Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
INTRODUCTION
In the social sciences a small number of never-ending debates involve fundamental
issues. One of the most intense and most long-standing of these debates is that
between methodological individualists and methodological holists. At times it
seemed as if the debate were going to die out, but then, all of a sudden, it flared up
again with renewed strength. One can discern three periods of intense debate over
methodological individualism in the history of the social sciences. The first period
was at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of twentieth century.
The second period started after World War II and culminated in the 1950s. The
third period began in the 1980s and has not ended yet. It is closely associated with
the spread of rational choice of theory from economics to the other social sciences.
The reason for the heat that usually accompanies this debate is probably that it
touches upon our most deep-seated beliefs about the nature of the individual and
of society, our knowledge about these, and no doubt, also our ideals of the good
society. The reason the issues involved in the debate seem so difficult to resolve
is probably that they are largely of a philosophical nature. They involve questions
not amenable to direct empirical testing that yields a clear-cut answer. This does
not mean that empirical matters are irrelevant. Even less does it mean that the issue
between individualists and holists is beyond rational argument. There has, however,
0360-0572/02/0811-0479$14.00 479
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
480 UDEHN
pros and cons and to take a stand in the debate about it.
The main objective of this article is to contribute to increasing clarity about the
nature and intent of methodological individualism. Since I do not believe that there
is one true version of this doctrine, I have tried to identify the different versions
that have been advanced over the years. This article, therefore, takes the form of a
short history of methodological individualism. It is a seriously incomplete history,
to be sure, but I have concentrated on the most influential advocates and hope
that I have identified the most significant versions. Being a sociologist, I have
deliberately biased my story in favor of my own discipline.1
The first example of an individualist theory of society in the history of ideas is the
theory of the social contract. This theory goes back to Greek antiquity, where it
was used by the Sophists and by Epicurus to explain the rise of social institutions
and of social order more generally. The theory lay dormant in the Middle Ages but
was revived on a large scale in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Its main
representatives, I believe, were Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, and of these, the
former was most important, at least for social science. Lockes theory of the social
contract was more political and more important for political philosophy.
The point of departure of all theories of the social contract is the state of nature,
and in the case of Hobbes this state is particularly gloomy. It is characterized by a
lack of agriculture, industry, arts, and of society. It is a state of war of each against
all, which leads to continual fear, and the life of man is solitary, poore, nasty,
brutish and short (Hobbes [1651] 1968, p. 186). Small wonder that individuals
want to escape from this situation and introduce more peaceful ways of interaction.
Rational and self-interested as they are, they institute law and enter into a contract
with others in which they promise to abide by laws. This is the original social
contract, but since there is an incentive for each individual to defect, peace can only
1
This article is partly based on a recently published book on methodological individualism
(Udehn 2001), which is less biased in favor of sociology.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
lead us to assume that individuals in the state of nature are also isolated. They are
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
not, but instead they interact with one another in their own sort of way, that is by
means of fraud and violence. The main characteristic of individuals in the state of
nature is not that they are asocial, but that they lack culture.
It has been suggested that Hobbes was a methodological individualist (Watkins
[1965] 1973, p. 34; Lukes 1968, p. 119; 1973, p. 110), and this is certainly cor-
rect if we intend methodological individualism-in-use.2 His theory of the social
contract stands out as a first paradigm of an individualistic explanation of social
order.
The theory of the social contract in its original form has few adherents today,
at least as a general theory of society, but it has seen an important revival in
political philosophy, and it is still used in many rational choice explanations of the
emergence of social institutions. It is my impression that something like Hobbess
image of social order is what many social scientists understand by methodological
individualism even today.
CLASSICAL ECONOMICS
The theory of the social contract eventually gave way to the idea that most social
phenomena are spontaneously generated and that society is largely a spontaneous
order. This means that social phenomena are not consciously created, but are rather
the unintended consequences of the intentional actions of individual human beings.
The idea of spontaneous order is often associated with the philosophers of
the Scottish Enlightenment, especially David Hume, Adam Ferguson, and Adam
Smith. According to some methodological individualists, these philosophers are
representatives of true individualism, as distinguished from the false individ-
ualism of the theory of the social contract and of utilitarianism (von Hayek [1948]
1972: Ch. 1; see also Infantino 1998). According to others, it is not individualistic
at all, but represents a break with the individualistic theory of society (see, e.g.,
Berry 1997, Ch. 2). I do not know what is true and what is false individualism,
2
By methodological individualism-in-use, I understand a theory, or explanation, which
conforms to the principle of methodological individualism, without this principle being
explicitly stated.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
482 UDEHN
but I know that the individualism of the Scottish Enlightenment was very different
from that of the theory of the social contract. It knows nothing of asocial individu-
als in a state of nature. Individuals are seen as sociocultural beings shaped by social
institutions and by the history of society.3 To introduce a term I use later in this
article, I suggest that we may call the individualism of the Scottish Enlightenment
institutional individualism.
Adam Smith is generally considered to have been the founder of economics.
He was at least the founder of classical economics. But if Adam Smith was an
institutional individualist, does this mean that classical economics, as a whole,
shares this feature? The answer is no. Some other classical economists were more
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
individualistic than was Smith, and this is especially true of the last of them: John
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Stuart Mill.
In A System of Logic (1843), Mill argued that all social sciences are based
on laws of mind, or on human nature. It is possible to find empirical laws, or
generalizations, describing large-scale social phenomena, but a causal explana-
tion of these empirical laws requires psychological laws (Mill [184372] 1974,
pp. 879, 907ff.). Because of this, Mill is generally considered to be a psychologi-
cal reductionist and a methodological individualist (see, e.g., Popper [1945] 1966,
pp. 8899). In order to distinguish Mills methodological individualism from other
versions of this doctrine, it is sometimes called psychologistic individualism
(Agassi 1960).
Among recent methodological individualists, George C. Homans is most clearly
inspired by Mill. There is also a similarity between Mill and some advocates of
microfoundations, who share Mills view that macro-theories are typically empir-
ical generalizations in need of causal explanation in terms of individuals and their
interaction.
NEOCLASSICAL ECONOMICS
Neoclassical economics started with the marginalist revolution in the 1870s. It
was then that economics definitely became an individualistic science, explaining
economic phenomena in terms of the subjective evaluations of individual human
beings. Most explicitly individualistic, was the Austrian School of Economics,
which I treat in the next section. No less individualistic was the English utilitarian
tradition originating with Stanley Jevons.4 Most individualistic, however, was the
theory of general equilibrium, which originated with Leon Walras. According to
him, pure economics is a natural science of things, where isolated individuals
respond to impersonal prices. Where the prices themselves come from is a moot
question, which Walras tried to answer by introducing the mythical figure of an
3
This is the reason some trace the origin of the sociological tradition to the Scottish
Enlightenment, rather than to France and Auguste Comte (see, e.g., Swingewood 1970).
4
An exception was Alfred Marshall, who was, I believe, more of an institutional individualist.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
auctioneer, but the aim is clearly to rid the economic theory of general equili-
brium of social relations and of all social institutions (see Walras [1874] 1984,
pp. 6573).
The main architects of contemporary general equilibrium theory (GET) are
Kenneth Arrow and Gerard Debreu. In a famous article from 1954, they proved
the existence, if not the uniqueness, of general equilibrium, in a model that con-
forms to Walrass program. It is a strictly individualistic model of actors in a state
of nature (Geanakoplos 1989, p. 57). Arrow, in particular, is explicit about the
methodological individualism of GET.
Each individual is conceived of as acting in the way determined partly by
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
his psychology and his physical surroundings and partly by the actions of
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
others . . . Therefore, given the reaction of each individual to his total (social
and other) environment . . . and given the nonsocial environmental factors,
which we may term exogenous, we can determine the behavior of any indi-
vidual in society. (Arrow [1951] 1968, p. 640.)
According to the individualistic framework of GET, then, every relevant variable,
except those classified as exogenous for the whole economic system, is the result
of a decision on the part of some one individual unit of the economy (Arrow
1959, p. 42).
It is obvious that GET represents a radical form of methodological individ-
ualism, where the actions of individuals are seen as resulting from (a) her/his
psychology, (b) the physical surrounding, and (c) the actions of other individuals.
The behavior of the group is explained by aggregating the behavior of individuals.
According to Lawrence Boland (1982, p. 13ff.), not only GET, but also neoclassi-
cal economics as a whole, is a manifestation of psychologistic individualism. The
rule guiding this form of methodological individualism says that no economic ex-
planation is considered successful until all exogenous variables have been reduced
to psychological states of individuals and natural constraints. Social institutions
may appear in the models of neoclassical economics, but only as endogenous
variables.
Neoclassical economics is generally considered the most individualistic of the
social sciences (Hausman 1992, p. 97ff.; Arrow 1994, p. 2). I share this view and
suggest that GET is a second paradigm of methodological individualism.
In recent years, serious doubts have been raised in many quarters about general
equilibrium theory. The main problem is the lack of determinacy of neoclassical
models, and it is assumed, even by some leading economists, that the root of the pro-
blem is methodological individualism (Kirman 1989, Arrow 1994). For a while,
game theory appeared as a possible solution to the problems of GET. An advan-
tage of the former over the latter is that it deals with strategic interaction be-
tween individuals. Except for this difference, however, it is just as individualistic
as GET. Unfortunately, game theory would soon prove to be no less indeterminate
than the latter. Multiple equilibria seem to be the rule, rather than the excep-
tion (Kreps 1990, p. 95107). Once again, it is suggested that methodological
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
484 UDEHN
individualism may be the problem and social institutions the solution (see, e.g.,
Mirowski 1986, Ferejohn 1991, Hargreaves et al. 1995, pp. 3135).
individualism.
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
The founder of Austrian economics, Carl Menger, was also the main pioneer
of methodological individualism. He did not use the term himself, but there
is little doubt that his atomistic method is the main source of the doctrine
later called methodological individualism. Already in his Principles of Eco-
nomics (1871), Menger tried to reduce the complex phenomena of the econ-
omy to their simplest elements, that is, the actions of individual human beings
(Menger [1871] 1976, p. 46ff.). In his next work, Problems of Economics and
Sociology (1883), he went from practice to principle and formulated the first
ambitious program of methodological individualism, or atomism, in the his-
tory of the social sciences. In order to understand economic phenomena we must
go back to their true elements, individual human beings, and try to find the
laws by which the former are built up from the latter (Menger [1883] 1963,
p. 93).
Unlike Walras, Menger had no intention of purging theoretical economics of
social institutions, but saw his main task as explaining their origin in the same
atomistic way as prices are explained in the exact science of theoretical economics.
According to Menger, social institutions like the family, the state, law, and money
emerge organically as the unintended end-result of a sequence of actions, which
are often intentional and rational in themselves. Money, for instance, developed out
of ordinary consumer goods, which proved particularly useful for storage and as
media of exchange, until they were replaced by todays pieces of metal and paper
(see Menger [1883] 1963, pp. 15258; 1892). Mengers explanation of the origin
of money is a classic example of an individualistic explanation of a social institu-
tion and represents, I believe, a third paradigm of methodological individualism
in the social sciences.5
First to use the term methodological individualism was Joseph Schumpeter
(1908, pp. 8898), but only to make a distinction between political and method-
ological individualism. Schumpeter added little to the meaning of this doctrine,
and he himself was not a methodological individualist, at least not when working
5
It might be added that Mengers plea for methodological individualism was limited to
the exact science of theoretical economics, but did not include history and the empirical-
realistic orientation in the social sciences.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
sic unit, as its atom, if a questionable analogy is allowed here (Weber [1913]
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
6
Weber was not the only methodological individualist among early sociologists. The French
sociologist Gabriel Tarde was an energetic defender of psychological reductionism, and the
early Georg Simmel may also be interpreted as a methodological individualist.
7
Actually Schutz was a pupil of Mises and the influence went in both directions, but the
publication in 1932 of Schutzs book Der Sinnhafte Aufbau der Sozialen Welt (The Pheno-
menology of the Social World ) was an important source of Misess subjectivism.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
486 UDEHN
action, and the epistemological thesis that all knowledge about society derives
from knowledge about individuals. The first thesis is a special case of nominalism,
which Mises defended against the conceptual realism of those who believed that
collective concepts refer to real entities in the world. Social entities do exist, but
only in the minds of individuals (see von Mises [1933] 1976, pp. 42ff., 153; [1949]
1966, pp. 42, 187).
Friedrich von Hayek is probably the most well-known Austrian methodological
individualist. Unlike Mises, he was much influenced by Menger, and his method-
ology is a synthesis of elements taken from Menger, Weber, and Mises.
Mengers influence is most clearly seen in von Hayeks focus on spontaneous
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
(von Hayek 1955, p. 39). The latter is identical with Mengers individualistic
or atomistic method of analysis (von Hayek 1934, p. 405ff.). By combining
elementary conclusions and following up their implications he [the economist]
gradually constructs, from the familiar elements, a mental model which aims at
reproducing the working of the economic system as a whole (von Hayek 1933,
p. 128). Like Menger, von Hayek used it to explain both recurrent phenomena,
such as prices, and the evolution of social institutions, such as language and money
(von Hayek 1955, p. 40).
The influence of Weber and von Mises is manifested in von Hayeks radical
and consistent subjectivism, which led to an attack on scientism, the common
but misguided attempt by social scientists to imitate the methods of the natural
sciences.
In fact, most of the objects of social or human action are not objective facts
in the special narrow sense in which this term is used by the Sciences and
contrasted to opinions, and they cannot at all be defined in physical terms.
So far as human actions are concerned the things are what the acting people
think they are. (von Hayek 1955, p. 26ff.)
According to von Hayek, not only human actions, but also artifacts such as money,
economic goods, tools, and the like, must be defined in terms of the beliefs people
entertain about them (von Hayek 1955, p. 27). All social phenomena are subjective,
and society, as a whole, is made up of the beliefs of individuals (pp. 33ff.). The
implication of this is not, however, that the social scientist is confined to using only
common sense concepts. Common sense is the point of departure, but not the end
of social science. The main reason for this is that human actions have unintended
consequences that go beyond the meanings that individuals attach to them. It is
the main task of social science to explain these unintended consequences.
To be sure, members of society have their own ideas about unintended conse-
quences, and more often than not these ideas are collectivistic. von Hayek calls
them speculative, in order to distinguish them from the constitutive ideas peo-
ple entertain about their own actions. The models social scientists use to explain
social phenomena are distinguished from both types of common sense ideas.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
The social sciences . . . do not deal with given wholes, but their task is to
constitute these wholes by constructing models from the familiar elements
models which reproduce the structure of relationships between some of the
many phenomena which we always simultaneously observe in real life.
(von Hayek 1955, p. 56.)
Austrian methodological individualism differs from earlier versions of this doctrine
in one important respect. Its point of departure, at least from Weber and onwards, is
individuals as cultural beings living in society. According to Weber, von Mises, and
von Hayek, economics and sociology are cultural sciences. This does not imply
any break with methodological individualism, however. Society and culture are
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
488 UDEHN
Psychologism is, I believe, correct only insofar as it insists upon what may
be called methodological individualism as opposed to methodological
collectivism; it rightly insists that the behavior and the actions of collec-
tives, such as states or social groups must be reduced to the behaviour and to
the actions of human individuals. But the belief that the choice of an individ-
ualistic method implies the choice of a psychologistic method is mistaken . . .
even though it may appear very convincing at first sight. (Popper [1945] 1966,
p. 91.)
Popper added to the merits of psychologism that it lends support to the important
doctrine that all social phenomena, and especially the functioning of all social
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
attitudes, etc., of human individuals . . . (Popper [1945] 1966, p. 98). It is, indeed,
difficult to see any difference between Poppers methodological individualism and
psychologism (Wisdom 1970, Gellner 1973, p. 15).
As an alternative to psychologism, Popper suggested a methodology based on
situational logic and institutionalism. Situational logic is a generalization of the
method of economics and seems identical with what we nowadays call rational
choice (Hedstrom et al. 1998, p. 339ff.). In my view it is compatible with both
individualism and institutionalism. The main alternative to psychologism is insti-
tutionalism, or the claim that the actions of individuals cannot be explained without
reference to social institutions (Popper [1945] 1966, p. 90).
In fact, I propose to use the name social institution for all those things which
set limits or create obstacles to our movements and actions almost as if they
were physical bodies or obstacles. Social institutions are experienced by us
as almost literally forming part of the furniture of our habitat. (Popper 1994,
p. 167, originally written in 19631964.)
The problem with Poppers alternative is that institutionalism is incompati-
ble, not only with psychologism, but with his own methodological individualism
as well (see Udehn 1987, pp. 3339; 2001, pp. 202ff, 218ff.). This conflict be-
tween individualism and institutionalism in Poppers methodology led to a split of
methodological individualism in two: the psychologistic individualism of J.W.N.
Watkins and the institutional individualism of Joseph Agassi and Ian C. Jarvie.
Of all who defend it, J.W.N. Watkins has done the most to clarify the meaning of
methodological individualism. According to him, [t]his principle states that social
processes and events should be explained by being deduced from (a) principles
governing the behaviour of individuals and (b) descriptions of their situations
(Watkins 1953, p. 729). Watkinss methodological individualism is psychologistic
(Watkins 1952a, p. 28). This means that social institutions are excluded from
the description of the situations of individuals (see Watkins 1976, p. 710ff.), or
reduced to the attitudes of individuals toward things and other people (Watkins
1952a, p. 29; 1953, p. 729). It may also be noticed that Watkinss methodological
individualism is about the explanation of social phenomena, but not about the
definition of collective concepts (see, e.g., Watkins 1953, p. 729; 1955, p. 58;
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
cal generalizations about large-scale social phenomena, but claims that they are
in principle reducible to psychological laws. This is also a recurrent theme in
Watkinss writings, and eventually it leads him to recognize the existence of half-
way explanations of large-scale social phenomena in terms of other large-scale
social phenomena, as distinguished from rock-bottom explanations in terms of
individuals and their interrelations (Watkins 1957, p. 106).
A new version of methodological individualism was advanced by Joseph Agassi
in a suggestive article from 1960. It is called institutional individualism, and it is
based on Poppers institutionalism and situational logic, rather than on his method-
ological individualism, even though Agassi, at first, failed to realize that there is a
conflict between the first and the third of these doctrines. The important point about
institutional individualism is that it explicitly includes social institutions in the sit-
uation of individuals. According to Agassi, institutions constitute a part of the
individuals circumstances which together with his aims determine his behavior
(Agassi 1960, p. 247). This is in contradistinction to psychologistic individual-
ism, which only includes material conditions in the relevant circumstances.
Eventually Agassi came to realize that there was something wrong with Poppers
methodology. According to Agassi, he was unclear about matters and so is free for
all (Agassi 1972, p. 326). Still later Agassi (1975) reaffirmed his institutional indi-
vidualism, but made no further mention of methodological individualism. Another
route was taken by Ian C. Jarvie, who accepted Agassis institutional individual-
ism but continued to call it methodological individualism. Like Agassi, Jarvie
rejected psychological reductionism and went on to claim that social institutions
are as concrete and as real as his physical surroundings (Jarvie 1972, p. xiii).
There is clearly an important difference between the original principle of
methodological individualism and institutional individualism. The difference is
this: In the original version of methodological individualism, social institutions
are something to be explained in terms of individuals. They appear only in the ex-
planandum or, better, the consequent of an explanation, but never in the explanans,
or antecedent. In institutional individualism, on the other hand, social institutions
explain and, therefore, also appear in the explanans, or antecedent of an explana-
tion. That this is really a difference can be glimpsed from the fact that Jarvie had
earlier suggested that it is the distinctive feature of holism to put social wholes in
the explanans (Jarvie 1964, p. 69).
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
490 UDEHN
School is most individualistic and tries to endogenize all social institutions, James
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
While Popper and his followers tried hard to find an individualistic alternative to
the psychologism of John Stuart Mill, the sociologist George C. Homans launched
a sociological theory of exchange (Homans 1958, 1961), which has almost every-
thing in common with Mills psychologism. The only difference is that Homans
replaced Mills associationist psychology with Skinners behaviorism, but since
the latter is a modern version of the former, this is not much of a difference.
Even though Homans accepted psychologism, he denied being a reductionist
on the ground that there are no general sociological propositions to reduce (1964,
p. 817; 1967, p. 8386; 1969, p. 15ff.). All general laws in the social sciences are
psychological laws. Homans soon detected that his own position coincided with
that of methodological individualism (Homans 1967, p. 61). More specifically,
methodological individualism entails psychologism (Homans 1970, p. 325). In the
end, it also seems as if Homans did identify his position as a form of reductionism.
Methodological individualism cum psychologism holds that all social phenomena
can be analysed without residue into the actions of individuals, and also that
sociological propositions, propositions about the characteristics of social groups
or aggregates, can in principle be derived from, reduced to, propositions about the
behaviour of individuals (Homans 1970, p. 325).
Homans was not alone in suggesting a sociological theory of exchange. Another
pioneer in this field was Peter M. Blau, who advocated a more structural approach
to social exchange, focusing on power (Blau [1964] 1986).8 The later development
of social exchange theory may be seen as a synthesis between the individualistic
approach of Homans and the structuralistic approach of Blau. Shortly thereafter,
Homanss behaviorism was replaced by rational choice as the microfoundation of
the theory of social exchange.
8
Blau later turned into a structuralist critic of methodological individualism.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
A first step in this new direction was taken by Richard M. Emerson already
in his article on power-dependence relations (1962), before he adopted social
exchange theory. A fundamental thesis of this article is that power is a property of
social relations, not of actors (pp. 32ff.). It is also clear, if not explicit, that these
actors are conceived of as intentional and rational, rather than as passive adjusters
to stimuli.9 Far from abandoning his structuralism when turning to social exchange
theory (1969, 1972a,b), Emerson criticized Homans for neglecting social structure
(1972a, p. 41). He also generalized the theory of social exchange, so as to apply it
to social networks (1972b). In his latest works, Emerson and his colleagues have
mainly engaged in experimental work on relations of power in exchange networks
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
There is a certain ambiguity about the role assigned to social structure in the net-
work analysis of Emerson and Cook. According to Cook (1991, p. 32): The goal
was to construct a theory of social exchange in which social structure is the de-
pendent variable (see also Cook 1987, p. 214). This is, I believe, traditional
methodological individualism, even though Cook argues that Emersons approach
is not a manifestation of strong methodological individualism (1987, p. 220). There
is, however, abundant evidence to show that Emerson and Cook also used social
structure as an independent variable in their analyses. This is also fundamental
to the theory of power dependence, which conceives of power as a function, or
effect, of social position. I suggest, therefore, that social structure may be both a
dependent and an independent variable in the exchange theory of Emerson and his
followers. I interpret the following quotation as support for this argument:
Structure is conceived, according to exchange theory, as the interconnection of
various positions in an exchange network. Framed this way, exchange theory
can illuminate not only the behavior of actors, but the structures that emerge
as the result of these exchange relations. Furthermore, by focusing on a given
structure or social institution, exchange theory provides an explanation both
for the behavior of actors within structures and structure itself. (Cook et al.
1990, p. 160.)
Starting from classical structuralist sociology, rather than from social exchange
theory, a group around David Willer arrived at a position similar to that of Emerson
and Cook (Willer & Andersson 1981). The fact that there has been a controversy
between the two groups about substantive matters in network analysis does not
diminish the similarity in their general approach and in their methodology. If there
is a difference between them in this respect, it is this: the Willer group seems more
explicitly committed both to structuralism and to rational choice (Willer 1992,
Willer & Skvoretz 1997, Markovsky 1997).
The theoretical developments I have sketched are part of a convergence between
a number of theoretical traditions in North American sociology, including the
9
It is no accident that Emersons article on power-dependence is included in a volume on
rational choice (Abell 1991).
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
492 UDEHN
network theory of Harrison White and his followers, and the rational choicebased
exchange theory of James S. Coleman. A typical feature of this convergence is the
attempt to integrate micro- and macro-analysis, even if the emphasis is different
in the different traditions.
Outside the United States, Homanss behaviorist theory of exchange left its
mark on German sociology in particular, but it was behaviorism, rather than the
theory of exchange, that was exported. The leading representatives of behaviorist
sociology in Germany and in Europe were Hans J. Hummell and Karl Dieter Opp.
They used behaviorism as the psychological basis of an ambitious attempt to re-
duce sociology to psychology. This attempt was successful in their opinion, and
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
they claimed to have shown that sociological terms are definable by psychological
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
cupied with developing a general theory of social systems and with explaining the
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
10
On methodological individualism, see also Coleman (1986, pp. 1309; 1990b, pp. 50ff.;
1992, pp. 133ff.; 1994, pp. 166ff.).
11
That there are two sides to Colemans social theory is not my invention; it was also
recognized by Coleman himself (Coleman 1971, p. 74; 1992, p. 132).
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
494 UDEHN
behavior is explained in terms of psychic states, and (c) the behavior of the so-
cial system is explained in terms of the actions of individuals. It is quite clear
that Colemans methodological individualism is a weak version of this doctrine.
The explanation of psychic states in terms of social structure has no place in psy-
chologism or in any strong version of methodological individualism. Psychol-
ogism, or reductive methodological individualism, is represented by arrows 2
and 3. The question remains whether Colemans methodological individualism
is identical with Popperian institutional individualism. I am going to argue that it
is not.
Figure 1 is an inadequate or insufficient representation of Colemans theoretical
position. For one thing, it fails to convey the fact that social structure, according
to Coleman, affects not only the psychic states and behavior of individuals, taken
singly, but also determines how individual actions combine to produce system
behavior. This is clearly visible in Colemans critique of economics (Coleman
1984, p. 86; 1992, p. 147; 1993, p. 63)
Both the institutions through which the micro-to-macro link takes place, and
those through which the macro-to-micro link takes place, may be taken as
exogenous in rational choice theory, in studying the effects of particular insti-
tutional structures on individual actions or on systemic outcomes. (Coleman
1994, p. 171.)
According to Coleman, then, the influence of social structure is not limited to
individual action, as represented by arrow 1 in Figure 1, but also affects the way that
the actions of individuals combine to produce systemic outcomes. This argument
is directed at economists, who usually fail to appreciate the fact that different
institutional structures produce different aggregate outcomes. But there is one
more way in which social structure affects systemic outcomes. Social structure
takes the form of a set of interdependent positions that are prior to the interaction
between the individuals occupying these positions. According to Coleman, this
means that to talk about aggregation is misleading: for the phenomena to be
explained involve interdependence of individuals actions, not merely aggregated
individual behavior (Coleman 1990a, p. 22).
Much has been written in economics about the so-called aggregation prob-
lem. Perhaps the failure to solve this problem is a manifestation of the effects of
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
society (Coleman 1994, p. 171). I use the term social structure in a more nar-
row sense to denote a set of interrelated positions. It is possible to conceive of all
social structures as institutional, but not all social institutions are social structures
in this narrow sense. Structural individualism, then, is distinct from institutional
individualism because it adds something to the latter. It is also more holistic, since
it implies a set of interrelated positions that determine the interaction between
individuals occupying these positions, an idea that is central to most versions of
social holism (cf. Watkins 1953, p. 729).
Some examples may help to clarify the distinction. Language is a social insti-
tution constituted by the rules of grammar. When people follow those rules they
can interact with one another by means of language, but they do not occupy in-
terrelated positions prior to interaction, or if they do, these positions have nothing
to do with the rules of grammar. In the game of chess, people also follow certain
rules that constitute the game, but the positions they reach are consequences, not
preconditions, of their moves. Many social institutions are of this kind: rules that
govern the behavior of individuals in particular situations and give rise to certain
patterns of interaction. I assume that most institutional individualists conceive of
the market in this way.
Many Marxists, on the contrary, conceive of the market as a social structure,
where actors occupy positions as capitalists and workers, before they start to ex-
change. A less controversial example of a social structure is a bureaucracy, where
individuals more obviously occupy different positions in the hierarchy prior to any
interaction between them.
The difference between institutional and structural individualism, then, is this:
In institutional individualism, social institutions appear as exogenous variables,
or in the antecedent of social scientific explanations. Social structures, narrowly
conceived, appear, if at all, typically as endogenous variables, or in the consequent.
The defining characteristic of structural individualism, on the contrary, is that
social structures in the sense intended here, appear as exogenous variables, or
in the antecedent of social scientific explanations.
The second pioneer of rational choice sociology, Raymond Boudon, has been
more explicit about his allegiance to methodological individualism than has
Coleman (Boudon [1979] 1981, pp. 17, 3538; 1986, p. 42). He has also stated it
more explicitly:
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
496 UDEHN
Analytical Marxism
I think of Marxism as one of the most clear-cut examples of structuralism in the
social sciences (cf. Levine et al. 1987, p. 67ff.; Sensat 1988, p. 20915). When
some analytical Marxists argued recently that Marxism needs a new edifice erected
on the two pillars of rational choice and methodological individualism, I would
have expected the latter to assume the form of structural individualism. This is also
what many Marxists seem to suggest (Taylor 1988, p. 94; Little 1998, Ch. 1). The
surprising thing is that two of the most well-known advocates of rational choice
Marxism, Jon Elster and John Roemer, opt for the strong, reductionist version of
methodological individualism.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
498 UDEHN
writings of Ludwig von Mises. J.W.N. Watkins initially stated it this way, but later
used ontological individualism in support of methodological individualism. Since
ontological individualism is trivially true, methodological individualism follows
naturally.
Sometimes methodological individualism is also stated as, or supported by, an
epistemological thesis about knowledge (Scott 1960, Rosenberg 1988, p. 114ff.).
Once again, this is most common in the writings of Mises and Watkins, but such
statements can be found in the writings of most methodological individualists.
Because only individuals can be directly observed in society, it is suggested that
all knowledge about social phenomena can, at least in principle, be stated in terms
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
500 UDEHN
I suggest that we call versions 1 and 2 natural individualism, since nothing socio-
cultural enters the antecedents of its explanations or the exogenous variables of its
models. This version is sometimes called atomistic methodological individualism,
but this name is problematic, since it was first used by the Austrians, who had a
different conception of the individual.
In order to distinguish Austrian methodological individualism from 1 and 2,
I suggest that we call it social individualism, to acknowledge its conception of
individuals as social beings, and of society as an intersubjective reality. Social
individualism is a typical feature of microsociological theories such as symbolic
interactionism, phenomenology, and ethnomethodology.
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
12
A good illustration of this difficulty is the holistic individualism of Philip Pettit ([1993]
1996: 165ff.).
13
This relation is not necessary, however, as witnessed by the case of Gary Becker, who
focuses upon external constraints, but not in the form of social institutions and structures.
14
Similar but not identical distinctions have been made by Siegwart Lindenberg (1992,
1996), and John Goldthorpe (2000: Ch. 6). It should be noted that the distinction I make
between subjectivist and objectivist approaches is not the same as the distinction between
subjective and objective rationality.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
A final note should be made about the status and normative force of method-
ological individualism. There are some who see methodological individualism as
an a priori and universal principle of social scientific research: an obligatory rule
or categorical imperative, unconditionally binding for all social scientists, because
it is based on certain self-evident truths about society and our knowledge about
it. There are others who see methodological individualism as a heuristic device
or research program, the fertility of which can only be ascertained a posteriori.
In the former category belong John Stuart Mill, Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich von
Hayek, Karl Popper, J.W.N. Watkins (initially), and Jon Elster, among others. In
the latter category belong Carl Menger and Joseph Schumpeter, but probably also
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
Max Weber, George Homans, and James Coleman. It seems reasonable to assume
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
that the former position is more common among philosophers, while the latter is
more common among social scientists.
CONCLUSION
The argument of this article has been that methodological individualism exists in
a number of different versions that must be clearly distinguished for a meaningful
discussion to be possible. Failure to make the necessary distinctions has created
much confusion about methodological individualism in the past, and it is hoped
that this article will contribute to increasing clarity about the issues involved in the
future. What, then, are the benefits of recognizing different versions of method-
ological individualism? I conclude with some examples.
Many methodological individualists fail to distinguish between ontological,
epistemological, and methodological individualism, strictly speaking. This failure
has been the source of much confusion because it is possible to be an ontological
and/or epistemological individualist, without being a methodological individualist
in the strict sense. To believe that society is made up of individuals and nothing
else does not imply that all social phenomena must be explained in terms of
individuals and their interaction. It is often argued, for instance, that it is impossible
to endogenize all social institutions, since the attempt to do so leads to an infinite
regress (see, e.g., Popper [1945] 1966, pp. 9093). If this argument is correct,
strong methodological individualism is not a viable position, even if ontological
individualism is self-evidently true, as most methodological individualists seem
to believe. It is also possible to believe that sociological theories are reducible to
psychological theories, in principle, and yet to deny that they are also reducible
in practice. The opposite: to endorse strict methodological individualism while
rejecting ontological and/or epistemological individualism, is also possible, if more
farfetched and less common.
It is also possible to take different stands on the issue of methodological in-
dividualism with respect to concepts, explanations, and laws. Few believe, for
instance, that all collective concepts are reducible to individualist concepts, but
this implies little about explanations and laws. We may need collective con-
cepts to refer to large-scale social phenomena, such as nations, states, churches,
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
502 UDEHN
corporations, etc., but this does not force us to explain social phenomena in terms
of these entities. In recent years, the dearth of commonly accepted social laws have
made many social scientists pessimistic about the prospects of turning the social
sciences into nomothetic disciplines. Increasing doubts about the preeminence of
the deductive-nomological, or covering-law model of scientific explanations have
worked in the same direction. The current emphasis on social mechanisms (see,
e.g., Elster 1989, p. 310; Hedstrom & Swedberg 1996, 1998) may be seen as a
sign of the decreasing importance attached to laws in social science, especially
sociology. But if commonly accepted laws are the exception rather than the rule in
the social sciences, it is not fruitful to conceive of methodological individualism
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
as a program for the reduction of social laws. The most fruitful alternative, I sug-
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
LITERATURE CITED
Abell P, ed. 1991. Rational Choice Theory. and understanding in the social sciences. In
Aldershot, UK: Edward Elgar Centripetal Forces in the Sciences, ed. G
Agassi J. 1960. Methodological individualism. Radnitzky, 2:23658. New York: Paragon
Br. J. Sociol. 11:24470 Boudon R. 1989. Subjective rationality and the
Agassi J. 1972. IListening in the lull. Philos. explanation of social behavior. Rationality
Soc. Sci. 2:31932 Soc. 2:17396
Agassi J. 1975. Institutional individualism. Br. Boudon R. 1996. The cognitivist model, Ra-
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
Arrow KJ. [1951] 1968. Mathematical models Boudon R. 1998. Social mechanisms without
in the social sciences. In Readings in the Phi- black boxes. Social Mechanisms. An Analy-
losophy of the Social Sciences, ed. M Brod- tical Approach to Social Theory, ed. P Hed-
beck, pp. 63567. New York: Macmillan strom, R Swedberg, pp. 172203. Cam-
Arrow KJ. 1959. The role of price adjustment. bridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press
In The Allocation of Economic Resources, Coleman JS. 1964. Collective decisions. Sociol.
ed. M Abramovitz, pp. 4151. Stanford, CA: Inquiry 34:16681
Stanford Univ. Press Coleman JS. 1971. Social systems. In Hierar-
Arrow KJ. 1994. Methodological individualism chically Organized Systems in Theory and
and social knowledge. Am. Econ. Rev. Pap. Practice, ed. PA Weiss, pp. 6979. New
Proc. 84:19 York: Hafner
Arrow KJ, Debreu J. 1954. The existence of Coleman JS. 1974. Power and Structure of So-
an equilibrium for a competitive economy. ciety. New York: Norton
Econometrica 22:26590 Coleman JS. 1982. The Asymmetric Society.
Berry CJ. 1997. Social Theory of the Scottish New York: Syracuse Univ. Press
Enlightenment. Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Coleman JS. 1984. Introducing social struc-
Press ture into economic analysis. Am. Econ. Rev.
Blau PM. [1964] 1986. Exchange and Power in 74:8488
Social Life. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Coleman JS. 1986. Social theory, social re-
Boland LW. 1982. The Foundations of Eco- search, and a theory of action. Am. J. Sociol.
nomic Method. London: Allen & Unwin 91:130935
Boudon R. [1979] 1981. The Logic of Social Ac- Coleman JS. 1990a. Foundations of Social The-
tion. An Introduction to Sociological Analy- ory. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press
sis. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Coleman JS. 1990b. Interview with James S.
Boudon R. [1984] 1986. Theories of Social Coleman. In Economics and Sociology, ed. R
Change. A Critical Appraisal. Cambridge, Swedberg, pp. 4761. Princeton, NJ: Prince-
UK: Polity ton Univ. Press
Boudon R. 1986. Individualism and holism in Coleman JS. 1992. The economic approach to
the social sciences. In Individualism: Theo- sociology. In Universal Economics. Assess-
ries and Methods, ed. P Birnbaum, J Leca, ing the Achievements, ed. G Radnitzky, pp.
pp. 3345. Oxford: Clarendon 13338. New York: Paragon
Boudon R. 1987. The individualistic tradition in Coleman JS. 1993. The rational reconstruction
sociology. In The Macro-Micro-Link, ed. JC of society. Am. Sociol. Rev. 58:115
Alexander et al., pp. 4570. Berkeley: Univ. Coleman JS. 1994. A rational choice perspec-
Calif. Press tive on economic sociology. In The Hand-
Boudon R. 1988. Explanation, interpretation book of Economic Sociology, ed. NJ Smelser,
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
504 UDEHN
and commitment in exchange networks. Am. Gellner E. 1973. Cause and Meaning in the So-
Sociol. Rev. 43:72139 cial Sciences. London: Routledge & Kegan
Cook KS, Emerson RM, Gillmore MR. 1983. Paul
The distribution of power in exchange net- Goldthorpe JH. 2000. On Sociology. Numbers,
works: theory and experimental results. Am. Narratives, and the Integration of Research
J. Sociol. 89:275305 and Theory. Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press
Cook KS, OBrien J, Kollock P. 1990. Ex- Hargreaves Heap SP, Varoufakis Y. 1995. Game
change theory: a blueprint for structure and Theory. A Critical Introduction. London:
process. In Frontiers of Social Theory: The Routledge
New Syntheses, ed. G Ritzer, pp. 15881. Hausman DM. 1992. The Inexact and Sepa-
New York: Columbia Univ. Press rate Science of Economics. Cambridge, UK:
Elster J. 1982. Marxism, functionalism and Cambridge Univ. Press
game theory: the case for methodological in- Hechter M. 1983. Introduction. In The Micro-
dividualism. Theory Soc. 11:45382 foundations of Macrosociology, ed. M Hech-
Elster J. 1985. Making Sense of Marx. Cam- ter, pp. 315. Philadelphia: Temple Univ.
bridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press Press
Elster J. 1989. Nuts and Bolts for the Social Hedstrom P, Swedberg R. 1996. Social mech-
Sciences. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. anisms. Acta Sociol. 39:281308
Press Hedstrom P, Swedberg R, eds. 1996. Social
Elster J. 1993. Political Psychology. Cam- Mechanisms. An Analytical Approach to So-
bridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press cial Theory. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
Emerson RM. 1962. Power-dependence rela- Univ. Press
tions. Am. Sociol. Rev. 27:3141 Hedstrom P, Swedberg R, Udehn L. 1998. Pop-
Emerson RM. 1969. Operant psychology and pers situational analysis and contemporary
exchange theory. In Behavioral Sociology. sociology. Philos. Soc. Sci. 28:33964
The Experimental Analysis of Social Pro- Hobbes T. [1651] 1968. Leviathan. Harmonds-
cess, ed. RL Burgess, D Bushell, pp. 379 worth: Penguin
405. New York: Columbia Univ. Press Homans GC. 1958. Social behavior as ex-
Emerson RM. 1972a. Exchange theory. Part I: change. Am. J. Sociol. 63:597606
A psychological basis for social exchange. Homans GC. 1961. Social Behaviour. Its Ele-
In Sociological Theories in Progress, ed. J mentary Forms. London: Routledge & Kegan
Berger, M Zelditch, B Andersson, 2:3857. Paul
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Homans GC. 1964. Bringing men back in. Am.
Emerson RM. 1972b. Exchange theory. Part II: Sociol. Rev. 29:80918
Exchange relations and network structures. Homans GC. 1967. The Nature of Social Sci-
In Sociological Theories in Progress, ed. J ence. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
Homans GC. 1969. The sociological relevance Lukes S. 1968. Methodological individualism
of behaviorism. In Behavioral Sociology, ed. reconsidered. Br. J. Sociol. 19:11929
RL Burgess, D Bushell, pp. 124. New York: Lukes S. 1973. Individualism. New York: Har-
Columbia Univ. Press per & Row
Homans GC. 1970. The relevance of psychol- Markovsky B. 1997. Network games. Rational-
ogy to the explanation of social phenomena. ity Soc. 9:6790
In Explanation in the Behavioural Sciences, Menger C. [1871] 1976. Principles of Econo-
ed. R Borger, F Cioffi, pp. 31329. Cam- mics. New York: NY Univ. Press
bridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press Menger C. [1883] 1963. Problems of Econo-
Hummell HJ, Opp K-D. 1968. Sociology with- mics and Sociology. Urbana: Univ. Ill. Press
out psychology. The reduction of sociology Menger C. 1892. On the origin of money. Econ.
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
oretical relevance. Inquiry 11:20526 Mill JS. [18431872] 1974. A System of Lo-
Hummell HJ, Opp K-D. 1971. Die Reduzier- gic. Ratiocinative and Inductive. Collected
barkeit von Soziologie auf Psychologie. Works, Vols VII-VIII. Toronto: Univ. Toronto
Braunschweig: Friedr. Vieweg + Sohn Press
Infantino L. 1998. Individualism in Modern Mirowski P. 1986. Institutions as a solution con-
Thought. From Adam Smith to Hayek. Lon- cept in a game theory context. In Microeco-
don: Routledge nomic Theory, ed. L Samuelson, pp. 24364.
Jarvie IC. 1964. Review of Robert Browns Ex- Boston: Kluwer-Nijhoff
planation in Social Science. Br. J. Philos. Sci. Opp K-D. 1979. Individualistische Sozialwis-
15:6272 senschaft. Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke Verlag
Jarvie IC. 1972. Concepts and Society. London: Opp K-D. 1988. The individualistic research
Routledge & Kegan Paul program in sociology. In Centripetal Forces
Kirman A. 1989. The intrinsic limits of mod- in the Sciences, ed. G Radnitzky, 2:20824.
ern economic theory. The emperor has no New York: Paragon
clothes. Econ. J. 99 (Conf. 1989):12639 Peacock JL. 1986. The Anthropological Lens.
Kreps DM. 1990. Game Theory and Economic Harsh Light, Soft Focus. Cambridge, UK:
Modelling. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Cambridge Univ. Press
Levine A, Sober E, Wright EO. 1987. Marx- Pettit P. [1993] 1996. The Common Mind. An
ism and methodological individualism. New Essay on Psychology, Society, and Politics.
Left Rev. 162:6784 New York: Oxford Univ. Press
Lindenberg S. 1977. Individuelle Effekte, kol- Pizzorno A. 1991. On the individualistic theory
lektive Phanomene und das Problem der of social order. In Social Theory for a Chang-
Transformation. In Probleme der Erklarung ing Society, ed. P Bourdieu, JS Coleman,
sozialen Verhaltens, ed. K Eichner, W Haber- pp. 20934. Boulder, CO: Westview
mehl, pp. 4784. Meisenheim am Glan: An- Popper KR. [1945] 1966. The Open Society and
ton Hein Its Enemies, Vol. 1: Plato, Vol. 2: Hegel and
Lindenberg S. 1992. The method of decreas- Marx. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul
ing abstraction. In Rational Choice Theory. Popper K. [1957] 1961. The Poverty of Histori-
Advocacy and Critique, ed. JS Coleman, TJ cism. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul
Fararo, pp. 320. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Popper K. 1994. The Myth of the Framework: In
Lindenberg S. 1996. Choice-centred versus Defence of Science and Rationality. London:
subject-centred theories in the social sci- Routledge
ences: the influence of simplification of ex- Raub W. 1982. The structural-individualistic
plananda. Eur. Sociol. Rev. 12:14757 approach towards an explanatory sociology.
Little D. 1998. Microfoundations, Method, and In Theoretical Models and Empirical Analy-
Causation. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction ses, ed. W Raub, pp. 340. Utrecht: E.S. Publ.
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
506 UDEHN
Roemer J. 1981. Analytical Foundations of von Hayek FA. 1933. The trend of economic
Marxian Economic Theory. Cambridge, UK: thinking. Economica 13:12137
Cambridge Univ. Press von Hayek FA. 1934. Carl Menger. Economica
Roemer J. 1982a. A General Theory of Exploi- 1:393420
tation and Class. Cambridge, MA: Harvard von Hayek FA. [1948] 1972. Individualism and
Univ. Press Economic Order. Chicago: Henry Regnery
Roemer J. 1982b. Methodological individual- von Hayek FA. 1955. The Counter-Revolution
ism and deductive Marxism. Theory Soc. 11: in Science. Studies on the Use and Abuse of
51320 Reason. New York: Free Press
Roemer J. 1982c. New directions in the Marxian von Mises L. [1933] 1976. Epistemological
theory of exploitation and class. Polit. Soc. Problems of Sociology. New York: New York
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
Roemer J. 1986. Rational choice Marx- von Mises L. [1949] 1966. Human Action. A
ism: some issues of method and substance. Treatise on Economics. Chicago: Contempo-
In Analytical Marxism, ed. J. Roemer, pp. rary
191202. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Walras L. [1874] 1984. Elements of Pure Eco-
Press nomics, or the Theory of Social Wealth.
Roemer J. 1989. Marxism and contemporary Philadelphia, PA: Orion
social science. Rev. Soc. Econ. 47:37791 Watkins JWN. 1952a. Ideal types and historical
Rosenberg A. 1988. Philosophy of Social Sci- explanation. Br. J. Philos. Sci. 3:2243
ence. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Watkins JWN. 1952b. The principle of method-
Roth G. 1976. History and sociology in the work ological individualism. Br. J. Philos. Sci. 3:
of Max Weber. Br. J. Sociol. 27:30618 18689
Schumpeter J. 1908. Das Wesen und Hauptin- Watkins JWN. 1953. Ideal types and historical
halt der theoretischen Nationalokonomie. explanation. Readings in the Philosophy of
Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot Science. ed. H Feigl, M Brodbeck, pp. 723
Schutz A. [1932] 1972. The Phenomenology of 43. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts
the Social World. London: Heinemann Watkins JWN. 1955. Methodological individu-
Scott KJ. 1960. Methodological and epistemo- alism: a reply. Philos. Sci. 22:5862
logical individualism. Br. J. Philos. Sci. 11: Watkins JWN. 1957. Historical explanation in
33136 the social sciences. Br. J. Philos. Sci. 8:104
Sensat J. 1988. Methodological individualism 17
and Marxism. Econ. Philos. 4:189219 Watkins JWN. 1959. The two theses of method-
Swedberg R. 1998. Max Weber and the Idea of ological individualism. Br. J. Philos. Sci. 9:
Economic Sociology. Princeton, NJ: Prince- 31920
ton Univ. Press Watkins JWN. [1965] 1973. Hobbess System
Swingewood A. 1970. The origins of sociology: of Ideas. London: Hutchinson
the case of the Scottish enlightenment. Br. J. Watkins JWN. 1976. The human condition.
Sociol. 21:16480 Two criticisms of Hobbes. In Essays in Mem-
Taylor M. 1988. Rationality and revolutionary ory of Imre Lakatos, ed. RS Cohen, pp. 691
collective action. In Rationality and Revolu- 716. Dortrecht: D. Reidel
tion, ed. M Taylor, pp. 6397. Cambridge, Weber M. [1913] 1981. Essay on some catego-
UK: Cambridge Univ. Press ries of interpretive sociology. Sociol. Q. 56:
Udehn L. 1987. Methodological Individua- 14580
lismA Critical Appraisal. Uppsala: Diss Weber M. [1922] 1978. Economy and Society.
Udehn L. 2001. Methodological Individualism. 2 vols. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press
Background, History and Meaning. London: Willer D. 1992. The principle of rational choice
Routledge and the problem of a satisfactory theory. In
10 Jun 2002 20:49 AR AR163-19.tex AR163-19.SGM LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: GJC
Rational Choice Theory. Advocacy and Cri- Wippler R. 1978. The structural-individualistic
tique, ed. JS Coleman, TJ Fararo, pp. 4978. approach in Dutch sociology. Netherlands J.
Newbury Park, CA: Sage Sociol. 4:13555
Willer D, Andersson B. 1981. Introduction. In Wisdom JO. 1970. Situational individual-
Networks, Exchange and Coercion. The Ele- ism and the emergent group properties.
mentary Theory and its Application, pp. 49 In Explanation in the Behavioural Sci-
78. New York: Elsevier ences, ed. R Borger, F Cioffi, pp. 271
Willer D, Skvoretz J. 1997. Games and struc- 96. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ.
tures. Rationality Soc. 9:535 Press
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
P1: FRK
June 10, 2002 12:5 Annual Reviews AR163-FM
CONTENTS
FrontispieceStanley Lieberson x
Access provided by University of California - Irvine on 10/01/17. For personal use only.
PREFATORY CHAPTER
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002.28:479-507. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
v
P1: FRK
June 10, 2002 12:5 Annual Reviews AR163-FM
vi CONTENTS
POLICY
Ideas, Politics, and Public Policy, John L. Campbell 21
New Economics of Sociological Criminology, Bill McCarthy 417
HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY
The Sociology of Intellectuals, Charles Kurzman and Lynn Owens 63
INDEXES
Subject Index 543
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 1928 565
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 1928 568
ERRATA
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Sociology chapters
(if any, 1997 to the present) may be found at http://soc.annualreviews.org/