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Kashmir's Problems Need a Political Solution

A political remedy is the only long term solution to violence


in Kashmir.

By K.S. Venkatachalam

September 05, 2016

There seems to no end in sight to the continuing turmoil in Kashmir. Although


the curfew has been lifted in many places, the violence continues unabated.
The nature of violence has even taken on a new dimension; unlike earlier
protests against the establishment, which were mainly the handiwork of
separatists with the backing of Pakistan, this time around ordinary citizens,
including women and children, have taken to the streets to protest against the
excesses of the security forces. There appears to be a total loss of confidence in
both the state government and the Indian government.

The unabated violence has already claimed the lives of over 60 innocent people,
many of them young children, and over 100 people have sustained serious
injuries because of the indiscriminate use of pellet guns. The security forces
also seem to be at their wits end, as they are unable to come out with a counter
strategy to stone throwing protesters.

The curfew, which has continued for over 57 days, has brought the entire valley
to a complete standstill. It is reported that many persons inimical to India are
openly using young children as cannon fodder against the security forces.
For the first time in the troubled history of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), the
entire Muslim population is feeling totally alienated with the state.

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Kashmir had always wanted to be independent and it was for this reason that
Maharaja Hari Singh, the Hindu ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, did not want
J&K to accede either to India or Pakistan. However, Pakistan did not take
kindly to this idea, as the population in the Kashmir Valley was predominately
Muslims. Pakistan retaliated by sending irregular forces, mainly comprised of
Pathan tribesman from the northwest Province, to take the Kashmir Valley
(barring Ladakh and Jammu) by force. The Maharaja, alarmed by the sudden
turn of events, pleaded with the Indian government to send its army to repulse
the attack. India agreed to come to his rescue on the condition that he gave his
consent to sign the Instrument of Accession with India. The Maharaja, much
against his wishes, signed the Instrument of Accession on October 26, 2016.
The forces from Pakistan were repulsed from the main towns but did manage
to capture a large portion of Kashmir, which is now under the control of
Pakistan. Indias then-prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, did not wish to send
the army to evict the tribesmen from the illegally occupied portion of Kashmir,
as he viewed that such an act would invite the opprobrium of the United
Nations.

The situation in Kashmir has never been same again. In 1987, the Indian
government was accused of rigging the elections and denying full autonomy to
the state. This gave birth to the Kashmiri insurgency, which during the 1990s
escalated into the most important internal security issue in India. Thousands
of people have died during fighting between insurgents and the government,
as well as thousands of civilians who have died as a result of being targeted by
the various armed groups.

Violence has long been exacerbated by an unwillingness to consider political


compromise. One of the prominent insurgent leaders, Sayeed Salahudeen, who
was willing to drop demands for independence, agreed to participate in the
J&K state elections in 1987. He was heading for a landslide victory, but, at the
instance of Ghulam Mohiuddin Shah of the National Conference, the election
was rigged and Sayeed lost. He escaped to Pakistan in disgust, where he now
leads Hijbul Mujahedeen to fight for the self-determination of Kashmiris. The
situation from then on has gone from bad to worse.

In 1986, Ghulam Mohammad Shah, who was the brother-in-law of the


then-chief minister of J&K, Farooq Abdullah, ousted his relative and became
the chief minister. Shah tried to build a mosque within the precincts of an old
temple in the civil secretariat, which led to protests. He warned Kashmiri
Muslims that Islam was in danger and incited Muslims to attack Hindus. This
led to ethnic cleansing where hundreds of Kashmiri Hindus were killed, their
shops either burnt or looted. Many of the Hindus living in south Kashmir had
to flee from Kashmir. By 1990, between 600,000 and 800, 000 Hindus had
left Kashmir. The two communities, which had been living in harmony for
centuries, suddenly became sworn enemies. Although the Shah government
was subsequently dismissed, the damage had already been done. This, coupled
with the alleged rigging of elections in 1987, gave birth to insurgency in
Kashmir.

In 2010, news emerged of a fake encounter by the security forces, who claimed
that they had killed three Pakistani infiltrators. They had actually rounded up
three innocent civilians and killed them in cold blood. This incident lead to a
renewed insurgency led by separatist leaders like Syed Ali Shah Geelani of the
Hurriyat Conference. The Indian government was forced to sentence all the six
army persons to life in prison.

One of the leaders of the Hurriyat Conference popularized a novel method of


attacking the riot police: He instigated youngsters to throw stones against the
security forces. The security forces were forced to retaliate with tear gas and
rubber bullets, and also in a few cases live bullets. The resulting clashes
claimed the lives of over 100 people, including many teenagers.

The then-Home Minister P. Chidambaram announced an economic package to


diffuse the situation, and restore normalcy in the state. This move paid off, as
the insurgency in the state petered off, and barring a few isolated incidents,
normalcy and peace was restored in the valley.

However, on July 8, 2016, the security forces killed Burhan Wani, a local
militant commander of Hizbul Mujahideen. Wani had used social media to
attract young, educated Kashmiris to join him to wage a war against the state.
He became very popular with the youth of Kashmir. Eyewitness account
belied the accidental encounter theory and said that the J&K police had killed
Wani and his two associates, while they were trying to escape from their
hideout. The killing of Wani, who had not refrained from personally taking up
arms, sparked a wave of protests in Kashmir. For the first time, ordinary
citizens, including women and children, took to the streets and indulged in
stone throwing against the security forces. They also burnt and damaged
public properties.

If the security forces had arrested Wani and his associates, instead of killing
him, the situation would not have spiraled out of control. Today, Wani is
considered as a martyr by hundreds of Kashmiri youth, and has become the
face of new insurgency. Earlier the militant groups went looking for fresh
recruits; now youths are willingly joining militant groups. An editorial in
the New York Times on the growing violence in Kashmir points out that the
new generation of youth has only seen Kashmir being subjected to Indias
Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which grants the military wide powers to
arrest, shoot to kill, and occupy or destroy property. People are feeling
suffocated by the security forces being stationed in all parts of Srinagar.

Political leaders from all parties in India, concerned over the growing violence
and death of innocent people, raised the issue in the Indian parliament and
urged the government to stop using pellet guns against the stone throwers.
They also called upon the government to reach out to the people to end the
violence, and restore normalcy in the state. However, the biggest challenge
now is that there is not a single leader who has the backing of the people with
whom the interlocutors can talk. For the first time, citizens are forming their
own groups to take on security forces. The separatists also dont seem to enjoy
the confidence of the people. In fact, the state government led by its chief
minister, Mehbooba Mufti, a one time sympathizer of separatist elements,
seems to be at a loss. The Indian government also looks clueless as to how
to diffuse the tension.
The government decided to send an all party delegation to reach out to the
people and other fringe elements. However, it was an open question
whether citizen groups would be willing to meet the delegation, as there is a
simmering anger in the valley against the establishment. One must understand
that the Kashmir issue calls for a political solution, as the people are clamoring
for independence. The government of India will not kowtow to any such
demands, as such a move may inspire a few states in the northeast to claim
independence or autonomy. Further, if India grants the wish of the people of
the valley, Pakistan will take advantage of the situation by forcibly annexing
Kashmir.

The Kashmir imbroglio offers no ready solutions. The decision to send an all
party delegation to Srinagar to engage with civil groups was a bold move, but,
as expected, the separatists snubbed the delegation and refused to meet them.
Still, the Indian governments efforts to break the current impasse and
restore normalcy in the strife-torn state are a step in the right direction. Both
the state and the Indian government should continue their efforts to engage
with the civil groups to bring about a semblance of normalcy there.

Once this is achieved, serious efforts should be made to find a political solution
to this vexing issue. This can be done by engaging with all stakeholders,
including Pakistan. Pakistan, on the other hand, should also realize that by
aiding and abetting terror groups, they are only putting the people of the
Kashmir Valley in danger. Such attempts would only harden Indias stance.
Both countries should keep the interest of Kashmiris in mind, and look to find
a solution that is acceptable to all stakeholders. This is not an easy task, but the
only permanent solution to put an end to the continuing conflict.

K.S. Venkatachalam is an independent columnist and political commentator.


His articles have been featured in many leading newspapers.

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