, outside home, and even in the
Gurdwara.
Although Punjabi is used by older community members in the home
domain, the fact that more and more younger couples tend to use English
with each other does not bode well for the survival of Punjabi in such
nuclear homes.
Even the religious domain does not appear to be able to maintain
the ethnic language. This could be attributed to lower proficiency in
the ethnic language, especially in the writing and reading skills of younger
community members.
It appears that, although the use of Punjabi is dependent on the
interlocutor in the home domain, outside the home there is a greater shift,
from the use of the ethnic language to either English or a mixture of three
languages. Even when speaking to ethnic members, respondents of all age
groups tended to use a mixed discourse rather than stand-alone Punjabi.
This sensitivity to the larger environment suggests that the community is
aware of their minority status in a multilingual setting and are vigilant of
their language choices in the public domain.
The level of education is found to be an indicator of language shift.
There is an association between home language use and the level of educa-
tion. Education for this rapidly upwardly mobile community appears to
have come with a price, the loss of their ethnic language. Invariably, the
use of English (with spouse and children) is found to be associated with
higher education, while the use of ethnic language (Punjabi) is associated
with lower education.

University of Malaya

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