Martial law in the Philippines

Hostilities that began the Philippine Revolution of 1896 started on the evening of 21 August

1896, when hundreds of rebels attacked the Civil Guard garrison in Pasig, just as hundreds of

other rebels personally led by Andrs Bonifacio were massing in San Juan del Monte, which they

attacked hours later on the 30th. Bonifacio planned to capture El Polvorin, the San Jose del

Monte powder magazine along with El Depsito, a water station supplying Manila. The

defending Spaniards were outnumbered, but fought the rebels until reinforcements arrived. Once

reinforced, the Spaniards drove Bonifacio's forces back with heavy casualties. Elsewhere rebels

attacked Mandaluyong, Sampaloc, Santa Ana, Pandacan, Pateros, Marikina, and Caloocan,[1] as

well as Makati and Taguig.[2] Balintawak in Caloocan saw intense fighting. Rebel troops tended

to gravitate towards fighting in San Juan del Monte and Sampaloc. South of Manila, a thousand-

strong rebel force attacked a small force of civil guards. In Pandacan Katipuneros attacked the

parish church, making the parish priest run for his life.[2]

After their defeat in San Juan del Monte, Bonifacio's troops regrouped near Marikina, San

Mateo and Montalban, where they proceeded to attack these areas. They captured these areas but

were driven back by Spanish counterattacks, and Bonifacio eventually ordered a retreat to

Balara. On the way, Bonifacio was nearly killed shielding Emilio Jacinto from a Spanish bullet

that grazed his collar.[2] Despite his reverses, Bonifacio was not completely defeated and was still

considered a threat.[1]

North of Manila, the towns of San Francisco de Malabon, Noveleta and Kawit in Cavite rose in

rebellion.[2] In Nueva Ecija rebels in San Isidro led by Ivan Pilien attacked the Spanish garrison

on September 24; they were repulsed.[3]

By 30 August, the revolt had spread to eight provinces, prompting the Spanish Governor-

General Ramn Blanco, 1st Marquis of Pea Plata, to declare a "state of war" in these provinces

and place them under martial law. These provinces

were Manila, Bulacan, Cavite, Pampanga, Tarlac, Laguna, Batangas, and Nueva Ecija.[4][2] These

would later be represented in the eight rays of the Sun in the Philippine flag.[5] Despite such

declaration, which provided a 48-hour period in giving amnesty to rebels except their leaders,

Blanco adopted a cool, conciliatory stance, seeking to improve Spains image in the face of

world opinion.[6]

Aguinaldo administration[edit]

After the outbreak of SpanishAmerican War, Emilio Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines from

his exile in Hong Kong on 19 May 1898, with 13 of his staff. He was encouraged to return by the

Americans, who saw in him as an opportunity in their war against Spain.[7] After five days, on

May 23, Aguinaldo issued a proclamation in which he assumed command of all Philippine

military forces and established a dictatorial government with himself as the supreme

commander.[8]

On 12 June, at Aguinaldo's ancestral home in Cavite, Philippine independence was proclaimed

and The Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence was read. The act had been prepared and

written in Spanish by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, who also read its proclamation.[9] On 18

June, Aguinaldo issued a decree formally establishing his dictatorial government.[10] On 23 June

another decree signed by Aguinaldo was issued, replacing the Dictatorial Government with a

Revolutionary Government, with himself as President.[11][12]

Laurel administration[edit]
President Jos P. Laurel of the wartime Second Philippine Republic placed the Philippines under

martial law in 1944 through Proclamation No. 29, dated September 21. Martial law came into

effect on September 22, 1944. Proclamation No. 30 was issued the next day, declaring the

existence of a state of war between the Philippines and the US and Great Britain. This took effect

on September 23, 1944.

Marcos administration[edit]

Main article: History of the Philippines (196586)

See also: Proclamation 1081

Around 1970, student activism had intensified and many student activists joined communist

movements. Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic Youth, or 'KM') a political organization founded

by Jos Mara Sison intended to be a nationwide extension of the Student Cultural Association of

the University of the Philippines,[13][14] carried out study sessions on MarxismLeninism and

intensified the deployment of urban activists in rural areas to prepare for People's war.[15][16] The

line between leftist activists and communists became increasingly blurred, as a significant

number of KM advanced activists joined the party of the Communist Party also founded by

Sison.[15] Earlier, during the campaign period for the 1969 elections, students called promoted a

mock campaign called the Dante-for-President movement, likely referring to New People's

Army founder Bernabe 'Kumander Dante' Buscayno.[17] KM members protested in front of

Congress, throwing a coffin, a stuffed alligator, and stones at Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos after

his State of the Nation Address. On the presidential palace, activists rammed the gate with a fire

truck and once the gate broke and gave way, the activists charged into the Palace grounds tossing

rocks, pillboxes, Molotov cocktails. In front of the US embassy, protesters vandalized, arsoned

and damaged the embassy lobby resulting to a strong protest from the U.S.
Ambassador.[15][17][18] The KM protests ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 in number per weekly

mass action.[15] In the aftermath of the January 1970 riots, at least two activists were confirmed

dead and several were injured by the police. The Mayor of Manila at the time, Antonio Villegas,

commended the Manila Police District for their "" and exemplary behavior and courage

protecting the First Couple long after they have left. The death of the activists was seized by the

Lpez-controlled Manila Times and Manila Chronicle, blaming Marcos and added fire to the

weekly protests.[19] Students declared a week-long boycott of classes and instead met to organize

protest rallies.[17]

In Marcos' diary,[18][19] he wrote that the whole crisis has been utilized by communism to create a

revolutionary situation. He lamented that the powerful Lopez family, which controlled Manila

Times and Manila Chronicle, blamed him for the riots thus raising the ire of demonstrators. He

mentioned that he was informed by his mother of a planned assassination paid for by the

powerful oligarch, Eugenio Lopez Sr (Iing Lopez). He narrated how he dissuaded his

supporters from the Northern Philippines in infiltrating the demonstration in Manila and

inflicting harm on the protesters, and how he showed to the UP professors that the Collegian was

carrying the communist party articles and that he was disappointed in the faculty of his alma

matter for becoming a spawning ground of communism. He also added that he asked Ernesto

Rufino, Vicente Rufino and Carlos Palanca to withdraw advertisements from the Manila Times

which was openly supporting revolution and the communist cause, and they agreed to do so.

Rumors of coup detat were also brewing. A report of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations

Committee said that shortly after the Philippine presidential election, 1969, a group composed

mostly of retired colonels and generals organized a revolutionary junta with the aim of first

discrediting President Marcos and then killing him. The group was headed by Eleuterio
Adevoso, an official of the opposition Liberal party. As described in a document given to the

committee by Philippine Government official, key figures in the plot were Vice President

Fernando Lopez and Sergio Osmena Jr., whom Marcos defeated in the 1969 election.[20] Marcos

even went to the U.S. embassy to dispel rumors that the U.S. embassy is supporting a coup detat

which the opposition liberal party was spreading.[19]While the report obtained by the NY Times

speculated saying that story could be used by Marcos to justify Martial Law, as early as

December 1969 in a message from the U.S. Ambassador to the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State,

the U.S. Ambassador said that most of the talk about revolution and even assassination has been

coming from the defeated opposition, of which Adevoso (of the Liberal Party) is a leading

activist. He also said that the information he has on the assassination plans are 'hard' or well-

sourced and he has to make sure that it reached President Marcos.[21][22]

In light of the crisis, Marcos wrote an entry in his diary in January 1970:[19] "I have several

options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the sudden arrest of the plotters. But

this would not be accepted by the people. Nor could we get the Huks (Communists), their legal

cadres and support. Nor the MIM (Maoist International Movement) and other subversive [or

front] organizations, nor those underground. We could allow the situation to develop naturally

then after massive terrorism, wanton killings and an attempt at my assassination and a coup

detat, then declare martial law or suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and arrest

all including the legal cadres. Right now I am inclined towards the latter."

At the height of armed communist insurgency in the Philippines, Philippine Military

Academy instructor Lt. Victor Corpuz led New People's Army rebels in a raid on the PMA

armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers, a bazooka and thousands of rounds of

ammunition in 1970.[23] In 1972, China, which was then actively supporting and arming
communist insurgencies in Asia as part of Mao Zedong's People's War Doctrine,[16]transported

1,200 M-14 and AK-47 rifles[24] for the NPA to speed up NPA's campaign to defeat the

government.[25][26] Prior to the 1975, the Philippine government maintained a close relationship

with the Kuomintang-ruled Chinese government which fled to Taiwan (Republic of China),

despite the Chinese Communist Victory in 1949, and saw Communist China (People's Republic

of China) as a security threat due to China's financial and military support of Communist rebels

in the country.[27] In a speech in February 2017 at the Methodist Protestants Cosmopolitan

Church in Manila, Enrile said: The most significant event that made President Marcos decide to

declare martial law was the MV Karagatan incident in July 1972. It was the turning point. The

MV Karagatan involved the infiltration of high powered rifles, ammunition, 40-millimeter rocket

launchers, rocket projectiles, communications equipment, and other assorted war materials by the

CPP-NPA-NDF on the Pacific side of Isabela in Cagayan Valley. The CPP-NPA-NDF attempted

a second effort their MV Andrea project but they failed. The MV Andrea sank in the West

Philippine Sea on its way to the country.[28] Those who opposed President Marcos,

including The Conjugal Dictatorship author Primitivo Mijares, the Liberal Party, as well as the

Lpezes Manila Chronicle, called the MV Karagatan incident as "show' or a hoax.[29][30]

In a privilege speech before Senate, Benigno Aquino, Jr. warned the public of the possible

establishment of a garrison state by President Ferdinand Marcos. President Marcos imposed

martial law on the nation from 1972 to 1981 to suppress increasing civil strife and the threat of

a communist takeover following a series of bombings in Manila.[31][32] However, Aquino himself

rubbed elbows with leaders of Communist Party of the Philippines first with founder Jose

Maria Sison, and later with Rodolfo Salas, CPP chair at the height of Martial Law. In an

interview with Ateneo De Manila University Professor Lisandro Claudio, Salas said not only did
he bring wounded New People's Army (NPA) soldiers to Aquinos houses, but he received guns

and cash from Aquino himself. He also said Aquino had a significant contribution to the

expansion of NPA in the country. In another communication to the State Department dated

September 21, the US Embassy sheds further light on what Ninoy told the American officials.

On September 12, Ninoy had a lengthy luncheon conversation" with two embassy officers

about the growing strength of Communist dissidence in the Philippines." In this luncheon, the

senator readily admitted his past ties with the several Communist factions in the Philippines."

He claimed that maintaining links with Huk rebels was a fact of life" for a Tarlac

politician.[33][34] In the Philippine parliamentary election, 1978, the first parliamentary election

during Martial Law, Ninoy fielded in his Lakas ng Bayan party Alex Boncayao, who was

associated with Filipino communist death squad Alex Boncayao Brigade.[35][36] All of the party's

21 candidates, including Ninoy, lost in the election.

On 21 August 1971, while the opposition (Liberal Party) was having their miting de

avance in Plaza Miranda, 2 fragmentation grenades exploded.[citation needed] It took 9 lives and left

more than 100 people seriously wounded.[citation needed] Some Liberal Party candidates were

seriously injured including Jovito Salonga, who nearly died and was visually impaired. Suspicion

of responsibility for the blast initially fell upon Marcos, whom the Liberals blamed for the

bombing; however, in later years, prominent personalities associated with the event have laid the

blame on the Communist Party of the Philippines under Jos Mara Sison.[37] In

his autobiography, Salonga states his belief that Sison and the CPP were responsible.[38] Based

on interviews of The Washington Post with former Communist Party of the Philippines Officials,

it was revealed that "the (Communist) party leadership planned -- and three operatives carried

out -- the attack in an attempt to provoke government repression and push the country to the
brink of revolution... (Communist Party Leader) Sison had calculated that Marcos could be

provoked into cracking down on his opponents, thereby driving thousands of political activists

into the underground, the former party officials said. Recruits were urgently needed, they said, to

make use of a large influx of weapons and financial aid that China had already agreed to

provide."[39]

A month of "terrorist bombings" of public facilities in Manila and Quezon City culminated on 22

September with a staged assassination attempt on Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile. Six

hours after the alleged assassination attempt against Enrile and citing more than 15 bombing

incidences, chaos and lawlessness, Marcos issued Proclamation No. 1081, declaring and

imposing martial law in the entire country.[40] By declaring martial law, Marcos suspended the

writ of habeas corpus and also the 1935 Constitution, dissolved Congress and padlocked the

doors to the Batasang Pambansa, and assuming both legislative and executive powers.

Proclamation No. 1081 was dated 21 September 1972 but it was actually signed on 17

September. The formal announcement or promulgation of the proclamation was made only at

seven-thirty in the evening of 23 September, evidencing the plan to declare martial law even

before the supposed ambush against Enrile. He had also commanded his military collaborators to

start arresting his political opponents and close down all media and retail (fashion, food,

religious, sports) establishments about twenty-two hours before the announcement.[41]

The Proclamation read in part

My countrymen, as of the twenty-first of this month, I signed Proclamation 1081

placing the entire Philippines under Martial Law...

Ferdinand Marcos, September 21, 1972

The declaration of Martial Law was criticized as a planned precursor to extending Marcos' term

in office, which under the 1935 Constitution is limited to two terms of four years each or a

maximum of eight years[42] Rigoberto Tiglao, former press secretary and a former communist

incarcerated during the martial law,[43] countered by arguing that the liberal and communist

parties provoked martial law imposition.[44]

Martial law was ratified by 90.77% of the voters during the Philippine Martial Law referendum,

1973 though the referendum was marred with controversy. Primitivo Mijares, a Marcos detractor

and author of the book Conjugal dictatorship,[45] alleged that there could not have been any valid

referendum held from January 10 to 15, 1973 claiming the 35,000 citizen's assemblies never met

and that voting was by show of hands.[46][47] The 1935 Constitution was replaced with the 1972

Constitution after the new constitution was ratified by 95% of the voters in the Philippine

constitutional plebiscite, 1973. The Supreme Court affirmed the ratification of the 1972

Constitution in the case of Javellana vs. Executive Secretary, where the majority of the justices

noted that while the 1972 Constitution was improperly ratified because it did not follow the

procedure in the 1935 Constitution, there was no stopping the reality that the 1972 Constitution

was already in effect.[48] This decision became the cornerstone of subsequent decisions whenever

the validity of the 1973 Constitution was questioned.

Under martial law the regime was able to reduce violent urban crime, collect unregistered

firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas;[49] however, it but became

unpopular as excesses and human rights abuses inflicted by the military on leftist activists,

communist, and others rebels emerged. Liliosa Hilao was the first murder victim under Martial

Law.[50] There were over 70,000 filed cases of human rights abuses today from this period.

Torture methods employed by the army on their victims were extremely inhumane, which
included beating, rape, electrocution, animal treatment, and mutilation among others. Many

private establishments particularly media companies critical of the government were closed, and

the arrest of activists were made through the Philippine Constabulary; many of the abuses were

attributed to the latter, which was then headed by future president Fidel Ramos.[51] In total, there

were 3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 individual tortures, and 70,000 were incarcerated. Of

the 3,257 killed, some 2,520, or 77 percent of all victims, were salvagedthat is, tortured,

mutilated, and dumped on a roadside for public display. It is also reported that 737 Filipinos

disappeared between 1975 and 1985.[52] The Civilian Home Defense Force, a precursor of

Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU), was organized by President Marcos to

battle with the communist and Islamic insurgency problem, has particularly been accused of

notoriously inflicting human right violations on leftists, the NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels

against the Marcos government.[53]9

After martial law was declared, critics of the government were arrested, led by then

Senators Benigno Aquino Jr. and Ramon Diokno, and Manila journalistsManila Times

publisher Chino Roces and columnist, Max Soliven; Manila Chronicle publisher Eugenio Lopez

Jr. and his editor Amando Doronila; Philippines Free publisher-editor Teddy Boy Locsin and his

staff writer, Napoleon Rama; and Press Foundation of Asia joint executive Juan L.

Mercado.[54] Many of those who were arrested were later freed without charges, but Benigno

Aquino Jr. was charged and convicted guilty along with his two co-

accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, guilty for

illegal possession of fire arms, subversion, and murder, and was sentenced them to death by

firing squad by a Military Court. The death sentence was never carried out by the Marcos

government.[55]
There was some controversy whether the ambush on Enrile used as one of the justifications[32] to

declare Martial Law was staged. However, Enrile himself denied that it was staged in his memoir

and defended the declaration of martial law:[56]

Did I stage and fake my ambush to justify the declaration of martial law? I said,

No! I did not!... There was no need for me to do that to justify the declaration of

martial law. There was no need for other facts to justify the imposition of martial

law. Proclamation No. 1081[57] of 21 September 1972 recited fully and faithfully all

the facts that President Marcos needed and used to justify the declaration of martial

law in the country. I drafted and prepared the documents that President Marcos used

to declare martial law. I checked the facts contained in those documents. I had no

doubt of their authenticity, veracity, and sufficiency to support and justify the

declaration of martial law. Those facts were more than enough to justify the

declaration of martial law.

Juan Ponce Enrile, 2012

One of Marcos top technocrats, the University of the Philippines economics professor and

former NEDA Director-General Dr. Gerardo Sicat,[58] an MIT Ph.D. graduate, portrayed some of

Martial Law's effects on his biographical book, "Cesar Virata: Life and Times Through Four

Decades of Philippine Economic History", as follows:[59]

Economic reforms suddenly became possible under martial law. The powerful opponents of

reform were silenced and the organized opposition was also quilted. In the past, it took enormous

wrangling and preliminary stage-managing of political forces before a piece of economic reform

legislation could even pass through Congress. Now it was possible to have the needed changes
undertaken through presidential decree. Marcos wanted to deliver major changes in an economic

policy that the government had tried to propose earlier.

The enormous shift in the mood of the nation showed from within the government after martial

law was imposed. The testimonies of officials of private chambers of commerce and of private

businessmen dictated enormous support for what was happening. At least, the objectives of the

development were now being achieved[60]

However, there are those who criticize Sicat and his book as it allegedly pretends to be an

academic work by listing 25 academic-journal articles in its bibliography. The Manila Times

author Rigoberto Tiglao asserts that,

However, 14 of these are by Sicat himself, and he obviously either rejects or is unaware of the

numerous academic writings on Marcos history, especially those written by his colleagues at the

School of Economics that contradict his assertions.[60]

A paper published in The Philippine Review of Business and Economics December 1973 and

presented to the Security Analyst Association of Japan noted that the improvement in the

economy was mirrored in other angles:[61]

1. Stock market during the first half of 1973 turned in its best performance to date. Volume

increased by 500%, and market indeces posted an average gain of 150%.

2. The inflow of foreign funds was markedly higher - $35 million went into the stock

market and it was the first time that foreign funds have gone into local market.

3. Tourism growth more than doubled to 23% from 11% in the past 5 years.

According to The World Bank, the Philippine's GDP quadrupled from $8 billion in 1972 to

$32.45 billion in 1980.[62]Indeed, according to the U.S. based Heritage Foundation, the
Philippines enjoyed its best economic development since 1945 between 1972 and 1979.

Nevertheless, despite growth in the countrys gross national product, workers real income

dropped because of inflation brought about by high oil prices, few farmers benefited from land

reform, and the sugar industry was in confusion particularly when global sugar prices fell.[49] The

economy grew amidst very high inflation levels as a result of two severe global oil shocks

following the 1973 oil crisis and 1979 energy crisis - oil price was $3 / barrel in 1973 and $39.5

in 1979, or a growth of 1200%. According to the US National Bureau of Economic Research, by

the end of 1979, debt was manageable, with debt to Debt-GNP ratio about the same as South

Korea. The US National Bureau of Economic Research also adds that low wage costs were the

primary engine behind the rapid expansion of manufactured exports during the 1970s. At the

same time the failure of real wages to increase (largely because of inflation driven by high oil

prices) and the sluggish growth of manufacturing employment were reflected in increasing

income inequality and absolute poverty in the Philippines and high recorded rates of economic

growth did not translate into improvements in the lot of the Filipino masses.[63]By late 1970's to

1980, a perfect storm of extremely high global interest rates,[64] global economic recession,

and high oil price began to emerge, hitting all indebted countries in Latin America, Europe, and

the Philippines was not exempted.[65][66] A paper presented to the Philippine Central Bank argued

that a weak manufacturing sector was caused in part by the record levels of interest rates by the

Central Bank governor Jose B Fernandez, who (could have little choice, as some would argue)

followed U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker to fight inflation following record oil

prices resulting from the Iran-Iraq War and to prevent capital from moving out. This resulted into

a strong peso and high debt-service cost that penalized the manufacturing sector. Some

economists argued that deliberately weakening the peso, while boosting already a very high
inflation driven by high oil prices, would have made the manufacturing sector stronger.[67] After

a period of economic growth and notwithstanding the global economic weakness, very high

global interest rates,[64] and record oil prices towards the end of the martial law period,[65][66] the

Philippine GDP reached US$32.45 billion and debt stood at US$17.2 billion by the end 1980.

Despite criticisms of growth not benefiting the masses, GDP on a per capita basis more than

tripled from $211.4 in 1972 to $684.7 in 1980.[68] [69]

The government subsequently captured NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno in 1976 and Jose Maria

Sison in 1977.[70]The Washington Post in an interview with former Philippine Communist Party

Officials, revealed that, "they (local communist party officials) wound up languishing in China

for 10 years as unwilling "guests" of the (Chinese) government, feuding bitterly among

themselves and with the party leadership in the Philippines".[71][72]

Martial law was lifted by President Marcos on January 17, 1981,[73] and he continued to rule the

country until 1986 when he went to exile after the People Power Revolution.

Arroyo administration[edit]

Main article: Maguindanao massacre

On December 4, 2009, through Proclamation No. 1959, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

officially placed Maguindanao province under a state of martial law, thereby suspending the

privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.[74] Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita said the step was

taken in order to avert the escalation of "lawless" violence in the province and pave the way for

the swift arrest of the suspects in the massacre.[75][76] Following the declaration, authorities

carried out a raid on a warehouse owned by Andal Ampatuan Jr.[77] The raid resulted in the

confiscation of more than 330,000 rounds of 5.5645mm NATO ammunition, a Humvee, and an

improvised armored vehicle. Twenty militiamen were arrested on the premises. Captain James
Nicolas of Special Forces was able to retrieve more high powered firearms and ammo after the

incident.[78] The state of martial law in Maguindanao was lifted on December 13, 2009.

Duterte administration[edit]

Main article: Proclamation No. 216

Proclamation Number 216 declaring martial law in Mindanao.

Amid the escalation of conflicts in Mindanao and recent clashes in Marawi City related to

the Maute Group, incumbent President Rodrigo Duterte placed Mindanao and its nearby islands

under martial law at 10:00 p.m. (UTC+8) on May 23, 2017.[79] This was announced during a

briefing held in Moscow, where President Duterte was on an official visit, and will be in effect

for 60 days. Presidential Spokesperson Ernesto Abella said the declaration was possible given

the "existence of rebellion," while Foreign Secretary Alan Peter Cayetano explained that the step

was taken with of "the safety, the lives and property of people of Mindanao" in mind[80].

Implementation is to be pursuant to the 1987 Constitution, which provides for a maximum 60

day-state of martial law without Congress approval for extension, the continuation of

government functions, and the safeguard of individual freedoms. However, President Duterte

insisted that it will not be any different from martial law under President Marcos[81].
While the declaration does not currently affect citizens and government units in Luzon or

the Visayas, President Duterte suggested that he might extend martial law to the entire country if

needed to "protect the people.

Martial law in the Philippines

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article is about several periods of Martial law in the Philippines. For Ferdinand Marcos'

declaration of Martial law, see Proclamation No. 1081. For Rodrigo Duterte's declaration of

Martial law in Mindanao, see Proclamation No. 216.

Martial Law monument in Mehan Garden

Martial law in the Philippines (Filipino: Batas Militar sa Pilipinas) refers to several

intermittent periods in Philippine history wherein the Philippine head of state (such as

the President) places an area under the control of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and its

predecessor bodies. Martial law is declared either when there is near-violent civil unrest or in

cases of major natural disasters, however most countries use a different legal construct like "state

of emergency".
Typically, the imposition of martial law accompanies curfews, the suspension of civil law, civil

rights, habeas corpus, and the application or extension of military law or military justice to

civilians. Civilians defying martial law may be subjected to military tribunals (court-martial).

History[edit]

Spanish period[edit]

Hostilities that began the Philippine Revolution of 1896 started on the evening of 21 August

1896, when hundreds of rebels attacked the Civil Guard garrison in Pasig, just as hundreds of

other rebels personally led by Andrs Bonifacio were massing in San Juan del Monte, which they

attacked hours later on the 30th. Bonifacio planned to capture El Polvorin, the San Jose del

Monte powder magazine along with El Depsito, a water station supplying Manila. The

defending Spaniards were outnumbered, but fought the rebels until reinforcements arrived. Once

reinforced, the Spaniards drove Bonifacio's forces back with heavy casualties. Elsewhere rebels

attacked Mandaluyong, Sampaloc, Santa Ana, Pandacan, Pateros, Marikina, and Caloocan,[1] as

well as Makati and Taguig.[2] Balintawak in Caloocan saw intense fighting. Rebel troops tended

to gravitate towards fighting in San Juan del Monte and Sampaloc. South of Manila, a thousand-

strong rebel force attacked a small force of civil guards. In Pandacan Katipuneros attacked the

parish church, making the parish priest run for his life.[2]

After their defeat in San Juan del Monte, Bonifacio's troops regrouped near Marikina, San

Mateo and Montalban, where they proceeded to attack these areas. They captured these areas but

were driven back by Spanish counterattacks, and Bonifacio eventually ordered a retreat to

Balara. On the way, Bonifacio was nearly killed shielding Emilio Jacinto from a Spanish bullet
that grazed his collar.[2] Despite his reverses, Bonifacio was not completely defeated and was still

considered a threat.[1]

North of Manila, the towns of San Francisco de Malabon, Noveleta and Kawit in Cavite rose in

rebellion.[2] In Nueva Ecija rebels in San Isidro led by Ivan Pilien attacked the Spanish garrison

on September 24; they were repulsed.[3]

By 30 August, the revolt had spread to eight provinces, prompting the Spanish Governor-

General Ramn Blanco, 1st Marquis of Pea Plata, to declare a "state of war" in these provinces

and place them under martial law. These provinces

were Manila, Bulacan, Cavite, Pampanga, Tarlac, Laguna, Batangas, and Nueva Ecija.[4][2] These

would later be represented in the eight rays of the Sun in the Philippine flag.[5] Despite such

declaration, which provided a 48-hour period in giving amnesty to rebels except their leaders,

Blanco adopted a cool, conciliatory stance, seeking to improve Spains image in the face of

world opinion.[6]

Aguinaldo administration[edit]

After the outbreak of SpanishAmerican War, Emilio Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines from

his exile in Hong Kong on 19 May 1898, with 13 of his staff. He was encouraged to return by the

Americans, who saw in him as an opportunity in their war against Spain.[7] After five days, on

May 23, Aguinaldo issued a proclamation in which he assumed command of all Philippine

military forces and established a dictatorial government with himself as the supreme

commander.[8]

On 12 June, at Aguinaldo's ancestral home in Cavite, Philippine independence was proclaimed

and The Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence was read. The act had been prepared and
written in Spanish by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, who also read its proclamation.[9] On 18

June, Aguinaldo issued a decree formally establishing his dictatorial government.[10] On 23 June

another decree signed by Aguinaldo was issued, replacing the Dictatorial Government with a

Revolutionary Government, with himself as President.[11][12]

Laurel administration[edit]

President Jos P. Laurel of the wartime Second Philippine Republic placed the Philippines under

martial law in 1944 through Proclamation No. 29, dated September 21. Martial law came into

effect on September 22, 1944. Proclamation No. 30 was issued the next day, declaring the

existence of a state of war between the Philippines and the US and Great Britain. This took effect

on September 23, 1944.

Marcos administration[edit]

Main article: History of the Philippines (196586)

See also: Proclamation 1081

Around 1970, student activism had intensified and many student activists joined communist

movements. Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic Youth, or 'KM') a political organization founded

by Jos Mara Sison intended to be a nationwide extension of the Student Cultural Association of

the University of the Philippines,[13][14] carried out study sessions on MarxismLeninism and

intensified the deployment of urban activists in rural areas to prepare for People's war.[15][16] The

line between leftist activists and communists became increasingly blurred, as a significant

number of KM advanced activists joined the party of the Communist Party also founded by

Sison.[15] Earlier, during the campaign period for the 1969 elections, students called promoted a

mock campaign called the Dante-for-President movement, likely referring to New People's
Army founder Bernabe 'Kumander Dante' Buscayno.[17] KM members protested in front of

Congress, throwing a coffin, a stuffed alligator, and stones at Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos after

his State of the Nation Address. On the presidential palace, activists rammed the gate with a fire

truck and once the gate broke and gave way, the activists charged into the Palace grounds tossing

rocks, pillboxes, Molotov cocktails. In front of the US embassy, protesters vandalized, arsoned

and damaged the embassy lobby resulting to a strong protest from the U.S.

Ambassador.[15][17][18] The KM protests ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 in number per weekly

mass action.[15] In the aftermath of the January 1970 riots, at least two activists were confirmed

dead and several were injured by the police. The Mayor of Manila at the time, Antonio Villegas,

commended the Manila Police District for their "exemplary behavior and courage" and

protecting the First Couple long after they have left. The death of the activists was seized by the

Lpez-controlled Manila Times and Manila Chronicle, blaming Marcos and added fire to the

weekly protests.[19] Students declared a week-long boycott of classes and instead met to organize

protest rallies.[17]

In Marcos' diary,[18][19] he wrote that the whole crisis has been utilized by communism to create a

revolutionary situation. He lamented that the powerful Lopez family, which controlled Manila

Times and Manila Chronicle, blamed him for the riots thus raising the ire of demonstrators. He

mentioned that he was informed by his mother of a planned assassination paid for by the

powerful oligarch, Eugenio Lopez Sr (Iing Lopez). He narrated how he dissuaded his

supporters from the Northern Philippines in infiltrating the demonstration in Manila and

inflicting harm on the protesters, and how he showed to the UP professors that the Collegian was

carrying the communist party articles and that he was disappointed in the faculty of his alma

matter for becoming a spawning ground of communism. He also added that he asked Ernesto
Rufino, Vicente Rufino and Carlos Palanca to withdraw advertisements from the Manila Times

which was openly supporting revolution and the communist cause, and they agreed to do so.

Rumors of coup detat were also brewing. A report of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations

Committee said that shortly after the Philippine presidential election, 1969, a group composed

mostly of retired colonels and generals organized a revolutionary junta with the aim of first

discrediting President Marcos and then killing him. The group was headed by Eleuterio

Adevoso, an official of the opposition Liberal party. As described in a document given to the

committee by Philippine Government official, key figures in the plot were Vice President

Fernando Lopez and Sergio Osmena Jr., whom Marcos defeated in the 1969 election.[20] Marcos

even went to the U.S. embassy to dispel rumors that the U.S. embassy is supporting a coup detat

which the opposition liberal party was spreading.[19]While the report obtained by the NY Times

speculated saying that story could be used by Marcos to justify Martial Law, as early as

December 1969 in a message from the U.S. Ambassador to the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State,

the U.S. Ambassador said that most of the talk about revolution and even assassination has been

coming from the defeated opposition, of which Adevoso (of the Liberal Party) is a leading

activist. He also said that the information he has on the assassination plans are 'hard' or well-

sourced and he has to make sure that it reached President Marcos.[21][22]

In light of the crisis, Marcos wrote an entry in his diary in January 1970:[19] "I have several

options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the sudden arrest of the plotters. But

this would not be accepted by the people. Nor could we get the Huks (Communists), their legal

cadres and support. Nor the MIM (Maoist International Movement) and other subversive [or

front] organizations, nor those underground. We could allow the situation to develop naturally

then after massive terrorism, wanton killings and an attempt at my assassination and a coup
detat, then declare martial law or suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and arrest

all including the legal cadres. Right now I am inclined towards the latter."

At the height of armed communist insurgency in the Philippines, Philippine Military

Academy instructor Lt. Victor Corpuz led New People's Army rebels in a raid on the PMA

armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers, a bazooka and thousands of rounds of

ammunition in 1970.[23] In 1972, China, which was then actively supporting and arming

communist insurgencies in Asia as part of Mao Zedong's People's War Doctrine,[16]transported

1,200 M-14 and AK-47 rifles[24] for the NPA to speed up NPA's campaign to defeat the

government.[25][26] Prior to the 1975, the Philippine government maintained a close relationship

with the Kuomintang-ruled Chinese government which fled to Taiwan (Republic of China),

despite the Chinese Communist Victory in 1949, and saw Communist China (People's Republic

of China) as a security threat due to China's financial and military support of Communist rebels

in the country.[27] In a speech in February 2017 at the Methodist Protestants Cosmopolitan

Church in Manila, Enrile said: The most significant event that made President Marcos decide to

declare martial law was the MV Karagatan incident in July 1972. It was the turning point. The

MV Karagatan involved the infiltration of high powered rifles, ammunition, 40-millimeter rocket

launchers, rocket projectiles, communications equipment, and other assorted war materials by the

CPP-NPA-NDF on the Pacific side of Isabela in Cagayan Valley. The CPP-NPA-NDF attempted

a second effort their MV Andrea project but they failed. The MV Andrea sank in the West

Philippine Sea on its way to the country.[28] Those who opposed President Marcos,

including The Conjugal Dictatorship author Primitivo Mijares, the Liberal Party, as well as the

Lpezes Manila Chronicle, called the MV Karagatan incident as "show' or a hoax.[29][30]

In a privilege speech before Senate, Benigno Aquino, Jr. warned the public of the possible

establishment of a garrison state by President Ferdinand Marcos. President Marcos imposed

martial law on the nation from 1972 to 1981 to suppress increasing civil strife and the threat of

a communist takeover following a series of bombings in Manila.[31][32] However, Aquino himself

rubbed elbows with leaders of Communist Party of the Philippines first with founder Jose

Maria Sison, and later with Rodolfo Salas, CPP chair at the height of Martial Law. In an

interview with Ateneo De Manila University Professor Lisandro Claudio, Salas said not only did

he bring wounded New People's Army (NPA) soldiers to Aquinos houses, but he received guns

and cash from Aquino himself. He also said Aquino had a significant contribution to the

expansion of NPA in the country. In another communication to the State Department dated

September 21, the US Embassy sheds further light on what Ninoy told the American officials.

On September 12, Ninoy had a lengthy luncheon conversation" with two embassy officers

about the growing strength of Communist dissidence in the Philippines." In this luncheon, the

senator readily admitted his past ties with the several Communist factions in the Philippines."

He claimed that maintaining links with Huk rebels was a fact of life" for a Tarlac

politician.[33][34] In the Philippine parliamentary election, 1978, the first parliamentary election

during Martial Law, Ninoy fielded in his Lakas ng Bayan party Alex Boncayao, who was

associated with Filipino communist death squad Alex Boncayao Brigade.[35][36] All of the party's

21 candidates, including Ninoy, lost in the election.

On 21 August 1971, while the opposition (Liberal Party) was having their miting de

avance in Plaza Miranda, 2 fragmentation grenades exploded.[citation needed] It took 9 lives and left

more than 100 people seriously wounded.[citation needed] Some Liberal Party candidates were

seriously injured including Jovito Salonga, who nearly died and was visually impaired. Suspicion
of responsibility for the blast initially fell upon Marcos, whom the Liberals blamed for the

bombing; however, in later years, prominent personalities associated with the event have laid the

blame on the Communist Party of the Philippines under Jos Mara Sison.[37] In

his autobiography, Salonga states his belief that Sison and the CPP were responsible.[38] Based

on interviews of The Washington Post with former Communist Party of the Philippines Officials,

it was revealed that "the (Communist) party leadership planned -- and three operatives carried

out -- the attack in an attempt to provoke government repression and push the country to the

brink of revolution... (Communist Party Leader) Sison had calculated that Marcos could be

provoked into cracking down on his opponents, thereby driving thousands of political activists

into the underground, the former party officials said. Recruits were urgently needed, they said, to

make use of a large influx of weapons and financial aid that China had already agreed to

provide."[39]

A month of "terrorist bombings" of public facilities in Manila and Quezon City culminated on 22

September with a staged assassination attempt on Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile. Six

hours after the alleged assassination attempt against Enrile and citing more than 15 bombing

incidences, chaos and lawlessness, Marcos issued Proclamation No. 1081, declaring and

imposing martial law in the entire country.[40] By declaring martial law, Marcos suspended the

writ of habeas corpus and also the 1935 Constitution, dissolved Congress and padlocked the

doors to the Batasang Pambansa, and assuming both legislative and executive powers.

Proclamation No. 1081 was dated 21 September 1972 but it was actually signed on 17

September. The formal announcement or promulgation of the proclamation was made only at

seven-thirty in the evening of 23 September, evidencing the plan to declare martial law even

before the supposed ambush against Enrile. He had also commanded his military collaborators to
start arresting his political opponents and close down all media and retail (fashion, food,

religious, sports) establishments about twenty-two hours before the announcement.[41]

The Proclamation read in part

My countrymen, as of the twenty-first of this month, I signed Proclamation 1081

placing the entire Philippines under Martial Law...

Ferdinand Marcos, September 21, 1972

The declaration of Martial Law was criticized as a planned precursor to extending Marcos' term

in office, which under the 1935 Constitution is limited to two terms of four years each or a

maximum of eight years[42] Rigoberto Tiglao, former press secretary and a former communist

incarcerated during the martial law,[43] countered by arguing that the liberal and communist

parties provoked martial law imposition.[44]

Martial law was ratified by 90.77% of the voters during the Philippine Martial Law referendum,

1973 though the referendum was marred with controversy. Primitivo Mijares, a Marcos detractor

and author of the book Conjugal dictatorship,[45] alleged that there could not have been any valid

referendum held from January 10 to 15, 1973 claiming the 35,000 citizen's assemblies never met

and that voting was by show of hands.[46][47] The 1935 Constitution was replaced with the 1972

Constitution after the new constitution was ratified by 95% of the voters in the Philippine

constitutional plebiscite, 1973. The Supreme Court affirmed the ratification of the 1972

Constitution in the case of Javellana vs. Executive Secretary, where the majority of the justices

noted that while the 1972 Constitution was improperly ratified because it did not follow the

procedure in the 1935 Constitution, there was no stopping the reality that the 1972 Constitution
was already in effect.[48] This decision became the cornerstone of subsequent decisions whenever

the validity of the 1973 Constitution was questioned.

Under martial law the regime was able to reduce violent urban crime, collect unregistered

firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas;[49] however, it but became

unpopular as excesses and human rights abuses inflicted by the military on leftist activists,

communist, and others rebels emerged. Liliosa Hilao was the first murder victim under Martial

Law.[50] There were over 70,000 filed cases of human rights abuses today from this period.

Torture methods employed by the army on their victims were extremely inhumane, which

included beating, rape, electrocution, animal treatment, and mutilation among others. Many

private establishments particularly media companies critical of the government were closed, and

the arrest of activists were made through the Philippine Constabulary; many of the abuses were

attributed to the latter, which was then headed by future president Fidel Ramos.[51] In total, there

were 3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 individual tortures, and 70,000 were incarcerated. Of

the 3,257 killed, some 2,520, or 77 percent of all victims, were salvagedthat is, tortured,

mutilated, and dumped on a roadside for public display. It is also reported that 737 Filipinos

disappeared between 1975 and 1985.[52] The Civilian Home Defense Force, a precursor of

Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU), was organized by President Marcos to

battle with the communist and Islamic insurgency problem, has particularly been accused of

notoriously inflicting human right violations on leftists, the NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels

against the Marcos government.[53]

After martial law was declared, critics of the government were arrested, led by then

Senators Benigno Aquino Jr. and Ramon Diokno, and Manila journalistsManila Times

publisher Chino Roces and columnist, Max Soliven; Manila Chronicle publisher Eugenio Lopez
Jr. and his editor Amando Doronila; Philippines Free publisher-editor Teddy Boy Locsin and his

staff writer, Napoleon Rama; and Press Foundation of Asia joint executive Juan L.

Mercado.[54] Many of those who were arrested were later freed without charges, but Benigno

Aquino Jr. was charged and convicted guilty along with his two co-

accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, guilty for

illegal possession of fire arms, subversion, and murder, and was sentenced them to death by

firing squad by a Military Court. The death sentence was never carried out by the Marcos

government.[55]

There was some controversy whether the ambush on Enrile used as one of the justifications[32] to

declare Martial Law was staged. However, Enrile himself denied that it was staged in his memoir

and defended the declaration of martial law:[56]

Did I stage and fake my ambush to justify the declaration of martial law? I said,

No! I did not!... There was no need for me to do that to justify the declaration of

martial law. There was no need for other facts to justify the imposition of martial

law. Proclamation No. 1081[57] of 21 September 1972 recited fully and faithfully all

the facts that President Marcos needed and used to justify the declaration of martial

law in the country. I drafted and prepared the documents that President Marcos used

to declare martial law. I checked the facts contained in those documents. I had no

doubt of their authenticity, veracity, and sufficiency to support and justify the

declaration of martial law. Those facts were more than enough to justify the

declaration of martial law.

Juan Ponce Enrile, 2012

One of Marcos top technocrats, the University of the Philippines economics professor and

former NEDA Director-General Dr. Gerardo Sicat,[58] an MIT Ph.D. graduate, portrayed some of

Martial Law's effects on his biographical book, "Cesar Virata: Life and Times Through Four

Decades of Philippine Economic History", as follows:[59]

Economic reforms suddenly became possible under martial law. The powerful opponents of

reform were silenced and the organized opposition was also quilted. In the past, it took enormous

wrangling and preliminary stage-managing of political forces before a piece of economic reform

legislation could even pass through Congress. Now it was possible to have the needed changes

undertaken through presidential decree. Marcos wanted to deliver major changes in an economic

policy that the government had tried to propose earlier.

The enormous shift in the mood of the nation showed from within the government after martial

law was imposed. The testimonies of officials of private chambers of commerce and of private

businessmen dictated enormous support for what was happening. At least, the objectives of the

development were now being achieved[60]

However, there are those who criticize Sicat and his book as it allegedly pretends to be an

academic work by listing 25 academic-journal articles in its bibliography. The Manila Times

author Rigoberto Tiglao asserts that,

However, 14 of these are by Sicat himself, and he obviously either rejects or is unaware of the

numerous academic writings on Marcos history, especially those written by his colleagues at the

School of Economics that contradict his assertions.[60]

A paper published in The Philippine Review of Business and Economics December 1973 and

presented to the Security Analyst Association of Japan noted that the improvement in the

economy was mirrored in other angles:[61]

1. Stock market during the first half of 1973 turned in its best performance to date. Volume

increased by 500%, and market indeces posted an average gain of 150%.

2. The inflow of foreign funds was markedly higher - $35 million went into the stock

market and it was the first time that foreign funds have gone into local market.

3. Tourism growth more than doubled to 23% from 11% in the past 5 years.

According to The World Bank, the Philippine's GDP quadrupled from $8 billion in 1972 to

$32.45 billion in 1980.[62]Indeed, according to the U.S. based Heritage Foundation, the

Philippines enjoyed its best economic development since 1945 between 1972 and 1979.

Nevertheless, despite growth in the countrys gross national product, workers real income

dropped because of inflation brought about by high oil prices, few farmers benefited from land

reform, and the sugar industry was in confusion particularly when global sugar prices fell.[49] The

economy grew amidst very high inflation levels as a result of two severe global oil shocks

following the 1973 oil crisis and 1979 energy crisis - oil price was $3 / barrel in 1973 and $39.5

in 1979, or a growth of 1200%. According to the US National Bureau of Economic Research, by

the end of 1979, debt was manageable, with debt to Debt-GNP ratio about the same as South

Korea. The US National Bureau of Economic Research also adds that low wage costs were the

primary engine behind the rapid expansion of manufactured exports during the 1970s. At the

same time the failure of real wages to increase (largely because of inflation driven by high oil

prices) and the sluggish growth of manufacturing employment were reflected in increasing

income inequality and absolute poverty in the Philippines and high recorded rates of economic
growth did not translate into improvements in the lot of the Filipino masses.[63]By late 1970's to

1980, a perfect storm of extremely high global interest rates,[64] global economic recession,

and high oil price began to emerge, hitting all indebted countries in Latin America, Europe, and

the Philippines was not exempted.[65][66] A paper presented to the Philippine Central Bank argued

that a weak manufacturing sector was caused in part by the record levels of interest rates by the

Central Bank governor Jose B Fernandez, who (could have little choice, as some would argue)

followed U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker to fight inflation following record oil

prices resulting from the Iran-Iraq War and to prevent capital from moving out. This resulted into

a strong peso and high debt-service cost that penalized the manufacturing sector. Some

economists argued that deliberately weakening the peso, while boosting already a very high

inflation driven by high oil prices, would have made the manufacturing sector stronger.[67] After

a period of economic growth and notwithstanding the global economic weakness, very high

global interest rates,[64] and record oil prices towards the end of the martial law period,[65][66] the

Philippine GDP reached US$32.45 billion and debt stood at US$17.2 billion by the end 1980.

Despite criticisms of growth not benefiting the masses, GDP on a per capita basis more than

tripled from $211.4 in 1972 to $684.7 in 1980.[68] [69]

The government subsequently captured NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno in 1976 and Jose Maria

Sison in 1977.[70]The Washington Post in an interview with former Philippine Communist Party

Officials, revealed that, "they (local communist party officials) wound up languishing in China

for 10 years as unwilling "guests" of the (Chinese) government, feuding bitterly among

themselves and with the party leadership in the Philippines".[71][72]

Martial law was lifted by President Marcos on January 17, 1981,[73] and he continued to rule the

country until 1986 when he went to exile after the People Power Revolution.
Arroyo administration[edit]

Main article: Maguindanao massacre

On December 4, 2009, through Proclamation No. 1959, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

officially placed Maguindanao province under a state of martial law, thereby suspending the

privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.[74] Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita said the step was

taken in order to avert the escalation of "lawless" violence in the province and pave the way for

the swift arrest of the suspects in the massacre.[75][76] Following the declaration, authorities

carried out a raid on a warehouse owned by Andal Ampatuan Jr.[77] The raid resulted in the

confiscation of more than 330,000 rounds of 5.5645mm NATO ammunition, a Humvee, and an

improvised armored vehicle. Twenty militiamen were arrested on the premises. Captain James

Nicolas of Special Forces was able to retrieve more high powered firearms and ammo after the

incident.[78] The state of martial law in Maguindanao was lifted on December 13, 2009.

Duterte administration[edit]

Main article: Proclamation No. 216

Proclamation Number 216 declaring martial law in Mindanao.

Amid the escalation of conflicts in Mindanao and recent clashes in Marawi City related to

the Maute Group, incumbent President Rodrigo Duterte placed Mindanao and its nearby islands

under martial law at 10:00 p.m. (UTC+8) on May 23, 2017.[79] This was announced during a
briefing held in Moscow, where President Duterte was on an official visit, and will be in effect

for 60 days. Presidential Spokesperson Ernesto Abella said the declaration was possible given

the "existence of rebellion," while Foreign Secretary Alan Peter Cayetano explained that the step

was taken with of "the safety, the lives and property of people of Mindanao" in mind[80].

Implementation is to be pursuant to the 1987 Constitution, which provides for a maximum 60

day-state of martial law without Congress approval for extension, the continuation of

government functions, and the safeguard of individual freedoms. However, President Duterte

insisted that it will not be any different from martial law under President Marcos[81].

While the declaration does not currently affect citizens and government units in Luzon or

the Visayas, President Duterte suggested that he might extend martial law to the entire country if

needed to "protect the people.

MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) President Rodrigo Duterte on Tuesday, May 23,

declared martial law over Mindanao following the attack of the Maute Group in Marawi City.

Presidential Spokesman Ernesto Abella, who made the announcement in Moscow, Russia, said

that it is "on the grounds of rebellion because of what is happening in Mindanao."

(TIMELINE: Marawi clashes prompt Martial Law in all of Mindanao)

The declaration, he added, will last 60 days.

This is the second localized martial law declaration. On December 5, 2009, then president Gloria

Macapagal Arroyo declared martial law in Maguindanao through Proclamation 1959, following

the massacre of 58 people mostly members of the media in the town of Ampatuan.
She lifted it 7 days later on December 12, 2009 upon the recommendation of the Cabinet.

Duterte is the 3rd president to declare martial law since after the war.

Why was the whole Philippines placed under Martial Law in 1972?

Proclamation 1081 which placed the entire Philippines under Martial Law was signed by former

president Ferdinand Marcos on September 21, 1972. On September 23, at exactly 7:15 pm, he

appeared on television to formally announce it.

Marcos cited the increasing threat of communism to justify the declaration.

Meanwhile, according to Marcos diary entry for September 22, 1972, the alleged ambush of

then defense secretary Juan Ponce Enrile made the martial law proclamation a necessity.

There were reports that the ambush was staged, as claimed by Oscar Lopez and his family who

lived near the area where it happened. Enrile, in his 2014 memoir and documentary, insisted that

it was all real. Yet the Official Gazette says that in 1986, Enrile himself disclosed that the

supposed ambush was staged to justify Martial Law. (READ: Enrile's tale: Hypocrisy and

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It was the start of almost 10 years of martial rule in the country.

What were Marcos general orders under Martial Law?

Aside from Proclamation 1081, Marcos also released general orders (GO) that guided his martial

rule. (READ: Marcos Martial Law orders)

Included were orders to transfer all powers to the president, authorizing the military to arrest

individuals conspiring to take over the government, the enforcement of curfew hours, and the

banning of group assemblies.

Letters of instruction were also released in the following days, ordering the closure and seizure

of private media and public utilities, among others.

Marcos formally ended Martial Law through Proclamation No. 2045 on January 17, 1981.

What changed under the 1987 Philippine Constitution pertinent to Martial Law?

Five years after ending Martial Law, Marcos was toppled from power through the 1986 People

Power Revolution. Corazon Aquino, the widow of Marcos critic Benigno Aquino Jr, ascended to

the presidency.

In April 1986, through Proclamation No. 9, Aquino created the 1986 Constitutional Commission

(Con-Com) which was responsible for drafting a replacement for the 1973 constitution. (FAST

FACTS: The 1987 Philippine Constitution)

The new constitution, she said, should be truly reflective of the aspirations and ideals of the

Filipino people.
Unlike the 1935 Constitution which Marcos based his proclamation on, the 1987 Philippine

Constitution was more explicit on when Martial Law can be declared.

Section 18, Article VII of the 1987 Philippine Constitution says that the President, as

commander-in-chief, may in case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it

suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or place the country under martial law.

The martial law period or suspension of the writ of habeas corpus should, however, not exceed

60 days. The writ safeguards individual freedom against arbitrary state action.

Unlike the previous constitutions, the 1987 Philippine Constitution specifies that a state of

martial law cannot override the function of both the judiciary and legislative branches of the

government.

The latest constitution also does not authorize the conferment of jurisdiction on military courts

and agencies over civilians where civil courts are able to function."

A state of martial law does not automatically suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.

Its suspension shall only apply to "persons judicially charged for rebellion or offenses inherent in

or directly connected with the invasion."

During the suspension of the privilege of the writ, those arrested or detained shall be judicially

charged within 3 days, or otherwise released.

Whats the process that should be followed after declaring martial law under 1987

Constitution?

Under the latest constitution, other branches of government have a say in the declaration of

martial law to prevent grave abuse of discretion on the part of the chief executive.

The 1987 Philippine Constitution says that the declaration shall be affirmed by the Congress via

a vote and even reviewed by the Supreme Court.

Within 48 hours after its declaration, the president shall submit a report in person or in writing

to Congress.

Congress then has the power to revoke the proclamation by a vote of at least a majority of all

members of both the Senate and the House. Congress can also if requested by the President and

if public safety requires it extend the period of Martial Law beyond the mandated 60 days.

The Supreme Court, meanwhile, may review the sufficiency of the factual basis of the

proclamation of Martial Law in an appropriate proceeding filed by any citizen.

Dangers of Martial Law

There are people who laud the Martial Law period in the Philippines, claiming that it was the

best years of the country.

However, the supposed discipline that existed then was accompanied by the numerous abuses

people suffered through. (READ: #NeverAgain: Martial Law stories young people need to hear)
According to Amnesty International, about 70,000 people were imprisoned while 34,000 were

tortured, and 3,240 were killed during Martial Law from 1972 to 1981.

People deemed to be subversive were tortured by various means, including electrocution, water

cure, and strangulation. (READ: Worse than death: Torture methods during martial law)

Will these happen again if the Philippines is placed under Martial Law one more time?