Disconnected Streets and The Effect On Walkability in Liverpool

Jared Alves
Disconnected Streets and the Effect on

Walkability in Liverpool
Master of Civic Design in Town and Regional Planning
Session 2016/17
The University of Liverpool

School of Environmental Sciences
i
Acknowledgement
The author would like to acknowledge and thank Dr Richard

Dunning for his guidance in helping to focus this research, Paul
Grover for finding time in his world travels to offer advice and
connect me to people and resources that have enriched this
dissertation, Kim Cooper for contributing to and enduring the not
always glamorous observational research phase, Maxime
Devilliers for always being on hand to critique my outlandish
ideas and the people of Liverpool, who were always polite even
when declining an interview. Without their support, this
dissertation would not have been possible.
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Abstract
A notable feature of many streets in England is that they end abruptly, i.e., they are
stopped off, before they would otherwise intersect with a primary road. This street
pattern does not reflect the original layout of the network, but rather a deliberate
alteration (e.g., by inserting bollards) to achieve a variety of possible aims. These
aims may include facilitating faster travel for vehicles using the primary road,
preventing drivers from using secondary and tertiary streets as throughways, and
decreasing criminal activity by increasing defensible space (Robinson, 1911;
Newman, 1995). Researchers have found conflicting results, particularly for rates of
crime in areas that feature disconnected streets (Beavon et al., 1994; Hillier and Shu,
2000). However, little evidence exists about the effect on walkability when planners
restrict vehicular permeability by stopping off streets.
Accordingly, this research investigates whether walkability varies in a pair of streets

that otherwise meet the criteria aligned with high walkability, but differ as to whether
they are stopped off or not. The two streets are in Liverpool, a city that existing
evidence suggests would benefit from improving walkability and one that has many
examples of stopped off streets. To investigate this issue, semi-structured interviews
with residents of the streets and a series of ethnographic, observational surveys of
people walking on the streets at different times of the day and days of the week were
conducted. The research indicates that stopping off a street increases walkability on
streets with terraced homes that are close to a diverse set of uses and are among a
network of dense intersections. However, resistance from residents to stopping off an
open street suggests that policymakers should consider alternatives to calm traffic
that may be able to achieve similar results.
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Table of Contents
1. Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1
2. Literature Review ..................................................................................................... 5
2.1 Defining Walkability ............................................................................................ 5
2.2 Walkability Evidence and Stopped Off Streets .................................................. 7
3. Methodology ........................................................................................................... 11
4. Context and Rationale for Stopping Off Streets .................................................... 17
5. Findings from Winslow Street ................................................................................ 24
5.1 Existing Conditions ........................................................................................... 24
5.2 Findings from the Semi-Structured Interviews ................................................. 26
5.3 Findings from the Ethnographic Surveys ......................................................... 29
6. Findings from Addingham Road ............................................................................ 32
6.1 Existing Conditions ........................................................................................... 32
6.2 Findings from the Semi-Structured Interviews ................................................. 34
6.3 Findings from the Ethnographic Surveys ......................................................... 37
7. Discussion .............................................................................................................. 39
8. Conclusion.............................................................................................................. 43
Appendix A Semi-structured Interview Questionnaire............................................ 45
Appendix B Ethnographic Survey Form ................................................................. 46
Appendix C List of Communities Examined for Stopped Off Streets ..................... 47
Appendix D Detailed Pedestrian Counts for the Winslow Surveys ........................ 48
Appendix E Detailed Pedestrian Counts for the Addingham Surveys ................... 48
Appendix F Key Summary Statistics for Winslow and Addingham ........................ 49
References ................................................................................................................. 50
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List of Tables and Figures
Box 1.1: Aim, Objective, Research Question and Hypothesis.....3
Box 2.1: Proposed Definitions of Walkability......7
Map 3.1: Map of Winslow Including Three Other Nearby Stopped Off Streets..13
Map 3.2: Map of Addingham Road and the Nearby Streets..14
Map 4.1: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Newcastle.17
Map 4.2: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Bradford...18
Map 4.3: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Sunderland...18
Map 4.4: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Leeds.19
Map 4.5: Stopped Off Streets on a Section of Princes Avenue..20
Map 4.6: Stopped Off Streets on a Section of Queens Drive..20
Map 4.7: Stopped Off Streets on a Section of Prescott Road....21
Box 4.1: Alternatives to Stopping Off a Street...23
Figure 5.1: Walkability Factors Identified in Interviewees with Residents of
Winslow Street. 27
Addingham Road.35
Graph 7.1: People Walking on Winslow versus Addingham, Saturday...40
Graph 7.2: People Walking on Winslow versus Addingham, Thursday....41
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1. Introduction
A notable feature of many streets in Liverpool, England is that they end abruptly
before intersecting with a main road. The end is marked by barriers that block
vehicular through traffic for the foreseeable future, such as low walls, bollards and
pavements extended across the would-be intersection. Although these streets are
disconnected or stopped off for vehicles, the barriers ordinarily permit pedestrians to
cross them.
In many cases, this disconnected street pattern does not reflect the original layout.
Instead, it represents a deliberate alteration intended to achieve various aims. These
aims may include facilitating faster travel for vehicles using the main road, preventing
drivers from using residential streets as throughways and decreasing criminal activity
by increasing defensible space (Robinson, 1911; Newman, 1995). As for the
potential to achieve these aims, researchers have found conflicting results,
particularly for rates of crime in areas that feature disconnected streets (Beavon et
al., 1994; Hillier and Shu, 2000). However, current research has not addressed the
effect of stopping off streets on walkability.
Walkability is a term that has gained recent prominence, with a simple Google Scholar
search revealing about 21,200 journal articles that use it (17,000 from the past
decade). However, the underlying principles of walkability are not new. For example,
starting in the 1990s, researchers used pedestrian-friendliness to describe a similar
concept (Carlson et al., 1995). Interest in both terms stem from a desire by some
planners and policymakers, particularly New Urbanists, to curb the trend toward auto-
orientated communities that has prevailed over the last several decades (Carlson et
al., 1995). Unfortunately, despite the recent popularity of walkability, no consensus
exists on how to define the term and many articles use it without providing a definition
(Abley, 2005). For the purposes of this research, walkability describes the degree to
which street design prioritises the comfort and safety of pedestrians, diverse building
uses enable pedestrians to meet several needs within a comfortable walking distance
and many plausible routes exist for pedestrians to access their destinations. The
rationale for this definition is provided later in this dissertation.
Understanding the features that make places more or less walkable is important for
several reasons. In particular, encouraging walkability can improve public health by
decreasing the risk of acquiring certain chronic diseases (e.g., obesity) (Sallis et al.,
2009). A walkable environment can also increase public safety by promoting eyes on
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the street (Gilderbloom et al., 2015). In addition, a place unfriendly to walking has
economic and environmental costs linked to the use of other transport modes,
especially cars (e.g., infrastructure maintenance and pollution) (Tait et al., 2015).
These benefits are well-documented and are not the focus of this research. Instead,
this dissertation looks into the effect of intersections on walkability.
At first glance, the contribution of intersections to walkability has received

considerable attention. Researchers often describe intersection design and density
as a component of walkability, with dense, gridiron street patterns praised for creating
clearer and more direct pedestrian routes that can increase walkability, compared to
sprawling, indirect and confusing street patterns of loops and culs-de-sac that can
decrease walkability (Grammenos, 2002, p. 3). The former offers pedestrians a variety
of choices and direct routes to access their destinations, while the latter present fewer
choices and often add considerable distance to trips. When investigating the types
and style of intersections, the researcher is considering street design, a broad
category that also includes the direction of vehicular traffic (e.g., one-way) and the
presence or absence of other physical elements that may be in or along a street (e.g.,
street trees) (National Association of City Transportation Officials, 2013). The effects
of many street design features on walkability have received ample attention from
researchers (e.g., dropped kerbs), but current literature does not address pedestrian-
only intersections at stopped off streets.
Further investigating the effect of stopping off a street contributes to the existing
discussion about the advantages and disadvantages of doing so. As mentioned
earlier, to date the literature has focused primarily on the implications for crime and
cars, but, given the benefits ascribed to highly walkable areas, policymakers should
also understand whether or not stopping off a street contributes to or takes away from
walkability. For that reason, researching the effect of disconnected streets on
walkability in Liverpool helps to fill this knowledge gap, thereby informing
policymakers about of the trade-offs when determining whether to stop off (or reopen)
a street. Box 1.1 provides the specific aim, objective, research question and
hypothesis.
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Box 1.1: Aim, Objective, Research Question and Hypothesis
Aim: to investigate the effect of street design on walkability.
Objective: to explore whether closing the end of a street to vehicular traffic for the
foreseeable future leads to different levels of walkability.
Research question: does closing the end of a street to vehicular traffic for the
foreseeable future affect the walkability of that street relative to a comparable street
without the closure?
Hypothesis: the presence of barriers to vehicular traffic does not affect the
walkability of a street.
A pair of case studies were selected to investigate this issue. The cases are two
otherwise similar streets in LiverpoolWinslow Street and Addingham Roadwhich
feature the characteristics that researchers have linked to being highly walkable: high
density of buildings, nearby diversity of uses (e.g., residential and commercial), a
surrounding street network with many intersections and ample provisions for
pedestrians (e.g., pavements). Their alignment with features of highly walkable areas
makes the two streets representative of other streets with similar characteristics in
Liverpool and beyond. However, the primary difference between the two streets is
that Winslow is stopped off on one end, while Addingham is open on both ends. Given
this difference, three methods were used to assess the walkability on Winslow versus
Addingham: document analysis, semi-structured interviews and ethnographic
surveys.
The purpose of the document analysis is two-fold. First, the analysis sought to justify
both the selection of this research topic, by confirming the existence of stopped off
streets in other cities, and the selection of Liverpool as the top-level case study for
this research, by confirming the local prevalence of stopped off streets. Second, the
analysis sets the context for the individual streets, which informs the conduct and
interpretation of the semi-structured interviews and ethnographic survey. In the next
phase, semi-structured interviews with residents of each street explored their
perceptions of walkability and what features make their street more or less walkable.
The final phase involved an observational, ethnographic survey of people walking on
each street during different times of the day and days of the week, which aimed to
test the perceptions of residents, as walkable streets would be expected to have
people walking on them throughout the day.
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Before delving into the results from the case studies, this dissertation turns to the
findings from a literature review conducted to examine the state of evidence in
walkability research. Next, the dissertation describes the research methodology and
rationale for selecting the two case studies in greater detail. The following three
chapters provide the findings from the three research methods, with the latter two
segmented by case study. A subsequent discussion chapter identifies key lessons
from the case studies and their relevance to existing walkability research. The
dissertation ends with a chapter that reflects on the research process, opportunities
for further study and lessons for policymakers.
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2. Literature Review
As noted previously, walkability has received considerable attention from researchers,
but two gaps are evident: a consensus definition of walkability and the effect of
stopped off streets on walkability. The next two sections delve into the existing
literature relevant to these gaps.
2.1 Defining Walkability
Many researchers write about walkability, but neglect to include a definition. Livi and
Clifton (2004) concluded that walkability was used in a number of papers but that
none of them directly explain and define the term (p. 3). In a report on walkability for
the New Zealand government, Abley (2005) acknowledged Livi and Cliftons finding
and proposed that walkability meant the extent to which the built environment is
walking friendly (p. 3). Specifically, he noted that the built environment must be
connected, convivial, conspicuous, comfortable and convenient (Abley, 2005, p. 3).
Ableys definition is helpful for introducing the concept that walkability is related to
whether street design prioritises pedestrian comfort, access and ease of navigation,
but his definition does not address the destinations people have when walking (e.g.,
shops).
Leslie et al. (2005) expanded upon Ableys definition by stating that walkability is the
extent to which the characteristics of the built environment and land use may or may
not be conducive to residents in the area for walking (p. 113). Unlike Ableys
definition, this one includes the concept of land use, but Leslie et al. did not explicitly
include street connectivity. More recently, King et al. (2011) defined walkability to
mean that the neighborhood has a diversity of uses and a connected street network
that supports walking to destinations (p. 1526). This definition is helpful for introducing
the notion of connectivity, which implies that the network has many intersections, but
King et al.s definition lacks Ableys focus on the elements of street design that can
promote walking. For example, a narrow pavement with many road signs in the centre
would be okay under King et al.s definition so long as nearby uses were diverse and
the streets connected.
Even though the definitions of walkability provided by Abley, Leslie et al. and King et
al. are incomplete in isolation, they introduce three concepts that a comprehensive
definition of walkability should include. These concepts are (1) street elements, such
5
as pavements, that accommodate pedestrians, (2) a mix of land uses and (3)
interconnected streets. Combining these elements leads to the original definition of
walkability provided in the introduction: walkability is the degree to which street design
prioritises the comfort and safety of pedestrians, diverse building uses enable
pedestrians to meet several needs within a comfortable walking distance and many
plausible routes exist for pedestrians to access their destinations. Although a
comfortable walking distance varies depending on the individual, 0.5 miles is
generally considered an appropriate guideline (Kligerman et al., 2007).
While helpful for setting the foundation for discussing walkability, the comprehensive
definition covers several topics that have already received ample attention from
researchers (e.g., diverse uses) and, consequently, are not the focus of this
dissertation. Instead, as described in the introduction, this research hones in on the
effect of stopped off streets on walkability, which is related to the first clause in the
comprehensive definition: the degree to which street design prioritises the comfort
and safety of pedestrians. This clause is helpful, but given the narrow objective of this
research, a more specific definition of walkability specific to street design is needed.
Fortunately, a consortium of British public and third sector organisations prepared a

guide that describes the features of street design. In particular, the guide details those
features that enable efficient and safe movement, create a sense of place, facilitate
comfortable crossings and encourage healthy behaviours like walking and cycling
(Davis, 2014). According to this guide, design entails everything from which types of
paving material is used to the width of carriageways and the style of street lights
(Davis, 2014). In the context of walkability, street design must have a narrower focus.
Street design for walkability is the decisions made and infrastructure built to enable
people to walk on or cross a street. The degree to which these street design decisions
prioritise the comfort and safety of pedestrians indicates the degree to which the street
is more or less likely to be walkable. Box 2.1 summarises these two definitions of
walkability.
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Box 2.1: Proposed Definitions of Walkability
Walkability is the degree to which street design prioritises the comfort and safety
of pedestrians, diverse building uses enable pedestrians to meet several needs
within a comfortable walking distance and many plausible routes exist for
pedestrians to access their destinations.
Street design for walkability is the decisions made and infrastructure built to
enable people to walk on or cross a street. The degree to which these street design
decisions prioritise the comfort and safety of pedestrians indicates the degree to
which the street is more or less likely to be walkable.
On a highly walkable street the design favours the pedestrian. Interventions that do
so may include smooth, wide pavements, street trees that provide shade and
protection from motor vehicles, lights that facilitate walking at night and bulb outs and
raised zebra crossings to make accessing the opposite side of the street safer and
easier (Walsh, 2012). Stopping off a street is a design decision, but the effect on
walkabilityunlike the interventions listed in the previous paragraphis unknown. As
described in the next section, the existing literature confirms that streets with dense
housing, pavements, nearby shops and a host of other features tend to be walkable.
An unknown factor remains the influence of stopping off a street on walkability. As a
result, this dissertation explores this influence, when that street otherwise meets the
conditions linked to high degrees of walkability.
2.2 Walkability Evidence and Stopped Off Streets
Research in this subject appears to have developed from first proposing objective
features of walkability, then validating those features against peoples perceptions
and finally using those features to draw conclusions about the differences between
high and low walkable streets. Numerous researchers have investigated walkability
by comparing the hypothesised features of walkable streets against responses from
surveys and interviews that gauged self-reported perceptions of walkability (see for
example: Cerin et al., 2006; Cerin et al. 2007; Gebel et al., 2009; Rosenberg et al.,
2009; Carr et al., 2010; Gebel et al, 2011; Manaugh and El-Geneidy, 2011). For
example, Owen et al. (2007) conducted a survey of over 2,600 adults living in
Adelaide, Australia, asked them about their walking habits and compared the
responses to the composition of their streets. Areas that had high dwelling density,
street connectivity, land-use mix, and, net retail area were strongly associated with
7
people walking more frequently (Owen et al., 2007, p. 389). Other researchers have
replicated these findings.
Across the studies that investigated walkability, three components emerge that
influence whether or not streets are walkable: land-use mix, residential and/or retail
density and intersection density. Similar to the Adelaide study, researchers have
found that streets boasting a greater mix of uses and higher building and intersection
densities, are highly walkable per residents perceptions (see for example: Frank et
al., 2010; Owen et al., 2007; Leslie et al., 2005). However, the components of
walkability identified by researchers have some shortcomings. For example, research
that has identified a high diversity of land uses as a contributor for walkability often
does not distinguish between specific types of uses or consider which types might be
more or less desirable (e.g., a takeaway versus a grocery store). Instead, the research
typically refers to the floor area occupied by different uses within a specified land area,
with the figure reported as a ratio. Admittedly, collecting data on specific use
subcategories would likely be more time and resource intensive than accessing
databases that indicate the floor areas of broad categories of land use.
Still, for those streets judged to be highly walkable, researchers have found several
benefits. In particular, residents of such streets have higher rates of physical activity,
lower body mass indexes and drive less (see for example: Frank et al., 2007;
Sugiyama et al., 2007; Lovas et al., 2008; Smith et al., 2008; Brown et al., 2009; Sallis
et al., 2009; Van Dyck et al., 2009a; Gebel et al., 2011; King et al., 2011; Manaugh
and El-Geneidy, 2011; Carlson et al., 2015). However, these outcomes may vary
depending on specific characteristics and some evidence suggests that self-sorting
plays a role. For example, Frank et al. (2007) surveyed over 2,000 people living in the
notoriously car-friendly Atlanta, Georgia metropolitan area and found that people who
do not prefer a walkable environment walk very little regardless of where they live (p.
1909). In contrast, Van Dyck et al. (2009b) found that residents of Sint-Niklass,
Belgium who preferred passive transport options were more likely to walk if they lived
in highly walkable neighbourhoods.
Other researchers found differences between ages, genders and socioeconomic

statuses. For example, Spence et al. (2009) evaluated the obesity status of about 500
preschool children who lived in Edmonton Canada and found a significant inverse
association between residing in a walkable neighbourhood and weight for girls, but
no such association for boys. The opportunity to investigate the differences in
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outcomes for people living on highly walkable streets depending on their specific
characteristics might explain the great many journal articles that have been published
about walkability. However, adding to the already extensive research into the link
between walkability and assorted health benefits is not the focus of this dissertation.
Instead, this research addresses on one area that has not received attention: the
effect a stopped off street can have on walkability.
Many possible reasons might explain the absence of research into the effect of
stopped off streets on walkability. For one, the topic may fall into the minutiae. Instead
of focusing on the effect of a few bollards, fence or other barrier on walkability,
researchers may have investigated bigger ideas like diversity of uses and density,
found results that were compelling and then moved on to the next order research into
health and other outcomes linked to walkable areas. Pausing to examine stopped off
streets may have required additional in-person resources that they could not justify
given their satisfaction with the validated measures of walkable areas. In addition,
researchers may have already included stopped off streets implicitly when
considering intersection density, because their measures may have not counted the
would-be junction as an intersection.
The possible reasons for not investigating this topic are unsatisfying because they
ignore the specific effect that stopped off streets may have on walkability. In particular,
an area with many stopped off streets might have fewer intersections under one
researchers definition and be deemed less walkable, but unlike an area with
curvilinear street patterns a stopped off street could foreseeably be reopened with
relative ease to re-establish the intersection and improve walkability. By not
discussing stopped off streets, the research would neglect this opportunity. If,
however, the current literature is ignoring a positive effect of stopped off streets on
walkability by treating them as ordinary culs-de-sac, then policymakers would not
know the potential benefit from building more of them. As with reopening the street,
closing its end would be relatively straightforward from a materials perspective (if not
politically). This research might also discover that stopping off streets does not
ultimately have an effect on walkability. If that is the case, then stopped off streets
could simply be an interesting quirk in the streetscape.
Although researchers have not examined stopped off streets in particular, they have
not completely ignored intersections that exclude motor vehicles from at least one leg.
For example, Sundquist et al. (2011) noted that bicycle and foot paths were included
9
in their definition of intersection density if they had an intersection with a street (p.
1267). Sundquist et al. (2011) found positive associations between areas that had
such intersections, high residential density, diverse land uses and self-reported
walking for leisure and transport. However, cycle trails and footpaths are not
equivalent to stopped off streets because the former represent a deliberate decision
to create a route accessible only to cyclists or pedestrians from the start. In contrast,
in the case of stopped off streets, many historic design considerationsfrom street
lights and pavements to building frontage and morewould have been based on the
assumption that vehicles could access the street from both ends. If, aside from the
street connectivity, the other historic design considerations endured following the
stopping off of the street, then the addition of a barrier at the end of one part of the
street would not constitute the creation of a cycle trail or footpath.
As a result, researching stopped off streets would help to fill this gap in the literature.
If an intersection only has value for walkability by giving pedestrians a choice and
route to arrive at their destination, then the inability of drivers to cross the intersection
would not likely affect the degree of walkability. Stopping off a street may also
increase walkability by creating a more pleasant environment for pedestrians by
limiting the number of noisy or speeding drivers. However, if the ability of vehicles to
access an intersection is important to walkability then the barriers designed to stop
off a street would decrease walkability. For example, drivers travelling down a street
might encourage more people to walk by decreasing their sense of isolation, while a
closure might discourage walking because without through traffic, and therefore fewer
vehicles in total, people may feel unsafe using street. Many policymakers seek the
outcomes that researchers have linked to walkable streets, so investigating this
research gap is important to assess whether or not stopping off streets decreases
walkability and, potentially, those desirable outcomes. The next chapter describes the
methodology used to examine this question.
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3. Methodology
Researching the effect of stopped off streets on walkability in Liverpool is appropriate
because the city offers many examples of them. Liverpool is also a ripe setting for
walkability research in general, because the city faces several challenges that the
current literature suggests investments into greater walkability may play a role in
overcoming. In particular, Liverpool has worse health outcomes than the national
average and many premature deaths in the city have been linked to air pollution,
primarily from motor vehicles (Public Health England, 2016; Hughes, 2016). As
indicated previously, facilitating walking can improve public health, increase public
safety and reduce economic and environmental costs associated with other transport
modes (Wayman, 2012; Sallis et al., 2012; Tait et al., 2015). While increasing
walkability in Liverpool will not be a panacea, exploring opportunities to do soin this
case by examining the role of stopped off streetscan inform decisions made by
policymakers who would like to generate the benefits associated with walkable areas.
A case study approach was used to investigate the effect of stopped off streets on
walkability. Such an approach aligned with previous research into the topic and is
appropriate for comparing levels of walkability on a pair of similar streetsone
stopped off versus one connected. Three methods underpinned the approach:
document analysis, semi-structured interviews and ethnographic surveys. The
document analysis phase of this research had two objectives: ascertain the rationale
for stopping off streets in Liverpool as a whole and determine whether other cities had
engaged in the same behaviour. The sources of evidence for this phase were publicly
available white and grey literature and contemporary and historic street maps.
Representative material included policy documents and plans from Liverpool City
Council and its departments (e.g., the citys Highway Asset Management Plan) and
local new articles. Google Maps and the Ordnance Survey mapping facility in Digimap
were the primary sources of maps, although historic maps were also requested from
the Liverpool Records Office to account for missing segments in online archives.
Aside from maps, documents from the past 20 years were prioritised due to ease of
accessing them online.
Ideally, information would have been available on the rationale for stopping off the
individual street selected for the semi-structured interviews and ethnographic survey.
However, documentation on the decision for the specific street was not available, so
information on the city as a whole was sought. As is described in the next chapter,
online materials also did not provide the rationale for stopping off streets in general.
11
Consequently, an interview was conducted with a current member of the Liverpool
highways department. The interviewee spoke to the general rationale for stopping off
streets, but admitted that documentation would not no longer be available on the
reason for closing the end of the case study street. Fortunately, conversations with
long-time residents during the semi-structured interview phase answered this
question. Determining the rationale for stopping off streets in general and on the case
study street in particular informed the subsequent phases of this study, including the
interpretation of the results.
Unlike the document analysis phase, the semi-structured interview and ethnographic
survey phases were at the scale of individual streets. Since longitudinal databeyond
the memories of long-term residentswas not available to judge the effect of stopping
off a street on walkability before and after the barriers were installed, a stopped off
and a connected street were selected. To the extent possible, the streets were
comparable in all other ways. For example, the style of businesses and/or homes
along the street (e.g., terraced), the lot sizes and ages of the buildings, public realm
features (e.g., absence of street trees), width of the street, the speed limit and nature
of the intersection with a main street (i.e., one connected and one stopped off) were
similar. Further, the existing conditions of the wider neighbourhood were considered,
with comparable land uses and public transport links identified. This care was taken
to avoid having differences that are unrelated to the stopping off confound conclusions
about the walkability of each street.
The chosen streets also matched the characteristics identified in the literature review
as associated with higher degrees of walkability: high residential or retail density,
diversity of uses and surrounding high density of intersections. Selecting streets that
failed to meet these characteristics could have meant choosing ones that already
scored low for walkability regardless of whether or not they are stopped off. In those
cases, any number of issues could made such streets score low, which would have
made disentangling the effectwhether positive, negative or neutralfrom stopping
off a street difficult to assess. In contrast, choosing streets that scored as highly
walkable according to the conditions identified in the literature review, helped in the
exploration of whether or not stopping off a street is a feature that can also contribute
to or degrade the walkability of a street. Further, these two streets are representative
of similar streets, thereby enabling this research to draw stronger conclusions about
the effect of stopping off streets on their peers.
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Per those considerations, the two streets selected as case studies were Winslow
Street and Addingham Road. Each intersects (or comes close to intersecting) a main
street. The former comes close to intersecting with County Road in the Walton
neighbourhood and the latter intersects with Allerton Road in Mossley Hill. In addition
to meeting the characteristics of highly walkable streets, the area around County Road
drew attention because three other streets along the road are stopped off. Map 3.1
shows the pattern of stopped off streets by Winslow. A street intersecting with Allerton
Road was selected, in part, because Allerton has a similar number of streets
intersecting with it in a similarly sized area (between Queens Drive and Green Lane),
but, unlike County Road, no streets are stopped off. Map 3.2 shows Addingham Road
and the surrounding streets.
Map 3.1: Map of Winslow Including Three Other Nearby Stopped Off Streets
Source: base map from OS MasterMap, 2017, Ordnance Survey, GB. Using: EDINA Digimap Ordnance Survey
Service. Available at: http://edina.ac.uk/digimap, (Accessed 25 June 2017), the four red Xs indicate stopped off
streets that would have otherwise intersected with County Road. Winslow Street begins at the second X from the
bottom.
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Map 3.2: Map of Addingham Road and the Nearby Streets
Source: OS MasterMap, 2017, Ordnance Survey, GB. Using: EDINA Digimap Ordnance Survey Service. Available
at: http://edina.ac.uk/digimap, (Accessed 25 June 2017), Addingham Road is indicated by a yellow star.
Winslow Street, which is stopped off before intersecting with County Road, is narrow
like Addingham Road. Both streets feature high residential density in the form of brick
terraced homes that do not have ample front gardens. They are also close to a
diversity of uses. County Road has a number of shops and restaurants along both
sides of the street. On the other end of Winslow is the intersection with Goodison
Road, which hosts a couple businesses along with Evertons stadium. Although no
football club calls immediate area around Addingham home, a significant diversity of
uses are also near to the road, with numerous shops and other businesses operating
along Allerton Road. Finally, the dense street pattern in each part of the city means
that a high number of intersections cross and surround each street. Density, diversity
and intersections; each criterion for a walkable street is present, with the primary
difference being the existence or absence of a barrier to stop off the street. The
subsequent chapters describe these streets in further detail.
On each street a series of semi-structured interviews were conducted. The interviews

were face-to-face with residents of the selected streets, obtained by going door-to-
door. In doing so, the interviews were used to gauge their perceptions of walkability
on their streets. Aligning with Morses (1994) recommendations for ethnographic
14
research, the goal was to engage 15 residents of each street. A discussion guide
informed the interview, but the conversations were expected to be relatively open-
ended. Sample questions included: how walkable do you feel your street is today?
What are some things that you think make your street very walkable or much less
walkable? In some parts of Liverpool the city has closed the ends of streets to cars. If
that happened here, do you think that would affect how walkable your street is and
why or why not? (See Appendix A for the full list of questions). The objectives of the
semi-structured interviews were to gain an understanding of what walkability means
to the interviewees and whether (or not) they believe their street is walkable today,
whether the presence (or absence) of barriers that stop off their street affects the
walkability of the street and whether they would like to see the barriers removed (or
added). The interviews also assessed whether residents believed stopping off streets
was (or would be) a major variable in determining the walkability of their street
compared to other variables.
By analysing the answers provided by interviewees, the research intends to present

a clear narrative about the beliefs of residents in the degrees of walkability of their
streets. The analytical approach was to develop codes based on the content of each
interview, relying on handwritten notes with common codes assembled into themes.
Using recordings to supplement the handwritten notes was considered, but was
ultimately dismissed after the pace and nature of initial interviews suggested that
recordings would change the interview dynamic and potentially decrease the
openness of the interviewees. Once coded, the relative importance of the themes was
explored to determine the strongest narrative for each street. However, the weight of
each theme does not necessarily come from tallying the number of times an issue
was expressed by residents during the interviews. While understanding frequency is
important, the strengths of issues expressedincluding the tone and body language
of the intervieweeis a more robust marker for how strongly (or not) the interviewees
felt about stopping off streets and/or other issues that made their streets more or less
walkable (Angrosino, 2005). Repetition of issues by individual interviewees was also
captured as another indicator of depth of belief in the issue (Ryan and Bernard, 2003).
These findings are presented later in this dissertation.
The third phase involved an ethnographic survey, which as a discipline relies on first-
hand investigation often grounded in participant observation and case studies
(Hammerlsey and Atkinson, 2007). For the purposes of this dissertation, the number
and characteristics of people walking on the two selected streets were observed at
15
different times of the day and days of the week. This information was captured in a
standardised form (See Appendix B for the blank form). For each street a weekday
and a weekend day were selected. To avoid needing to explain differences in weather
or other conditions that could precipitate differences in the number of people walking
on a given day, a research assistant was recruited so that streets could be observed
simultaneously.
Three observation windows were selected for each day to include people who would
be walking for a wide variety of reasons. Specifically, the three windows were from 8-
9:00am to include the early morning and people on their way to a nine-to-five job, from
1-2:00pm to capture the early afternoon and the lunch hour and finally from 5-6:00pm
to assess foot traffic in the early evening before dinner. In each case, the researcher,
while remaining visible to people on the case study street, strived to avoid drawing
the attention of the people walking to or from them. As such, the researcher used the
busier County Road and Allerton Road as the vantage points, when observing
Winslow and Addingham, respectively.
By conducting the street surveys, the primary objective was to test and validate the
sentiments that residents shared during the semi-structured interviews. For example,
if residents believed that their street was highly walkable, then it should have more
people walking on it throughout the day compared to a comparablebut less
walkablestreet that has a similar concentration of people. Although many of the
results obtained from the observations were ostensibly numerical, they were used to
inform the qualitative narrative about the relative walkability of the two streets. To
further inform the narrative, additional incidents observed during the windows were
also recorded. For example, if traffic prevented a person from crossing Addingham
when walking along Allerton Road, then that incident would have been captured on
the survey form.
The results obtained from the three methods informed an interpretation of the relative
walkability on the case study streets. In particular, the discussion and conclusion
chapters comment on whether stopping off a street appears to have an effect on
walkability and suggest additional areas for research. The next three chapters present
the results from implementing this methodology.
16
4. Context and Rationale for Stopping Off Streets
Liverpool is not the only English city with examples of stopped off streets. Using
Google Maps and Digimap, a systematic review of 36 English communities was
conducted to determine whether they have examples of such streets (See Appendix
C for the list). Four communities from each of Englands nine regions were selected
from among the most populous cities, metropolitan boroughs or towns. The objective
was not to document every instance of a stopped off street, but rather to find evidence
for it having occurred in many communities.
In each community, one or more stopped off streets were identified in relative short
order. However, particular interest was paid to those streets that exhibited similar
characteristics to Winslow and Addingham, specifically the presence of terraced
houses, proximity to non-residential uses and high density of intersections. Since
terraced houses were built predominantly (but not exclusively) in northern cities and
towns, those communities provide many examples of streets similar to Winslow and
Addingham (Timmins, 2014). To that end, Maps 4.1-4.4 are illustrative of cases in
many northern cities. Although this research is not positioned to conduct a more
comprehensive analysis, the existence of stopped off streets in other English
communities reveals that the phenomenon is not limited to Liverpool.
Map 4.1: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Newcastle
Service. Available at: http://edina.ac.uk/digimap, (Accessed 25 June 2017), the 10 red Xs indicate stopped off streets
that would have otherwise intersected with West Road in Newcastle.
17
Map 4.2: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Bradford
Service. Available at: http://edina.ac.uk/digimap, (Accessed 25 June 2017), the five red Xs indicate stopped off streets
that would have otherwise intersected with Whetley Hill in Bradford.
Map 4.3: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Sunderland
Service. Available at: http://edina.ac.uk/digimap, (Accessed 25 June 2017), the four red Xs indicate stopped off
streets that would have otherwise intersected with St. Lukes Terrace in Sunderland.
18
Map 4.4: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Leeds
Service. Available at: http://edina.ac.uk/digimap, (Accessed 25 June 2017), the three red Xs indicate stopped off
streets that would have otherwise intersected with Dewsbury Road in Leeds.
Liverpool is a prime example of an English city that embraced the terraced house to
accommodate a growing workforce during the industrial revolution. For example, over
100,000 Victorian terraces were built in the city, during a period that witnessed
Liverpool become the second city of the British Empire (At Home with the British: The
Terrace, 2016). Thousands more were also built in earlier and later periods. Decades
since the waves of terraced house construction concluded, various schemes to clear
housing controversially designated as slums have led to the demolition of thousands
of terraced homes (Couch and Cocks, 2011). Sykes et al. (2013) noted that the citys
1966 Housing Plan proposed demolition of 36% of all its homes, and 70% of the
mainly Victorian inner areas (p. 10). Despite these plans, a significant number of
terraced houses remain, and, in many cases, the streets that they front have been
stopped off. Aside from Winslow and its neighbours, Liverpool offers numerous other
examples of stopped off streets. Park Lane, St James Place, Parliament Street,
Walton Lane and others all have examples of two or more stopped off streets that
would otherwise intersect with them. However, Maps 4.5-4.7 show segments of
Princes Avenue, Queens Drive and Prescott Road, which have at least five stopped
off streets on their routes.
19
Map 4.5: Stopped Off Streets on a Section of Princes Avenue
Service. Available at: http://edina.ac.uk/digimap, (Accessed 25 June 2017), the six red Xs indicate stopped off streets
that would have otherwise intersected with Princes Avenue. At least four other examples of stopped off streets that
are not adjacent to Princes Avenue are also visible in this section of the map (not indicated).
Map 4.6: Stopped Off Streets on a Section of Queens Drive
that would have otherwise intersected with Queens Drive.
20
Map 4.7: Stopped Off Streets on a Section of Prescott Road
that would have otherwise intersected with Prescott Road.
Anecdotally, cities continue to stop off streets. For example, in March 2017, the
London Borough of Hounslow decided to bisect Church Street with a barrier at the
former intersection with Millside Place. The Council installed the barrier to prevent
drivers from using the street as a rat run (Patel, 2017). However, seeking the
rationale for stopping off streets from reports and newspaper articles alone was futile,
because no common terminology appears to exist. While stopping off is the phrase
that this research uses as shorthand to describe the action, it is not common in other
materials. The example from London describes the action as closing the street, but
that word is often too expansive. For example, several streets in Liverpool city centre
are closed to vehicles for most of the day (e.g., Church Street), but pedestrianizing a
street is far different from stopping off one. The former places a clear priority on people
walking in an area, while the effect of the latter is more ambiguous as drivers can
continue to use the rest of the street that does not have the bollards or barriers that
block their passage.
With the lack of common terminology in mind, a series of contemporary publications

from Liverpool City Council, Liverpool City Region Combined Authority and
Merseytravel were reviewed to determine whether, and, if so, how they refer to
incidences of stopped off streets (e.g., the Merseyside Transport Plan). While none
of these documents mentioned activities related to stopping off streets, some content
addressed walkability. For example, the city region plans to encourage a shift from
21
the car to cycling, walking and public transport for shorter journeys as a way to
improve health and wellbeing and to connect communities (Davies et al., 2015, p. 21).
This interest in walkability lends further support to the potential value of researching
opportunities to improve walkability in the city.
The next set of materials reviewed were local newspaper articles. The Liverpool Echo
is the sole daily newspaper in the city, but the Liverpool Daily Post operated until
2013. A review of the online articles from the Liverpool Echo (with content spanning
from 1997 to July 2017) did not mention stopped off streets or provide examples of
streets that have been closed in a similar manner to the example from Hounslow. A
search of the Liverpool Daily Post was not possible, as the newspaper is no longer
available online and The British Newspaper Archive only has issues through 1950,
which is well before the stopping off occurred. The Liverpool Records Office at the
Central Library maintains a microfilm collection of Liverpool Echo articles, but time
constraints made such a search impractical.
With online materials proving inadequate, an interview was conducted in late July
2017 with an individual from Liverpools highways department. To allow the
interviewee to be as candid as possible, his or her identity is withheld, with male
pronouns used hereafter for simplicity. During the course of the discussion, the
interviewee provided insight into the decisions to stop off streets. In particular, he said
that the most common reason for stopping off a street, and as happened in Hounslow,
is to prevent drivers from using it as a rat run. Another reason is to curb antisocial
behaviour. For example, segments of Grafton Street were stopped off in the 1970s to
help reduce vehicle crime, theft and joyriding. Stopping off a street also occurred to
resolve safety issues with intersecting streets, such as when the sight lines at the
intersection were not adequate, or to help to resolve the conflict with main roads by
enabling traffic on the main road to flow more smoothly. While doing so may have
resolved the conflict by eliminating the intersection, interventions that followed this
justification may have arguably undermined walkability by enabling drivers to travel
more quickly on the main road. Still, he indicated that most of the stopped off streets
that exist in Liverpool today predate every member of the current highways team,
having been closed for around 20 years or longer. In recent years, the city has
reserved stopping off a street as a last resort, preferring instead to implement one or
more alternatives (see: Box 4.1).
22
Box 4.1: Alternatives to Stopping Off a Street
Reduce the speed limit: impose a 20 mph speed limitthe lowest legally
permissible limiton residential streets to discourage faster through traffic.
Change the direction of traffic: reverse the direction of travel so that drivers can
only move in the opposite direction of the rat run.
Introduce traffic calming measures: implement physical changes, including road

humps, speed cushions, bulb outs, etc. to reduce the speed of vehicles on the street
and eliminate the advantage of using the street to avoid other routes.
The department has made stopping off a street a last resort because doing so can
have unintended consequences. In particular, the interviewee said that the stopped
off portion often does not allow a sufficient turning radius for large vehicles, which
means they must reverse down the length of the street. That action can create a safety
risk and is contingent on other vehicles being able to move out of the way. In contrast,
he said that the alternatives to stopping off streets can avoid this and other issues,
while still addressing complaints about rat runs and other disadvantages of fully
connected, unmodified streets. However, he remarked that the budget for street
design changes has been limited in recent years. As a result, the department has
relied on relatively lower cost options (e.g., reducing the speed limit), which may not
be as effective (Steer Davies Gleave, 2014).
Despite shifting away from stopping off streets, many legacy examples remain. The
interviewee reflected that reopening (or closing) a street needs to be a community-
driven effort, with a full consultation process required to commence the change. In his
experience, some residents appreciate the closure for enabling kids to play outside
because traffic is minimal. For this reason, he said that the department can be
unsuccessful when attempting to reopen streets because neighbours may fear that
the speed of cars or number of drivers using the street would increase. Still, the city
is experimenting with reopening streets. For example, a segment of Park Street in the
Dingle neighbourhood, was reopened recently to encourage regeneration through
greater permeability. The pilot project is an ongoing experiment and has received
mixed responses from residents. Some residents appreciated the quicker route by car
to the Docklands Road, while, understandably, others complained about the
increased traffic. Notably, walkability has not been a rationale for closing or reopening
streets. However, the next two chapters detail the findings from investigating this issue
in the context of the case study streets, beginning with Winslow.
23
5. Findings from Winslow Street
Winslow Street from the stopped off intersection with County Road (Alves, 2017)
This chapter details the existing conditions of Winslow and the surrounding
neighbourhood as well as the findings from the semi-structured interviews and
ethnographic surveys.
5.1 Existing Conditions
Winslow Street is in the North Liverpool neighbourhood of Walton, which is famous

for hosting the Everton FC stadium. Walton was originally an independent community,
but it has been part of Liverpool since 1895 (Historic Liverpool, 2017). Around that
time, the brick terraced homes on Winslow and the surrounding streets were under
construction (Shennan, 2016). Jones (1946) notes that Winslow and 29 other local
streets were named after a prolific Welsh builder and his family1. According to the
highways department interviewee, the city stopped off Winslow in March 1974 first
with a no entry and no exit sign at the intersection and later by extending the kerb
and pavement. If not for being stopped off, Winslow would intersect with County Road,
one of the primary commercial streets in Walton.
1 The w in Winslow represents the w in Owen Elias.
24
County Road, while changing names several times, extends south to city centre and
north past Aintree Racecourse into Sefton. A search of recent Liverpool Echo articles
about the road reveals mixed fortunes. Several articles from the past three years
record complaints about dog fouling, burglaries of shops along the street, antisocial
teenage gangs on the prowl and concerns about the preponderance of off-licenses
(Shennan, 2014; Paget, 2015; Belger, 2016). Despite these challenges, two dozen
new businesses have opened along it in recent years (Lubin, 2015). Still, many
interviewees mentioned the expected departure of Everton from Goodison Park to a
new stadium as a potential headwind.
Although losing football matches may affect the commercial landscape, Winslow
currently sits in a neighbourhood that has the features of a highly walkable place,
including diverse uses. Within one-block of Winslow on County Road are a variety of
national chains and local shops. On the opposite side of County Road are a bakery,
post office, patisserie, eye doctor, bargain shop, stationary store, sports betting
parlour and a school uniform supplier. On the Winslow side are a travel agent, news
agent, nail salon, butcher, two sandwich shops and a combined currency exchange
and pawn shop. The building on the corner has an additional entrance that hosts a
gift shop fronting onto Winslow. A few vacant buildings are noticeable, including three
shops and one larger building that interviewees remarked was once a department
store before the national chain closed. A large mural now covers the building.
Within a half-mile radius of the centre of Winslow are an even greater variety of uses.
Five grocery stores, including three national chains, operate on County Road. Six
schools are within the same radius, with several more just beyond the boundary. Eight
churches are also within this distance. The 111-acre Victorian Stanley Park is within
a half-mile walk of Winslow as are three smaller parks and greenspaces. In addition
to these uses, considerable public transport links exist near the street. Kirkdale
Station, on Merseyrails Northern Line, is a 0.7 mile walk and stops for 25 different
bus routes are within a half-mile walk. City Bike, Liverpools bike share scheme is not
common in the north, but a station with space for 10 bikes is at Kirkdale. Although
more culs-de-sac and dead ends are common south of Winslow, most of the nearby
streets create a dense web of intersections.
The buildings on County Road near Winslow are three-storey with shops on the
ground floor. On Winslow the height steps down, with 83 two-storey homes. During
the last 10 years, (2007-2016) 26 of these houses sold (or re-sold) at an average price
25
of 56,700, with a range of 26,500-105,000 (Rightmove, 2017a). The homes have
protruding bay windows and a step or three leading up to the front door. Several
homes have potted plants in front, but the width of the carriageway does not leave
room for soft landscaping. Still, the 7.3 metre-wide carriageway affords enough space
for residents to park on both sides of the street without needing to invade the kerb or
pavement. On the stopped off end, the concrete pavement along County Road was
extended and topped with six concrete bollards, a telephone booth and a post office
box to close the intersection to cars while still permitting people on foot or bicycle to
pass. An alley bisects Winslow at its centre, but fences restrict access.
The immediate area around Winslow is dense, with 168 people per hectare (ONCs,
2013a). The figure comes from the most recent Census and is for the two Lower Layer
Output Areas that encompass Winslow as well as Eton, Neston and Oxton Streets. In
the area that includes the north side of Winslow the average age of residents is 36.9
and the median is 32.0. To the south, the average age is 37.9, with a median of 37.0
(ONS, 2013b). A plurality of households own their homes (49.8%, n=142) while most
of the rest have private rental agreements (43.2%, n=123) (ONS, 2013c). A super
majority of households do not own cars, with only 32.6% (n=93) owning one or more
vehicles (ONS, 2013d). Still, a plurality of workers commute by car (47.3%, n=97), the
next largest group by public transport (37.6%, n=77) followed by walkers (10.7%,
n=22) (ONS, 2013e). While helpful for indicating the socioeconomic conditions of
Winslow, Census data cannot reveal how residents feel about their street being
stopped off, so the next section describes findings from the interviews with them.
5.2 Findings from the Semi-Structured Interviews
Interviews were attempted with residents on the afternoons of two Saturdays and a
Sunday in July 2017 (8, 16 and 22). During the first interview day, the weather was
mostly sunny with temperatures ranging from 19-20C. The weather was mostly
cloudy on the next two interview days, with temperatures at 18C. During each day,
every house that had not yet yielded an interview or a refusal was approached in an
attempt to solicit one. During the first day, residents of 13 houses consented to
interviews. Many people were outside, sitting on stoops and chairs having drinks and
chatting, kids were playing in the streets and many doors were left ajar.
On the second day, 15 residents declined to participate. Unlike the first day, the street
was much quieter with only a handful of residents outside, including a couple children
26
playing in the street. The street was again relatively quiet on the third day, with one
person consenting to an interview and five people declining to participate. With 14
people interviewed and the number of refusals growing, no further interviews were
attempted. Although the number of interviewees is short of the goal by one, the
findings from the interviewees were remarkably consistent so an additional
interviewee may not have yielded new insights. Figure 5.1 presents a summary of
these findings by illustrating the major themes provided by interviewees when
discussing the walkability of their street.
Figure 5.1: Walkability Factors Identified in Interviewees with Residents of Winslow

Street
Illustrative depiction of the factors identified through interviews with Winslow residents that affect walkability on their
street. Larger circles indicate that the factor was expressed more frequently and/or more intensely by interviewees.
Issues with cars and other vehicles, such as parking on the pavements and speeding,
is one of the most significant themes from resident feedback that appears to affect
walkability. Notably, in many cases, residents believed stopping off the street helped
to mitigate conflicts with cars and make the street more walkable. In particular, one
27
elderly resident recalled the street closing after speeding drivers struck and killed two
children. Another resident said that prior to the closure neighbours would block the
street with their cars periodically to give kids room to play. Consequently, almost all
interviewees opposed reopening the street because they felt that closing it had made
the street safer, especially for kids to play outside.
Still, the closure has not been a cure all. Several interviewees said that drivers
continue to speed on the street. One lady was adamant that employees of the shops
on County Road were to blame. She said repeatedly that they speed down Winslow
to park by the closure. Another interviewee said the issue lies with drivers who do not
realise that the street is stopped off. These drivers speed to the end only to come
upon the closure and then need to turn around. In either case, the behaviour was
attributed to non-residents. Many interviewees also lamented the closure on days
when Everton has a home match. On those days, they are unable to access their
street by car because the city pedestrianizes Goodison Road, leaving their street
closed on both ends.
A minority of residents were indifferent to reopening the street. One interviewee with
two young children said that he believed closing the street made it somewhat safer,
but that he would not really mind if the street reopened. An older, long-time resident
was in favour of reopening the street because she believed having it closed gave
children and families a false sense of safety. She said that since drivers speed despite
the closure, reopening it may increase traffic and thereby discourage children from
playing unsafely in the street.
Another common theme was that having a sense of community appeared to affect
walkability. Half the interviewees mentioned that they enjoy walking on their street
and in their neighbourhood because they like catching up with their neighbours. One
woman said that she could afford to move to a larger house with a front garden, but
that she has no interest in doing so because she would have to give up her neighbours
on Winslow. Many interviewees said that they enjoyed walking when other people
were walking with them. For example, several interviewees reflected that they
particularly enjoy Everton match days because the number of walkers increases.
Most interviewees also seemed to support the notion that diverse uses are important
for walkability. Specifically, residents praised the variety of shops on County Road as
a driving force behind their decisions to walk. During an interview with one father, his
28
young sons asked for money to buy a couple drinks from the newsagent on County
Road. Without another thought, the father relented and his children ran off alone to
buy the drinks. This occurrence might have been unthinkable if the trip required a
much longer walk on less safe streets. Still, a couple interviewees were concerned
that the variety of the shops had declined in recent years. One resident cited the
vacant department store as emblematic of the decline. Another resident said that she
had been a fishmonger for many years on County Road, but now worked at a nearby
pub because the shop had closed. She worried that if Everton moved many of the
pubs would shutter.
Not all comments about walking on Winslow and in the surrounding neighbourhood
were positive. Aside from the safety concerns related to vehicles, some interviewees
believed the area was unsafe, and therefore less walkable, due to crime. For example,
a man with two young children who had moved recently to the street from Speke in
South Liverpool said that he was hoping to move again soon because he did not want
his kids to get involved in the local criminal element. Three interviewees indicated that
cleanliness, especially the accumulation of litter, affects the walkability of their street.
One interviewee said that she avoided walking on Winslow at night because she said
the litter has attracted rats that scurry from one alley to the next. At least for these
interviewees, access to public transport did not appear to be a major factor in
determining walkability. Only a single interviewee praised nearby public transport links
for making the street more walkable. Still, at least a few people walked from Winslow
to County Road to catch the bus during the observation sessions, which are the
subject of the next section.
5.3 Findings from the Ethnographic Surveys
This section focuses on the incidents observed during the ethnographic survey
sessions on Saturday, 22 July and Thursday, 27 July. Appendix D lists the full
pedestrian counts for each day. The lead researcher conducted the Saturday
observations, while the research assistant conducted the Thursday ones. On
Saturday, the weather was partly to mostly cloudy in the morning and afternoon
sessions, with heavy rain occurring during most of the evening session. The day
began at 13C and increased to 22C. On Thursday, the temperature rose from 14-
18C, with it transitioning from mostly cloudy to light rain by the evening.
29
In the morning, 10 people walked to or returned from County Road to Winslow over
the course of the hour on Saturday and 13 people did so on Thursday. On both days,
a few people appeared to be heading to work or to collect a newspaper on County
Road. On more than one occasion, people parked at the end of Winslow and then
headed to work at one of the local businesses. These individuals, along with the
others who drove down the street in the morning, did not appear to be speeding. On
each day, Winslow itself was quiet throughout the hour. On Saturday, only one person
dwelled on the street, a man who was working under his bonnet. On County Road
few businesses had opened by 8am, with only the news agent and sandwich shop
serving customers at the start of the hour. The news agent was especially popular
with residents of Winslow and others who walked down County Road. By 9am, nearly
every business was open on both days.
In the afternoon of each day, the levels of activity had increased markedly on Winslow
and County Road, with 72 people spotted walking to or from Winslow on Saturday
and 48 on Thursday. Notably, six additional people walking on Thursday were wearing
Everton credentials. To avoid inflating the number of walkers from a typical Thursday
when Everton does not have an evening match, individuals in Everton attirewhether
staff or fanswere counted separately. On Saturday, many people walked in pairs or
groups, including families with young children. Several children also played on the
pavement and street on both days. Over each session, a few people returned to
parked cars on Winslow after shopping on County Road and appeared to drive away
slowly. Many residents walked from Winslow to patronise the shops on County Road,
returning within a few minutes with a handful of items.
Despite the torrential downpour on Saturday, 25 people were still observed walking
on Winslow, often clutching their umbrellas or darting back home once the rain
started. With only light rain on Thursday, 31 people were spotted walking plus 18
people in Everton attire. On Saturday, relatively few people walked on County Road
during the same period, although scattered people moved from standing under
overhangs to bus shelters as they attempted to stay dry. Many children took the
opportunity to play in the rain, with two groups ducking into the telephone booth at the
stopped off portion of Winslow and some teenagers on bicycles pausing to splash
about in the rivers running down the streets. Many people returned home by car to
Winslow on Thursday, but they did not walk on County Road after parking. On
Saturday, activity slowed on County Road as the shops began to close during the
hour, with few left open by 6pm. The same shops had closed on Thursday, but more
30
people were walking on County Road compared to Saturday because of the match
later that evening.
31
6. Findings from Addingham Road
Addingham Road from the intersection with Allerton Road in July 2017 (Alves, 2017)
This chapter details the existing conditions of Addingham and the surrounding
neighbourhood as well as the findings from the semi-structured interviews and
ethnographic surveys.
6.1 Existing Conditions
Addingham Road is in the South Liverpool neighbourhood of Mossley Hill, an area

made famous by The Beatles as the site of Penny Lane from the eponymous song.
Historic maps reveal that the area was largely rural until the 1920s. At that time,
Hillside House, a country estate, was replaced by a set of five parallel streets with
terraced houses (Allerton Oak, 2017)2. Today, the five streets form a triangle, with
Addingham at its southernmost point and Menlove Avenue and Allerton Road at its
Western and Eastern ends, respectively.
The segment of Allerton Road that has an intersection with Addingham is part of a
major corridor for Mossley Hill. The road has a dual carriageway bisected by a median
plus a service lane in front of the shops on the side of Allerton opposite Addingham.
2Unlike Winslow, no origin story was found for Addingham, although one of the five parallel streets
was named after the former estate.
32
South of Addingham, Allerton is a quieter, two-lane road. However, the major
thoroughfare continues south as Mather Avenue, eventually connecting to the
neighbourhood surrounding the local airport. To the North, Allerton terminates, but
the thoroughfare continues to city centre as Smithdown Road.
Only one Liverpool Echo article about Addingham is online, recording the 2010 arrest
of an individual living on the street (Liverpool Echo, 2010a). That same year, the Echo
noted that the City Council had applied a Special Cumulative Impact Policy (SCIP) to
Allerton Road, which in practice means a presumption against granting a license to
businesses for the sale of alcohol consumed on their premises (Liverpool Echo,
2010b; Liverpool City Council, 2017). By implementing the SCIP, the Council intended
to preserve the variety of businesses operating along the road, rather than see them
transformed into bars and restaurants (Liverpool Echo, 2010b). Today, several
residents said that the SCIP is no longer active, and this year the Echo noted that
Allerton is fast becoming the place to go in Liverpool, with the article profiling popular
restaurants that had opened recently (McLoughlin, 2017).
Fears of a homogenous restaurant neighbourhood have not yet come to pass. Along
Allerton Road are many of the diverse uses that contribute to Addingham being in a
walkable area. Within one block of Addingham on its side of Allerton are a caf,
funeral home, eye doctor, investment shop, two restaurants and a sports betting
parlour. The opposite side of Allerton has a bakery, an off-license, two banks, an eye
doctor, a grocery store, a charity shop and a discount shop. No vacant buildings are
present. In the wider half-mile radius from Addingham are an even greater variety of
uses, including three schools, four other grocery stores and eight churches. The 94-
acre Calderstones Park, named for the Neolithic stones housed at the site, fall within
this boundary as do several smaller parks. Stops for 20 different bus routes and two
City Bike stations with spaces for 20 bicycles are within the area. Mossley Hill Station,
offering Northern Line service, is a 0.7 mile walk. As for intersections, roads to the
North and West are more connected, while culs-de-sac and dead ends streets abound
to the East. Streets to the South are less connected, primarily because of
Calderstones Park and Geoffrey Hughes Memorial Ground.
The buildings along Allerton Road are mostly two-storeys, with shops on the ground
floors, but at some intersections the buildings rise to three-storeys. The 62 brick-
terraced houses on Addingham are also two-storeys. During the last 10 years (2007-
2016), 28 houses sold (or re-sold) on Addingham at an average price of about
33
189,400, with a range of 140,000-260,000 (Rightmove, 2017b). Each house has a
large, protruding bay window on the ground and first floors and a small defensible
space defined by a low brick wall. In many cases, homeowners have planted bushes
or flowers in this space. The 6.5 metre-wide carriageway means that most drivers
encroach on the pavement to park and, conceivably, to enable other vehicles to pass.
Residents also said that as car ownership increased and carriageway space became
scarce, the city consented to making Addingham one-way in the direction of Allerton.
Converting Addingham to one-way coincided with corresponding changes (in
alternating directions) made to the nearby streets of Hillside, Courtland and
Wyndcote. Narrow walkways that lead to the rear alleys break-up the terraces at three
points, but fences limit access.
According to the 2011 Census, the immediate area around Addingham has a high
population density. The Lower Layer Super Output Area for Addingham, which also
includes parts of Courtland and Henley roads, shows a density of about 95 people
per hectare (ONS, 2013a). The mean and median ages for residents in this area are
37.2 and 36.0, respectively (ONS, 2013b). Nearly three-quarters of households own
their home (73.9%, n=99), while most of the rest are private renters (22.4%, n=30)
(ONS, 2013c). Over three-quarters of households own at least one vehicle (77.6%,
n=104), although a smaller percentage drive to work (64.6%, n=115) (ONS, 2013d;
2013e). The next highest share of commuting mode is public transport at just over
one-quarter (25.8%, n=46), followed by walkers (6.7%, n=12) (ONS, 2013e). As with
Winslow, Census data cannot reveal preferences about stopping off a street, so the
next section details findings from the semi-structured interviews.
6.2 Findings from the Semi-Structured Interviews
Interviews with Addingham residents were attempted on three weekend and weekday
afternoons in July (9, 15 and 19). On each day the temperature was in the low to mid
20s. Cloud cover varied, with the first day mostly sunny, the second mostly cloudy
with some light rain and the third cloudy and humid. During each day, no residents
were relaxing outside or chatting with neighbours and no children were playing on the
pavements or the street. Five individuals consented to an interview on the first day,
six on the second and three on the third, with 11 total refusals. Although 14 interviews
is one below the goal, the number of interview days and interviewees matched
34
Winslow, so additional interviews were not sought. Figure 6.1 summarises the
findings from these interviewees.

Addingham Road
Illustrative depiction of the factors identified through interviewees with Addingham residents that affect walkability on
their street. Larger circles indicate that the factor was expressed more frequently and/or more intensely by
interviewees.
The effect of cars on walkability is a theme that received considerable attention from
interviewees. For some interviewees, speeding was an issue that they believed may
require action from the highways department. However, overall opinions as to whether
speeding was actually occurring on Addingham were mixed. Five interviewees said
that drivers speed with some regularity, a sixth interviewee said that it happens only
rarely, and four others highlighted separate issues as more important or did not raise
speeding as an issue. Although unrelated to walking, a few residents complained that
drivers patronising the shops on Allerton Road competed with them for parking.
35
Several interviewees also complained about increasing in traffic in the area, and when
asked, would remark that Menlove, Addingham and Allerton had all experienced this
increase. Three interviewees said that the traffic in the neighbourhood made walking
less enjoyable. One older gentleman said that he disliked waiting for the bus because
of the non-stop flow of cars, year round. He and a second neighbour also said that
the noise from the traffic makes it unpleasant to dwell outside at times. Still, one lady
with two young children who grew up in the neighbourhood said that she was
accustomed to cars as a normal part of city life. An elderly woman with a mobility
disability said walking in the area was horrendous, especially because of the drivers
that park on the kerb. One woman with young children agreed that parking on kerbs
was an issue, especially when people also leave their rubbish bins on the pavement,
thereby preventing people with prams from passing.
No interviewee advocated for stopping off the street as a way to increase walkability.
In many cases, residents said that doing so would not be practical because they said
the street is too narrow to be stopped off, leaving them without a way to reverse their
car. The resident who disagreed that drivers were speeding down the street praised
the one-way system. Coupled with the dual carriageways on Menlove and Allerton,
the interviewee said the system means drivers have no incentive to speed down
Addingham because they would simply be heading back in the same direction that
they had come from. Still, one other interviewee was equally adamant that people
were using Addingham as a cut through to avoid the traffic lights at the intersection
with Menlove and Allerton.
Seven interviewees suggested that the highways department could implement traffic
calming measures to improve walkability on the street. According to them, these
measures could range from installing speed humps to making the kerb more abrupt
and right angular at the intersection with Menlove. The woman who grew up in the
neighbourhood said that she was sad that no children played outside on the street
like she did when she was younger and suggested that brief after school closures
could let children use the space safely. A couple interviewees were also concerned
about the space reserved for pedestrians on Allerton Road, with one arguing that the
service lane should be pedestrianised.
Aside from car issues, interviewees lent further evidence to the concept that having a
diversity of uses improves walkability. For example, every interviewee said that they
tend to walk on their street to access the shops on Allerton Road. However, many
36
long-time residents said that the variety of shops has declined in recent years, with
an uptick in bars, restaurants and charity shops replacing bakeries and other local
shops that they used to love. Several interviewees mentioned that the street benefits
from good schools and parks within easy walking distance.
Other themes that received some attention from interviewees include access to public
transport and the sense of community. In particular, seven residents praised the
convenience of the buses that they can walk to from their homes, especially since
they said the buses tend to arrive every 10 minutes or so. Regarding community, five
residents said that they enjoyed walking to see their neighbours and remarked that
people are quite friendly. The sense of community extended to homes, with one
interviewee saying that he and his neighbours took pride in them. Less commonly,
residents mentioned the cleanliness or lack of cleanliness of the street as making it
more or less walkable. A handful of interviewees said they felt safe walking on the
street, and, aside from one resident who said the speeding drivers made him feel
unsafe at times, no other interviewees said that they felt unsafe walking around.
Lending credence to his statement, no antisocial behaviours were observed during
the observation phase, which is the focus of the next section.
6.3 Findings from the Ethnographic Surveys
This section highlights the incidents observed during each survey session on
Addingham; Appendix E has the full pedestrian counts. The sessions commenced
simultaneously with those on Winslow, with the research assistant covering the
Saturday sessions and the lead researcher responsible for the three on Thursday.
On Saturday morning, 11 people walked to or returned from Allerton Road to

Addingham, with 15 people doing the same on Thursday. Most people on both
mornings were in small groups, with parents walking with young children. No shops
on the blocks closest to Addingham were open at 8am on either day, but a grocery
store and discount shop were both open on the opposite side of Allerton Road. On
Thursday, the funeral home at the corner was also open. Some walkers on both days
were only making short trips to shops on Allerton, often collecting a morning
newspaper. On Thursday, an employee of an Allerton business parked at the end of
Addingham and headed to work. On Saturday the street was mostly quiet, but on
Thursday a dozen or more people drove down it including a handful that appeared to
37
speed. As the hour passed, most shops had open with the exception of some
restaurants, a bank and the off-license
In the afternoon of each day, the level of activity increased on Addingham, with 39
people walking on Saturday and 38 on Thursday. Although Allerton Road was busy
with traffic on each afternoon, Addingham remained relatively empty. Hardly any
people drove down Addingham and the few that did appeared to drive slowly. Most
drivers parked on Addingham because they lived on the street, with a few parking by
the intersection with Allerton to nip out to the shops and then drive off soon thereafter.
Several residents of Addingham made similar short trips on foot to Allerton shops.
Many people who crossed Allerton did so mid-block without bothering to walk to the
nearest signalised pedestrian crossing.
By the Saturday evening session, the rainstorm that would thrash Winslow and
County Road had largely passed by Addingham. During the hour, 12 people were
walking to or from Allerton, compared to 27 on Thursday. On each day, many shops
had closed by the start of the hour, with restaurants, the sports betting parlour, the
grocery store and the discount shop remaining open throughout the period. Traffic
backed up briefly on Allerton in the direction of Smithdown closer to 5pm, but
otherwise moved freely in both directions for most of the hour. The individual who
worked on Allerton and parked on Addingham in the morning, returned to his car and
left before the end of the session on Thursday. In the following chapter, these and
other observations and findings from Addingham and Winslow are discussed further
in their relation to the research question.
38
7. Discussion
This research set out to determine whether stopping off a street leads to different
levels of walkability. To that end, two streets were selected: Winslow and Addingham.
They are not identical. Still, they share many physical features, including a high
density of terraced homes, adequate pedestrian facilities (e.g., pavements), adjacent
concentrations of diverse uses and many close by intersections. However, the
socioeconomic characteristics of the neighbourhoods, including home and car
ownership levels, home prices (as a proxy for household wealth) and method of
commuting to work, vary greatly (see Appendix E for a full comparison). Despite these
differences, residents of both streets had similar beliefs about walkability.
Aligning with existing literature, interviewees valued nearby access to shops and
parks for making their streets more walkable. During the observation sessions, people
readily risked harm to cross main roads mid-block, needing to dodge traffic to access
the shops on foot. Street design shortcomings aside, they were determined to go to
the shops as quickly and in the shortest distance as possible. Although many of these
residents would surely value designs that enable them to cross the street more safely,
the existence of shops appeared to be a more important factor in determining whether
or not they walked. Still, this observation does not call for ignoring pedestrian
provisions, as many people would not be able to run this gauntlet.
Residents also valued having a sense of community for making walking more
enjoyable. While creating a sense of community may seem like a tall order, the feeling
could be linked to a street that is highly walkable. For example, researchers have
found that streets with fast through trafficwhich tend to be less walkablereduce
the likelihood of residents forming friendships with people who live on the other side
of the street (Appleyard, 1969; Hart and Parkhurst, 2011; Welle et al., 2015).
Consequently, if a street is walkable, people may become friends with more
neighbours, which helps develop a sense of community, and then makes their street
feel even more walkable.
Unsurprisingly, interviewees also cited the speed and volume of cars as exerting
significant influences on walkability. Cars, and the ways that street design can slow
or discourage their use, were expected be a prominent topic because questions about
closing or reopening a street would prod people to talk about them. Some
interviewees believed the mere presence of cars made walking less enjoyable. More
39
often, interviewees felt that cars could make walking less safe, especially when drivers
speed. Consequently, interviewees on both streets valued interventions that could
decrease the likelihood of drivers speeding. In the case of Winslow, many residents
felt that stopping off the street achieved that result. On Addingham, some residents
believed the softer approach to make the street one-way had also fixed the problem.
These factors considered, interviewees on both streets claimed to walk frequently and
believed their street was highly walkable. The data from the observations sessions
lend support for these statements. Although Winslow has more homes, a somewhat
crude way to account for the difference is to assess the proportion of people who walk
per house on the street. Using that method, Graphs 7.1-7.2 show that difference was
often quite small during five of the six observation periods, ranging from a low of 0.03
people walking per home to a high of 0.11, with an average of 0.07. On Winslow and
Addingham, 0.07 translates into about six and four more people walking on the
streets, respectively. The 0.24 outlier in favour of Winslow is not proof that stopping
off a street increases walkability compared to a similar street, as observing the streets
on another day or time may have shown a similar outlier that favoured Addingham.
Graph 7.1: People Walking on Winslow versus Addingham, Saturday
1.00
People Walking Per House Per Hour
0.90
0.80
0.70
0.60
0.50
0.40
0.30
0.20
0.10
0.00
Morning Afternoon Evening
Observation Session
Winslow Addingham
This graph depicts the proportion of residents walking on Winslow and Addingham to the number of homes on those
streets on Saturday, 22 July 2017. The proportion includes individuals walking to or from each street onto County or
Allerton.
40
Graph 7.2: People Walking on Winslow versus Addingham, Thursday
1.00
People Walking Per House Per Hour

0.90
0.80
0.70
0.60
0.50
0.40
0.30
0.20
0.10
0.00
Morning Afternoon Evening
Observation Session
Winslow Addingham
This graph depicts the proportion of residents walking on Winslow and Addingham to the number of homes on those
streets on Thursday, 27 July 2017. The proportion includes individuals walking to or from each street onto County or
Allerton, and, for the Winslow ratios, excludes individuals heading to that evenings Everton match.
Numbers aside, simply observing a high proportion of walkers to homes is not

necessarily equivalent to having a highly walkable street. The definition outlined
earlier in this dissertation indicated that walkability also involves the extent to which
street design prioritises the comfort and safety of pedestrians. Presumably, people
who are comfortable in a space, would be more likely to dwell outside rather than pass
through it hurriedly on the pavement. On every visit to Winslow for this research, the
street featured a number of people who were spending time outside, whether to play
or simply relax with friends. No such behaviour was ever observed on Addingham,
despite the number of people who walk on the street. One major difference is that
Winslow is stopped off and Addingham is not.
Alternative explanations for the difference may be that the carriageway is narrower on
Addingham, so drivers invade the kerb, leaving less space to dwell outside. This
possible explanation is unsatisfactory because part of the space used by Winslow
residents is the carriageway and despite the encroached upon kerb, Addingham
residents have additional private space surrounding their front steps that Winslow
households do not. Another reason may be that wealthier people are just not as
interested in spending time outside. However, at least one mother on Addingham said
she wished her children could play with her neighbours kids outside on the street as
she once did as a child. Instead, it seems likely that stopping off a street can make it
more walkable, by making it more comfortable for residents to dwell outside. This
41
outcome may or may not apply to other types of streets, but the evidence from
Winslow and Addingham suggests that it is the case on those streets featuring
terraced homes, close to a diverse set of uses and situated among a network of dense
intersections.
Unfortunately, these case studies also suggest that moving residents to imagine ways
to improve walkability beyond the status quo will be difficult. Notably, a resident with
a mobility disability on Addingham who criticised her neighbours for parking their cars
on the pavements, blamed the width of the road and could not envision a solution.
However, one change would be to inconvenience drivers by banning parking on the
pavement and, if necessary to enable people to drive down the street, limit parking to
only one side. Similarly, nearly all residents interviewed on Winslow could not imagine
that alternative street calming designs could retain the benefits of the closure. Their
stance is reasonable. For over 40 years, Winslow has been stopped off and residents
either remember that the closure involved keeping children safe after the deadly crash
or they appreciate the comfort and safety they link to the closure today. Confronted
with a choice, many residents would understandably decline to reopen the street.
For its part, the Liverpool highways department recognises that high speeds on
residential streets is unacceptable, having lowered the speed limit to 20mph on most
residential streets and, funding permitting, would implement physical alternatives to
stopping off a street. Addingham interviewees aligned with the departments position,
since they would prefer street calming to closure. If roles reversed, and Winslow was
still an open street, then its residents may have also preferred to keep the street open
and then apply calming measures. Residents of a stopped off Addingham may have
then expressed the same opinions as those of Winslow today, placing greater value
on the closure for the benefits accrued to walkability compared to the benefits accrued
to driving. However, the answer to the thought exercise is unknowable. Perhaps high
car ownership on Addingham would have led to successful lobbying to reopen the
street, the benefits to walkability notwithstanding. In the subsequent and final chapter,
these and other conclusions are examined further.
42
8. Conclusion
Liverpool, like many English communities, has a legacy of stopped off streets.
Abruptly closing the end of a street to cars is a serious design consideration because
doing so decreases permeability for a popular mode of travel. Accordingly, the
benefits from stopping off a street must exceed the cost to drivers. Past researchers
have evaluated culs-de-sac and dead end streets in the context of vehicular
movement and crime, but researchers had not examined the effect that stopped off
streets may have on walkabilitywhether positive or negative.
As demonstrated by reams of past research, increasing walkability can yield social,

economic and environmental benefits. However, achieving walkable streets and
communities can be quite costly, especially when it means reengineering
development patterns that have assumed auto-orientated travel would remain
dominant. Compared to dismantling elevated motorways or converting
neighbourhoods of detached, single family homes into mixed-use, mixed-income
hubs, the cost of materials to close or reopen a street to vehicles is quite small.
Further, in a period of austerity, identifying low-cost ways to advance walkable
communities is vital. Consequently, this research attempted to determine whether or
not stopping off a street would lead to different levels of walkability.
Through interviews and surveys conducted on a pair of case study streets, this
research found that residents of Winslow and Addingham both believed their streets
were highly walkable. The observation periods confirmed that people do indeed walk
on both streets during the morning, afternoon and evening whether to meet friends,
run errands or catch the bus. Still, stopping off the street appeared to affect walkability
in one important sense. Residents of Winslow seemed more willing to allow their
children to play in the street. Adults also spent more time dwelling outside. Perhaps
additional observation days or observations occurring during different months or
seasons may have found the same liveliness on Addingham. However, according to
interviews with residents, such an outcome would be unlikely.
Research has already demonstrated that streets similar to Winslow and Addingham,
with dense housing, nearby diverse uses and a high number of intersections are
highly walkable. Under those conditions, this research disproves the hypothesis
stated in the introduction and indicates that stopping off a street would further increase
the walkability of the street. To some extent, this outcome is not surprising. On both
43
streets, conflicts with cars were major factors in decreasing walkability. Since stopping
off the street appears to lead to fewer cars driving down it, then fewer cars means
fewer chances for conflict and therefore greater walkability on these types of streets.
In contrast, on other streets with far less dense housing and/or largely homogenous
uses, stopping off a street could be disadvantageous. Future research could explore
the effects of stopping off streets in these and other scenarios.
Despite these findings, policymakers should not necessarily be eager to reverse the
current course set by the Liverpool highways department, which is seeking
alternatives that benefit all road users. As the department has found, and as this
dissertation demonstrates, reversing the decision to stop off a street is exceptionally
difficult because of neighbour oppositiona serious issue if alternatives prove more
advantageous. Policymakers would also likely encounter residents like those on
Addingham who are opposed to closing their street because it affects their life as
drivers. Further, this dissertation does not address the broader effects of stopping off
a street beyond the stopped off one. Additional research could explore the effect of
stopped off streets on the walkability of the main street, with which they would
otherwise intersect. Fewer intersections along the main street could promote faster
driving along it, thereby harming the pedestrian experience. Alternatively, the stopped
off portions could improve the pedestrian experience by decreasing the number of
intersections that people need to cross.
Instead of stopping off more streets, policymakers could look to alternatives, such as
play streets and home zones, which were popular in England until the 1980s and are
starting to undergo a renaissance (Duffin, 2014). Liverpool does not have an active
policy on them, but the benefits ascribed to home zones by proponents might achieve
similar results for outdoor play as stopping off Winslow appears to have done (London
Play, 2017). Notably, exploring and implementing these or other alternatives (e.g.,
chicanes, woonerfs, etc.) would not come without a cost to drivers or to constrained
city budgets. The key question for policymakers is whether the benefits (to other road
users, the environment or economy) outweigh those costs. Ultimately, as with many
ways to improve walkability, change may depend on policymakers having the
wherewithal to fund and implement ideas that make it a little more difficult to drive to
make it a lot easier to walk.
44
Appendix A Semi-structured Interview Questionnaire
1. To start things off, do you regularly walk on your street, and, if so, what are some
reasons you find yourself walking?
2. How walkable do you feel your street is today? By walkable I mean, both how
comfortable you are walking on a street and whether things on or near the street
give you reason to walk regularly (e.g., to run errands at nearby shops).
3. What are some things that you think make your street very walkable or much less
walkable?
4. If you could change one thing to make your street more walkable, what would it
be and why?
Stopped Off Street Interviewees:
5a. I noticed that the end of your street is closed to cars, why do you think the city
decided to close the street?
If the person has lived on the street long enough to remember when it was open to
cars, then ask: what was it like to walk on the street when it was open to cars on both
ends?
6a. Do you think that the closure affects how walkable your street is and why or why
not?
[If yes] do you feel the closure has a big or little impact on how walkable your
street is and why?
[If little] what other things are more important for making your street
walkable?
7a. Would you prefer the street to remain closed or to reopen and why?
Open Street Interviewees:
5b. In some parts of Liverpool the city has closed the ends of streets to cars (e.g.,
with poles, fences or by extending the pavement). If that happened here, do you
think it would affect how walkable your street is and why or why not?
[If yes] do you feel closing the street has a big or little impact on how walkable
it is and why or why not?
[If little] what other things that you believe are more important for making
your street walkable?
6b. Would you prefer the street to remain open or to become closed and why or why
not?
All Interviewees:
7. Is there anything else that you think is important for me to know about walking in
your neighbourhood?
45
Appendix B Ethnographic Survey Form
___________________________________________________________________
Street: (circle)
Winslow Street Addingham Road
___________________________________________________________________
Observation day: (circle)

Saturday, 22 July Thursday, 27 July
___________________________________________________________________
Observation period: (circle)

Early Morning Afternoon Early Evening
8am to 9am 1pm to 2pm 5pm to 6pm
___________________________________________________________________
Weather conditions: (circle)

Mostly sunny Partly cloudy Mostly cloudy Light rain Heavy rain
___________________________________________________________________
Temperature: (from Weather.com): ___________

___________________________________________________________________
Pedestrian Counts:
Use tally marks in each cell and sum across rows; totals should match
Sex
Baby Male Female Total
Approximate age
Baby Child Teen Young Middle Age Elderly Total
(<1) (1-9) (11-19) Adult (40-65) (65+)
(20-39)
Mobility status
Baby or child Walks unassisted Walks assisted Total
in pram, baby carrier, (e.g., wheelchair,
etc. crutches)
Other observed incidents and/or general thoughts

Note any interesting incidents, e.g., cars speeding down the street, loud argument between
pedestrians, children playing outside, etc. Use the reverse side of this page for additional
space.
46
Appendix C List of Communities Examined for Stopped Off Streets
North West East of England
Blackpool Cambridge
Manchester Ipswich
Stockport Peterborough
Warrington Norwich
North East Greater London
Durham Barnet
Middlesbrough Croydon
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Ealing
Sunderland Enfield
Yorkshire and the Humber South East
Bradford Oxford
Leeds Portsmouth
Sheffield Reading
York Southampton
West Midlands South West
Birmingham Bath
Coventry Bristol
Dudley Exeter
Wolverhampton Plymouth
East Midlands
Derby
Leicester
Northampton
Nottingham
47
Appendix D Detailed Pedestrian Counts for the Winslow Surveys
Saturday Thursday
Morning Afternoon Evening Morning Afternoon Evening
Sex
Baby - - - - 2 -
Male 8 32 13 7 37 29
Female 2 40 12 6 15 20
Approximate Age
Baby - - - - 4 2
Child - 15 2 - 11 2
Teen - 1 - - 6 5
Young Adult 3 22 10 8 27 24
Mid. Age 7 27 7 2 5 12
Elderly - 7 6 3 1 4
Mobility status
Baby or child - 2 - - 4 2
Walks unassisted 10 70 24 13 50 46
Walks assisted - - 1 - - 1
TOTAL 10 72 25 13 54* 49**
*includes six people who had Everton credentials
**Includes 18 people in Everton attire (fans and employees)
Appendix E Detailed Pedestrian Counts for the Addingham Surveys

Saturday Thursday
Morning Afternoon Evening Morning Afternoon Evening
Sex
Baby 1 - - - - -
Male 7 26 6 9 21 15
Female 3 13 6 6 17 12
Approximate Age
Baby 1 - 1 - - -
Child 3 4 - 1 - 1
Teen - 1 2 - 4 5
Young Adult 2 16 1 9 14 12
Mid. Age 5 16 8 4 12 8
Elderly - 12 - 1 8 1
Mobility status
Baby or child 1 1 1 - - -
Walks unassisted 10 37 11 15 38 27
Walks assisted - 1 - - - -
TOTAL 11 39 12 15 38 27
48
Appendix F Key Summary Statistics for Winslow and Addingham
Winslow1 Addingham2
Housing statistics
Houses sold or re-sold (2007-2016) 26 28
Range of home sale prices 26,500-105,000 140,000-260,000
Mean home sale price 56,700 189,000
Own their home 49.8% 73.9%
Rent their home (private market) 43.2% 22.4%
Other home situation 7.0% 3.7%
Resident statistics
Density (people per hectare) 168 95
Mean age of residents3 36.9 and 37.9 37.2
Median age of residents3 32.0 and 37.0 36.0
Transport statistics
Own at least one car or van 32.6% 77.6%
Do not own a car or van 67.4% 22.4%
Commute by car or van 47.3% 64.6%
Commute by public transport 37.6% 25.8%
Commute by walking 10.7% 6.7%
Commute by another mode 4.4% 2.8%
Source: authors analysis of house price and sale data reported by Rightmove and 2011 Census data.
In order, the Census source tables are: Household Tenure QS405EW, Population Density QS102EW,
Age Structure QS405EW, Car or Van Availability KS404EW and Method of Travel to Work QS701EW.
1The Winslow statistics are specific to homes on the street for house prices and sales, but all other
statistics are for the pair of 2011 Census Lower Layer Super Output Areas that encompass the street
(E00033496 and E00033966). These areas also include data from Eton, Neston and Oxton Streets.
2 The Addingham statistics are specific to the homes on the street for house prices and sales, but all
other statistics are for the 2011 Census Lower Layer Super Output Areas that encompass the road
(E00033424). This area also includes data from parts of Courtland and Henley roads.
3 The Census tables do not provide raw numbers that would permit a computation of the mean and
median ages of residents for Winslow from the two Lower Layer Super Output Areas. Instead, figures
from both areas are reported here.
49
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54

Disconnected Streets and The Effect On Walkability in Liverpool

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Jared Alves

Disconnected Streets and the Effect on

The University of Liverpool

The author would like to acknowledge and thank Dr Richard

Accordingly, this research investigates whether walkability varies in a pair of streets

At first glance, the contribution of intersections to walkability has received

Aim: to investigate the effect of street design on walkability.

2.1 Defining Walkability

Fortunately, a consortium of British public and third sector organisations prepared a

2.2 Walkability Evidence and Stopped Off Streets

Other researchers found differences between ages, genders and socioeconomic

On each street a series of semi-structured interviews were conducted. The interviews

By analysing the answers provided by interviewees, the research intends to present

Map 4.1: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Newcastle

Map 4.3: Example of Stopped Off Streets in Sunderland

Map 4.6: Stopped Off Streets on a Section of Queens Drive

With the lack of common terminology in mind, a series of contemporary publications

Introduce traffic calming measures: implement physical changes, including road

5.1 Existing Conditions

Winslow Street is in the North Liverpool neighbourhood of Walton, which is famous

1 The w in Winslow represents the w in Owen Elias.

5.2 Findings from the Semi-Structured Interviews

Figure 5.1: Walkability Factors Identified in Interviewees with Residents of Winslow

5.3 Findings from the Ethnographic Surveys

6.1 Existing Conditions

Addingham Road is in the South Liverpool neighbourhood of Mossley Hill, an area

6.2 Findings from the Semi-Structured Interviews

Figure 6.1: Walkability Factors Identified in Interviewees with Residents of

6.3 Findings from the Ethnographic Surveys

On Saturday morning, 11 people walked to or returned from Allerton Road to

Graph 7.1: People Walking on Winslow versus Addingham, Saturday

People Walking Per House Per Hour

Numbers aside, simply observing a high proportion of walkers to homes is not

As demonstrated by reams of past research, increasing walkability can yield social,

Stopped Off Street Interviewees:

Open Street Interviewees:

Observation day: (circle)

Observation period: (circle)

Weather conditions: (circle)

Temperature: (from Weather.com): ___________

Other observed incidents and/or general thoughts

North West East of England

Appendix E Detailed Pedestrian Counts for the Addingham Surveys

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