AJN Second Series () pp.

e American Numismatic Society

A Box Mirror Made from

Two Antinous Medallions of Smyrna
P SEBASTIAN HEATH*

e ANS has acquired a box mirror formed from two Antinous medallions
of Smyrna. Consideration of the techniques of manufacture and comparison
with other modied coins of Antinous support the antiquity of the manufac-
ture of the mirror. e combination of a portrait of Antinous, a Dionysiac
reverse in the form of a female panther, and an internal mirrored surface is the
starting point for an examination of the cultural context of this piece.

In , the American Numismatic Society purchased a box mirror made from

two modied specimens of a medallic type of Smyrna. Catalogued as a single nu-
mismatic item, this new acquisition can be described as follows:
Ionia, Smyrna, posthumous issue for Antinous (d. ), issued by Polemon
before . Plate no. .
Acc. number: ..
AE medallion, . g
Obv.: Head of Antinous right; [ANTINOOS] HPC
Rev.: Female panther le holding lleted thyrsus in raised right forepaw;
[] CV C
Ref.: Cf. Blum (), Smyrna, no. ; Klose (), Antinoos XLVI
(V/R); purchased from Triton VIII ( January ), lot ; previ-
ously Schweizerische Kreditanstalt ( April ), lot .
* e American Numismatic Society, Fulton Street, New York, NY
(heath@numismatics.org).
. e plates from Blum () are reproduced in Meyer (: pl. ).

62 S H

e reverse type on this piece is one of four images showing either the female
panther on this piece, a bull, a sheep, or a ships prow that appear on a series of
medallions struck at Smyrna in honor of Antinous and naming Polemon as issuer.
ese two individuals are both historical gures and their biographical informa-
tion provides the framework for dating the issue. Antinous was the companion
of the emperor Hadrian who drowned in the Nile in late . He was quickly
deied and his worship was encouraged throughout the empire (Meyer :
). ese medallions, with ANTINOOC HPC as the obverse legend, must
date to aer Antinous death. Marcus Antonius Polemon, a sophist born in Phry-
gian Laodikeia who studied and spent his adult career in Smyrna, was a prominent
intellectual said to have been personally known to the emperors Trajan, Hadrian,
and Antoninus Pius (Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists ff). In , Polemon had
spoken before Hadrian and persuaded him to make a gi of money and grant a
series of honors to Smyrna, not least of which was a second temple to the imperial
cult (IvS ; Burrell : ). is prior relationship likely played a part in
Polemons decision to issue a medallion for the emperors deied favorite. Polemon
also appears as strategos on coins of Hadrian (Klose Hadrian XLIV Series C), and
this issue may be contemporaneous with the medallic series. Kloses (: )
dating of these medallions follows Blums (: ) assignment of most coinages
of Antinous to aer , and by extension Klose also dates Polemons strategos
coinage to this year or shortly thereaer. Neither of these issues naming Polemon,
however, provides an independent date for the other. e only rm dates for the
medallic series remain the death of Antinous in and the death of Polemon in
, though the death of Hadrian in is also a plausible terminus ante quem.
As discussed by the catalogers of both the Schweizerische Kreditanstalt and
Triton VIII auctions, the unique interest in this new acquisition lies in its trans-
formation into a small box mirror formed from two examples of this Smyrna type.
One medallion had its obverse face removed and interior hollowed out, leaving
the reverse type untouched. e deepest part of the exposed interior was then
smoothed and further enhanced by the application of a thin layer of silver or tin
that transformed this medallion into a mirror. A second medallion was also cut
down so that its obverse would t into the hollowed reverse of the rst.
Closer description of the work involved in the creation of the mirror indicates
the care taken in the modication of the two source medallions. e surviving
marks and surfaces indicate that a combination of chiseling, ling, and lathing
was employed. Taking the hollowed-out reverse rst, the interior face of the raised
edge preserves signs of chiseling (Plate no. B). is suggests that the initial step
was to remove the obverse surface to a depth of approximately mm. en a lathe

. is temple may be represented on coins of the city issued under Hadrian by the
stephanophorus P. Sextus (Klose Hadrian XLIV Series A), though Burrell (: ) has
questioned this architectural identication.
. Vout (: ) emphasizes ongoing dedications to Antinous past the death of Hadrian.
 Box Mirror Made from Antinous Medallions 63

was used to prepare a ledge on which the mirrors lid would rest (Plate no. C).
A further lathing step created a deeper surface onto which the mirroring was then
placed (Plate no. A). Including the mirroring, this surface is a further . mm
deep. e lid of the mirror was formed by a more drastic reduction of another
medallion that le only the obverse preserved as a thin disk mm in diameter.
Linear marks on the slightly concave interior of the lid indicate the use of a chisel
(Plate no. D). A smoothed, perhaps lathed, outer ring allowed the lid to lie
comfortably on the prepared resting surface surrounding the mirror (Plate no.
E). Finally, the edges of the lid show signs of ling (Plate no. F). Altogether, the
workmanship is such that the depth of the interior resting ledge allows the lid to lie
ush with the upper edge of the mirrored back. However, the diameter of the lid is
slightly smaller than the opening in which it rests, so that a ring of now lost mate-
rial may have made the t tighter. As indicated above, this reconstruction assumes
that two medallions were used to make the mirror and its cover. Manufacture from
only one piece would have required the thin lid to have been removed from the
source medallion without damaging its edges when undercutting the metal. e
high edges of the mirrored back suggest that this would not have been possible.
Description of the piece raises the issue of when the medallions were cut
down and the mirrored surface added. Unfortunately, in the absence of a well-
documented ndspot or of scientic analysis that can date the metalwork, it is not
possible to unequivocally assert that the mirror is of ancient manufacture, and
this article will not do so. Nonetheless, a tabulation of other examples of modi-
ed coins and medallions of Antinous will indicate that such transformations are
known from the ancient world, and thus the current piece cannot be condemned
solely on the basis of uniqueness or because it is implausible.
Mirrors in general are well known in the eastern Mediterranean from the Ar-
chaic period onward (Jonsson : ). Circular lathe-worked box mirrors
became popular during the Hellenistic period and are regularly found as grave
goods from that time forward (Chavane : ; Webb : ). Hollowed-
out coins, although rare, are likewise known from the Roman period (Gnecchi
a), so that the technical skill necessary to transform these two medallions
was well within the capabilities of ancient craworkers. In terms of the mirrored
surface, by the Republican period in Italy, silver had been recognized as superior
to bronze for manufacturing reective surfaces, and Pliny includes mirrors in his
rst-century survey of metals and their uses (Natural History .). is
combination of material and textual evidence preliminarily indicates that the ANS
mirror is comfortable as an ancient object.

. As an addendum to this description, it is useful to add that Italo Vecchi has kindly re-
ported that he oversaw the mirrors rst consignment to public sale in (personal com-
munication with Ute Wartenberg, September ). e consignor delivered it to him as
a single piece and it was only upon cleaning in that the interior mirror was revealed.
e Triton VIII catalogue incorrectly gives the date of cleaning as .
64 S H

Table lists thirteen (with nos. and accounting for two examples each)
coins and medallions of Antinous, including the piece under discussion here, that
have been modied in some degree. e two additional examples of Polemon
medallions from Smyrna are particularly relevant as being from the same mint as
the new ANS piece (no. ). Number has been pierced for suspension so that the
reverse would have hung in correct orientation. A similar purpose was achieved
by the addition of an iron ring to no. . In this instance, the reverse image of a bull
standing right is relatively worn in comparison to the obverse image, which sug-
gests that Antinous usually faced forward when the piece was in use. e pierced
medallion of Delphi (no. ) would also have hung with Antinous right side up. Di-
rect attachment to clothing, rather than suspension on a string or chain, is a more
likely explanation for the three small holes seen evenly spaced around the edge of
a uniface medallion from Arcadia (no. ). More ambiguous are the two holes in
an Alexandrian drachm (no. ), as neither face would have hung properly on a
string passed through the holes, which are also not so carefully placed as on the
Arcadian piece. Little certainty can be brought to bear on number , an AE of
Corinth, which was holed and then replugged. Similarly, the specic reason for re-
moving the reverse face of an AE of Bithynion-Claudiopolis (no. ) is not know-
able, though it is worth noting that the existence of coins with one side erased is
otherwise attested (Gnecchi b).
e most direct parallel for the manufacture of the new ANS mirror is the
similar piece previously in the Jameson collection (no. ), which combined an
obverse of an Antinous medallion from Arcadia with a reverse from Bithynion-
Claudiopolis. ese were recut as the case for a mirror. Both the ANS piece and
the ex-Jameson piece have a functional purpose as mirrors. e modications
applied to the two Tarsus medallions listed in Table may be more decorative.
Number , an AE showing the river god Kydnos on the reverse, has been en-
cased in two circles of bronze that bring its diameter up to an impressive mm.
e edge of number was serrated aer production. It is very interesting that a
chi-rho has also been inscribed on the reverse. e cataloger of Triton VIII sug-
gests that this may have served to cancel the power imbued in the object by the
image of Antinous.
Individually, each of these objects is impeachable as having been modied af-
ter antiquity. ere is no reason, however, to select one from the list for particular
condemnation, so the existence of the group makes each member individually

. Plinys statement that the transition from bronze to silver was made in the time of
Pompey the Great (d. ) is proven incorrect by an earlier reference to silvered mirrors
in the Mostellaria (..) of Plautus (d. ). It is in the same section that Pliny men-
tions mirrors dedicated in a temple at Smyrna, though that reference is incidental to the
discussion here.
. Jameson , p. describes the mirror as a separate insert. Bank Leu Auktion
(April ) lot suggests that the mirror was applied to the hollowed-out obverse.
 Box Mirror Made from Antinous Medallions 65

Table . Modied coins and medallions of Antinous

No. Minting Reverse Modication Published
Authority
Corinth Bellerophon Holed, then M & M Numismatics
restraining plugged I (December , ),
Pegasus lot
Delphi Antinous stand- Pierced at : Blum (), p. no.
ing le in heroic of obverse (Plate I.)
pose on statue
base
Arcadia Hermes stand- Transformed into Jameson III, ; Bank
(Pl. , ) obverse with ing right container for Leu, Auktion (April
Bithynion- mirror ), lot
Claudiopolis
reverse
Arcadia Uniface. ree ANS ..;
(Pl. , ) holes evenly Blum , p. , no.
spaced at edge
Bithynion- Reverse inten- SNG Cop. , Blum
Claudiopolis tionally removed (), p. (no. )
Smyrna Bull standing Iron suspension Edward J. Waddell, Ltd.
(Pl. , ) right ring attached (Dec. , ), lot ;
Triton VIII, (January
, ), lot
Smyrna Female panther Turned into a box ANS ..; Triton
(Pl. , ) with thyrsus mirror VIII (January , ),
lot
Smyrna Female panther Pierced at : Blum (), p. ,
with thyrsus of reverse no. .
Tarsus River Kydnos Encircled in two Mowat (), p.
(Pl. , ) reclining le bronze rings (Plate IV.)
Tarsus Female panther Edge serrated, Triton VIII (January
(Pl. , ) with paw on reverse inscribed th, ), lot
kantharos with chi-rho
Alexandria Antinous riding Two holes Gorny & Mosch Gies-
horse sener Mnzhandlung,
Auction , lot

more plausible. Similarly, it should be stressed that while this note has the Smyrna
mirror as its focus, modied and reused coins are well known from the Roman
period (Vermeule ). Among other reuses, Roman imperial gold and silver
was oen set in jewelry (Bruhn ), pierced coins are a usual occurrence in
numismatic collections and catalogues, and coins are occasionally attached to
or embedded in metal vessels (e.g. Chabouillet : no. ; Comstock and
66 S H

Vermeule : cat. ). Likewise, the reuse of coins continued into late antiquity,
when numismatic imagery and actual coins appear in silver tableware that itself
functioned as a store of wealth (Leader-Newby ; Baratte : g. ). Table
must therefore be taken as illustrating only a small component of a much larger
phenomenon in which the transactional function of any individual numismatic
item is deprecated in favor of its utility as an easily available source of ready-made
iconography.
e widespread practice of modifying and reusing coins means that it is not
possible to put a rm latest limit on when the ANS mirror was made. Assuming
its antiquity, the subject matter, two pagan gods, suggests diminishing relevance
in Christian late antiquity. Nonetheless, Vout (: ) emphasizes the continued
appeal of the divine Antinous through the late third century and notes that in at
least one instance, the bath at Lepcis Magna, his public sculpture remained in place
into the sixth century. Antinous also appears as an obverse type on contorniates
(Alfldi and Alfldi : Kat. ) and these iconographically rich objects,
despite the difficulty in dating generic types, are certainly a late-antique phenom-
enon. In the Antinous series, one type (Kat. , Rs. ) shows a reverse bull that
closely matches the animal found on the Antinous medallions from Smyrna.
Taken generally, these contorniates demonstrate an ongoing interest in the g-
ure of Antinous. More specically, the fact that they reproduce images originally
appearing in numismatic contexts raises the issue of ancient coin collecting, in
that the artisan who produced the Antinous/Bull contorniate may well have had
an original to copy. It is therefore not impossible that the two specimens of the
Smyrna medallion from which this mirror was made were drawn from a long-
standing collection of ancient coins. ese observations show that the mirror itself
can reasonably date to well aer the issuance of the source medallions, but since
there is no route to a certain time or place of manufacture, a broad second-century
to late-antique range provides an appropriate degree of ambiguity.
Questions as to why are just as interesting as those relating to when; thus,
this note will turn to an exploration of the cultural context of these paired images
of Antinous and Dionysus, which serve as the cover and backing for a mirror.
Caution is warranted, however, since the danger exists of either being too specic
in ones reconstructions or of casting ones net so widely that only generalities re-
sult. Accordingly, while evidence from the second century and from the eastern
Mediterranean is prominent in the following discussion, that is only because it will
remain relevant even if the transformation happened later. It must also be said that
there is necessarily an element of speculation to what follows, in that the impetus
to create the mirror and the circumstances of its subsequent use are not recover-
able. Nonetheless, rather than leaving these issues entirely unaddressed, a broad
reconstruction of possible associations for this piece is more likely to explain its
manufacture.
 Box Mirror Made from Antinous Medallions 67

e iconography of the obverse and reverse provides the starting point for
exploring the cultural context of this mirror. In its original state, Antinous image
was explicitly labeled on the obverse and the female panther with thyrsus is an
unambiguous reference to the god Dionysus. While the pairing of these new and
ancient divinities on this Smyrna type and also on coins struck for Bithynia,
Dion, Sala, Sardis, and Tarsus (Blum ) is itself evidence for a connection be-
tween Antinous and Dionysus, further ancient evidence of this association is given
by free-standing statues and relief panels that depict the young hero with the gods
attributes. Imperial approval of the combination is suggested by the presence of
the Lansdowne Antinous (Fitzwilliam GR.; Raeder : cat I ), a head
crowned with grape-bearing vine, in the Villa Hadriana at Tivoli. Textual evidence
for the association is likewise suggested by Pausanias, who speaks of a group of
statues of Antinous at Mantinea in Arcadia where the hero is made to look like
Dionysus (Paus. ..). Antinous was assimilated to other gods as well, but it is not
surprising that his connection with the god of wine found expression at Smyrna.
Herodotus rst establishes the antiquity of devotion to Dionysus at Smyrna (Hdt.
.), though he identies the participants in the festival he describes as being
Aeolian Greeks. As worshipped in the Ionian city, Dionysus was known as Briseus,
and this name appears on a bronze plaquette of the third century said to be from
the environs of zmir and now in the British Museum (Klose : ). Addition-
ally, second-century epigraphic evidence records the activities of the initiates of
Dionysus Briseus (IvS [c. ]; Harland ) in the ancient city.
It is into this pairing of recently deied hero and anciently worshipped god
that the interior mirrored surface was introduced. Breaking the object down
into two pairs consisting of each divine persona coupled with the added mir-
ror gives focus to the discussion. ere is a well-established connection between
Dionysus and mirrors. In one version of the gods early life, Dionysus, then known
as Zagreus, was born from the union of Persephone and Zeus, who had taken the
form of a snake. Shortly aer birth, the baby crawled on to Zeuss throne, where
he became distracted by looking at his own image in a mirror. In an act of spite
against her unfaithful husband, Hera arranged for a party of Titans, the early en-
emies of the Olympian gods, to fall upon the young god and cut him into pieces.
Zeus then took his sons heart and by an uncertain process used it to impregnate
Semele, who subsequently gave birth to Dionysus. e fullest version of this story
is given by Nonnus (.), who wrote in the h century , but Justin
Martyr (First Apology and ) and Pausanias (..) give the narrative cur-
rency in the second century and later. e rst-century historian Diodorus

. e sale catalogues referenced above, particularly the Schweizerische Kreditanstalt

entry by M. Brandt, initiate this discussion and are the starting point for the additional
observations provided here.
68 S H

Siculus alluded to this episode when he wrote that Orpheus has handed down the
tradition in the initiatory rites that he [Dionysus] was torn in pieces by the Titans
(..). e rites are those by which an initiate gained knowledge of the Orphic
mysteries, and the relevance of the Dionysus narrative comes from the fact that
Orpheus was likewise torn to pieces in his case by maenads and also reborn,
so that both mythic gures share in the cycle of death and rebirth (Doueihi :
). e overlap suggests that the box mirror could well have had particular
meaning within the rituals of a mystery cult. To the extent that it is appropriate to
continue to look to Smyrna for explanatory context, it is relevant that the Orphic
mysteries rituals were assimilated in the worship of Dionysus at the city (IvS
[second century?]).
An obvious earlier precedent for giving mirrors a role in the worship of Dio-
nysus is found in the fresco cycle of the Villa of the Mysteries at Pompeii. Here, the
young woman who is plausibly identied as a candidate for initiation into a mys-
tery cult begins or ends the ritual in the presence of a mirror held by either Cupid
or Psyche. More generally, De Grummond () has recently reemphasized the
place of katoptromancy, the prophetic use of mirrors, in this Dionysiac context.
In the third century, the neoplatonist Plotinus developed the Mirror of Dionysus
as a metaphor for the human soul (Ppin ; Jonsson : ). In doing so,
he built upon a rich font of ancient philosophy and related magical practices that
over time had explored the symbolic potential of reected images (Bartsch :
; Stewart ).
ere is no direct literary link between Antinous and mirrors, though this
piece and Jameson III, establish a material connection. Nonetheless, parallels
with mythic gures, particularly Narcissus, make the idea of self-gaze relevant to
understanding the perception of Antinous (Elsner ). Multiple versions of
Narcissus story exist (Ovid Metamorphoses .; Pausanias ..; for P
Oxy LXIX , see Hutchinson ), but the essential narrative arc, in which
Narcissus dies aer becoming infatuated with his own image in the reective sur-
face of a pool, is common to all. Homoerotic desire is also important in both main
versions of the myth. For his part, Antinous is compared to Narcissus in a second-
century papyrus from Tebtynis (P Mil. Vogl. I ) that partially preserves a series of
rhetorical exercises (Colomo ). A fully preserved paragraph (col. , l. col.
, l. ) lists the mythic gures, both male and female, who have given their names
to either owers, plants, or trees, with both Antinous and Narcissus being in this
group. Of all the owers listed, it is the one named aer Antinous that is sweeter
than those of both Hyacinthus and Narcissus, who both represent warnings of the

. It is a point of only historiographic interest that a proposed, though utterly unattested,

cult-room in Smyrna has previously been suggested as a source for this Pompeian cycle
(Mudie Cooke ). Modern research on the cycle now downplays the search for any
Greek original in favor of efforts to understand its Italic context (Davis ).
 Box Mirror Made from Antinous Medallions 69

danger of excessive beauty that bear upon the perception of Antinous. is rank-
ing also matches the perceived relative beauty of each owers eponymous youth.
It is not necessary to keep to unequivocally attested associations in order to
recover the likely range of reactions to a box mirror having an image of Antinous
on its lid. Ancient prose sources emphasize Antinouss physical attractiveness as
his distinguishing characteristic (SHA Hadrian .; Clement of Alexandria
Protrepticus ). Similarly, a fragmentary hymn inscribed on the temple of Apollo at
Curium in Cyprus draws particular attention to Antinouss beautiful hair (Lebek
: , l. ), which is always richly rendered in statues and on coins (Meyer
: pl. ). Accordingly, it is inherently appropriate to pair such a paragon
of beauty with a mirror, even a small one.
It is possible that an emphasis on personal beauty is both appropriate and suf-
cient such that none of the associations adduced above for Dionysus or Antinous
would come to mind to an ancient viewer. If the user of this piece was a man, he
may have been content to see a partial image of himself next to the youthful pro-
le of Antinous as he held the small mirror and its cover before him. But it is also
useful to draw in the rhetorical approach of the Second Sophistic, a movement
that spans much of the likely period for the production of this piece and which is
typied by its esteem for both cryptic and allusive knowledge. e somewhat fore-
boding narratives of death (and sometimes of rebirth) that this mirror and its ico-
nography can evoke t very well within this intellectual milieu. Take, for example,
the following excerpt from the answers that the philosopher Secundus the Silent is
said to have given to a series of questions put to him by the emperor Hadrian:
What is Man?
Mind clothed in esh, a vessel containing spirit, a receptacle for sense-
perception, a toil-ridden spirit, a temporary dwelling-place, a phantom in
the mirror of time, an organism tted with bones, a scout on the trail of
life, Fortunes plaything, a good thing that does not last, one of lifes expen-
ditures, an exile from life, a deserter of the light, something that earth will
reclaim, a corpse forever.
What is Beauty?
A picture drawn by Nature, a self-made blessing, a short-lived piece of
good fortune, a possession that does not stay with us, the pious mans ruin,
an accident of the esh, the minister to pleasures, a ower that withers, an
uncompounded product, the desire of men. (Translation aer Perry )
We see from these paragraphs that reected images and physical beauty are am-
bivalent concepts. It may well be that this ambivalence would have readily come to
mind to whoever used this mirror, showing as it does the beautiful companion of
Hadrian paired with a symbol of the god who likewise passed through death into
immortal life.
70 S H

A
I am grateful to my colleagues at the ANS for their discussions about this piece and
to the reviewer for bibliographic suggestions.
I C
. American Numismatic Society ..
. Jameson , plate
. American Numismatic Society ..
. Triton VIII, January , lot (courtesy of Classical Numismatics
Group)
. Mowat , plate IV..
. Triton VIII, January , lot (courtesy of Classical Numismatics
Group)
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72 S H

Vermeule [missing please provide]

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