88S. St SOCIOLOGIA Ge Ath on OXFORD STUDIES IN SOCIAL OF MIXED BLOOD AND CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY , (nord Seadin in Soil and Call Anthopology expen ee ee hel fey sy nd eblind wa oa we ‘geseognpc oti Innoraion anne ure ore an encase of PETER GOW ‘mato hw Swed nd te Spe OTHER TITLES IN THIS SERIES Scie and Exchange in Nae | Andeow Bas ‘The Female Brideoom: A Compacaive Say of Life Cans ‘Rita in Sout ncn en Si Lanes ‘Arcbony Good | ‘Exchange in Ocraia: A Graph There Anais Per Hage ad Frank Harry SSF ‘CLARENDON PRESS - OXFORD. MBLIOTECA SAN 3 SIBTENA DE SIBLIOTECAS | aeOXEORD / ‘Grae caenon Sane On 8 6B oxen Press iza depranca of te Unie of Cai saraee be nays hc aes a i ‘eed New Yoie Tae wor got autor uve Dee seed Deca gh On Ue ra) eprint 208 ‘i is reser No pro spun my be eee son asl so eed cy Oy a, ‘eiteat he por permis msg of Oxee tnsery Pes crs Sy ey ote meager pre Tepemnplis ets natn Es Coco roe cn cout Se ae tie shoe at sat ose Re Beate, ‘Set Urry Pes ste sare ahve Yow mace ce be in any er intng or comer eyo pon ts sme cools ou ay oop TSINoIDESrES ‘ice os Caps dtd fr io gh inn crear, na Ga, Pe a on aca oe This book is dedicated 10 my young godcbildren om the Bajo Urubamba river, Julio, Jobn, Llermer, Israel, Hermés, Leonard Jackson, and Royer Antonio.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS “This book is based on fieldwork conducted on the Bajo Urabarbs from 1980 so 1982. The exearch was funded bythe Esonomic and Social Research Counell of Great Britain, the Central Reseach Frend of the University of London, and the Meszum of Mankind (Grits Mascum). Further dara was coleted during shor isis in 1984 and 1987, and during 2 Uenmoath period in 1988. This ‘most recent rip was funded by the Nuffield Foundation “The books bared on my doctoral thesis, prepared at the London School of Ezonomis, and 1 would like to thank the staff and seudeuts of tha intiution for chi valuable asisance. Joanna ‘Overing, the expervsor of che thesis, was unfelng in her practical aid and cvveal comments on this work aval sage, Lam aso indebsed to Stephen HughJones and David McKnight, the ‘cxaminer of the thesis, and to Peter Rive, for seis comments land advice. Cecla MeCallum, Maria Pylacou, Eduardo Viveiros Se Casto, Peies Gose, Masrce Bloch, Laura Rival, Eh Belsunde, “Andrew Jones, and Michael Bowles all read the manuscript a feree stages, made sure i made some sense 2nd {gave generously oftheir own thoughts on its subjec and problems Grrssina Toren, Sophie Day, and Marin Stather provided new fnaighes and. Umnely advice, while Terence Turner provided the {aida inspiration. 1 apologize ro Femando Santos and Frederica Barclay for never lening them se the manaserit, and thank them for thee orientation. My family have given me constant support hroughout this project on the meaning of Kinship, even when it ‘ook me far away from them. ‘This book owes a geat deal othe errwhil residents of smal flat in Mieaflores:Difwya_ and Claire Jenkins and Cecilia ‘McCallom. 1 thanke Penny Harvey, Carlos’ Montenegro, Alorso ‘Zarsar, Kathy Brice, Graham Townsley, Doa and Mandy Pater, land Plirisa Thorndike for thet help in Lima and beyond Alejandro Camino, Jaime Reagan, and the Centro Amazénico de ‘Aneropologia y Aplicacin Pricien were invaluable in tering me ‘through the bureaucracy. [would ike 1 thank Agustin Riva, the Fllomeno brothers Benedict Carp the officals ofthe Ministerio e Edocacién and CODECOP in Atalaya, and che Dominicanpriests and schoolteaches of the Bajo Urubamba, passcalaty , Reardo Alvare, F. Ped Rey, Tes Barnes and Rath Finally, my greatest debt isto the people ofthe Bajo Urabamba, the cesidens of Sepahas, Huau, Nueva fli, and especially Santa (Cara. thank chem all or thei gneroiy, oleranen and fr thet companionship. They are roo many wo name individual, so have sedicared this ook wo tei young kinspople I hank by name co people who understood my myseriout purpose and made thie ‘study possble, Don Mauricio Fasabi and Yeye Clotilde Gocéén, ‘They watched over me throughout my time in Sania Clea, and ‘anghe me what it means ro live well hin about shem aloe CONTENTS List of Fires, Maps and Tables Inwoducion PART I: THE SOCIAL SYSTEM OF THE BAJO ‘URUBAMBA Ioducion 1 AGeographical History ofthe Bajo Urubamba 2. The Time and Space of Civilization 3. Bosses and Workers: The Stem of Habiitacn PART Il: THE PLACE OF KINSHIP Introduction 4, Husband and Wile 5. Parents and Children 6, Living and Dying ‘Condusion: A Comparison of Native Amazonian Kinship Systems PART Ill: CIVILIZATION AND HISTORY IN KINSHIP Istroduction 7. The Comunidad Nativa 8, The School and the Shaman 9. Mixed People CConelusion: The Bajo Urubamba in Amazonian Pesspecive From Ethnography o History ng m2 130 97 205 232 2s 283“Appendie: A Historyof Senta Clr Conecliios Bibliography Glossary Index 299 306 309 323 325 FIGURES ‘Kinship seasons wiki and bewees houses in Sets Clas, December 981 MAPS “Thesvers of Eater Pens Communities onthe Ato Weal, abo, and Bajo Unbanbarivers ‘Secret ses inthe Hs Saea Clar/Ners lis area TABLES |. Senlemens and popaation of the Ao Ueeyal/TubBajo Untamts, 1932 ‘Senlement and population ofthe A Userai an Bao ‘Unbamba, 1981 ma ” seWhe we ade be Commi Na, we aed ora of ed esor edo' t nln fr ore: eth noms Wesel Id for odin nd on panchayat ‘ig Our pane cen They wos iret ad ‘kes pehag ay wile er a ek wh males Sole hy eee et ety ‘Retro ei Se Cs) INTRODUCTION ‘This book is an ethnography of the native people of the Baio Urubanh sive ia eaten Pere. The people ofthis area of Peruvian Amazonia fequenty say thar chey ae de sangre mecca, “of mixed blood. Ino doing, they sem o plac in doubt the cultural ontnsny benecenthemscler and the sncstal Pro, Compe, and tthe indigenous peoples of the region. Such rejection of eutaral eninuiy is pervasive in the speech of native people, When ‘iecuing the oranizaion of their communis, they tall most shout the vilage school and thei legal ue wo land, No recourse i tmade by thse people ro whas we might tem “tradvonal” models ‘of community organitation, familar to anthropologis ough ‘ethnographies of other indigenous Amazonisn peoples. Indeed they ‘contrast hee cuent ‘civlized if’ in legally ecognizd serdemenis With schoo, called Commenidades Nats to their ancestor ver in the forest, where dey laced eal village. In chis book present fn acount of how the insttutions of the school and the CComenidad Native opecate in the organization of nasive people's ‘This book is an ethnography in a more radical sense 100. It ameepts to take secioasly what the native people of the Bsjo UUrabsmbs do and say- Most anthropologists and other, presented swith an Amazonian people who seem overly to reject thee continuity with the pas and who use 2 novel language to discuss ‘hei soci relations, would dismiss them as “acelturated”. The a ares stead ely or omer ere fg. Hon fee Se omen mannan (igen 9s na 5 Res 00, a "Oe uy 165s Beton prema Meni ed ee Perv ot of Loman on ts foe oes Fs tne nso fir 2 eae Eee ae ora Name es ‘eds Soe iow dtp ene shorts oe me CEOCRAPHICAL HISTORY OF THE BAJO URUBAMBA 37 moved further and fanher upriver, the pressure on Sarayace Increased, lading to is final abandonment. The mision was sclocared in 1859 in Callas, upeives near the site of prevent day Pacallpa, But even atts foundation there wee raders located in the area, With this move, she Franciscans abandoned any claims ‘hey had over the lower Ucayali (Amich 1975: 307-8). “The change in orientation from missionaries to trader was 2 Alifcale proces forthe independent peoples like the Conibo and Piro, Several Franeicen writers describe the era atone of increasing violence and insecurity (Oriz 1974: 441). In 1868 and in 1873, paris of Pico arrived in Cuzco itself asking the city's authorises {or bei in “vlzing’ she Pro and fora missionary to be Seat 10 found # mission (Ors 1974: 440-4), The Feanciscan pris: Sabaté trade, now they were obeained by indebeednes ro white ving amecng shem. With the collapse of ‘therubber indus, the patones ihe ot thc ably 0 ger goods lor lefe the are. Bt was imposible for native people ro return to the old trade neework, for this had been toeallydeszoyed by the lolence and dislocatoa ofthe rubber indasary. Thus native people ‘were faced ether with doing withost rade goods altogether cr with ceocRariticat HISTORY OF THE BAJO URUEAMBA 45 following the few remsining patrones into whatever new work they could Snd™ "The most importsctpatrdn ofthe Piso in the second and hind decades ofthis cenary sas Francisco Vargas. Zarar, who had ‘esearch ino history of the rubber indosay in the Alto Ucsyali hate found evidence that Vargas was tonente of Carlos Schart. Following the death of Scharf, Vargas ‘nerve’ his workers, hat 4g, he ines che des of dabe berween patron and his wodkers (Zara, personal communication). The workers that Varpss inhesited were mainly Piro and Campa, and by 1918 he had secup a ‘racionda at La Providenci, jst above Santa Rosa onthe Tambo. Fe seems likly that one ofthe main reasons why Vargas dd no eave the area following the collapse of rubber pres was that he bad a large labour force that could be redizeced int coher aces ‘Other Piro and Campa senied on other acendas throughout the ‘Ako Uesyal with othr patrones= rom one perspective, the native people followed their patrones to te laters hacindas, but fom another perspective the patrones| 2 74 7-8 Neca pad Gap nel Ura46 rw soctat evereac oF THe 24so UAUBAMBA followed “thir people’ back 10 prerubber seement areas. Significantly, cecain of she baciendas were located in wadidonal seclement sites of local naive people (such a La ProwidencafSanra ‘Rosa or Sepa suspect thatthe motivation for ce rerum to the Bajo Urubambe war that they were seausing to thee arse best Known othe oder people. Smilviy, the patronesthemaelves mst dhve fl th value ofthe return the Alto UcayaliBajo Urubambal ‘Tambo region in order tobe onthe main wanspore netwock ofthe Veaya Unikethe Andean hacienda chelUayalihaciendawasnotbasedon the expropriation of ative land bu eather 9 the contol of naive labour through tis of debt. What the pazron controled wras the ‘ecemal exchanges of the aative workers After the colapie of rubber, the entre Alto Uciyali area tamed to ageiculure. The sagiculae vas primarily geared to cash crops which could be ‘wansporeed dawnsver apd sold chrough commercial centres such 25 Iquitos As ruc, the sricltaral produeron ofthe aea was an ceneasion_of the commercial relations created by che rubber industry. The same sytem of bebiltacn conmolied i and the Same transport mechanisms and eommerial enterprises operated ik Like the rabber industry, it revealed the same problems of Gependence on 2 single primary product, and the sstodated boom: andvbast cycle Despite the guneral stagnation of the economy, many new haciondas appeared on the Alto Ucayal inthe 19208 and 1930s ‘Many ofthese were founded by Earopean immigrants Seeing the Great Depression in Europe. Pre of the attraction of the Ucayali rust have laia in the abundance of land there, but more jimporeany inthe Large native population to serve a8 2 workforce Many ofthese hacordados were Sperish and Italian (as had been ‘many ofthe caucheres) and they established a seng of hacondas slog the Alto Ucayali sing nsinly Campa and ConiboIsboer. A tslony af Polish iigrats arrived inthe aren in 1929. Most of ‘hese immigrans were men, and they maried local women, macy (Campa. Thai descndanes form an impocrant part of the present 12 Tae tof tine age ames bog he wie lt Mele oe ost of deat ered mtbr we ras Ken 919 99. alow SS gi cn ce md {I cape coun (Our 197% 568 oe San Raman 1975 171-3), ‘OROGRAPHICAL HISTORY OF THE BAJO URUBAMBA 47 population. Further, many other people emered the area from forthem Peruvian Amazonia at his time, eqpedaly from San Marin, Amazonas, and Loewe, t9 wosk on the baciondas ori ‘ver anspor. Again mos of the migrans were med 2nd maried local women (riz 1574; 566-86; Fidler 1951: 47; Cressy Marck 1932, 151-4). ‘In order to show the structure of relations on the haclendas, will focus on the pariclar case of Vargas and his baclondas. Vargas ‘was the Bis hacendado ofthe Bajo Urcbamba/Tambe ate, 20d he hha three separate hacondas, on on the Tambo at La Providenca| (ate: moved to La Celis), and wo onthe Bajo Urabamba, st La, “Hunire near the mouth ofthe iver and at Sepa upriver Each was in esence a native vilage, ishabited by Piro. and Campa (coy ‘sformante also mentioned Amahuaca and Machiguenga living at ‘opal, but each was also focused on the house of the Patron, hs ‘oa grande, The szuctaze was bierarchical, Vargas in charge ‘under him his caporaces (foremen), and under them is nauve ‘rrkers. The native workers laboured in whacever tasks Vargas set Bem working is the Bes, working lambes, and ocmasionally ‘cong a oarsmen on tading tps oF on slaving expeditions. Informanss told me thar everyone worked at this period, men, women, and children. The product of the Geld and forest were ‘anspored down-iver and in rerure came the goods used to pay the workers: cloth, metal pos axes, et, but above all aguante, cane alcohol T wil ious native people's accounts of Vargasin more dealin (Chaptcs 2 and in Par Il, bar a certain amount of information is found in the writings of missionaries and others this peiod. The Franciscan priens who Visited the aea inthe 19205 remarked that ‘Vargas was'us hombre isesioso sin mayor cutur','a mystevions| ‘man of no education’, who ‘manipulated 2 his will by astae poltcking all he civilized and savage inkableas of the area He Fada Tange group of Piro, who fithflly carryout all his onder (Onin 1974: 608, 641). Cressy-Marcks, who visited the area in 1929 and mex Vargas, nous that he was well knowe throughout ‘he upper reaches of she Amazon’, while Fidler, residing at CCumara a 2 collector of zoolopeat specimens, states, “the most ‘eowperous ofthe nan-bunters was Pancho Vargns, a hacendado of fhe Urobambs .- there wat nothing. squeamish about is rmethods .- and he] was supposed to have caprareé hundreds of48° THE SOCTAL SYSTEM oF THE BAJO URUBAMEA ‘Campus and to have depopulated large areas ofthe Gran Pajonal? (Cres Marcks 1932: 153; Peder 1951: 161). In 1932, the Franciscans opened anew miston near the mouth of the Tambo, The site was Atalay, where there was alzeadya small village. The land beloaged to Vargas, who gave itt the mision t is worth noting thar Samra Ross he old mission fo the Piro), L& Colonia (Vargit's hacienda) and AKalaya are all located on the sure large iver terrace just above che ancien ofthe Tambo with the Urabamba. The new mission wast become the ens ofthe tows of Atalay. The area had been politely organized by the Peruvian goveranent a th Diewir of Ato Usayal in 1925, with ‘Arlaya 25 capital From is foundation, the missionaries of Atsaya ‘were keen to develop the town, and conseandy allied themadves ‘with che local patrones as agents of progress. They were mach less inurested inthe local native peoples. Thus there had been 2 tum about in the mission policy ofthe Franciscans fa the Alto Ucayali ‘berween the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, fom oppasiion ro the commercial and civil powers of Amazonia to alliance wich them (Onis 1974: 582-695; @Ane 1982: 272-60). 1m 1932 the Francsean priest Arellano vised all the commonites ‘ofthe Alto Ucayali Tambo, and Bajo Urubamba, and produced a feznsas ofthe area (Table 1}. While he only diingsishes berween Feles and infeles, Crisians and pagans, it i safe wo assume that the fst refers to whites and mesizos, ad second to tibal Pe, Camps, and Coniho. The mos ieretngfeaare ofthis census i the concenration of the Gibal nate population on the three ‘aiondas of Vargas and on the hacienda of the Kalin Raveci st Shien. Ae this period, from the data of the census and from ‘accounts of my own informanrs, there were no independent native ‘lage onthe ain rivers. Also clear from the cnsas ita pattern of smal setlements of mixed popalation along these svers. Modems Times: The Bao Ursbamba {coun 1945 t che Peesnt In view of che increasing srategic value ofthe Ucayal as 2 potenti source of aw materials de to the Second Wosld War, the Peruvian ‘government bail che Lime-Pucllps highway, which opened in 1943. This was also connected with the discovery of ell on the nearby Pachitn river at Gano Azul in 1939. This oad provided 2 GROGEAPHICAL HISTORY OF THE BAJO URUBAMBA 49 ‘TABLE I, Setemens and population ofthe ‘Ali Usyal/TenboBajo Ube, 1932 ‘Guisiaa Pagar Toul 8 » “ 6 230 26 3 8 2 8 2 6 a n 2 3 rd as 2 1 Ea 6 ° Bay 3 157 10 5 35 Bs 3 + B 7 4 2 Pf ° 2 é e % 0 199 200 % 16 n 20 . 2 157 ° 157 2 a ‘9 7 5 2 5 0 5 s “ a8 a 9 2 300, land transpore link between the Ueayal and the Pai coast, and lowed relatively cheap tanspor of uch balky commodities a oil and timber to Lima (Oris 174: 704; ’Ans 1982: 197). On the Urubambs these changes linked in with ochre. Vargas ded in 1940, but is workers were not inherited by his ldeen. This war ‘becaise a this time rubber collection was gain erative (due othe closure ofthe Malaysian plantations bythe Japanese invasion), nd| 50 THE SociAL svsreM oF THz Bajo URUBAMBA ‘0 Vargas’s ative workers eft the hacendas to work mubber with ‘other patrone, again traveling vo cemoce areas such asthe Mand find Pare. Tit min-rubber boom didnot st long since the price ‘of wild robber els soon asthe South Eas Asian planacons were reeaken. Following che collapse ofthis new rubber industy, the native people ofthe Bajo Urabambs rommed to ther home tector. ‘Some mored on to new hacienda with new patroney, bat moet did not. With the development of transport via Pucallpa, it became incseasingy profitable to work lumber in the Bajo Urabarbs. Lumberg is ofa radically different nature wo hacienda aviculsze in werms ofthe labour foce it requires. While the latter requires a ‘permanenr sealed work-fore, lumbering requires a seasonal about force" After the Second World War, ative people increasingly ‘moved ico lumbering. They could work seasonally o obtain the goods they needed, but without she requirement of permanent ‘esidence witha atrdn. But, 2s noted above, the relation between utr and his aatie workers on the hacienda was aboot more than the provision of material wealth for patronas ike Vargat were political and cecronial leaders of ther communis as well AST ‘wll discs in far more deal in ater chapters hi shift rom she ‘bacendas 9 lumbering was of immense consequence for naive people's relsons ro cach other and o white people. Naive people ‘alk of ths period as one of a ttanstion between slavery and ‘eedom, and associate i withthe atival of le gringo, the “white foreigners. These white foreigner’ wece Adventist and Brangelica Protestant missionaries (Ort 1974: 626-36). ‘North American Adverts missionasies sated to be acivekn the Alo Ueayal in 1937 when they opened « mision at Uain. They ‘were very sucess a converting native people, perhaps because, ‘nlikethe Franciscans, they wee commited othe native poptlation ‘and opened schools for thee. Following dhe death of Vargas the GROGRAPHICAT HISTORY OF THE BAJO URUBAMBA ST Aventis opened anew centre 2 Huss onthe Unban (Uae oper 1976. 1-2: Perez Mari 1953). This seclemert became & fers for Fire and Carpe leaving the hacienda. Itsoxms that et of he nave pope ig in Hens converted Advent. Most ould fave had considerable experience wid fo Cristanty on ‘Eebaciondas, bo ths ust have bea the scone with ace conversion foe many native people While the Adventists tad ‘eusideable succes on he Urababa, they soos fad eompettion fom the Wylie ible TranlatorSurmer Inu of Lingus (SIL, who moved ito the Haau area in 1947. ‘The reukant competion seme thar ce he Adventists out The Advts ‘The Summer Tnstune of Linguistics is esenilly concerned with the propagation of Evangsia! Crisanty through the trandtion of he Bible into vernacala languages. Is method is wo sae long term projec inthe stay of parécolar languages leading eo Bible ‘tanslations. The work onthe Pico language was initiated by Esther ‘Matteson, and was one ofthe earliest projects in Pra Soll 1982: 125-6) The SIL mt identify a commanity united bythe se of single ‘mother tongue’. tis nor clear that this condition was {alfled by che naive villages of the Bajo Urabamba ia che Ite 19405, While tere sno doubt that many people spoke Pico ox the ‘Urubamba at his period, as many do coda, there are some internal contadictions in the wring ofthe SIL on this subject Matron ‘wate of the Piro as if they constinuted a simple "ebe’, all speaking Piro and all comatized m che contimed use of the language. She sae chat Piro children were ata sgniGcant human selemeat. But they ae differensisted by toponymy: rivert are named, wine the forests not. This is connected othe fat that Ibuman selements are orientated toward the river, but created by the desertion ofthe forest. The river sytem defies the network ‘of human seement, while the forese opposes. ‘Vilage, Towns, and Cites 1a the narstion of history by native people, coniderable emphasis is placed on she uarure and locaton of texiement. Historical sarration i in one sense the origin story of the ‘real village’, segoured 25 a Comunidad Natva and with is own school This ‘section explores che classification of serlement forme by people on the Bajo Urnbarba, to show how th real vile’ locaed within 2 complex of eerlement pes ‘The two extreme poles of senied space for the mative poeple of the Bajo Umnbamba ae the mont, forest, and the ciudad cry. The forest lies upriver, towards the cen, the city les dowa-tver towards the outside (fuera, ‘abroad’, out of Amazonia) The forests the place of least harman enluralimererence, the place of ‘hebig ees and ofthe focest pris. The city isthe place of reatest ‘seal sess an Se Stet aay of ead ee ee ete 25 eee arees emer rs ceed a cl cee pes Sek oa samen: Shoe Scoot ee eect pete robe ww tre tee haa Ure tori Eeeaek ogee cor neces : ' SBNGA82. Tus soctan évereM oF THE BAJO URUBAMDA Jnaman inerference, where plas have been eradicated and replaced with houses, erets, and people. The forest sient and sl while the cy i noiy and fll of movimiento, “movement [Any journey ts takes place berwern these opposed qualities ofthe ‘Gry and de forest, and other sertement forms ace sanked in terms ‘of the closeness to one pole or the other. [At the forest end ofthe coninatim are the setements of the “forest people’ or ‘wild Indians”. These people are said to lie ia the forest ike aimal, for they live away from the rivers and oat of| contact with riveine commerce. One man deseabed such a community he had seen, probably of the "Pasquemsbu', whe ‘onconracted Yaminahoa of the Mishapaa river: “They were ig people, song, and she ved ina big howe ll rogue ia ne big howe. The Bouse was of Cc pt, ig pees, Seer and ‘idee monkeys. Nor lie animal ice or pes bx llr psa hd der Jo imagine tha’ And they bad pre feta nea, ote ttre: Nov the Uite chiccu ofthe ver hich wee, br dhe big ce ‘rao of he igh goad. Tele tows were hag! Sich dhemes are continuously invoked in descriptloas ofthe forest people’ and thee common thread is she uamedited nara of these people’ elatons to te forest the live inthe centre ofthe fore, they use disnesivly forest resourers and their pts acefll-grown fovest animals. Similarly, chy atenaked and they ether food ra and withou Salt. Ia short, they live with 2 minum of cltural mediation beoween themselves and the free. ‘The opposite exreme ie the cy. Here, houses nd eet treech for miles, and che forest plans are absea. Many informants tld sme ofthe confusion and fear they experienced visting ces ike Pucallpa or Lima, with ther endlee stream of uname faces. fn the city, everything is mediated by money, "You've got to have mney £0 lve inthe cy, you have ro buy everything, even food ‘Thecsty has lactone, where raw forest materials reprocessed int ‘the cosas fina, fine things which are so much desiced by nati people. There are big stores fll of these things, ‘every kind of ‘merchandise’ as one an uti Life can be ard in the city if one Jhas no mene), and several informants told me of det shock at seeing children begging for food inthe ses of Poellpa Berween the rwe poles of icy and forest, all other eulemencs parca in greater ot lesser degree of the qualities of both. To go {vay from the yi 1 go into the forest, and vice vers. Thus, THE TIME AND SPACE OF CIVILIZATION 8B fiom the perpecive of Pucallpa, the town of Ataaya is up-iver and im the fores. Atalaya people do noe think of themeelves 3¢ living the free, but would say thatthe peopl of Sata Clara, up the Urubambs, do. In rua, Sanea Clara peeple woold deny thi, and impute a forest location to people living wp-tiveron the Iu, CConcoricanty, moving out ofthe forest means moving into pace which as more ‘cif’ seenbutes. Atlaya is more Hike a ety than Sanca Clara, bur then Santa Ciara is more lke a ciy than an ‘Amahvacavillag= up the nuya “The people of she Bajo Ursbamba classify setlements into “big and ‘small, sconding to the nature ofboth seementlayont and sccial composition. Tha, I was told that Maia was ‘on eaterio| equeto, como Santa Clara “a ltle village ike Sante Clare’ ia ontast vo Sepahea which is ‘pueblo cepular, a “egalar town. Miasa has almost six times the population of Santa Clsra, and almost half that of Sepahus, but it i small Because st my informane stated, “whee ae no shops ot bats in. Mian. In Sepahua, spaceis divided wp into eeveral Baris or ‘quater’ with the shops, bars, and houses ofthe mestizo population concentrated into the cente frown, while aaive people ive away from thi cenre. Atalay, akways considered ‘big eve’, shows an even rate inrensifcation of ths pater, wich ewe large main stres a8| Yall as two squares. Space in Araya is decribed uprive? of “down-iver, and toward the foes’ or ‘by the river. Confasinghy, 1 house located n of con i in the fore, not in the centre of ‘own. Tis pare is close to chat ofthe urban spatial organization of Pucallpa, and has been described for other arest of Peruvian Amazonia. Paralleling she proces of iatensifcation which changes the setemen layout rom llager0townis a procts of exensfcntion, in which houses are locaed outside of villages, and hence in the forest. Such houses ar located both ray ftom the ivr and away ftom other houses, and so away ftom the riverine transport yserh and from other people ‘Living inthe forest in this sense aries he implication of both selfishness and lack of chilzaion. Thos one man in Sana Clara was eying to eseribe the loeztion of his fcmer house on Mapchirgs stream when T suggested shat it wat aca house curently occupied by a Campa family. He reaced quickly. % Cf Chea 1982: 215-42 an Stn Roman 197 anh al rien ftom ae mveeeiag84 THE SOCIAL SYSTEM OF THE HAJO URUBAMBA "No, we id's Hive sheet We lived down at she moth ofthe river. ‘Whar would we have dane living off there inthe forest? No white people eer go ap ther. We dda live like those Campa, hidden in the forest” The acnal distnce berween the two ster i only afew Inundked metres, but the moral distance is much graces. Even the attraction of living temporarily away fom other people mat be balanced agsist the moral opprobrium atached to living in the ores. Living in she forest exis with i the impliason of ving _2v2y from el villages with schools, and cho away fom the iver and fs commercial tem. ‘Benween the pro erremcr of nsnsfction and exenscaton is the happy medivm achived by mose native villages. In native communis lke Sana Clara, Huau, and Nueva Taba chve i a le centre 20 she village, with the schoolhouse and footall pitch, whe the houses setch out in lines parallel to the ‘rer or at righ angles tot Hoase sites are no ranked like hose of| 1 town, and new house ce bul where the owners want them. The egulany of such vlages comes from the strong aesthei impulse to lay the hovses ont in staight lines, or around the aque formed by the pitch, eather than any authoritative controling person. In Sanca Clara, the headiman suggesed to a new resident that he thould build his new hoose inthe vacant epace athe far end ofthe focsball pitch, 29 make the vilage look ‘more beavifo, but no sancions were rough to bear on tbe builder. “Theres one category of serdement which does noe ft easily inno ‘his coninoum from forest to cy. This is the clonda Like the sealements of forest peopl’, the hacienda lacks school, shops, oF bars, bur like towns and cies possesses a hierarchy of space in the division berween the big house ofthe patron and the sll houses of his slaves. But there are a0 haciendas on the Bajo Urubamba today. Hacindae existed in the past, and they exist today on the Tambo. The contemporary fides (ranches and ‘commercial plantation) are not thooght of inthe same tema as Inucondss, for these lack am enslaved native population. The Sacionda is no longer a possibie setement «ype on the Bajo UUrubamba, becanse the naive people thee are “vine” and have libeated themselves ffor slavery. As Iwi iscss farther in Part Ti, however, the image ofthe hacienda is cxremely imporeaat ia defining the Comonidad Nativa for native people: the eal village” ot Comunidad Native is the wansformation of te hacienda, {THE TIME AND SPACE OF CIVILIZATION 8S ‘The imagery of ealement onthe Bajo Ursbamba reveals another aspect of the imagery of the river, che forest, and domesticated space for native people. The historical narratives of native people ‘constantly evoke imagery of setement in the references 10 the ancient people who lived in the fores, to the slaves of the hraciendas, and 10 the creation of reat villages. Ta “becoming ivized’,’the native people of the Bajo Ursbamba produced sectlemerts which were more Uke the city than the forest. Kinds of People [As sated in che Intcoduction, my concer ie not with “eticty” oe “nter-ehnic relations" bat with how peopleon the Bajo Urubaza lasify themselves and others, and what underies these asic ‘Sons. The subject is extremely complicsted, and here I simply want rwintodsce hw people on the Bajo Uramba talk abou clases de gente, kinds of people’, and what Linde there are. The daesifcaion ‘of people in teas of what we might cll “ethnic identity” is both pecvative and ambiguous on the Bajo Urubamba, Terms such as ene bianca (white people’, moss gente (mest) gente pra (Fico people), compas (Campa, exc are fequent in Toa! ‘conversation. The appearance of any eanger ina village wil ead ‘w one peron asking anoter, “Que e?, What is else? and the answer will be one of the terms quoted above. The visitor tothe area quickly guns the impression ofan ethizlly complex socel ‘system, in which members of diferent ethnic groups ae inconsant imerction. Tis impression is confimed bythe constan reference to sach kinds of people as if they were discrete groupe of people However, tis “as if” is extremely important ia Chaper 9,1 will stgue that people onthe Bajo Ucubamba donot think of kinds of pleas being disse social rps, onde a soil grape Central to the dasfcation of kinds of people on the Bajo ‘Unabambais che distinction beween gente nav, ‘atve people, and gente blanca, “whi people’ (the later are also Known st ‘wracochas "Native people may fret be defined at being Bi, 2 Theta wre lau or of Ges gon Be ‘babe e pop tfan sete on ‘Sepeset asin fins per ay nue pope cS ‘Belsnis etceitn ta nor Chats won dae appa tenga sean rw ope