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Sometimesalittleinjusticemust

besufferedforthepublicgood

HowtheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)affectedthelivesof
German,Italian,JapaneseandAustralianbornwomenlivinginAustralia
duringtheSecondWorldWar.

DoctorofPhilosophy
MariaGlaros
UniversityofWesternSydney
2012
P a g e | ii

Acknowledgements

ThisthesiswouldnothavebeenpossiblewithouttheassistancefrommysupervisorsJudithSnodgrass,
CarolListonandElizabethRoberts.JudithandCarolhaveguidedmethroughouttheyears,providing
invaluable support and have helped me develop my methodological approach. I would like to thank
Elizabeth for her support, encouragement and enthusiasm in the topic. All supervisors have been
patientandunderstandingthroughoutmyexperienceandforthisIammostgrateful.

Thankyoutoallmyfriendswhoprovidedtheirencouragementduringmystudy,especiallyKateGould,
RayleneDagherandPennyKaranasos.Iwouldalsoliketoexpressmygratitudetoallthewomenwho
agreedtoparticipateininterviewsandcontributedtothisresearch.Iwouldalsoliketorecognizethe
staff at the National Archives of Australia, National Library, State Library, and University Western
Sydneylibrary.

And finally, I would like to acknowledge and thank my parents who have supported me and offered
theirassistancesince I beganthis project. And most importantly, a big thank you to my wonderful,
husbandEmanuel,whohasbeenpatientandsupportivefromthestarttofinishofthisthesis.


P a g e | iii

StatementofOriginality

Theworkpresentedinthisthesisis,tothebestofmyknowledgeandbelief,originalexceptas
acknowledgedinthetext.IherebydeclarethatIhavenotsubmittedthismaterial,eitherinfullorin
part,foradegreeatthisoranyotherinstitution.

....................................................................................................
(Signature)

P a g e | iv

Contents Page


ListofTables v


ListofAppendices vi

Abbreviations vii

Abstract viii

Introduction 1

PARTI: OUTBREAKOFWAR

ChapterOne: TheRuleofLaw 38

ChapterTwo: forthegloryofgreaterItaly:ItaliancruisersMVRemoand
MVRomolo 90

PARTII: ENEMYALIENSONLAND

ChapterThree: GermanatHeart 130



ChapterFour: RisktoNationalSecurity 182

ChapterFive: Internedasaprecautionarymeasure 225

PARTIII: VICTIMSOFCIRCUMSTANCE

ChapterSix: Acertainwarpsychosis:GermanJewishWomenlivingin
NewSouthWalesduringtheSecondWorldWar. 263

ChapterSeven: TheWivesofEnemyAliens 313

Conclusion 351

Appendices 356

Bibliography 371

Page |v

ListofTables
Page

Table1 Registrationfiguresofenemyalien,30September1945 51

Table2 InternmentFigures,31March1944 185

Table3 Agesof116ItalianwomenlivinginNewSouthWales
duringtheSecondWorldWar 186

Table4 Agesof151GermanJewishwomenlivinginNewSouth
WalesduringtheSecondWorldWar 268

Table5 AgesAustralianbornwomenlivinginNewSouth
WalesduringtheSecondWorldWar 315

P a g e | vi

ListofAppendices
Page

AppendixOne: AlistoftheClassificationofNationals 356

AppendixTwo: SurveillanceOrganizationChartFirstWorldWar 357

AppendixThree: SurveillanceOrganizationChartSecondWorldWar 358

AppendixFour: Registration,Questionnaire&ParoleForm 359

AppendixFive: ApplicationFormtoOwnaWireless 367

AppendixSix: ApplicationforNaturalization 369

AppendixSeven: DVDDetailsof750womenexaminedinthisstudy 370

P a g e | vii

Abbreviations

ABC AustralianBroadcastingCommission
ACAC AliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee
AJWS AustralianJewishWelfareSociety
ALP AustralianLaborParty
AMF AustralianMilitaryForces
ARO AliensRegistrationOfficer
ASIO AustralianSecurityIntelligenceBranch
AWAS AustralianWomen'sAuxiliaryServices
AWC AlliedWorksCouncil
BBC BritishBroadcastingCommission
BHP BrokenHillProprietyLimited
CAC CivilAliensCorps
CCC CivilConstructionalCorps
CIB CommonwealthInvestigationBranch
CPA CommunistPartyofAustralia
CPF CommonwealthPoliceForce
DSO DefenseSecurityOrganisation
IWW IndustrialWorkersoftheWorld
MPI MilitaryPoliceIntelligenceSection
NAA NationalArchivesofAustralia
NSDAP NationalSozialistischeDeutscheArbeitesPartei
POW PrisonerofWar
UELCA UnitedEvangelicalLutheranChurchofAustralia
WAAFS Women'sAuxiliaryAirForce

P a g e | viii

ABSTRACT

ThroughoutAustraliashistoryxenophobicimmigrationpoliciesandsecuritymeasureshaveappeared
intimesofuncertainty.TheimplementationoftheAntiTerrorlawsin2005inspiredmetocarryout
research on important security measures introduced at the outbreak of the Second World War in
September1939.MigrantslivinginAustraliabecamesubjecttotheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)
Regulations1939(Cth)introducedbytheCommonwealthgovernment.NonBritishpersonslivingin
Australiawererequiredtoregisterasaliens;nationalsfromcountrieswithwhichAustraliawasatwar
wereclassifiedasenemyaliens.ThisincludedallGermanItalianandJapanesenationals.Inaddition,
AustralianwomenmarriedtoenemyalienslosttheirBritishnationalityundertheNationalityAct1920
(Cth)andwererequiredtoregisterasenemyaliens.

This study focuses on five groups of women affected by the legislation: Australian born women of
German descent, Italian born women, Australian born women of Japanese descent, German Jewish
refugeewomen,andAustralianbornwomenmarriedtoItaliannationals.Thesegroupswerechosen
not only to highlight the various ways in which the Regulations were applied to women of different
nationalities,butalsotoaddressagapintheliteratureonthecontrolandinternmentofalienwomen,
despitethevastamountofmaterialthatwasavailableattheNationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA).This
thesisisinlargepartbasedonarchivalresearch.Filesonover700womenwereexamined,manyof
whichhadneverbeforebeenconsulted.Ialsoconductedfiveinterviews,includingthreewomenwho
wereregisteredasenemyaliensduringthewar.

This dissertation has 3 parts. Part I provides an analysis of the Aliens Control Regulations and those
whohelpedadministerthelaws.Italsoprovidescontextontheoperationoftheselawsbydetailing
the experience of Italian women who were detained under the Regulation just moments after Italy
enteredthewar.PartIIprovidescasestudiesillustratingthediversewaysinwhichtheseRegulations
wereapplied.PartIIIshowswomenwhofellvictimtocircumstanceGermanJewishrefugeewomen
who were wrongly categorized as enemy aliens and Australian born women married to Italian
nationals,unawarethattheyhadlosttheirBritishstatus.
P a g e | ix

Thecasestudiespresentedinthisthesisshowthatwarhysteria,discrimination,isolation,racismand
victimizationwereallpartofthewartimeexperienceofthesewomenwhowerecaughtinthenetof
theAliensControlRegulations.

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Introduction
ThataSecurityActwasessentialtocopewithsubversiveactivities,shouldtheyarise,isobvious.That
theActwasadministeredinaglaringlycarelessandneedlesslyharshmanner,isequallyobvious.It
wasmoderationwhereittouchedproperty;itwasseveritywhenittouchedhumanfreedom.
1

(GermannationalandformerSouthAustralianMemberofParliament,HermannHomburg)

On Saturday, 17 October 2009, I attended a symposium on 150 Years of Italians in Queensland

which was held at Dante Alighieri Society in Brisbane. The symposium was a great success, with

many fascinating papers on the history of Italians in Queensland. However, there was one

importantaspectthatstoodoutthatdayformenopaperwasgivenontheexperienceofItalian

womeninQueenslandduringtheSecondWorldWar.2Thisomissionwasemphasisedbythefact

thatatthesymposiumIhadmetanAustralianwoman,FrancescaMariaMerenda,borninInnisfail

innorthernQueensland,ofItalianparents.FrancescawasinternedinAustraliaduringthewarjust

after she turned eighteen years of age. Because of their Italian origin, Francesca and her family

wereclassifiedasenemyalienswhenItalydeclaredwarontheAlliesinJune1940.FrancescaandI

exchangeddetailsandorganisedameetingwhereIinterviewedheraboutherordeal.Ifoundout

thatherfatherPaoloMerendacametoAustraliain1920andworkedatInnisfailcuttingsugarcane.

Threeyearslater,Paolosfianc,Nicoletta,followedhimtoAustralia.Francescadescribeshowthey

marriedinAustralia:

DadsmatewhowentupwithhimfromInnisfailtoCairns,inthosedaysitwasabigtrip,youknow
1923Imtalkingabout.Hisfriendsaidtohim,'DontworryPaul',hesaid,..lookafteryourfiance.
SoDadarrangedtobemarriedthatdaythengotoInnisfailthenextday,wherehewaslivingand
MumsaidWheresmysuitcases?AndthefellowsaidtoDad,DontworryIputthemontherail
motor,Ivesentthemdown,youdonthavetoworryaboutthemtomorrow.Inthesuitcaseswere

1
HermannHomburgwasaformerSouthAustralianMemberofParliamentwhowasinternedduringthewarbecauseof
his involvement in German organizations. H. Homburg, South Australian Lutherans and Wartime Rumours. Adelaide:
SelfPublished1947,p.93.
2
150YearsofItaliansinQueenslandSymposium,DanteAlighieriSociety,Brisbane,17October2009.
P a g e |2

Mumsbridalfrock,herweddingdressandtheveil,andshecouldntputthemon.Sowhatcouldshe
do,agirlcouldnotspendthenightwithamannotmarried,sotheywentandgotmarriedinthe
clothes that she had got off the boat, and then went to Innisfail the next day, then went to the
photographeralldressedupandtheyhadtheirweddingphotostakenintheirbridalfinery,andthey
sentthemtoItalytothefamily.3

Francesca was born on 16 September 1924. Her parents anglicised her name to Francesca Mary

whentheyregisteredherasanalien.WhenItalyenteredthewar,Francescasfatherwasarrested

forassociatingwithotherItalianmenwhoweremembersoftheFascistParty.Hewasinternedin

December1941.FrancescaandhermotherwerenotinterneduntilOctober1942.Authoritiestook

theirphotosandonthenightoftheirarrest,Francescaandhermothersleptinthegaolhouse,on

thefloorwiththedrunks.4ThenextdaytheyweresenttoTatura,innortheasternVictoria,where

they would spend 16 months interned at the camp where they were reunited with Paolo. As

Francesca described the camp: we had barbed wirefences all aroundus and we had the guards

sittinguptherewiththeirguns,youknow,itwasamilitarycamp.5

Whenaskedthereasonforherinternment,Francescaresponded

TheAustralianGovernment.TheyinternedmeandIreadmypapersmanyyearslater.Iwasa'potential
spy'anda'dangertotheCommonwealthofAustralia'andIbelieve,thisismybelief,itwasbecauseI
couldspeakbothItalianandEnglishandifanyoneneededanythinginalittletowncalledTullyinNorth
Queensland,they'dgotomyfatherandhewouldsendmewiththatpersontothePolicestationorto
theeverywheretheyhadtogoandhelpthemoutwiththelanguage.6

It has been over sixtyfive years since the end of the Second World War. Yet the history of the

German,ItalianandJapanesewomeninAustraliawhowereclassifiedasenemyalienswithinthe

National Security (Aliens Control) Regulations 1939 (Cth) during the war remains to be written.

3
FrancescaMerenda.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
4
FrancescaMerenda.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
5
FrancescaMerenda.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
6
FrancescaMerenda.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
P a g e |3

Francescasinterviewprovidesafascinatingperspectiveonhowshewastreatedduringinternment

and theracial antagonisms thatexisted during this time. Her story indicated the levelof concern

theCommonwealthGovernmenthadtowardsenemyaliensduringwartimeandhowauthorities

interned enemy aliens without any evidence to suggest that they were a potential threat to the

nationssecurity.7Indeed,itisclearfromthefilesheldattheNationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA)

thatwhileauthoritiestriedtheirbesttofindevidencetoimplicatetheMerendafamily,theirfailure

toproduceanydidnotdeterauthoritiesfromdetainingthem.

LikeothermigrantwomenwhogrewupinAustraliaduringwartime,Francescaplacednoblameon

the Commonwealth Government for her internment, especially when considering the threat of

enemy invasion.8 However, what Francesca may not have been informed of was that the

Commonwealth Government, while drafting legislation, was well aware of the ramifications

minority groups would experience as a result of the implementation of the National Security Act

1939(Cth).AsevidencedintheSecondReadingSpeech,theissueofnationalsecuritywasahotly

debatedtopicinParliament,andaswewillsee,manyarguedthatminoritygroupswouldfallvictim

tothelegislationputforward.

Historiography

The history of these German, Italian and Japanese women has been ignored far too long. Their

storiesreflectanxietiesofAustraliaspastandarevaluabletotheunderstandingofcurrentevents

in this country. The purpose of this thesis is to ensure that these stories are recognized and not

7
GermanJewish refugee Ilona Balog also believed that given the context of threat to Australias security, anyone
foreignwouldbesubjecttodiscrimination.SeeChapterSix.
8
SeeIlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
P a g e |4

forgottenbyyoungergenerations.German,ItalianandJapanesecommunitieshavecontributedto

AustraliasmulticulturalsocietyandidentifythesestoriesasameaningfulpartinAustraliashistory

ahistoryofexclusionbasedonrace.

AustralianhistorieshavetendedtofocusontheinternmentofmenduringtheSecondWorldWar.

ThisstudyfocusesonmigrantandAustralianbornwomenwhowereinternedoraffectedbyother

key aspects of the Aliens Control Regulations. Kay Saunders in her work referred to what has

alreadybeendonebythegovernmenttocomprehendthispartofourhistory,includingadinner

thatwasheldinWesternAustraliabythePremierin1990andinNewSouthWalesbyitsPremierin

1992 which only distinguished Italian internment in Australia.9 However, there has been no

acknowledgementofwidespreadinternmentandthoseaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations

bytheAustralianWarMemorial;therewasnoofficialacknowledgementorapologymadebythe

Australia Remembers 19451995 campaign; the Prigioniero Di Guerra: POW Italian migrants

ExhibitionattheLiverpoolRegionalmuseumin2005focusedonlyontheinternmentofItalianmen

during the war; and more recently, and there was no recognition of Italian women living in

Queenslandduringthewartimeatthe150YearsofItaliansinQueenslandSymposiumheldatthe

DanteAlighieriSociety,Brisbaneon17October2009.10

9
K. Saunders and R. Daniels et. al., Alien Justice: Wartime Internment in Australia and North America. St. Lucia:
UniversityofQueenslandPress,2000,p.xviii.
10
Casula Powerhouse Arts Centre and Liverpool Regional Museum. Prigioniero Di Guerra: POW Italian Migrant's
Exhibition.2005.CasulaPowerhouseArtsCentreandLiverpoolRegionalMuseum,Sydney;and150YearsofItaliansin
QueenslandSymposium.
P a g e |5

The most significant resource in this study was written by Noel Lamidey. During the early 1970s,

acknowledgement of the treatment towards migrants in Australia during the Second World War

washighlightedbyLamidey.LamideynotonlyhelpedtoadministertheAliensControlRegulations,

butalsoheadedtheAliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee(ACAC),establishedinSeptember

1942,whichaimedtoworkincloseassociationwiththeDirectorGeneralofSecurityonallmatters

affecting aliens, and to see that our treatment of them did not fall short of that of other allied

democratic countries.11 In 1974, he released three reports that documented amendments that

were made to some of the major measures taken by legislative enactment and administrative

proceduretocontrolaliensduringtheSecondWorldWar.12

Thefirstreport,writtenbyLamideyhimselfin1947,wastitledAReporttotheHonourableArthur

A. Calwell H.P. Minister for Immigration upon some Aspects of Aliens Control in Australia During

Time of War. The other two documents were included as attachments. One was a report by Mr

JusticeReed,ontheinternmentandcontrolofItaliansinAustraliaandtheotherbytheACACtitled,

InterimReportsubmittedtotherightHonourableH.V.Evatt,LL.D.,K.C.,M.P.theAttorneyGeneral

oftheCommonwealthofAustralia,writteninMarch1943.13Thesereportsaresignificantbecause

they provide an insight into the Commonwealth Governments stance toward the treatment of

enemy aliens during the war. Lamidey believedthat the purpose of the publication of the report

wouldbetoappealto

anyone sufficiently interested to seek further and deeper into the matters adverted to herein and to
appreciate some of the difficulties inherent in ensuring that even in times of national emergency the
reputationoftheCommonwealthinitstreatmentofaliensshouldnotfallbelowthestandardoffairness

11
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946.Sydney:N.Lamidey,1974,p.4.
12
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
13
Lamidey,AliensControl.
P a g e |6

and reasonableness attained by other Allied countries, reference mustbe made to the 3 reports ofthe
AliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee.14

AlthoughLamideyclearlystatedhisintentionin1943thatthereportwouldbecirculatedforpublic

discussion,itwouldnotbepublishedforanotherthirtyyears.

The date of the publication of his work is vital to our understanding of the Commonwealth

GovernmentsattitudestowardsmigrantsinAustralia.ItwasnotuntilMarch1974,whenLamidey

publishedthereportshimself,thatthepublicfinallygainedaccesstoit.Archivaldocumentsheldat

theNAAinCanberrarevealthatLamideycompletedadraftofthisworkbeforeitsrelease.Hehad

alsotriedtohaveitpublishedin1967.HesentacopytotheAttorneyGeneralsoffice,whichwas

thensenttotheDepartmentofImmigrationtobereviewed.Lamideywasanxiousforaresponse.

After two months, clearly concerned about the lack of progress, he wrote Just in case there is a

possibility that the electronic sorting machine is responsible for the absence of any reply to

myletters I write to say I am now at the printing stage and propose to go ahead as quickly as

possible.15TheSecretaryofAttorneyGeneralsoffice,E.J.HookrespondedtoLamidey,suggesting

thatheremovecertainpassagesthatimpliedthereportwasavailableforfurtherpublicscrutiny.

ThereportswerenotavailabletothepublicandauthoritiesdidnotwantLamideytorefertoany

unanswered questions which may arise in relation to the Aliens Control Regulations. Hook

responded

Whetherthesereportshadasecurityclassificationis,Iamsureyouwillappreciate,notatallconclusive
ofthequestionwhethertheymightbereleasedtothepublicWhetherthereportstowhichyourefer
shouldbemadeavailableisamatterwhichhastobedecidedbytherelevantdepartmentinthelightof
the general Commonwealth policy on access to Commonwealth archivesThe second aspect which

14
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.2.
15
LetterfromNoelLamideyaddressedtoSecretaryofAttorneyGeneralsoffice,E.J.Hook,4March1967.SeeReport
byMrNWLamideyonaliencontrolintimeofwar.A432/1661/2232,NAA,Canberra.
P a g e |7

troublesmeistheextenttowhichyourmanuscriptdiscloses,inmanyplaces,thedetailedoperationsand
conclusionsoftheCommitteeknowledgeatthetimecould,ofcourse,befreelyusedalthoughIsuggest
thatitwouldbeveryusefulifyouwereabletoindicatereferencestopublishedsources.
16

ItappearsthattheCommonwealthGovernmentavoidedthepublicationofLamideysreport.The

reportwassuppressedbytheCommonwealthGovernment,whorequestedthatcertaindetailsbe

omittedandnotdisclosedtotheAustralianpublic.Lamideydidnotpublishthereportuntilseven

years later, which happened to be the same year in which the report was made public by the

NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA).ItisquitepossiblethatLamideydidnotsharethesameviews

of the Commonwealth Government during the late 1960sand chose to wait until the reportwas

madepublicin1974.

Although he was limited to the amount of opinion he was allowed to provide, it is clear that

Lamideysconclusionsonmigrationwereinformedbythelessonslearnedfromtroubledareasof

theworld.Thelate1960ssawthewarinAsia,whichwasattractingconsiderableattentiontothe

managementoftheCommonwealthGovernmentsimmigrationpolicies.Regardinghisroleashead

of the Assimilation Division of the Department of Immigration, Lamidey wrote that these are all

valuable documents with respect to Australias wartime history and to an understanding of the

backgroundfromwhichderivedAustralianpostwarimmigrationpolicyandattitudestoimmigrants

when they arrived.17 These documents not only represent a segment of Australias history but

16
DraftletterfromtheSecretaryofAttorneyGeneralsoffice,E.J.HooktoNoelLamidey,18May1967.SeeReportby
MrNWLamideyonaliencontrolintimeofwar.A432/1661/2232,NAA,Canberra.
17
Lamidey,AliensControl,Preface,unpaginated.
P a g e |8

emphasisestoscholarsandresearcherstheproblemswhichhadtobefacedinourtreatmentofthe

AliencommunityintheturbulentyearsoftheSecondWorldWar.18

After the war ended, the Commonwealth Government considered the low population of the

country to be a security risk, and in order to protect the nation, Australia had to populate or

perish.TheACACreportthatwaspreparedforLaborpoliticianandlaterMinisterforImmigration

in 1945, Arthur Calwell, stated the need for both an increase in population through large scale

immigration,andconsequentlytheneedforaministrytooverseeit:

This was the first time in Australias history that migration had come to be regarded as of sufficient
importance to warrant Ministerial ranking in its own rightBut wehad learnt our lesson and realised
thatwithoutavastimmigrationwewouldasanationremainintheworldsbackwater;ifindeedwedid
19
notsinkaltogether.

Lamidey was always concerned about the effects of wartime legislation and issues regarding

immigrationpolicies.LamideyandhisfamilymovedtoLondonwherehetookonhisnewposition

appointedbyCalwellasChiefMigrationOfficerin1946.Inhismemoirs,Lamideywashopefulthat

what happened duringthe war would never occur again, and that Australian society would learn

frompastexperiences.20Hewroteinhisreport:

it may also in some minor manner help us all to realise that continued progress by mankind in the
searchforpeacecanbehelpedconsiderablybyincreasedknowledge,toleranceandunderstandingin
humanrelationsratherthanbydeathanddestructioncausedbythewar.21

CalwelljustifiedtheCommonwealthGovernmentsactionstocontrolaliensbyclaimingthatwhile

the war continued, the control of aliens may have been inevitable, for war as the democracies

18
Lamidey,AliensControl,Preface,unpaginated.
19
N.Lamidey,PartialSuccess:myyearsasapublicservant.HuntersHill:N.W.Lamidey,1970,p.29.
20
SeeLamidey,PartialSuccess.
21
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.5.
P a g e |9

wage it is largely an affair of improvisation, and in urgent situations which demand prompt and

effective action there islittle time to weigh the niceties ofhuman rights.22 However, Calwell did

statetheremustneverbeanotherneedforwartimemeasuresregardingthecontrolofaliens.He

argued:

Itwouldbefollytoignorethelessonsofthewaryears.Mistakesweremadeduringthoseyears,and
machinery devised in all good faith was sometimes found to be too cumbersome or otherwise
defective.AllthoughtfulAustraliansrealizethatifwearetoholdthisContinent,thepopulationmust
begreatlyincreased,andwithincreaseimmigrationmustbecomeasubjectoffirstimportance.23

Figure1:NoelLamideyasChiefMigrationOfficerin Figure2:ArthurCalwellin1940
1950
NationallibraryofAustralia,ArthurCalwell.
ImmigrationDepartmentofImmigrationofficers [http://nla.gov.au/nla.picvn3663850v].Date
NoelW.Lamidey,CMO(ChiefMigrationOfficer), Unknown.Accessed:25March2012.
London19471953,LondonProcessingSection.
A12111/2/1950/35A/1,NAA,Canberra.

22
Lamidey,AliensControl:AReporttotheHonourableArthurA.CalwellH.P.MinisterforImmigrationuponsome
AspectsofAliensControlinAustraliaDuringTimeofWar,1947,p.1.Calwellwrotein1947,Ibelievethatonthe
wholetherecordofCommonwealthintherespectofalienscontrolisverycreditable.Therestrictivemeasures
adoptedwereunderconstantconsideration,andtherelevantregulationswererevisedfromtimetotimetoremove
themoreobviousinjustices.[Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1].
23
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.2.
P a g e |10

OtherimportantworksthatfocusonAustralianwartimehistorywerewrittenbyPaulHasluck,who

wasanofficialhistorianoftheSecondWorldWar,beforeenteringtherealmofpolitics.Hebecame

GovernorGeneralin1969.HasluckwascommissionedbytheCommonwealthGovernmenttowrite

twentytwovolumesofAustraliasinvolvementinthewar.Twovolumeswerecompletedbeforehe

entered politics. In the first volume, Hasluck wrote that the most important security measure

during the first six months of war had been the internment of enemy aliens, along with other

measures which included the registration of all aliens and the restrictions on their travel and

movement.24

In spite of signalling their importance in this early work, Hasluck neglected the issue of security

measuresinsubsequentvolumes,devotingonlysixpagestoTheWartimeTreatmentofAliensas

anappendixtohisvolumeTheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941.25MichaelMcKernan,inhis

1983bookAllIn!:FightingtheWaratHome,scarcelymentionedtheAliensControlRegulationsand

argued that they had an insignificant impact on the lives of aliens living in Australia. McKernan

claimed that most enemy aliens were free to come and go as they pleased, subject to a few

restraints such as reporting their movements to local police.26 In contrast, I will argue that the

German,ItalianandJapanesewomenweresubjecttomorethanafewrestraints,andthatthese

hadanadverseimpactontheircivilliberties.

24
SeeP.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941:VolumeOne.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1952
andP.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19421945:VolumeTwo.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1970.
25
SeeAppendix4Hasluck,VolumeOne,pp.59398.
26
M.McKernan,AllIn!:FightingtheWaratHome.St.Leonards:AllenandUnwin,1983,p.33.
P a g e |11

Itwasnotuntilthelastthreedecadesthattheissueofhowwartimeinternmentpolicyaffected

enemyalienslivinginAustraliabecameapointofdiscussionforhistorians.Therehavealsobeena

numberofpublishedworksoninternmentinothercountries.Comparisonswiththesestudiesare

beyondthescopeofthepresentwork.27MargaretBevegesbookBehindBarbedWire:Internment

in Australia during World War II, was one of the first to provide an account of internment in

Australia.Thereweremanycriticismsofherwork.IlmaMartinuziiOBrien,forexample,criticized

thefactthatBevegeseemstoregardinternmentasarelativelybenignexperience,onthegrounds

that the internees were not mistreated by their guards.28 Bevege has also been criticized by

AndrewMooreforprovidinglittleevidenceoflightandshadeandfewsuggestionsoffascistsbeing

confused with antifascists.29 However, Beveges work must be recognised because of the

internment studies that followed during the 1980s and 1990s, generating much interest in the

topic.

27
SeeAlinder,Jasmine.MovingImages:PhotographyandtheJapaneseAmericanIncarceration.Chicago:Universityof
IllinoisPress,2009;C.C.Aronsfeld,JewishEnemyAliensinEnglandduringtheFirstWorldWar.JewishSocialStudies
Volume18Issue4,1956,pp.27583;J.A.Bennett,JapaneseWartimeInterneesinNewZealand:FragmentingPacific
IslandFamilies.TheJournalofPacificHistory,Volume44,Issue1,2009,pp.6176;T.Kushner,Clubland,CricketTests
and Alien Internment, 193940. Immigrants & Minorities, Volume 11, Issue 3, 1992, pp. 79101; K. McAllister,
PhotographsofaJapaneseCanadianInternmentcamp:mourninglossandinvokingafuture.VisualStudies,Volume
21,Issue2,2006,pp.13356;P.Panayi,et.al,MinoritiesinWartime:nationalandRacialGroupingsinEurope,North
AmericaandAustraliaduringtheTwoWorldWars.Oxford:BergpublishersLimited,1993;D.Saunders,AliensinBritain
andtheEmpireduringtheFirstWorldWar.Immigrants&Minorities,Volume4,Issue1,1985,pp.527;K.Saunders
and R. Daniels et. al, Alien Justice; J. Stewart, Angels or Aliens? Refugee Nurses in Britain, 1938 to 1942. Medical
History,Volume47,2003,pp.14972.
28
Elkner,EnemyAliens,p.16.
29
A. Moore, when the caretakers busy taking care? Crosscurrents in Australian political surveillance and
internment,19351941inSaundersandDanielset.al.,AlienJustice,p.49.
P a g e |12

Authors that have dominated the topic of internment since Beveges publication, include Kay

SaundersandOBrien.30Mosthavefocusedonaparticularethnicityfromaspecificlocation,with

the exception of publications from Bevege and more recently, Beaumont, OBrien and Trincas

editedUnderSuspicion:CitizenshipandInternmentinAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWarwhich

coverstheexperienceofallthreeethnicities,German,ItalianandJapanese.31Thoughsimilartothe

work presented in this thesis, this edition only provides a collection of the case studies of ten

individualswhowereincarceratedduringtheSecondWorldWar.

Issues such as ethnic minorities and racial profiling in Australia have become topical due to

contemporaryevents.Mostpublicationshavediscussedbiographicalaccountsofthosewhowere

incarcerated, focusing primarily on men interned during the war, and more recently, internment

issuesthatrelatetocitizenshipandnationalsecurity.32AsChristinaTwomeyrecentlydescribedit,

30
K.Saunders,DiscoveringtheSubversiveandtheSaboteur:TheDisjuncturebetweenofficialrecordsofinternment
policyandpracticeandtherememberedexperiencesofinterneesinAustraliaintheSecondWorldWar.OralHistory
AssociationofAustraliaJournal,Volume13,1991;Saunders,WarontheHomefront;K.Saunders,Downonthefarm:
ItalianPOWsinAustralia194147.JournalofAustralianStudies,Volume19,Issue46,1995;K.Saunders,Thestranger
in our gates: Internment Policies in the United Kingdom and Australia during the Two World Wars, 101439.
Immigrants&Minorities,Volume22,Issue1,2003;K.SaundersandDanielset.,al,AlienJustice;andK.Saunders,and
H.Taylor,TheEnemyWithin?TheProcessofInternmentofEnemyAliensinQueensland193945.AustralianJournal
ofPoliticsandHistory,Volume34,Issue1,1988.
31
SeeJ.Beaumont,I.M.OBrienandM.Trinca,et.al,UnderSuspicion:CitizenshipandInternmentinAustraliaduring
theSecondWorldWar.Canberra:NationalMuseumofAustralia,2008&Bevege,BehindBarbedWire:Internmentin
AustraliaduringWorldWarII.St.Lucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,1993.
32
Bevege, Behind Barbed Wire; K. Saunders, War on the Homefront: State Intervention in Queensland 19381948. St
Lucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,1993;R.BosworthandR.Ugoliniet.al.,War,InternmentandMassMigration:
TheItaloAustralianExperience19401990.Roma:GruppoEditorialeInternazionale,1992;Y.Nagata,UnwantedAliens:
JapaneseInternmentinAustralia.StLucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,1996;andBeaumont,UnderSuspicion.
P a g e |13

theissueofinternmenthasraisedquestionsofrace,citizenshipandrights.33AustralianCitizenship

did not officially exist until 1948. However, as it happened, obtaining official citizenship did not

necessarily change things. Research has shown that British citizenship status was no protection

from the label enemy alien. As OBrien shows, the absence of a separate Australian citizenship

encouragedthedevelopmentofaracialisedconstructionofBritishsubjecthoodinsomesectionsof

Australian society, and that boundaries were often drawn to exclude people from nonBritish

origin.34

There have been many cases of people naturalized as British subjects under the Nationality Act

1920(Cth)whowereinternedorplacedunderrestrictionsduringthewar.35Aswewillsee,women

who were married to Italian men, as well as Australianborn women of Japanese descent, were

subject to the Aliens Control Regulations despite their British nationality. The collection of their

stories in this study maintains the argument presented by OBrien, who claimed that Australian

citizensweredeprivedoftheircivilianlibertiesandinmostcases,incarceratedwithouttrial.36

WorkonNazismandItalianfascisminAustraliaisalsorelevanttothisthesis.EmilyGrahamTurner

and Gianfranco Cresciani have written books on Nazism and fascism that providebackground for

the experience of German and Italian women in Australia. The topic of fascism among Italians

33
C. Twomey, In the Front Line?: Internment and Citizenship Entitlements in the Second World War. Australian
JournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume53,Issue2,2007,p.194.
34
C. Elkner, I. M. OBrien, G. Rando and A. Cappello, Enemy Aliens: The Internment of Italian Migrants in Australia
duringtheSecondWorldWar.Adelaide:ConnorCourtPublishing,2005,p.17.
35
Beaumontet.al.,UnderSuspicion,p.11.
36
I.M.O'Brien,Citizenship,RightsandEmergencyPowersinSecondWorldWarAustralia.AustralianJournalofPolitics
andHistory,Volume53,Issue2,2007,p.207.
P a g e |14

residinginAustraliahasbeenlargelydominatedbyCresciani.37Verylittleworkhasconcentratedon

NazisminAustralia,however,TurnerGrahamhasproducedoneofthefirstdetailedculturalstudy

of Nazi ideology during the inter war period in Australia.38 More recently, David Brown has

publishedworkonfascisminQueensland.39TheliteratureconcerningfascismandNazismprovided

theideologicalcontextforthetreatmentofGermanandItaliancommunitiesthroughoutthewar

period. Many German and Italian women in this study were aware of fascism and Nazism. The

stories presented show that there were indeed Australian German and Italian women who

sympathizedwiththeNaziandfascistcauses.Theramificationsofthiswillbediscussedfurtherin

ChaptersTwoandThree.

AmongtheusefulprimarysourcesonGermanssettlinginAustraliaisCharlesPricesworkGerman

SettlersinSouthAustralia(published1945).Pricespecializedininternationalmigrationandethnic

minoritiesinAustralia.Heexplainedthatthepurposeofhisworkwastodemonstrate:

37
See G. Cresciani, Fascism, AntiFascism and Italians in Australia 19221945. Canberra: Australian University Press,
1980; G. Cresciani, Captivity in Australia: the case of the Italian Prisoners of war, 19401947. Studi Emigrazione,
Volume 26, 1989; G. Cresciani, The Italians in Australia. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2003; G. Cresciani,
Transfield:TheFirstFiftyYears.Sydney:ABC,2006;G.Cresciani,RefractoryMigrants.FascistSurveillanceonItaliansin
Australia 19221943. Italian Historical Society Journal, Volume 15, 2007. Other works on Nazi ideology in Australia
includeG.Gumpl,andR.Kleinig.TheRiseandFallofAustralia'sNo.1Nazi.Melbourne:BrulgaPublishingPtyLtd,2007;
andK.Neumann,ChapterSevenVictimsofunnecessaryhardshipandmentaltorture:WalterStolting,WolfKlaphake,
andotherincompatiblesinwartimeAustraliainBeaumont,UnderSuspicion.
38
See E. TurnerGraham, Never forget that you are a German: Die Brcke, Deutschtumand National Socialism in
Australia.UniversityofMelbourne:unpublishedthesis,2006.
39
D.Brown,FascismwithinthepreWorldWarIIItalianPopulationofQueensland:astudyofcommunityprocesses
andinteraction.JournaloftheRoyalAustralianHistoricalSociety,Volume93,Issue1,2007;andD.Brown,TheCaseof
theBrisbaneFascio:ThetransnationalpoliticsoftheItalianFascistParty.HistoryAustralia,Volume6,Issue1,2009.
P a g e |15

TheextenttowhichmembersoftheNaziPartydelayedtheabsorptionprocessinAustraliabyspreading
amongstAustralianbornGermanstheNaziVolksgedankethetheorythatbloodoverridesnationality
andthatallGermansabroadmustretaintheirconnectionwiththeGermanracialcommunity.40

Without any concrete evidence, Price claimed that the Nazi Party was a hindrance towards the

absorption process. My research has discovered that though there were Nazi sympathizers,

especiallyinSouthAustralia,veryfewexplicitlysupportedNaziGermany.AnAustralianbornman

of German descent, Hermann Homburg, former South Australian Parliamentarian and influential

figure among the German community in South Australia, wrote South Australian Lutherans and

WartimeRumoursinresponsetoPriceswork,arguingthatGermanorganizationswerepreserving

GermancultureandtherewasnorecordinthisStateofsabotage,treasonoranythingsubversive

byanyofitscitizens,whatevertheirancestry.41Whilemanywomeninthisstudywereconserving

Germanculture,theywereclearlyalsosupportersofNazism.Despitethisrevelation,thenumbers

ofmembersoftheorganizationweresolowthattherewasnorealthreattothespreadofNazism

amongtheremainingGermancommunity.

Suzanne Rutland and Paul Bartrop have written articles concerning GermanJewish refugees who

settled in Australia. These works highlighted the bigotry that was experienced by this last group,

theGermanJewishaliens,upontheirarrivalinAustralia.Bartropwroteabouttheflawsthatexisted

withintheprocessofalienregistration.42Thesearticlesandbiographicalexperienceshelpprovide

40
C.A.Price,GermanSettlersinSouthAustralia.Melbourne:MelbourneUniversityPress,1945,pp.401.
41
Homburg,SouthAustralianLutherans,p.93.
42
S.Rutland,AustralianResponsestoJewishRefugeeMigrationbeforeandafterWorldWarII.AustralianJournalof
PoliticsandHistory,Volume31,Issue1,1985;S.Rutland,PostwarAntiJewishRefugeeHysteria:ACaseofRacialor
Religious Bigotry? Sojourners and Strangers, Journal of Australian Studies, Volume77, 2003; and P. Bartrop, Enemy
AliensorStatelessPersons?TheLegalStatusofRefugeesfromGermanyinWartimeAustralia.JournaloftheAustralian
JewishHistoricalSociety,Volume10,Issue4,1988.
P a g e |16

background information concerning GermanJews in Australia during the wartime, particularly

because this thesis argues that GermanJewish settlers in Australia were wrongfully classified as

enemyaliensandshouldnothavebeenaffectedbywartimelegislation.

Other resources are concerned with German, Italian and Japanese migration. There have been

countless texts on German and Italian prewar and post war migration which helped provide an

insightintothemigratorypatternsandculturalvaluesofthesewomen.43DuetothelackofAsian

population during the early twentieth century, most scholarship concerning Asian migration and

culturalpatternsfocusedonthestrictimmigrationpoliciesthatexisted.AuthorsNagata,PamOliver

and Neville Meaney have become renowned for their work on Japanese in Australia, producing

helpfulandinformativeworkonJapaneseinAustraliabeforeandafterfederation.44

43
W.D Borrie, Italians and Germans in Australia:AStudyof Assimilation. Melbourne: TheAustralianUniversity,F.W.
Cheshire, 1954; A. Diana, Italian women in Ausralia. Affarisocialiinternazionali, Volume 16, Issue 2, 1988; M.
MennickenColey,TheGermansinWesternAustralia:Innovators,Immigrants,Internees.WesternAustralia:MtLawley:
Crossprint,1993;D.O'Connor,Noneedtobeafraid:ItaliansettlersinSouthAustraliabetweeen1839andtheSecond
WorldWar.Adelaide:WakefieldPress,1996;D.Phillips,TheEffectofImmigrationontheFamily:TheCaseofItaliansin
RuralAustralia.TheBritishJournalofSociology,Volume26,Issue2,1975;Price,GermanSettlers;C.A.Price,Jewish
Settlers in Australia. Canberra: The Australian National University, 1964; N. Randazzo, and M. Cigler. The Italians in
Australia.Melbourne:AEPress,1987;
44
SeeP.Oliver,JapaneseRelationshipsinWhiteAustralia:TheSydneyExperienceto1941.HistoryAustralia,Volume
4: Issue 1, 2007; P. Oliver, Who is One of Us? (Re) Discovering the Insideout of Australias Japanese Immigrant
Communities, 19011957. Japanese Studies, Volume 22, Issue 3, 2002; P. Jones and P. Oliver, Changing histories:
Australia and Japan. Melbourne: Monash University Press, 2001; M. Auckland and P. Oliver et., al, Unexpected
encounters:NeglectedhistoriesbehindtheAustraliaJapanrelationship.Melbourne:MonashUniversityPress,2007;P.
Oliver,Citizenswithoutcertificatesorenemyaliens?Japaneseresidentsbefore1947inBeaumontUnderSuspicion;
andA.Shnukal, G. Ramsay& Y. Nagata et. al.,Navigating Boundaries:The AsianDiaspora in Torres Strait. Canberra:
PandanusBooks,2004;Nagata,UnwantedAliens;Y.Nagata,ChapterEightNativepatriotism:theinternmentofMoshi
Inagaki in Australia during the Second World War, in Beaumont Under Suspicion; and N. Meaney, Towards a New
Vision:AustraliaandJapanacrosstime.Sydney:UniversityofNewSouthWalesPress,2007.
P a g e |17

Sometimesalittleinjusticemustbesufferedforthepublicgood

ThetitleofthisdissertationSometimesalittleinjusticemustbesufferedforthepublicgood,was

taken from a comment made by Assistant Treasurer of the Menzies government, Percy Claude

Spender in the House of Representatives on 8 September 1939 regarding his support for the

National Security Bill 1939 (Cth).45 The title captures the essence of the case studies that are

provided in this thesis, which highlight the effects that the National Security Act had on migrant

women, especially German, Italian, Japanese and Australianborn women designated as enemy

aliens,livinginAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWar.


Figure3:SirPercyClaudeSpender,1937

AdamCarr,MembersoftheAustralianHouseof
Representative.DateUnknown,
[http://psephos.adam
carr.net/countries/a/australia/membersgallery/re
psgallery1946.shtml].DateAccessed:25March
2012.

NonBritishsubjectswererequiredtoregisterasalienswhilethosewhopossessedthenationality

of a State of War with His Majesty; or being Stateless at any time possessed such a nationality

45
Commonwealth, Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 8 September 1939, 237 (Percy Claude
Spender).
P a g e |18

wererequiredtoregisterasenemyaliens.46WhenwarfirstbrokeoutGermanslivinginAustralia

were classified as enemy aliens and most men were rounded up to be interned. As the war

progressed,ItaliansandJapanesewerealsocategorisedasenemyaliens.Thegeneralrulewasthat

womenwerenottobeinterned,withtheexceptionoftheJapanese.AllJapanesemen,women,

andchildrenwereinternedafterthebombingofPearlHarbour.IwillarguethattheAliensControl

Regulations were subjectively applied, referring to the various case studies presented in this

dissertation.

The Aliens Control Regulations were formed under the National Security Act. The Aliens Control

Regulationswereimplementedtocontrolindividualsandorganizationsaffiliatedwithfascismand

Nazism that could influence nonBritish persons living in Australia and was concerned with their

travel and movement. The Executive arm of Commonwealth Government gave local authorities

control over an aliens place of residence; internment; control over their possessions and

employment;controloverassembly,andpropaganda.47However,thiswasnotthefirsttimethat

intelligenceauthoritiestargetedmigrantsandpoliticaldissidentslivinginAustralia.

PamOliversuggestedthatoneofthemainreasonswhyinnocentmenandwomenwerecaughtup

inthelegislationwasbecauseofpoorintelligencegatheringduringtheSecondWorldWar.48The

lackoforganizationinAustraliaswartimesecurityservicewasarticulatedbyLamidey:

It would be a fair comment I think to say that the Second World War caught Australia hopelessly
unprepared insofar as National security was concernedwe were without a National security

46
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell(1947),p.5.
47
SeeStatutoryRulesmadeunderCommonwealthActsduringtheyear1939.Canberra:GovernmentofAustralia,1939.
48
P.Oliver,InterpretingJapaneseActivitiesinAustralia,18881945.JournaloftheAustralianWarMemorial,Volume
36,2002.
P a g e |19

organizationthe need for a coordinate central body properly equipped to deal with all aspects of
security and intelligence at both national and international level was nonexistent. This need had
beenseenovertheyearsbymanyfarsightedpeoplesincetheterminationoftheFirstWorldWar
butbythetimetheSecondWorldWarwasuponusithadnotbeenboughtintotherealmofpractical
49
politics.

ThelackofsecurityorganizationisevidentlyattributedtotheinconsistentapplicationoftheAliens

ControlRegulationstowardsGerman,ItalianandJapanesewomen.

The Commonwealth Investigation Branch (CIB) was established within the Attorney Generals

Department in 1919, after the First World War ended, as the Commonwealth Governments sole

intelligence investigative body (See Appendix Two).50 It was not until March 1941, during the

SecondWorldWar,thatAustraliaswartimesecuritywasrevampedasamorecentralorganization.

TheCIBconsistedofinspectorswhowerelocatedineachcityacrossAustralia,responsibletothe

DirectoroftheCIB,MajorHaroldEdwardJones.AppendixThreeshowsthatJoneswasresponsible

totheSecretaryoftheAttorneyGeneralsOffice,whowasthenresponsibletothePrimeMinister

and Minister for Defence.51 The role of the CIB was to investigate alleged offences against

CommonwealthActsandmattersofdepartmentalconcern.52

49
Lamidey,PartialSuccess,p.28.
50
F.Cain,TheOriginsofPoliticalSurveillanceinAustralia.Melbourne:Angus&RobertsonPublishers,1983,p.xiii.
51
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.xiii.
52
C.D.CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService.DefenceForceJournal,Volume16,IssueMay/June,1979,
p.23.JonesnegotiatedarolefortheBranchasagentfortheDepartmentofHomeandTerritoriestoinvestigateand
make recommendations on all naturalization and some immigration applications. Jones was hoping that more work
wouldbeprovidedfortheBranchanditwouldprovideaccesstorecordconcerningAustraliasalienpopulation.[D.
Dutton,TheCommonwealthInvestigationBranchandthePoliticalConstructionoftheAustralianCitizenry,192040*.
LabourHistory,Volume75,1998,p.156].
P a g e |20

TheArmywasresponsibleforcensorshipmatters,butcensorshipofthepresswashandedoverto

theChiefPublicityCensorwhoreportedtotheMinisterforInformation.53In1938,asthecountry

was heading closer to war, a special squad of thirty police officers was formed under military

control and Army officers were placed in full time positions in Police Headquarters where they

directedintelligencework.ThesepositionslaterbecameknownastheMilitaryPoliceIntelligence

Section (MPI).54 The CIB handed over responsibilities for security activities to the MPI. Although

therewasnocentralsurveillanceorganizationatthetime,plansforcensorshipandtheinternment

of enemy aliens were already established while the War Book was being drafted.55 This enabled

preparationstobemadeinadvanceofwar,includingthedraftingofinitialcontrolregulationsand

orders.56 The purpose of the War Book was to facilitate the transition from peace to war, by

settlingdowntheadministrativeactionsthatwillbetakenintheearlystagesofawaremergency;

indicatingwhichDepartmentorotherAuthorityisresponsibleforactionlaiddownineachfield.57

AttheoutbreakofwarinSeptember1939,theCommonwealthGovernmentintroducedtheAliens

ControlRegulations.Themainobjectivewastoensurethataliens,residentinAustralia,enemyand

otherwise, could in noway become a dangerto the country nor impede the progress of the war

53
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.260.Themainaimofcensorshipwastopreventleakageofinformationand
toprovideasourceofinformation.[Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.260.]
54
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
55
NAA,SeriesnotesforseriesD1614.Dateunknown,
[http://naa12.naa.gov.au/scripts/SeriesDetail.asp?M=3&B=D1614.Accessed:18April2005]
56
NAA,SeriesnotesforseriesD1614.Dateunknown,
[http://naa12.naa.gov.au/scripts/SeriesDetail.asp?M=3&B=D1614.Accessed:18April2005]
57
NAA,SeriesnotesforseriesD1614.Dateunknown,
[http://naa12.naa.gov.au/scripts/SeriesDetail.asp?M=3&B=D1614.Accessed:18April2005].
P a g e |21

eitherindividuallyorinassociationwithothers.58Thedefinitionofthetermaliencapturedany

personovertheageof16yearsotherthanapersonwhoisaBritishsubjectwithinthemeaningof

theNationalityAct192036.59

The Nationality Act allowed for migrants to become British subjects through naturalization.

Naturalisation was made more difficult to obtain by nonwhite aliens, particularly Japanese

residents. The alien had to have resided in Australia for five years. Even when naturalized, they

were entitled to very few legal rights. Nonwhite British subjects were specifically denied

entitlements by provisions in a range of discriminatory legislation.60 Under the Commonwealth

ImmigrationActandtheCriminalAct,thosewhowerenotborninAustraliawerestillliabletobe

deportedfortreasonlikeactivities.61Becauseoftheracistimmigrationlawsthatexisted,British

subjecthoodwasofnobenefittononwhitepeopleinAustralia.62Thiswasalsothecaseformany

naturalizedGermanandItalianmigrantsduringthewar.AsTedCantlehasargued,nationalitycan

bewonorlost,asallegianceschange,throughexceptionalcircumstances,orthroughmarriageand

58
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
59
Lamidey, Aliens Control: Aliens Classification and Advisory Committee, Interim Report Submitted to The Right
HonourableH.V.Evatt,LL.D.,K.C.,M.P.TheAttorneyGeneraloftheCommonwealthofAustralia(1943),p.5.
60
J.Chersterman,NaturalBornSubjects?RaceandBritishSubjecthoodinAustralia.AustralianJournalofPoliticsand
History Volume 51, Issue 1, 2005, p. 32. See also The Acts of Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia passed
duringtheyear1920,inportionofthefirstsessionoftheeighthparliamentoftheCommonwealth.AlbertJ.Mulleti,
GovernmentPrinteroftheStateofVictoria,1920,p.146.
61
Chersterman,NaturalBornSubjects?,p.33.
62
Chersterman,NaturalBornSubjects?,p.33.
P a g e |22

byadoptioninrespectofchildren.63DuringtheSecondWorldWar,Australianwomenwhomarried

German,ItalianandJapanesemenlosttheirBritishnationality.64

The Commonwealth approached the difficult task of trying to protect the nation from enemy

invasionwhilemaintainingtherightsofcivilians.TheNationalSecurityBillwasintroducedbyPrime

MinisterRobertMenziesasanationalresponsetoGermanysdeclarationofwaron3September:

This Bill is designed to make provision for the safety and defence of the Commonwealth and of its
territoriesduringthepresentstateofwar.Itisafarreachingmeasurewhichgivesextensivepowersto
the government and in that respect follows the model of legislation with which most honorable
membersarealreadyfamiliarTheunhappycircumstancebywhichwefindourselvesatwarmakesit
once more necessary that very great powers should be obtained in order to deal promptly and
effectivelywiththevariousproblemsthatwillarise inrelationtonationaldefencetheremustbeas
littleinterferencewithindividualrightsasisconsistentwithconcertednationaleffort.
65

Figure4: SirRobertGordonMenziesin1939

SirRobertGordonMenzies.Encyclopediaof

WorldBiography,2004.
[http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Sir_Robert_

Gordon_Menzies.aspx].Accessed:25March2012.

63
T.Cantle,CommunityCohesion:ANewFrameworkforRaceandDiversity.NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005,p.
116.
64
SeetheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.146.
65
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 7 September 1939, 163 (Robert
GordonMenzies).
P a g e |23

AuthorMargaretBevegewroteevenifbasiclegalrightswerepotentiallysuspendable,itdoesnot

follow that legal form was overturned with the outbreak of war. It was not the intention of the

CommonwealthGovernment,ortheMilitaryBoard,toactrepressively.66However,parliamentary

debatesregardingtheNationalSecurityBillshowthattheMembersofParliamentwereawareof

the effects that the legislation would have on minority groups. For example, Labor Member of

ParliamentJohnSolomonRosevear(Dalley,NewSouthWales)stated:

We were assured by the Prime Minister yesterday that that we were waging war, not against the
Germanpeople,butagainsttheGermandictatorshipandtheGovernment,yet,ifthisBillispassedinits
presentform,weshallalsobewagingwar,onasmallerscale,inAustraliaagainstmanypeoplewho,by
theaccidentofbirth,areGerman.Someofthesepeoplemayhavebeennaturalisedandloyalsubjects
of Australia for many years. Yet an open invitation is being offered to smash their businesses and to
deprivethemoftheirworldlygoodsmerelyofthesaysoofanyofficerwhomaybeappointedunderthe
regulationmaking power under this Bill. But the danger is not confined to enemy subjects. Many
Australian people may be deprived of their worldly goods, and their whole future may be placed in
jeopardy,merelybecausesomeofficialmayhaveasetagainstthem.
67

The election of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) in 1941 did not change the Commonwealth

Governments approach to enemy aliens despite their opposition toward the introduction of the

NationalSecurityBillin1939.TheALPsstanceagainstenemyalienswasconsistent,especiallydue

to the heightened security threat to Australias north. The Commonwealth Government was well

aware of the potential ramifications of the legislation on minority groups. The most disturbing

commentmadeduringtheSecondReadingSpeechinParliamentthatbelittledthedeprivationof

liberty was made by Member of Parliament Victor Charles Thompson (New England, New South

Wales),whoproclaimed:

WeknowfromourexperienceofthelastwarthatitisabsolutelynecessaryforthisParliamenttodelegate
agreatpartofitsconstitutionalpowers,whicharemadeconstitutionallargelybydictaoftheHighCourt,
totheExecutiveforthetimebeingIwellremembertheoperationoftheWarPrecautionsAct.Although
the legislation was irksome in some respect it did not leave any permanent scars of the feelings of the

66
Bevege,BehindBarbed,p.27.
67
Commonwealth,HansardSecondReadingSpeech,HouseofRepresentatives,7September1939,173(JohnSoloman
Rosevear).
P a g e |24

people of this country. As soon as the war was over, whatever irritations had been caused by it when
forgottenbythegreatmajorityofpeople.
68

Some historians have excused the Commonwealths treatment of enemy aliens in Australia by

comparingthetreatmentofinterneestoprisonersofwaroverseas,orthehorrorsofconcentration

camps.ItalianhistorianGianfrancoCrescianiwrotethat

InternmentwasatraumabothforItalianswhowereinternedandforthosewhowereallowedtoretain
their freedom, to pursue a life which could by no means be called normal...in comparative terms, the
materialconditionsofcaptivityinAustraliawerevastlybetterthanthoseenduredbyAlliedprisonersat
Coltaro, Italy, Colditz,Chengi or Dacheu. The psychological, mental and physical stress of long years of
69
confinement,isolationandmeaninglesslifeleftanenduringmarkontheircharacters.

Yet,asCateElknerwrote

we were not as bad as genocidal dictators overseas is weak, as excuses go, andthat beneath the
generalityofnottoobadtreatmentinadistantsideshowinhistorysworstwar,realAustralianpeople
70
sufferedneedlessinjusticefrompettybureaucracyandsmallmindedsuspicion.

This injustice is evidenced in the following chapters presented on German, Italian, Japanese and

Australianborn women who were married to enemy aliens living in Australia during the Second

WorldWar.Bevegearguedthatthere

was no significant political or press campaign against aliens during World War II. The lack of public
campaign is attributable to the coolheadedness and commitment to fair play exhibited by the Prime
Ministers, R.G. Menzies and John Curtin, who never engaged in alien baiting themselves, and publicly

68
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 7 September 1939, 176 & 177 (Mr
Thompson).
69
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,pp.105and111.
70
Elkneret.al.,EnemyAliens,p.iv.TheBritishgovernmenthavealsoexcusedthetreatmenttowardsenemyaliensby
referringtothemistreatmentofaliensintheUnitedStates.T.KushnerreferredtoanreviewbyMaxBetoffofW.Mose
If one looks at the treatment by the United States of its citizens of Japanese descent, with no substantial threat of
invasion,theBritishdecisionaboutinternmentbecomeseasiertounderstand.[T.Kusher,Clubland,CricketTests,p.
79].
P a g e |25

denounceditinothers.TheyweresupportedbyseniorministerssuchasP.C.SpenderandDrEvatt.But
internmentwasnotdirectlyinthesemenshands,nordidtheirattitudemakethempopular.
71

Bevegemayhavearguedthattheinternmentpolicywasnotinthesemenshandsdirectly,butby

implementinglegislationthatpassedabsolutepowerstoinvestigativeauthoritiesduringatimeof

crisis,thesemencanbeheldaccountablefortheimpacttheAliensControlRegulationshadonthe

womenunderstudy.TheinconsistentapplicationoftheAliensControlRegulationstowardsthese

women poses many questions about the administration of justice and the intelligence officers in

charge.

Methodology

This study is based on archival research. Using the NAA online catalogue search function,

documents which were held at the NAA in Sydney, Adelaide, Perth, Brisbane and Canberra were

categorised online and randomly selected on the basis of nationality and womens names. The

majorityoffileswereexaminedinSydney.By1941,ArmyofficersandtheMPIhaddevisedarecord

systemwhichwasheldupasamodelforemulationinotherstates.72InNewSouthWalesalone,

recordsanddossierswereheldonmorethan12,000peopleandfirmswhoprovideddetailsonthe

large numbers of aliens.73 The dossiers were the responsibility of the MPI authorities until the

SecurityServicetookoverin1942.

ThefilesinthisstudyareprimarilyfromtheC123seriesheldattheNAAinSydney.Thedocuments

concern unnaturalized enemy aliens living in New South Wales. Alien Applications, Registration

71
Bevege,BehindBarbedWire,p.229
72
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
73
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
P a g e |26

cards and sensitive casefiles concerning issues of national security and membersof theNational

SozialistischeDeutscheArbeiterPartei(NSDAP)inAustraliaheldattheNAAinAdelaidewerealso

examined(D4878,D4881,andD1915series).RecordsfromtheBP913andBP25seriescreatedby

the QueenslandState Police wereexamined at theNAA in Brisbane.Passports containing limited

information collected by authorities wereexamined in Melbourne (MP56/10) and Investigation

dossiers concerning internees during the war were examined at the NAA in Perth (K1171 series).

TheJapanesewomeninthisstudywereincarceratedassoonasJapanhadenteredthewar.Asa

result,therearenotmanyinvestigationdossiersthatrevealdetailsontheirlives,onlyregistration

papersandinterneeapplicationforms.However,allofthefilesexaminedprovideaninsightinto

thewaytheAliensControlRegulationswereadministeredduringthewar.

In total, over 750 files were examined for this study. Three hundred and sixty of these files had

neverbeforebeenexamined.Thedocumentsthatwereanalysedforthisstudyconsistoftranslated

copiesofletters,officialreports,memorandumsandphotographs.Thetranslationshadbeenmade

at the time of investigation and therefore reflect the information available to the authorities

making decisions. These occasionally contain grammatical errors and I have reproduced them as

recorded.Thesearchivaldocumentsandlettersreflectthecontextinwhichthesewomenlivedand

provideaninsightintothefeelingsthatwereexperiencedbythem,supplyingfacts,assertionsand

responsestoexperiencewhichcannoteasilybefoundelsewhere.74

74
D. Fitzpatrick, Oceans of Consolation: Personal Accounts of Irish Migration to Australia. Ithica: Cornell University
Press,1994,p.25.
P a g e |27

Whilethisthesisisinalargepartbasedonarchivalresearch,thiswassupplementedbyinterviews

where possible. I conducted five interviews which provided information on the context in which

these women lived and their experience of the Aliens Control Regulations. Many women who

experiencedthewaronthehomefrontarenowwellintotheir80sor90s;manyareunfortunately

no longer with us. I was fortunate to be able to include some oral testimony in this research,

however, it is important for any author to note that memorys account of the past is partial or

subjectiveandthatitsrepresentationsofthepastarecolouredbytheviewsoftherememberer.75

In this study, the rememberers were women who were growing up during the war and had

recollections of how their family was affected by the legislation. (Most responded to an

advertisementIplacedintheSydneyMorningHerald,andtheItalianHistoricalSocietyJournal,and

tolettersaddressedtoGerman,ItalianandJapanesenursinghomesacrossAustralia).

These women included Italian national Josie Ciavola who was an infant during the war when her

familywasdetainedatFremantleGaolinJune1940;YvonneKraemerwhowasbornin1940and

recollectsgrowingupduringthewarandthestoriesthatweretoldtoherbyherparents;andan

Italianborn woman who chose not to disclose her family name but described her familys

experienceduringthewartime.Threeoftheintervieweeswereactuallyregisteredasenemyaliens

duringthewar.ThesewereGermanJewishrefugeeYvonneKraemer,AustrianJewishrefugeeIlona

Balog, and Francesca Merenda Australianborn of Italian descent.76 The inclusion of interviews

helpsusunderstandhowexperienceislivedandremembered.77

75
S.Radstone,ReconceivingBinaries:theLimitsofMemory.HistoryWorkshopJournal,Volume50,2005,p.135.
76
Though this research focused solely on German, Italian, Japanese and Australianborn women, other women of
different nationalities were also interviewed that provided background research into the registration process. This
P a g e |28

ContemporaryRelevance

Inaddition,itisimportanttonotethatthisthesishighlightsitsrelevancetocontemporaryissues.

AshistorianEricHobsbawnhaswritten,forthegreaterpartofhistorywedealwithsocietiesand

communitiesforwhichthepastisessentiallythepatternforthepresent.78Itisimportantthatwe

learn from the mistakes of the past by recognising the stories presented in this dissertation.

LamideywroteinhisaccountofhisroleinadministeringtheNationSecurityAct,

itmayalsoinsomeminormannerhelpusalltorealisethatcontinuedprogressbymankindinthesearch
for peace can be helped considerably by increased knowledge, tolerance and understanding in human
relationsratherthanbydeathanddestructioncausedbythewar.
79

Indeed, in recent publications, scholars have related their work on internment to contemporary

issues.TheseissuesincludethatofAustraliancitizenshipwhichfollowstheintroductionofthenew

CitizenshipTest;thereleaseoftheAntiTerrorismAct2005whichaccordingtoonecommentator

hasacompletedisregardforthecivilrightsofindividualsandthepotentialforthearbitraryuseof

executive power;80 and the arrival of asylum seekers held in Australian immigration detention

centres.81ThesignificanceofthestudyofinternmentisexplainedbyBeaumontinUnderSuspicion:

included Romanian Jewish refugee Josie Lacey whose father was conscripted into labour camp during the war and
CzeckoslovakiannationalLizaGanswhoregisteredasanalien.
77
Radstone,ReconceivingBinaries,p.139.
78
E.Hobsbawm,OnHistory.NewYork:TheNewPress,1997,p.10.
79
Lamidey,PartialSuccess,p.5.
80
J.Hocking,AustralianTerrorLaws:AnHistoricCritique.NationalForum:TheWaronTerrorismandtheRuleofLaw.
NewSouthWalesParliament,Sydney.10November2003.
[http://www.gtcentre.unsw.edu.au/sites/gtcentre.unsw.edu.au/files/mdocs/88_JennyHocking.pdf]December2011.
81
See Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, Becoming an Australian Citizen. Date:
unknown, [http://www.citizenship.gov.au/], Accessed: 11 May 2010; I. M. OBrien, Chapter 9, The Enemy Within:
Wartime internment of enemy Aliens. M. Crotty and D.A Roberts, et. al., The Great Mistakes of Australian History.
P a g e |29

itisimportantbecauseitremindsus,intheageofGuantanamoBayandrendition,oftheeasewith

whichinternmentwithouttrialcanbeacceptedbyapublicthatisfearfulforitsownsecurity.82

Manyhistorianshavearguedthatmostoftenintimesofcrisis,thesecurityofthenationoverrides

civilianliberties.ThetreatmentofpeopleregisteredasenemyaliensduringtheSecondWorldWar

canbeperceivedasnotonlyaphenomenonthataroseinthecrisisofwar,butwaspartofamuch

deeper racist attitude towards aliens which had increased between the wars.83 According to

AnthonyBurke:

Securityhasbeencentraltotheconstructionofpowerfulimagesofnationalidentityandotherness,
andcentraltotheiruseinbitterpoliticalconflictswhichweretoooftenresolvedinviolentandanti
democratic ways. In short, security has been a potent, driving imperative throughout Australian
history,afactwhichoughttogiveusapausewhenwelookbackwardswithaneyetowhatweare,
andforwardswithaneyetowhatwemightbecome.
84

FromthedispossessionofAboriginestothepresentwaragainstterror,itisclearthatthefearof

thealienhaslongexistedinAustraliashistoryandstillexiststoday.

Australias xenophobic past was highlighted by Beaumont who wrote that the tragedy of

internment

served to assuage the anxieties of an Australian population who were already predisposed to an
exclusive understanding of citizenship and who, in the crisis of war, turned easily (if temporarily)
againstthosewhose'crime'wastheirethnicity,raceorculturaldifference.
85

Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2006, p. 154; and A. Bashford and C. Strange, AsylumSeekers and
NationalHistoriesofDetention.AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume48,Issue4,2002.
82
Beaumontet.al.,UnderSuspicion,p.4.
83
OBrien,ChapterTwoinElkneret.al.,EnemyAliens,p.23.
84
A.Burke,InFearofSecurity:AustraliasInvasionAnxiety.Sydney:PlutoPressAustraliaLimited,2001,p.xxi.
85
Beaumontet.al.,UnderSuspicion,p.8.
P a g e |30

ThisthesissupportstheargumentsmadebyBeaumont,especiallywhenapplyingthemtoGerman,

ItalianandJapanesewomen.Womenwhowereinternedshowhowfarreasonablesuspicioncan

be taken, and how the principle of proportionality can be abused by rigid minds closed with

authority.86Evenwomenwhowerenotinternedwereneverthelesssubjecttorestrictionsbecause

oftheirethnicityandconsequentlyexperiencedhardships,especiallywhenlookingafterfamilyand

familyproperties.Thisthesisdiscussestheexperiencenotonlyofwomenwhowereinterned,but

alsowomenwhowerenotinternedtoillustratehowtheAliensControlRegulationsaffectedtheir

livesduringthewar.

ChapterSummaries

Thisdissertationcoversmorethan700German,Italian,JapaneseandAustralianbornwomenliving

inAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWar.Itisdividedintothreeparts.Thefirstpartconcentrates

on the Aliens Control Regulations and the impact of the outbreak of war. The second section

focuses on case studies of Australianborn women of German descent, Italianborn women and

Australianborn women of Japanese descent who were affected in various ways by the Aliens

Control Regulations. And the third part shows how GermanJewish refugee and Australianborn

women,wereaffectedbywartimelegislation.

PartIconsistsoftwochapters.ChapterOnediscussestheruleoflawthecontextandlegislation

that existed during the outbreak of war. It provides the context in which these women lived, in

particularthewarhysteriaandthereactionfromtheCommonwealthGovernmentandthepublic

towardsItalysentryintothewarin1940.AbriefsummaryonAustraliaswartimesecurityservice

86
CrottyandRoberts,TheGreatMistakes,p.155.
P a g e |31

willalsobepresented.ThefocalpointofthechapteristheAliensControlRegulations,providingan

analysisoftherestrictionsimposedbytheAliensControlRegulationsthataffectedItalianwomen

duringtheSecondWorldWarinNewSouthWales.

Germany declared war in September 1939 and German men who had been investigated by

authoritiesintheperiodleadinguptothewarwereroundeduptobeinterned.However,Italys

entry into the war in June 1940 was perceived by the media and Australian public as a more

treacherous invasion because of its unexpected entry into the war. Chapter Two focuses on the

captureoftheItalianvesselstheRemoandtheRomoloinAustralianwatersinJune1940.Verylittle

information is available on the seizure of these vessels, though my research has uncovered NAA

documentsconcerningwomenonboardthevessels,whowere,inspiteofCrescianisreportstothe

contrary,internedduringthewar.ThesewomenwerereturningtoItalyandsomeweremembers

oftheFascistParty.

Part II focuses on other women who became more isolated and experienced financial difficulty

while their husbands were interned; and some women, especially Australianborn women of

Japanese descent, real or otherwise, were interned and placed under severe restrictions based

solely on their racial appearance. German and Italian women were the largest group of aliens

residinginAustraliaregisteredasenemyaliensduringthewar.Despitethefacttherearenotmany

filesonJapanesewomenbecauseofthelowpopulationofJapaneseinAustralia,Ichosetoinclude

JapanesewomeninthestudybecauseIwantedtodrawcomparisonswiththeothergroups,and

showhowwartimepolicychangedasthewarprogressed.TheinclusionofAsiansalsoallowsthe

investigationofracistissuessuchasappearancelookingJapanese.
P a g e |32

Part II consists of three chapters that distinguish the inconsistent ways that the Aliens Control

Regulations were applied focusing on German, Italian and Australianborn women of Japanese

descent. Chapter Three draws attention to Australianborn German women who maintained the

culturalvaluesoftheirGermanheritageandinsomecaseswereardentsupportersofNazism.Itis

importanttodifferentiatethevarioustypesofGermanwomenexaminedinthischapter.Thereare

fivecategoriesofGermanthatfellundertheclassificationofenemyaliensandwereinvestigated

duringtheSecondWorldWar:AustralianbornwomenwhowereGermanbydescentandlongterm

settlers;AustralianbornwomenmarriedtoGermannationals;Germanbornwomenwhomigrated

to Australia during the years preceding the war; German Jewishborn refugees who fled Nazi

Germanyjustbeforetheoutbreakofwar;andasevidencedinChapterSix,HungarianandAustrian

born refugees were also placed under the classification of German enemy aliens due to the Nazi

occupationoftheirnativecountries.

AsnotedinChapterThree,theNAAfilesinSouthAustraliaconfirmthattherewereofficialfemale

membersoftheNSDAPwhowereplacedundersurveillancebyauthorities.Thischaptershowshow

the Aliens Control Regulations were inconsistently applied, especially when the head of the

Womens Nazi Organization in South Australia, Pauline Starke, was considered a threat to national

securitybyauthoritiesyetwasneverinternedduringthewar.TheroleofwomenintheNaziParty

activitiesinAustraliaseemedtobeneglectedinGaryGumplandRichardKleinigsrecentlyreleased

bookTheRiseandFallofAustralia'sNo.1Nazi.87Interestingly,HermannHomburgsdaughterRita

Krawinkle appears in this chapter, as one of the few women placed under surveillance by

87
SeeGumplandKleinig,TheRiseandFallofAustralia'sNo.1Nazi.
P a g e |33

investigative authorities. Nazi party membership was relatively low and most women in this

chapterassociatedwiththeNaziPartywerealsosociallyprominentintheSouthAustralianGerman

community.

Chapter Four focuses on how the Aliens Control Regulations were applied to Italian women who

were not interned, but who nevertheless suffered from the negative impact the Aliens Control

Regulationshadontheirlives.Malerelatives,whowerealsothemainincomeearners,wereplaced

ininternmentcamps.Asaresult,manywomenexperiencedsignificanteconomicdistressandwere

left to fend for themselves. Italian women were mainly involved in domestic duties and in many

cases,lefttotakecareofboththeirhomesandbusinessesformerlyrunbymalerelatives.Some

experienced loss of property due to the fact they could no longer support themselves and their

children. Other security measures these women endured under the Aliens Control Regulations

includedtherestrictionontravelandmovement,theProhibitedPossessionsOrder1940(Cth)which

placed restrictions on owning particular items, and restrictions placed on employment, assembly

andpropaganda.Legislationimpactedonthesewomensocially.Theybecameisolatedasaresultof

theirhusbandsbeinginternedandtheregistrationprocesswhichcategorisedthemastheenemy.

TheAustralianpublicandmediaintensifiedthematterwhenmaliciousaccusationswerealsomade

againstItalians.

ChapterFiveconcernsJapanesewomenandAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentwhowere

internedbecauseoftheirAsianappearance.Thoughthisdissertationdoesnotgointogreatdetail

aboutJapanesewomenduetothelowpopulationofJapaneselivinginAustraliaduringthewar,it

was clear that the Commonwealth Government found it difficult to intern them on political
P a g e |34

grounds.Therewasno'JapaneseequivalentoftheNSDAPorFascistPartythereforeanindividual's

commitmenttoJapan'swaractivitieswasnotopenlyproclaimed'.88Therewere,however,Japanese

clubsandsocietiesthatmanyJapanesewereaffiliatedwith.Duringthewar,Japanwasperceived

byAlliedforcestobearacialmenace.89Japansroleinthewarwasseenasmoreofareligiousand

culturalwarratherthanapoliticalone.90Thesignificanceofincludingthischaptershowshowrace

influencedthedecisionsmadebyauthoritiestointernJapanesebornmigrantslivinginAustralia.

AfterthebombingofPearlHarbour,allJapanesewereimmediatelyinternedwithoutbeingfurther

investigated.NagataspublishedworkUnwantedAliens:JapaneseInternmentinAustraliaprovided

accountsofthewartimeexperienceofJapanesemenandwomenbasedonoraltestimoniesand

archival documents.91 The women in my study were interned not because of their ethnicity or

formalcitizenshipstatusbutbecauseoftheirJapaneseappearance.Authoritiesthoughtitbestto

internthesewomenfortheirownandforpublicsafety.Thediscriminationandtreatmenttowards

theJapanesereinforcesthenotionthatotherhistorianshaveexpressed,thattheirtreatmentwasa

reflection of what was happening overseas.92 Nagata interviewed Lamidey, who told her our

government was firm about the Japanese. As far as I remember, we interned the lot and, as a

principle,wedidn'tintendtoletanyoneout.Itwasfortheirprotection'.93

88
SaundersandTaylor,TheEnemyWithin,p.23.
89
SeeJ.Dower,WarWithoutMercy:RaceandPowerinthePacificWar.NewYork:PantheonBooks,1986.
90
Dower,WarwithoutMercy,p.7.
91
Nagata,UnwantedAliens.
92
I.M.OBrien,Chapter9,TheEnemyWithin:WartimeinternmentofenemyAliensinCrotty,GreatMistakes,p.141
93
Beaumontet.al.,Undersuspicion,p.121.
P a g e |35

ThefinalchapterscontainedinPartIII,arestrategicallyplacedlasttoshowthebureaucraticfailures

and inconsistent ways in which the Aliens Control Regulations were applied to GermanJewish

Refugees and Australianborn women married to Italian migrants. Chapter Six illustrates how the

legislation impacted on the lives of GermanJewish women living in Australia during the war. It

discussesthepoorjudgementthatwasmadebypoliceandmilitaryofficerscarryingouttheAliens

Control Regulations and the inability of the government to determine who was a genuine Jewish

refugee.ManyofthesepeoplecametoAustraliafleeingNazipersecution,butwerenevertheless

classifiedastheenemyalongwiththeirenemies,theNazisympathizers.Thoughtheywerenot

prosecutedunderthelegislationliketheirItaliancounterparts,GermanJewishwomenstillendured

the same restrictions and processes as enemy aliens, and in some cases were affected by the

legislationsociallyandeconomically.Manywomenalsofellvictimtomaliciousstatementsmadeby

membersofthecommunitywhoregardedthemwithsuspicionsimplybecausetheyspokeGerman.

Onceagain,appearanceappearingtobeGermanoverroderealityandthesubtletyofidentity.

ChapterSevenisconcernedwithAustralianbornwomenmarriedtoItalianmen,unawarethatthey

hadlosttheirBritishnationalityasaresultoftheirmarriage.InordertoregaintheirBritishstatus,

thesewomenhadtoprovetoauthoritiesthattheyhadnosympathytowardsanyofthecountries

which were at war with the Allied forces, especially their husbands homeland. An amendment

made to the Nationality Act in 1935 provided the opportunity for women to retain their British

nationality. Part IV, Division 1 (18) of the Nationality Act, clearly stated that women who were

married to an alien or enemy alien could make a declaration in order to retain their British
P a g e |36

nationality if they desired to do so.94 The case studies presented in this chapter are fascinating

storiesofAustralianwomenwhowerecaughtupinwartimelegislationanditisimportanttonote

their significance of their plight in Australias history stories that have been neglected for over

seventyyears.

Conclusion

There has been a considerable amount of research undertaken on issues concerning internment

and migration in Australia. However, there has been very little research carried out on the

thousands of aliens who were notinterned. Weknow very little about the experience of women

who fall into the alien or enemy alien categories. In particular, little work has been done on the

impactoftheAliensControlRegulationsonthelivesofGerman,ItalianandJapanesewomenliving

inAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWar.Thisthesisaimstofillthesegaps.

94
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.146.

PARTI:

OUTBREAKOFWAR

Figure5:OilpaintingbyFrankNortondepictingtheItalianRomolo onfirein1942.The
ItalianCruiserwascapturedbyauthoritiesinAustralianwatersinJune1940.

F.Norton,HMASManoorasinkingmerchantvesselRomolo.Oilonhardboard,1942.
AustralianWarMemorial,[http://cas.awm.gov.au/item/ART22328].Accessed:25March
2012.
P a g e | 38

ChapterOne:

TheRuleofLaw
howevermuchwemaycherishtheRuleofLawasoneofourmostpreciouspossessions,wemust
recognizethatpermanentlibertyisoftenbestachievedonlybyatemporarysacrificeofindividual
freedom.1

(RobertGordonMenzies,1917)

Arbitraryprocesscanbecharacterizedasdifferentofficials[taking]differentviewsuponwhether

ornottheinternmentofapersonwasjustifiedinaparticularinstance.2Thefocusofthisthesisis

thearbitrarynatureoftheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)apparentinthe

variouswaysthatGerman,Italian,JapaneseandAustralianbornwomenwereaffectedbywartime

legislation. The future Australian Prime Minister, Robert Gordon Menzies, acknowledged just

beforetheendoftheFirstWorldWarthattheruleoflawwasthecompletenegationofarbitrary

power or any very extended use of prerogative right and believed that the War Precautions Act

1914(Cth)enactedduringthewarwasachallengetotheruleoflaw.3Menziesclaimedthatthe

ActwasavirtualsuspensionofoneofthefundamentalprovisionsoftheMagnaCharter.4Despite

his acknowledgement of the loss of civilian rights during wartime, the opening passage of this

chapter shows that in 1917 Menzies was conflicted over the justification of wartime legislation.

Nevertheless,overtwentyyearslater,asthePrimeMinisterofAustralia,Menziesdeclaredwaron

Germanyon3September1939andintroducedtheNationalSecurityAct1939(Cth)whichpassed

absolutepowertotheExecutive.

1
R.G.Menzies,TheRuleofLawduringtheWar.Sydney:TheLawBookCo.ofAustraliasiaLtd,1917,p.24.
2
P.McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWarAChallengetotheRuleofLaw.UniversityofNewSouthWales
LawJournal,Volume28,Issue2,2005,p.331.
3
Menzies,TheRuleofLawinMcDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.334.
4
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.332.Clause39statednofreemanshallbeimprisonedexceptby
thelawfuljudgmentofhisequalsorbythelawoftheland.[McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.332].
P a g e | 39

This chapter will provide background information on the Aliens Control Regulations that were

promulgated under the National Security Act. It will examine the Aliens Control Regulations that

affected the lives of German, Italian, Japanese and certain Australianborn women living in

Australia.Theregistrationandnaturalizationprocessprovedtobemostproblematic,especiallyfor

Australianbornwomenwholosttheirnationalityasaresultoftheirmarriagetoanenemyalien.

Otherkeyareasthatwillbeexaminedincludetheinternmentprocess,restrictionsplacedontravel

and movement, limited employment opportunities and the Prohibited Possessions Order 1939

(Cth). Changes that were made to legislation as the war progressed and the inconsistencies that

existed among officials who administered the Aliens Control Regulations will also be highlighted.

However,beforewebegin,itisimportanttoconsiderthattheintroductionoftheNationalSecurity

ActwasnotthefirsttimetheCommonwealthGovernmentintroducednationalsecuritymeasures.

TheDevelopmentofaWartimeSecurityService

Thelegaldefinitionofnationalsecurityistheprotectionofanationandofthepeopleofanation

from espionage, sabotageviolence, attacks on the nations defence system or acts of foreign

interference.5JoanBeaumontwrote

intimesofnationalcrisis,externalthreatscanrapidlybreedunitaryconstructionsofthenation.The
senseofacommunity,boundtogetherbycommonvalues,beliefsandculturalpractices,canfracture.
Societies divide along fault lines, and the consensus that holds a multicultural or pluralistic citizenry
togethercrumblesinthefaceoffear,anger,thedesireforrevengeandthedemonisingofthosewho
aredifferent.6

In times of crisis, communities often break down due to the unwarranted discrimination against

ethnic minorities that follows. This is what happened in Australia at the outbreak of the Second

WorldWar.AnAustralianpoliticianwhowaslatertobecomeImmigrationMinister,ArthurCalwell

5
P.NyghandP.Butt,ButterworthsConciseAustralianLegalDictionary.Sydney:Butterworths,1998,p.299.
6
J.Beaumont,AustralianCitizenshipandtheTwoWorldWars.AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume53,
Issue2,2007,p.172.
P a g e | 40

justifiedtheCommonwealthGovernmentsactionstocontrolaliensbyclaimingthatwhilethewar

continued, the control of aliens was necessary, for war as the democracies wage it is largely an

affairofimprovisation,andinurgentsituationswhichdemandpromptandeffectiveactionthereis

littletimetoweighthenicetiesofhumanrights.7However,theSecondWorldWarwasnotthefirst

time Australia had introduced wartime Aliens Control Regulations that affected the homefront,

wherethenotionoflawbecomesnothingotherthananexpressionofwillbyapoliticalsuperior.8

AsevidencedintheIntroduction,legislationimplementedduringtheSecondWorldWarwasjust

oneofmanypoliciesinAustraliaswartimehistorywhennationalsecurityhasoverriddencivilian

liberties.AsdiscussedbyauthorJasonByrnes:

ThemajorityofAustralianswouldbeunawareofthelonghistoricallinksbetweennationalsecurityissues
includingthethreatofterrorismandtheAFPindeed,mostofthecriticaldevelopmentsinfederalpolicing
haveoccurredeitherasaresultof,orwithinthecontextof,periodsofsignificantnationalsecuritythreats.
9

This thesis supports the argument made by British jurist and constitutional theorist, Albert Venn

Dicey, that the development of administrative agencies [was the] main threat to the rule of

law.10 Dicey, whose work was described as highly influential throughout the [British] Empire,

referredtotheleadingauthorityinconstitutionallaw,ProfessorW.HarrisonMoore,whoprofessed

thatexecutiveauthorityisnotabove,butbelowtheruleoflaw.11

TherisktonationalsecurityhasalwaysbeenavitalconcernfortheCommonwealthGovernment.

Beaumonthasarguedthatthewar:

7
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946.Sydney:N.Lamidey,1974,p.1.
8
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.332.
9
J.Byrnes,Warwickincidentanniversary,PlatypusMagazine,Volume96,September2007,p.33.
10
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.334.
11
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,pp.331and332.
P a g e | 41

shiftsthebalanceofrightsandobligationstowardsthestateattheexpenseoftheindividual.Facedwith
external threats, the state can demand that the citizen be prepared to die in the name of the nation,
whileinvokingnationalsecurityintereststojustifyrestrictionsofcivilrightsandbasicfreedoms.
12

OneoftheperiodsofsignificantnationalthreatincludedtheFirstWorldWar.Thefirstfewmonths

oftheFirstWorldWarsawGermanyplantoretakethelostGermancolony,NewGuinea,which

would be used for the renewal of operations in the Pacific. Consequently, the Australian supply

routetoEuropeandtherestoftheCommonwealthwasthreatened.13ThefearofGermanytaking

Australiafromthenorthwasapublicconcern,andasaresult,thevisionofaninternalenemyarose

on the homefront.14 The Commonwealth Government responded to the German threat by

introducingtheWarPrecautionsActwhichtargetedGermanslivinginAustralia.However,Germans

werenottheonlyenemyaliensaffectedbythelegislation.

TheenemyalienpopulationalsoincludedIrishnationalists,radicalpacifistsandsocialists,unionists,

politicalandchurchleaderswhocampaignedagainstconscription,andpracticallyeverybodywho

daredtospeakoutpubliclyagainsttheCommonwealthGovernmentstotalcommitmenttowar.15

The Aliens Restriction Orders were introduced in May 1915 and in 1916. The orders were

implementedtoallowthedeportationofanunnaturalizedalienwithoutahearing.In1917,Prime

MinisterWilliamHughesbeganacampaigntodestroytheIndustrialWorkersoftheWorld(IWW)

andpassedtwoUnlawfulAssociationActswhichallowedforforeignandevenBritishradicalswho

12
Beaumont,AustralianCitizenship,p.171.
13
G.Fischer,EnemyAliens:InternmentandtheHomefrontExperienceinAustralia19141920.St.Lucia,Universityof
QueenslandPress,1989,p.1.
14
Fischer,EnemyAliens,p.4.
15
Fischer,EnemyAliens,p.75.
P a g e | 42

were not Australianborn to be expelled and deported to their country of origin.16 Kay Saunders

wrote that the alien carried the double burden of foreign birth and radicalism and refers to the

conservativetheorythatforeignersweremoredangerouslyextremethanpeoplenativeborn.17

TheFirstWorldWarsawsignificantdevelopmentinnationalsecurityoperations.Duringthewar,

theCommonwealthfearedanopendomesticrevolution,duetothepoliticaldissidentswhowere

protestingagainsttheCommonwealthGovernmentsintroductionofmilitaryconscription.Author

FrankCainwrotethatitwasinthoseyearsofsocialandpoliticalfermentthatthefactorswhichled

to the setting up of Australian surveillance organizations can best be observed and analyzed.18

Hughesfacedlargecrowdsprotestingagainstthependingreferendumontheissue.InNovember

1917,localradicals(scallywags)threwtwoeggsatHughesandknockedhishatoff.19Thiswould

eventuallybecomeknownastheWarwickincidentandpavedwayforthedevelopmentofawar

time security service. The Army was responsible for censorship in each state while the Counter

Espionage Bureau (CEB), the Commonwealth Police Force (CPF) and the State Police forces were

establishedtoassistincounteringespionageagainstBritainswareffortandcarryingoutdirections

fromtheAttorneyGeneral(SeeAppendixTwo).20

16
K. Saunders and R. Daniels et. al., Alien Justice: Wartime Internment in Australia and North America. St. Lucia:
UniversityofQueenslandPress,2000,p.30and32.
17
SaundersandDanielset.al.,AlienJustice,p.31.
18
F.Cain,TheOriginsofPoliticalSurveillanceinAustralia.Melbourne:Angus&RobertsonPublishers,1983,p.vii.
19
Byrnes,Warwickincident,p.34.
20
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,pp.ixx.
P a g e | 43

Figure6:CartoondepictingtheWarwickincident Figure7:PrimeMinisterWilliamBillyHughes

P.Donovan,ChangingtheGuard:AHistoryofthe NAA,WilliamMorrisHughesFactsheet73.
AustralianProtectiveService.Canberra:Australian http://www.naa.gov.au/collection/fact
GovernmentPublishingService,1994,p.4. sheets/fs73.aspx].Accessed:25March2012).

Atotalof6,890GermanswereinternedasaresultoftheWarPrecautionsAct.About4,500

GermansofthistotalwereresidentsofAustraliapriorto1914and700Germanswereinfact

naturalizedBritishsubjects.21RegistrationandparoleofallalienswasalsorequiredundertheWar

PrecautionsAct,andregardingotherrestrictions,itwasuptolocalpoliceofficerstoprosecute

enemyaliensastheysawfit.22

The structure within the surveillance organization continued to change throughout the interwar

period. In 1919, intelligence services were dismantled and all military responsibilities which

21
Fischer,EnemyAliens,p.77.
22
Fischer,EnemyAliens,p.75.
P a g e | 44

consisted of watching over radicals were passed onto the CEB staffed entirely by civilians.23

Hostilities towards foreigners who resided in Australia continued to exist among the Australian

public. However, in 1929, the arrival of the Depression caused the economy to contract and

Australianpoliticstobecomeparalyzed.24

ItwasduringthisperiodthattheCommonwealthGovernmenthadassumedimmenseeconomic

and political powers which would eventually pave the way for the establishment of a more

centralizedsecurityintelligenceorganizationduringtheSecondWorldWar.25Securitywasseenas

an effective tool in the management of industrial populations, social order and economic

prosperity.26 The Australian Labor Partys vision was to establish an order in which domestic

reconstructionwouldmergewiththeinternationalcreationofapermanentsystemofsecurity.27

DuringtheFirstWorldWar,HugheswagedawaragainstanyonewhoopposedtheCommonwealth

Government during the conflict. Ironically, as Attorney General in 1939, Hughes held the highest

powerresponsiblefortheimplementationoftheAliensControlRegulationsinregardtotheSecond

World War. Memories of the power wielded by the Commonwealth during the First World War

impacted on later debates in Parliament. During the Second Reading Speech of the National

SecurityBill1939(Cth),MemberofParliamentHubertPeterLazzarini(Werriwa,NewSouthWales),

who was perhaps concerned by the implications the legislation would have on the Italian

23
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.41.
24
A.Burke,InFearofSecurity:AustraliasInvasionAnxiety.Sydney:Centrum,2001,p.54.
25
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.188.
26
Burke,InFearofSecurity,p.53.
27
Burke,InFearofSecurity,p.78.
P a g e | 45

community in Australia, proclaimed that no power should be given to the Attorney General,

especiallyafterHughesactionsagainstciviliansduringthepreviouswar:

We know that it will be invoked by the Government to shut up the Parliament and to govern the
country by regulation I do not want to see again in this country the turmoil that existed when the
presentAttorneyGeneral(MrHughes)wasPrimeMinisterandstruttingaboutthecountry,deliberately
made his irritating speeches, magnified the Warwick egg incident, traduced men with whom he had
beenassociatedforyearsandinvokedtheWarPrecautionsActinordertorailroadmentogaol.Noone
canforgetthat;itisembeddedtoodeeplyinthemindsofthepeople.Iamnotpreparedtogivehim
anypoweratall;heisonemanwhomIwillnottrustaninchwithanypower,becausehehasabrain
thatimmediatelybecomesinflamedbytheacquisitionofalittleauthority.Itisagoodjobthathehas
notthepowersthatHitlerhasinGermany.Ibelievethatthedemocratsofthiscountrywillreechothe
statementswhichIhavemadetoday.28

Ontheotherhand,supportfortheNationalSecurityBillwassummedupbyMemberofParliament

Victor Charles Thompson, whose statement quoted earlier in the Introduction, highlighted the

fundamentalnotionofnationalsecurityoverridingcivilianliberty:

We know from our experience of the last war that it is absolutely necessary for this Parliament to delegate
a great part of its constitutional powers, which are made constitutional largely by dicta of the High Court,
to the Executive for the time beingI well remember the operation of the War Precautions Act. Although
the legislation was irksome in some respect it did not leave any permanent scars of the feelings of the
people of this country. As soon as the war was over, whatever irritations had been caused by it when
forgotten by the great majority of people.29

MargaretBevegeclaimedthattheopeningoftheSecondWorldWarfoundAustraliaunpreparedto

dealwithquestionsofnationalsecuritybecausenonationalcorporatebodyonsecurityexisted.30

TheSecurityServicewasformedon31March1941aspartoftheAttorneyGeneralsDepartment

andwasheadedbyDeputyDirectoroftheCommonwealthInvestigationBranch(CIB),Lieutenant

ColonelE.E.LongfieldLloyd,whoestablishedhisheadquartersinnineroomsatthePatentsOffice

28
Commonwealth,HansardSecondReadingSpeech,HouseofRepresentatives,8September1939,204(MrLazzarini).
29
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 7 September 1939, 176 & 177 (Mr
Thompson).
30
M. Bevege, Behind Barbed Wire: Internment in Australia during World War II. St. Lucia: University of Queensland
Press,1993,p.1.
P a g e | 46

inCanberra.31Thisorganizationtookovercivilnationalsecuritydutiesandinternalsecuritiesthat

werepreviouslycontrolledbytheArmy.32

TheArmyretainedtheresponsibilityforcensorshipandallmattersconcernedwithinternment.The

executive power to deal with subversive activities was still vested in the Attorney General, while

thecontroloveraliensrestedwiththegeneralscommandingtheMilitaryDistrictsineachstate.33In

preparation for becoming a more centralized organization, an interdepartmental committee

investigatedtheideaofsettingupaDefenceSecurityOrganization(DSO).Itwasconcludedbythe

majority of the committee members that as Defence in any event required an organization to

ensure the security of defence works, efficiency and economy was best served by Army

undertaking primary responsibility.34 The War Cabinet approved the DSO on 5 June 1940 to

operate for three services under the direct control of the Chief of General staff. The DSO liaised

withtheCIB,StatePoliceandothercivilauthorities.35

The Army retained control over civil and internal security in Northern Territory and Western

Australias north (see Appendix Three for a diagram of the organizational structure of Australias

wartimesecurityserviceduringtheSecondWorldWar).36AccordingtoChrisCoulthardClark,as

the likelihood of war increased, Army officers were placed fulltime in Police Headquarters and

directed the work of the Police Commissioner [of the] Military Police Intelligence Section.37 The

31
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.24.
32
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.24.
33
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.24.
34
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
35
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,pp.23and24.
36
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.24.
37
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
P a g e | 47

role of the MPI was to enforce the Aliens Control Regulations targeted at all aliens and enemy

alienslivinginAustralia.

TheAliensControlRegulationswereintroducedasanimportantmeanstocontrolaliensandenemy

aliens.AccordingtoNoelLamidey,thelegislation

carried with it the highly contentious and difficult task of striking a proper balance between the
implementationofGovernmentinstructionstobeeverwatchfulofthesecurityofthenationandthe
feelingthatthisbedonewithaslittleoppressionorharshnessastheemergencyofwarpermitted.38

However, perhaps unsurprisingly, the Aliens Control Regulations had a negative impact upon the

lives of aliens and were alwayscontroversial. As Lamideyargued, forsome, the restrictionswere

carried out without due regard to humanity and social justice, while others argued that the

successfulprosecutionofthewarjustifiedanyactionthatwastaken.39

In the five years immediately before the war, over 9,000 German nationals had migrated to

Australia,alongwith10,000Italians,andabout20,000othercontinentalEuropeans,manyofwhom

were refugees from Nazi or fascist rule.40 Even at this early stage, Australians seemed unable to

understand the difference between refugees from enemy states and supporters of them. There

weresomerefugeeswhowererefusedsettlementinAustralia.Forexample,asteamerfromBerlin

that was to make a special passage to Australia was cancelled because of the unfavourable

reaction to the proposal in Australia.41 According to Saunders, once the war began Australian

societybecameobsessivelyintentuponidentifyingandpunishingthoseperceivedtobepotentially

38
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
39
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
40
P.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941.VolumeOne.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1952,p.
593.
41
AustraliatoadmitJewRefugees..TheCourierMail,23November1938,p.1.
P a g e | 48

underminingnationalsecurity,thewareffortormorale.42Similartowhathadoccurredduringthe

FirstWorldWar,restrictionswerenotonlyplacedonenemyalienslivinginAustralia,butalsoon

othergroups,suchasmembersoftheCommunistPartyofAustralia(CPA)andtheAustralianFirst

Movement.43SaundersclaimedthatadominantfunctionofthemodernStateduringthewarwas

the identification, targeting and containment of groups who were perceived as threats to the

security,moraleandthephysical,moralandideologicalwellbeingandcohesivenessofthesociety

underexternalthreat.44Thiswasespeciallyevidentinregardtothealien,whorepresentedthe

embodimentofallfears,particularlythoseespousingforeignideologieslikefascism.45

The main objective of the Aliens Control Regulations was to ensure that aliens, resident in

Australia,enemyandotherwise,couldinnowaybecomeadangertothecountrynorimpedethe

progress of the war either individually or in association with others.46 When war first broke out,

Germans were registered as enemy aliens while Italians and Japanese living in Australia were

classified simply as aliens.47 For the second time round, Germans in Australia fell victim to

restrictionsplacedonenemyaliensduringwartime.

42
K.Saunders,WarontheHomefront:StateinterventioninQueensland19381948.Queensland,St.Lucia:University
QueenslandPress,1993,p.33.
43
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.19.
44
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.33.
45
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.33.
46
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.33.
47
It was not until Italy and Japan entered the war later on that Italians and Japanese living in Australia were re
classifiedasenemyaliensandfurtherinvestigatedorincarcerated.
P a g e | 49

RegistrationAct1939(Cth)

TheAliensControlRegulationsintroducedduringtheSecondWorldWartargetedminoritygroups,

categorizingnonBritishmigrantslivinginAustraliaasaliensandenemyaliens.Thispreventedany

formofassimilationformostminoritygroupslivinginAustraliaatthetime.EleanorVenableswrote

theissueofbelongingandnotbelongingisparadoxical.Whereandwhendoesanimmigrantbegin

tobelong?Thenewsocietyseemstodemandbelongingofyoubut,paradoxically,seemsalsoto

blockeachattempt.48AsevidencedinAppendixOne,eachforeignnationalwasclassifiedaseither

an alien or enemy alien. This table was recommended by the Aliens Classification Advisory

Committee(ACAC)andestablishedunderthedirectionofthenewDirectorGeneralSimpson.

TheregistrationofenemyalienswasadministeredbytheSecurityService,whotookmeasuresto

register,photographandfingerprinteveryalien.49Enemyalienswereexpectedtoregisterattheir

localpolicestationaccordingtoascheduleorganizedalphabetically.Forexample,on15September

1939,newspapersannouncedthatItalianswhosenamesstartwiththelettersK,LandMareasked

to report at the Police Station.50 In some cases, women provided their own photographs. Police

and military officers located at the local police station were responsible for enforcing the Aliens

ControlRegulation.Allalienswererequiredtocompleteaquestionnaireformintriplicateandtake

ittothenearestpolicestation.Fourphotographsofthem,oneattachedtotheapplicationform,

weretobehandedintoanAliensRegistrationOfficer(ARO),alongwithacertificateofregistration

and passport. A certificate of registration and passport was also required to be handed in to the

48
E.Venables,RecollectionofIdentity:TheReassemblyoftheMigrant.SojournersandStrangers,JournalofAustralian
Studies,Volume77,2003,p.114.
49
Lamidey,AliensControl:AReporttotheHonourableArthurA.CalwellH.P.MinisterforImmigrationuponsome
AspectsofAliensControlinAustraliaDuringTimeofWar,1947,p.6.
50
RegistrationofEnemyAliens.BarrierMiner,15September1939,p.3.
P a g e | 50

ARO.Clause5(4)oftheAliensControlRegulationsstatedthatRegulationsmayrequirethealiento

allowaprintofhisfingersorthumbs.51

There was some difficulty, however, in communicating the Aliens Control Regulations to most

enemyaliens.Thequestionnaireformsweredistributedbypoliceanditwasuptotheenemyaliens

themselves to provide completed forms and photographs to their local police stations. It was

reportedbytheBarrierMinerinSeptember1939,thatComprehensivedetailsaretakenfromthe

aliensandtheofficersworkwashamperedbythefactthatseveralofthem[aliens]haveaslight

knowledge of English.52 Though it was common knowledge that enemy aliens knew very little

English,theywerestillexpectedtofollowupontheAliensControlRegulations.Itwasreportedby

Inspector Duckworth that the public who were affected by the regulations should, in their own

interests,ascertainthepreciserequirementsoftheregulationsfromthenearestpolicestation.53

Authoritiesissuedwarningstothosewhohadfailedtoregister.On14December1939,therewasa

smallproportionofalienswhofailedtoregisterinWesternAustralia.Authoritiesannouncedthat

those who failed to report for registration, or enemy aliens who did not give their parole,

subjectedthemselvestointernment.54

Duringthewar,hundredsofaliensreportedtopolicestationswherefingerprintsweretaken.Itwas

considered necessary as a check upon the identity of the aliens in the future (See Appendix

51
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmade
underCommonwealthActsDuringtheYear1939.AlsoPerogativeOrders,etc.,withTablesandIndex.L.F.Johnston,
CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939,p.408.
52
RegistrationofEnemyAliens.BarrierMiner,15September1939,p.3.
53
RegistrationofAliens:WhatisrequiredundertheAct.BarrierMiner,13September1939,p.1.
54
UnregisteredAliens.TheWestAustralian,14December1939,p.18.
P a g e | 51

Four).55Aquestionnaireformonaliensandenemyalienswascompletedbyauthoritiesandthey

weretosignaparoleformagreeingtorefrainfromtakinganyactionprejudicialtothesafetyof

theBritishEmpire.56StatisticsprovidedbyLamideyshowthatby30September1945,over50,000

alienshadregisteredandofthistotal,over22,000registeredasenemyaliens.57

EnemyAlien Male Female Total

German 1144 438 1582

Italian 9378 3386 12,764

Japanese 15 13 28

Refugee 1199 1469 2668

Table1:Registrationfiguresofenemyaliens,30September194558

Italians were the largest foreign population in Australia. After Italys entry into the war in June

1940,Italianswererequiredtoregisterasenemyaliensanditwasdeterminedbyauthoritiesthat

in some districts it was apparent that aliens had settled in large numbers and could, if occasion

arose,beamenacetothesafetyandsecurityoftheCommonwealth.59

As noted in the introduction of this chapter, the Aliens Control Regulations were introduced to

resolvecertainissuesconcerningtheadministeringoftheRegistrationAct1939(Cth)thatbecame

55
AliensRegistered.FingerprintsTaken.SydneyMorningHerald,12September1939,p.10.
56
ControlRegulations.RequirementsSetOut.SydneyMorningHerald,15September1939,p.9.
57
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
58
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,AppendixApp.6971.
59
Lamidey,AliensContro:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.31.
P a g e | 52

problematicasthewarprogressed.Oneoftheseissuesconcernedtherequirementtoreporttothe

ARO every week. The ACAC concluded in 1943 that for good aliens, this could be reduced to

reporting once a month. The recommendation also emphasized that it was never intended for

aliens to miss out on any work during weekdays. Due to the shortage of manpower, aliens were

permittedtoreportanytime,includingonSaturdayandSundayevenings,andiftheAROwasnot

present,otherpoliceofficerswerealsoabletomarktheirreporting.60

Another issue concerned the age at which children were required to register. Over 6,700 alien

children were admitted to Australia between 1937 and 1941.61 Those under sixteen years of age

wereexemptfromregistration.Thechildwasrequiredtoregisterwithinthreemonthsofthechild

attaining the age of 16. However, in 1943 the ACAC recommended that the required age for

registrationshouldbechangedfrom16to18yearsold.62Onceagain,theonuswasontheenemy

alien to be aware of and comply with the law. According to Clause 5 (3) of the Aliens Control

Regulation:ifanysuchchilddidnotregisterhimselfwithinthetimeallowed,theparent,orperson

standingtohiminlocoparentis,shallbeguiltyofanoffenceagainsttheAct.63

TherewereelementsofParliamentarydiscussionthatacknowledgedthehardshipthattheseAliens

ControlRegulationsentailed.TheACACconcludedthattheprocessofregistrationhadanextreme

impact on children; such a condition was injurious to the children concerned and was likely to

60
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.14.
61
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
62
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
63
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmade
underCommonwealthActsDuringtheYear1939.AlsoPrerogativeOrders,etc.,withTablesandIndex.L.F.Johnston,
CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939,p.411.
P a g e | 53

frustrateeffortsmadetoeducatethesechildreninthewaysandtraditionsofthiscountry.64Itwas

alsosuggestedthatchildrenwereclearlyaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulation,andtherefore

were debarred from that freedom of movement enjoyed by other children of their age and

becamesubjectedtogravedifficultiesinseekingemploymentonproductionofacertificatewhich

classedthemasenemyaliens.65

It is important to note that children were not excluded from any educational facilities. The

educationofalienslivinginAustraliawasahighlydebatedtopicinParliament.Sevenmonthsprior

totheoutbreakofwar,MrS.A.Lloydwasexasperatedattheproposalthatfundsweretobemade

availableforthepurposeofeducatingnewlyarrivedimmigrantchildren.LloydaskedtheMinister

for Education, Mr Drummond, whether he would consider it more necessary and desirable to

providefundstoimprovetheconditionofschoolsintheConcordelectorate,tomakethemhealthy

andsufficientforthescholarsofthoseschools?66Inresponsetothis,Drummondclaimedthatit

wasimportanttoseethataliensarerapidlyassimilatedintotheordinarylifeofthecommunity.67

Hefurthernotedthatifthosestepswerenottakenquickly,subnationalgroupsmayariseinour

communitywhichmayprovetobeasgreatanuisanceandahindrancetoournationallifeasthey

areinothercountries.68

64
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
65
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
66
New South Wales Parliamentary Debates (Second Series.) Session 19381940. Second Session of the ThirtySecond
Parliament.Sydney,GovernmentPrinter:ThomasHenryTennant,1940,pp.383738.
67
NewSouthWalesParliamentaryDebates(SecondSeries.)Session19381940,pp.383738.
68
NewSouthWalesParliamentaryDebates(SecondSeries.)Session19381940,pp.383738.
P a g e | 54

On 26 November 1940, the Premier of New South Wales, Mr Thomas asked Alexander Mair in

Parliament whether enemy aliens would be provided with the privileges of public education. Mr

Mairrespondedbystating:

Thereisnodiscriminationagainstchildrenofeitherenemyaliensorfriendlyaliens.Allchildrenmay
take advantage of the education facilities provided by the State. The discrimination is only against
adultswhoareunnaturalisedGermansorunnaturalisedItalians.69

ControllingTravelandMovement

Theprevioussectionmentionedtheproblemofhavingtoreporttothepoliceonaregularbasis.

However, the frequency of reporting was not the only problem for women classified as enemy

aliens. The majority of those who were not interned were forced to endure harsh restrictions

placed on their travel, movement and possession of personal items. Clause 16 (1) of the Aliens

ControlRegulationsstated,

analienshallnotchangehisplaceofabodeunlesshefirstgivesnoticetothealiensregistrationofficer
nearesttohisplaceofabodeofthedateonwhichheintendstochangehisplaceofabode,andofhis
intendednewplaceofabode.70

The Commonwealth War Book declared that the principal matters covered by the Aliens Control

Regulationswererestrictionsontheembarkationofcertainspecifiedaliensandalienstraveling

within Australia and its Territories.71 The Commonwealth War Book covered the precautionary

measurestobetakenwhenwarwasimminentandthemeasurestobetakenimmediatelyafterthe

outbreakofwar.72TheWarBookclearlystatedthatnoobstaclewillbeplacedinthewayofaliens

69
New South Wales Parliamentary Debates (Second Series.) Session 19401941. Third Session of the ThirtySecond
Parliament.Sydney,GovernmentPrinter:ThomasHenryTennant,1941,pp.113839.
70
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule,p.410.
71
WarBookoftheCommonwealthofAustralia:CoordinationofDepartmentalActionontheOccurrenceofStrained
Relations and on the Outbreak of War. Melbourne: Department of Defence, July,1939. Part1: PrecautionaryStage,
ChapterXII.ControlofAliensandPassengerTraffic,May,1939,p.2.
72
P.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1952,p.122.
P a g e | 55

of good character, and not under suspicion, leaving Australia during the Precautionary Period, if

theysodesire.73Aswewillseeinthefollowingchapters,theAliensControlRegulationswereonly

intendedtohaveaneffectonalienswhowereundersuspicionbyauthorities.However,therewere

thousandsofaliensandenemyalienswhowereclearlyvictimizedandsufferedtheconsequences

oftheAliensControlRegulations.

Clause17(1)oftheAliensControlRegulationsalsorequiredenemyalienstoreporttotheirnearest

PoliceStationinordertoobtainapermittotraveloutsidethepolicedistrictinwhichhisplaceof

abodeissituated.74PoliceDistrictwasdefinedasanareainchargeoforpatrolledbythepolice

stationed at a police station, or such other area as the Deputy Director of Security in the State

concerneddetermines.75Thiswas,inpractice,unnecessarilyrestrictive.Arestrictionwasplacedon

enemy aliens where they were only allowed to travel within a five mile radius of their police

district. Clause 19 of the Aliens Control Regulations gave the Commonwealth Government the

control over where enemy aliens resided and the authority to prohibit aliens from any place or

area.76

Therestrictionsplacedontravelandmovementandtheprocessinvolvedinobtainingpermitswas

cumbersome.Everyalienwhowasissuedwithatravelpermitwasrequiredtocarryitatalltimes.A

copyofthepermitwasfiledatthepolicestation;anothercopywasgiventothealienwhichwasto

be kept with them at all times; and a third copy was forwarded to the Central ARO. As Lamidey

73
Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941,p.122.
74
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule,p.411.
75
Lamidey,AliensControl:AliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee,InterimReportSubmittedtotheRight
HonourableH.V.Evatt,LL.D.,K.C.,M.P.TheAttorneyGeneraloftheCommonwealthofAustralia(1943),p.25.
76
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule,p.412.
P a g e | 56

wrote, the 'general purpose of requiring enemy aliens to obtain travel permits is to restrict their

travelingasfaraspossibletothedistrictinwhichtheyreside'.77TheACACalsoacknowledgedthe

effectthatthisClausehadonaliens:

Theeffectofrefusinganalienpermissiontotravelafewhundredyards,oreventocrossthestreetifthat
streetwastheboundarylineofthepolicedistrict,topayasocialcall,todosomeshoppingortogotothe
pictureswasgenerallyinjurioustoaliensandofficialsalike.78

Asaresult oftheACACsfindings,thedefinitionofapolicedistrictwaschangedinAugust1942,

when it was extended to a radius of fifteen miles and was to become known as a metropolitan

area.ProvincialareassuchasNewcastlebecameregardedasonepolicedistrictandcountryareas

werealsoregardedasapolicedistrict.AccordingtoLamidey,thischangemeantthatalienscould

move more freely within greatly increased areas without applying for permits.79 Aliens were

permitted to use public transport and obtain a lift in a private vehicle only if it were driven by a

goodBritishsubject.80Notravelpermitwasissuedindefinitely.Anapplicationwasrequiredtobe

madeeveryfourteendayswithnotice.Medicalpractitionerswhowererequiredtotravelalsohad

toundertakethisprocess.LaterontheACACdecidedthatthepermitcouldberenewedontheday

the alien reported it, after complaints were made by enemy aliens who reported to renew the

permitafewdaysearlierthanitexpiredandtoldtoreturnontheday.81

Restrictions on travel also complicated other Aliens Control Regulations. The ACAC also

recommendedthatfamilymembersofinterneeswerepermittedtovisitthemincamp,eachcase

77
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.13.
78
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.9.
79
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.10.
80
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.12.
81
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.14.
P a g e | 57

of course being dealtwith on itsown merits.82Thewives ofhusbandsinternedwereallowedto

visitthecamptwiceamonthbutrequiredwrittenpermissionfromtheCommandantofthecamp

andatravelpermitissuedandreferredtoCentralAROfordirection.83

Further restrictions on travel were implemented in Australias north from 1942 because of the

heightened security threat in Australias north. The Queensland Curfew Order 1942 (Cth) was

introducedon12FebruarybytheMinisterofArmy;theAliensControlRegulationsmaintainedthat

enemy aliens were not permitted outside their house between the hours of 8pm and 5am.

Exemptionsweremadeforthosewhoworkedinahospitalandotheressentialserviceswhosework

hoursrequiredthemtotravelatthistime.84

InJune1943,theSecurityServicetookoverjointresponsibilityofthecurfewwiththeQueensland

Commander who was solely responsible for police officers and ARO carrying out Aliens Control

Regulations.85 Nonetheless, by September 1944, it was generally accepted that the curfew was a

failure.Lamideywrote:

Manyfeltthatwithlargenumbersofalienstransferrednorth,bothforsugarworkandasmembersofthe
CivilAliensCorps,itsretentionwasanecessity:otherstooktheviewthatnolargebodyofalienscould
reasonably be expected to be cooped up and not permitted any form of pleasure or amusement after
8.p.m.,which,ofcourse,effectivelybarred[them]frompicturehalls,dancehalls,andanyotherformof
entertainment.86

The curfew remained but the Security Service and the military amended the order. It was still in

forceinthenorthofwhatwasknownastheAlienLine,alineacrossQueenslandfromtheeast

coastwestwardtotheboundaryoftheNorthernTerritorydesignedtopreventaliensfromtaking

82
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.13.
83
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.13.
84
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.46.
85
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.46.
86
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.46.
P a g e | 58

up residence north thereof.87 By 1 December 1944 Aliens residing south of the line were not

subjecttoanyrestrictions;however,thoseinthenorthwerestillboundbythem.TheAlienlinewas

abolished in 18 May 1945. A total of 94 prosecutions and fines had been executed since its

implementation.88

RefugeeorEnemyAlien

Another concern for the ACAC included the classification process. As evidenced in Chapter Six,

GermanJewish refugee women were classified as enemy aliens at the outbreak of the war and

enduredtherestrictionspromulgatedundertheAliensControlRegulations.TheACACtackledthe

issuebystatingtherewasanobviousdifficultyexperiencedindeterminingwhatwasmeantbythe

definition of enemy alien.89 In order to clear up misconceptions and misunderstandings from

officersadministeringtheAliensControlRegulations,theACACrecommendedatableofclassified

nationalitiesbepreparedinconsultationwiththeDepartmentofExternalAffairs.

The table was completed in April 1943 and became the accepted and authoritative basis upon

whichallaliennationalswereregistered.90Consequently,GermanJewishpeopleswerereclassified

as refugee aliens. The task of assigning aliens to categories was given to the Security Service. It

wasconsideredthatwithalltheinformationanddocumentationtheyhadgathered,SecretService

and CIB would have no difficulties in classifying aliens or enemy aliens.91 There were three

classifications:

87
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.46.
88
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.47.
89
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.27.
90
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.27.
91
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.11.
P a g e | 59

AAlienswhoseloyaltytotheCommonwealthisreasonablyopentodoubttosuchanextentthatthe
securityoftheCommonwealthcanonlybemetbytheirinternment.

BAlienswhoseloyaltytotheCommonwealthcannotbeestablishedwithsuchcertainly[certainty]that
thesecurityoftheCommonwealthcanonlybemetbytheirinternment.

C Aliens whose loyalty to the Commonwealth is not reasonably open to doubt, and on whom no
restrictionsshouldbeplaced.92

ItwasspecifiedbytheACACthatanyonewhowassubversiveandclassifiedasC,thatthedoubt

must be reasonable, and must have a real foundation, and that the principles enunciated by the

Attorney General and earlier quoted herein should be borne firmly in mind by the officers

entrusted with this duty.93 In Britain by contrast, three categories based purely on age, were

considered sufficient. Those included enemy aliens under sixteen, over sixty five and invalid or

infirm, except in highly unusual cases, where British authorities considered security needs were

sufficientlymetinthecasesoftheagedandinfirmbyrestrictionordersratherthanbyinternment

orcontinueddetention.94

Theclassificationandloyaltyofanalienwasdeterminedbylocalauthorities,whichhighlightedthe

subjectivenatureoftheAliensControlRegulations.TheACACwrote:

Obviously it cannotbepredicted withcertaintyof any member of anyclass of aliens, merely by virtue of


membershipofthatclass,thathisloyaltytotheCommonwealthisassured.95

TheprocesshadaprofoundaffectonGermanJewishrefugeeswhowerewrongfullyclassifiedas

enemy aliens until March 1943, when the ACAC recommended that Refugee Alien become a

classification.

92
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.10.
93
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.11.
94
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.11.
95
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.11.
P a g e | 60

Otherfactorssuchasclassandethnicitymayhavealsoattributedtothefinesthatwereacquired

by Italian women during the war. Most GermanJewish women in this thesis were not fined for

being in breach of the Aliens Control Regulations. The GermanJewish women were, in general,

from a higher social class than their Italian counterparts, educated and able to speak and

understand the English language. The majority of Italian women did not speak English and this

compoundedtheirproblemsofassimilationandawarenessoftheAliensControlRegulationswith

which they were expected to comply. The 1933 census showed that over forty three percent of

ItalianwomenlivinginAustraliawereunabletoreadorwriteEnglish.96Consequently,itissafeto

assume that the majority of Italian women were unaware of the Aliens Control Regulations that

weregazettedduringthewar.

Aswillbediscussedlater,Internmentwasthemostextrememeasureintroducedduringwartime.

The most memorable moment regarding internment in Australia was when GermanJewish

refugees were mistakenly interned. The film The Dunera Boys (1985) depicts the experiences of

GermanJewish refugees who fled Nazi persecution and sailed to Australia on theDunera.97 Over

1,600 GermanJewish refugees were arrested in Britain and transported to Australia and

immediately interned at Hay in Western New South Wales. It became known that the Australian

MilitaryForcedivisionhaddoubtsastowhomtheywereinterning.98Unfortunately,becauseofthe

wartimehysteria,manyofthepassengersofthisshipweresuspectedofbeingGermanspiesby

theBritishGovernmentandweresenttobeinterned.

96
Census of the Commonwealth of Australia, 30 June 1933. Canberra: L. F. Johnston, Commonwealth Government
Printer,1933,p.386.Outofthetotal14,068populationofItalianslivinginAustraliain1933,11,531Italianscouldnot
readorwriteEnglish.Therewere3,590Italianwomenand2,901werenotabletospeakorwriteEnglish.Censusofthe
CommonwealthofAustralia,30June1933,p.386.
97
FilmdirectedbyBenLewin,TheDuneraBoys.JethroFilmProductions,1985.
98
Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring,p.43.
P a g e | 61

AsnotedinChapterOne,ACACconductedinvestigationsthatledtopolicychangesregardingthe

treatmentofenemyaliens.TheACACwasestablishedbytheAttorneyGeneralHerbertVereEvatt

inMarch1942andaimedtoworkincloseassociationwiththeDirectorGeneralofSecurityonall

mattersaffectingaliens,andtoseethatourtreatmentofthemdidnotfallshortofthatofother

allieddemocraticcountries.99TheACACwasheadedbyLamidey,whowrotethatcomplaintswere

made regarding the refugee issue, where many had come to Australia by arrangement with the

United Kingdom Government as refugees from Nazi oppression.100 He further wrote that the

Committeetook

theviewthatitwasbothunjustandunwisetolabelasanEnemyAlienapersonofenemyoriginwhose
hatredandoppositiontoanenemyGovernmentarisesfrombitterpersonalexperiencesofpersecution
and oppression, and that if he satisfied a prescribed authority that he is entitled to be designated as
suchheshouldbegivenanamendedstatusasarefugee.101

TheCommonwealthGovernmentrealizedtheirmistakeinclassifyingrefugeesasenemyaliens;as

Lamideynotes,afteralongandprotractedstruggletheviewsofthecommitteeprevailed.102The

ACACcompletedatableofclassifiednationalitiesinconsultationwiththeDepartmentofExternal

Affairs.103 Lamidey wrote in context it must be remembered that many thousands of aliens had

soughtsanctuaryinAustraliafromtherepressionsandinjusticesinflicteduponthembytheNazi

andFascistpowers.104

99
Lamidey, Aliens Control, p. 4. Members of the Committee included the Hon. A.A. Calwell, MP; Chairmen, Senator
WalterCooper;W.R.DoveyKC;J.V.BarryKC;andforashortwhile,MrsJessieStreetandLt.A.R.CutlerVC.[Lamidey,
AliensControl,pp.4and27].
100
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.33.
101
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.33.
102
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.33.
103
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.27.
104
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.4.
P a g e | 62

Nevertheless, the Commonwealth Governments stance towards refugees was highlighted in a

statementmadebytheDirectorGeneralofSecurityinJuly1942:

The refugees who have been given shelter in Australia from the Nazi oppression which they so
vehemently denounce and from the privations and sufferings in internments in Germany and the
indescribable humiliations and cruelties and the loss of every Jew, in Germany and Austria, and
whoseresidenceinthiscountryisofsuchrecentdate,mightreasonablybeexpectedtotoleratehere
war conditions which, in the interest of national safety, make a distinction, between good British
subjects and recent arrivals from enemy countriesand while the nation is still at the middle of a
mostdifficultperiodofwar,theymightatleast,bepatientandreasonable.105

Outofthe195filesconcernedwithGermanwomenlivinginNewSouthWalesexaminedforthis

study, 151 German women were classified as Refugee aliens in the year 194344. Many women

were unable to become naturalized British subjects because of the duration of their stay.

Foreigners were expected to reside in Australia for no less than five years before applying for

naturalization.

However,obtainingnaturalizationcertificatesdidnotnecessarilyexemptGermanJewishrefugees.

Many GermanJewish refugee men were still called up to work for the Employment Company,

whichwasestablishedtoensurethattheAustralianDefenceForcehadalargecorpusofsoldiers

dedicatedtoessentiallabouringtasks,thehardphysicallabourneededtomaintainthewareffort

andsupportthefightingforces.106TherewerethirtynineEmploymentCompaniesestablishedby

the Army during the Second World War.107 Eleven of these companies were made up of enemy

105
K.Kweit,BepatientandReasonable!TheInternmentofGermanJewishRefugeesinAustralia.AustralianJournalof
politicsandHistory,Volume31,Issue1,p.61.
106
J. Factor, Forgotten Soldiers: Aliens in the Australian Armys Employment Companies during World War II. The
BirsteinProject.Melbourne:AustralianCentreforJewishCivilisation,2008.
[http://www.yosselbirstein.org/pdf/eng/other/Forgotten_Soldiers.pdf].Accessed:12March2010.
107
J. Factor, Forgotten Soldiers: Aliens in the Australian Armys Employment Companies during World War II. The
BirsteinProject.Melbourne:AustralianCentreforJewishCivilisation,2008.
P a g e | 63

aliens.ThisisreflectedinthefactthatthemajorityoftheGermanJewishwomeninthisstudywere

marriedtoenemyalienswhowereconscriptedtotheEmploymentCompanies,wheretheywere

directed to factories for packing and transporting goods.108 As a result of their husbands

employment conscription, many women were granted exemption from the Aliens Control

Regulationsin1943.

The husbands of many GermanJewish women in this study continued to be treated as enemy

aliensundertheNationalSecurity(AliensService)Regulations1943(Cth).Manywerecalledupby

the Civil Alien Corps which was affiliated with the Allied Works Council, to work in labour camps

becauseoftheshortageofmanpowerduringthewar.AccordingtoLamidey,thecontinuationof

this practice and an anomaly which it raised when viewed against the Aliens Control Regulations

undoubtedlywasthecauseofmuchresentment.109Asaresult,manywomenbecameexemptfrom

theAliensControlRegulationsbecauseauthoritiesnotedthattheirhusbandswereworkingforthe

EmploymentCompany.

ProhibitedPossessionsOrder

Restrictionswerenotonlyplacedonthetravelandmovementofenemyaliens.Womenwerealso

affected negatively by the Prohibited Possessions Order introduced on 7 November 1940. The

Prohibited Possessions Order was introduced under Clause 22 of the Aliens Control Regulations.

Among other stipulations, an enemy alien needed a permit to possess a wireless receiving

[http://www.yosselbirstein.org/pdf/eng/other/Forgotten_Soldiers.pdf].Accessed:12March2010.
108
J. Factor, Forgotten Soldiers: Aliens in the Australian Armys Employment Companies during World War II. The
BirsteinProject.Melbourne:AustralianCentreforJewishCivilisation,2008.
[http://www.yosselbirstein.org/pdf/eng/other/Forgotten_Soldiers.pdf]
109
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.34.
P a g e | 64

apparatusduringthewar(SeeAppendixFive).Thisrequiredalettertoauthoritiesthataskedfor

permission,alongwithanapplication.TheSecurityServicewasresponsibleforissuingthepermits

andDistrictCommandantsweredirectedthatrefusalshouldnotbemerelyonthebasisofalienage

but rather on the assessment of the security risk involved.110 This reinforces the notion that the

enforcement of legislation enacted during wartime was an arbitrary process. Not only did the

Commonwealth Government place restrictions on the ownership of a wireless, the issue of

broadcast listeners licenses to enemy aliens had ceased and officers revoked the license from

thosewhohadobtainedoneinthepast.111

Lamidey argued that the Aliens Control Regulations empowered the Minister to prohibit the

possessionorusebyaliensornaturalizedBritishsubjectsofenemyoriginofanythingsspecifiedin

theOrder.112Heexplainedthat

Anenemyalien[could]notpossessoruseanywirelesstransmittingapparatusorwirelessreceiving
apparatusexceptwiththewrittenpermissionofthePostmasterGeneraloranofficerauthorizedin
writingbyhim.113

The measure was directed at preventing access to overseas broadcasts. In regards to an Italian

womanobtainingpermissiontopossessoruseawirelessreceivingapparatus,theDeputyDirector

ofSecurityforNewSouthWalesrespondedbystatingthat:


a person of enemy nationality is not prohibited from the possession or use of any wireless receiving
apparatusdesignedfor,orcapableofreceptiononlywithinthemediumwavebroadcastingbandof550
1600 kilocycles (545188 meters). Provided, therefore, the receiver which you propose to use is only a
broadcastbandreceivernowrittenpermissionisnecessary.114

110
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.35.
111
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.37.
112
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.37.
113
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.37.
114
Response from Deputy Director of Security for New South Wales, 2 February 1944. See Bertacco, Maria (Italian)
[box61].C123/12771,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 65

Thatis,inhisview,in1944,therewasnoproblemwithpeoplelisteningtolocalradiobroadcasts.

By November 1940, however, it appears the Commonwealth Governments intention was to

prohibitalmostentirelythepossessionofwirelessequipmentbyenemyaliens.115Lamideywrote

that

advice was tendered that any efficient valve receiver with one or more valves was capable, under
goodconditionsandwithanoutsideaerial,ofreceivingprogrammesfromstationsinotherlocalities:
expertsfromradiomanufacturingcompanieshadstatedtheeasewithwhichareceivingsetcouldbe
convertedtoatransmittingsetwithaneffectiverangeandthatcontactwithavesseloffthecoast
couldbemadebysuchaconvertedsetusingmediumwaves.Thesedangerswereregardedassoreal
astocausetheadministrativeproceduretobeamendedtoprovideforabsoluteprohibitionpending
furtherconsultationwiththeServiceauthoritiesmostvitallyinvolved.116

AccordingtoLamidey,

Allthatcouldbedonewastoexamineeachcase,includinganexaminationoftheenemyaliensattitude
andhisreliabilityasassessedbySecurityofficersandtoissue,infavourablecases,apermittoenable
himtolistentolocalreceptiononly.Undernocircumstancewaspermissiongivenforthepossessionofa
shortwavereceiver.117

The Prohibited Possessions Order was amended on 18 February 1944. Reception was allowed

withoutpermissiontoagreaterlocalmediumbandandby15December1945,afterthewarhad

ended,theProhibitedPossessionsOrderbecamelessstringentandnopermitswereissued.118

WhoadministeredtheAliensControlRegulation?

TheinconsistenciesthatexistedwithintheCIBwerescrutinizedinlate1941,whentheAttorney

General became concerned with the structure and operation of the Security Service. Victorian

Police Commissioner, Alexander Duncan, was appointed to investigate the Security Service and

115
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.37.
116
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.38.
117
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.38.
118
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.39.
P a g e | 66

releasedhisreportinJanuary1942,whichbecameknownastheDuncanReport,andtookonlyfour

months to complete.119 Duncan concluded that there were a number of unsatisfactory features

andadvocatedachangeofpersonnel,includingtheappointmentofaDirectorGeneralofSecurity

inCanberraandtheappointmentofvariousPoliceCommissionerasStateDirectorsinplaceofthe

existingStateSecurityOfficers.120

Figure8:VictorianPoliceCommissioner,Alexander
Duncan

NationalLibraryofAustraliaDigitalCollections.
[http://nla.gov.au/nla.picvn4769959].Accessed:25
March2012

119
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.24.
120
C. D. CoulthardClark, Australias Wartime Security Service. Defence Force Journal, Volume 16, Issue May/June,
1979,p.24.
P a g e | 67

Figure9:DirectorGeneralofSecurityE.E.Longfield Figure10: DirectorofMilitaryIntelligenceColonelC.


Lloyd G.Roberts

CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25 CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25

The Director of Military Intelligence, Colonel C.G. Roberts, was critical of Duncans findings and

believed there was no need for this position if the Security Service was to continue to function.

RobertsfavoredtheorganizationbeingdistantfromtheArmy,butstillcooperatingwithit,while

theSecurityServicewouldhavefullexecutivepower.Hebelieveditwouldbeofnogoodtochange

the structure especially with the Japanese invasion so close to home. Roberts criticized the

suggestionthattheNewSouthWalesCommissionerofPolice,WilliamJohnMackay,beappointed

totheposition,claiminghewasunsuitablefortherole.121

The Chief of General Staff, Lieutenant General V.A.H. Sturdee claimed that too many authorities

were involved, and Duncans recommendations would do nothing towards combining executive

121
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.24.
P a g e | 68

and investigatory powers in one body or organization.122 What Sturdee wanted to see was the

Armysprimaryroledefinedintermsofbeingpreparedtofighttodefendthecountry;theSecurity

ServicetomoveawayfromtheArmytotheAttorneyGeneralsdepartment;andtheCommandant

oftheRoyalMilitaryCollegeatDuntoon,BrigadierB.Coombes,toreplacetherecommendationof

Mackay as Director General of Security. Coombes was responsible for prewar security

arrangementsandsecuritythroughoutthefirstfourteenmonthsofwar.TheMinisterfortheArmy,

FrancisMichaelFordewantedaruthlessyefficientandquickmovingbodywhichwouldcounter

the danger walling up around Australia and inside Australia, although he felt such a centralized

organizationshouldstillbewithintheambitofhisowndepartment.123

In early March, a report by J.C. Kevin of the Department of the Army claimed that too much

attention had been concentrated on leftists and enemy nationals such as Italians of mediocre

intelligenceandrefugeestothedisregardofotheraliensandBritishelementsofFascistandnear

Fascist proclivities.124 It was recommended that a better trained staff of professionality minded

people[be]directedbyahighlycapableleader.125Timedidnotallowforthefullimplementation

of the Duncan report. However, what was concluded at a conference with the Attorney General

andministerswasthataDirectorGeneraloftheSecurityServicewastobeappointed.126Mackay

wasappointedtotheposition on 17March1942,andaccordingtoLamidey,wasnotwelcomed

wholeheartedlybyvariousserviceintelligenceorganisations.127

122
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.24.
123
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.24.
124
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.288.
125
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.288.
126
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
127
Lamidey,PartialSuccess,p.51.
P a g e | 69

AlthoughtheAustralianFederalPolicewasnotestablisheduntil1979,theSecondWorldWarsaw

anincreaseinthepowerexecutedbytheCommonwealthovertheStateGovernments.AsDirector

General,Mackayhadbothexecutiveandinvestigativeauthoritywhichincludedcontrolover

surveillance,prosecution,restriction,internment(hostile,alien,subversiveandpacifistindividualsor
organizations), sabotage, administering Aliens Control Regulations, control of passport and visa
issuance,controlofpassengersandcrewsofshipsandaircraftlandinginAustralia,personnelvetting,
securityoffactoriesandestablishmentsengagedinwarproduction,allwharvesandshipsalongside,
security of information and prevention of harmful rumors and collation of security information
decidedabroad.128

Mackaylaterassumedthecontrolofallradiosecuritymeasuresanddirectionofradiointerception

for security purposes.129 It was clear that a decision was made to keep military and national

securityfunctionsseparate.

The Security Service was reconstituted on 1 April 1942 as a new organization and it was decided

that it should be considered and built up as a permanent and not merely as a wartime

organization.130However,AttorneyGeneralEvattrefusedbecauseitwastooexpensive.MacKays

new organization was to include representatives of the United States Federal Bureau of

Investigation,BritishMI5representativesandtheUnitedStatesForcesinAustralia.

Towards the end of the year, MacKay eventually established the Security Service, Australian

IntelligenceCorps,amajorpartofthestaffofwhichweremilitarypersonnel.Formanymonths,

MackayaskedtheArmyforaloanofpersonnelforanindefiniteperiod,however,Commanderin

Chief, General Sir Thomas Blamey, opposed the idea of military personnel being seconded to

civilian authorities. Eventually, Mackay was permitted to establish his new organization because

theArmydidnotwanttheresponsibilitiesoftheSecurityServiceandtheydidnotwanttheState
128
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
129
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
130
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
P a g e | 70

Policetoobtainthemeither.Therewere,however,problemsregardingtheArmypersonnelwho

comprised most of the Security Service staff. Army personnel were working full time in civilian

clothingfortheSecurityService,butwerestillpartoftheArmyunit.Thismeanttheywerebeing

paidandtrainedbytheArmy.131

Mackayenvisagedanewpoliceempire.HewantedStateCommissionersofPolicetohavepowers

as deputies of Deputy General to launch prosecutions under the Aliens Control Regulations.

Director of Naval Intelligence, Commander Rupert Basil Michel Long, feared that if the whole of

theSecurityServicesveryextensivepowerswereputinthehandsofthepolice,anunscrupulous

government could impose Gestapostyle control over the country.132 This Gestapostyle control

was what the opposition feared before the National Security Act. During this time, Member of

Parliament,JohnAlbertBeasley(WestSydney,NewSouthWales),statedinParliament

Myownpersonalfeelingsinregardtothemilitaryaspectcomesintomyconsideration.Irealizetheneedfor
discipline, but I have never felt that I could accept the form in which military discipline is exercised. The
military life does give rise to a form of dictatorship because whatever is said by the men on top, even
thoughitmaybeobviouslywrong,isthelaw.133

ThoughtheAustralianLaborPartyopposedtheimplementationoftheNationalSecurityAct,once

ingovernmenttheycontinuedtoadministertheAliensControlRegulationsuntiltheendofthewar.

One Labor politician who was willing to put principles above party was Maurice Blackburn.

BlackburnwantedtoforcethePartytoreviseitspoliciesduringwartime.Hewasexpelledfromthe

Partyin1941becausehewasinvolvedintheVictorianCounciloftheMovementAgainstWarand

131
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
132
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
133
SecondReadingSpeech,MrBeasley,p,208.
P a g e | 71

Fascism. 134AustralianLaborPartymembersontheleftwerehopinghewouldreturntohelproll

backthetideofsectarianconservatismengulfingtheVictorianbranchoftheParty,andkeepthe

FederalPartyonatrueLaborcauseasitfacedthechallengesofgoverninginwartime.135Duetoill

health,BlackburnwasunabletofightagainstpoliciesimplementedbytheCurtinGovernment.136

Figure11:PortraitofLaborPolitician
MauriceBlackburn

State library of Victoria, Painting of
Maurice Blackburn. Printed 1942.
[http://www.slv.vic.gov.au/pictoria/b/2/8/do
c/b28694.shtml]. Accessed: 25 March 2012.

Despite the criticism that Mackay received, the responsibilities of the Security Service remained

unchanged. Attorney General Herbert Vere Evatt went overseas and left Forde in charge of

administering the new Security Service until August 1942. Forde ruled that Director General

representatives in each State were to be Federal officers and not State Commissioners of Police.

Between April and August 1942, the CIB was restricted to departmental investigations and

confidential enquiries outside the security field. Due to the growing tension between the State

134
S.B.Abeyasekere,AustralianDictionaryofbiographyMauriceBlackburn.Dateunknown.
[http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/blackburnmauricemccrae5258].Accessed14March2012.
135
C.Rasmussen,TheLoneWolfinSheepsClothing?MauriceBlackburn,TheAustralianLaborPartyandtheLimitsto
Mateship.HistoryAustralia,Volume3,Issue2,2006,pp.40.640.7.
136
Rasmussen,TheLoneWolf,p.40.7.
P a g e | 72

police and the Army, MacKay was replaced by Brigadier William Ballantyne Simpson on 23

September.

Mackaywaswellknownforhisuncompromisingmanner.Lamideywrote:

ThereisnodoubtMackaywasadriver.Hewasalsoanauthoritativebureaucratwhocouldnotadapt
himselfwitheasetothewiderhorizonsoftheFederalSphere.Acompromiseuponmattersuponwhich
hehadalreadymadeuphismindwasalwaysdifficulttoobtain.Thisperhapscouldhavebeenavoided
insomemeasurehadhesurroundedhimselfwithofficialswhocouldhavegivenhimsoundadviceon
aspectsofprincipleandpolicywhichweresomewhatoutsidethescopeofhisformerexperienceasa
highlycompetentPoliceadministrator.Buthehadnotprovidedforthisandhisangerattimesknewno
boundsonwhatheeloquentlydescribedasbeingstrangledwithbloodypaperwork.137

It was well known that Mackay achieved the relaxation of the rigor on travel and movement on

aliens, implementing changes such as redefining the term police district which was discussed

earlier.

Figure12:NewSouthWalesCommissionerof
Police,WilliamJohnMackay

CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25.

137
Lamidey,PartialSuccess,p.51.
P a g e | 73


Figure13:DirectorofNavalIntelligence, Figure14:BrigadierWilliamBallantyne
CommanderRupertBasilMichelLong Simpson

CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25 CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25

Figure15:LieutenantGeneralV.A.H.Sturdee Figure16: BrigadierB.Coombes



CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25 CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25

P a g e | 74

LoyaltytotheBritishEmpire

ThoseexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulationswerepersonswhowereBritishsubjectswithin

the meaning of the Nationality Act 1920 (Cth), Section 18A of which declared that they were

entitled,whileinAustraliaoranyTerritoryoftheCommonwealth,toallpoliticalandotherrights,

powers and privileges to which a naturalborn British subject is entitled.138 The Aliens Control

Regulations, which Mackay and other officials helped administer, proved to be problematic for

German,Italianand,Japanesewomen,aswellastoAustralianbornwomenmarriedtoanenemy

alien,orofGerman,Italian,orJapanesedescent.Intheory,beingdesignatedaBritishsubjectunder

theNationalityActexemptedanindividualfromtherestrictionsoftheAliensControlRegulations.

During the early twentieth century, Australian history was in actual fact a very British history.

Loyalty to the British Empire ultimately transcended and was superior to that of the nation.139

Australiancitizenshipdidnotexistofficiallyuntil1948withtheimplementationoftheNationality

andCitizenshipAct1948.140Consequently,Australiancitizensbefore1948wereconsideredBritish

subjects.AustraliahadadoptedthelegalandconstitutionalframeworkoftheBritishEmpirewhich

made no reference to Australian citizenship. The term citizen was specifically avoided in the

AustralianConstitutionof1901infavorofsubjectoftheBritishEmpire.141

TheNationalityActprovidednocolourbartopreventaliensfromseekingnaturalization.However,

becoming a naturalized British subject did not translate into full acceptance ofmembership

138
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,p.405.
139
Beaumont,AustralianCitizenship,p.171.
140
Beaumont,AustralianCitizenship,pp.17172.
141
C. Elkner et. al., Enemy Alien: The Internment of Italian Migrants in Australia During the Second World War.
Melbourne:ConnorcourtPublishing,2005,p.209.
P a g e | 75

[into]the national community.142 Anyone who spoke a foreign language or subscribed to any

foreignlanguagepublicationsorhomelandappealssuchastheItalianRedCrosswasregardedas

suspicious and potentially disloyal to the British Empire.143 While the Aliens Control Regulations

stated that naturalization offered protection, in practice this was not guaranteed. As witnessed

earlierinthischapter,andaswillbefurtherdiscussedinfollowingchapters,naturalizationdidnot

guaranteeexemptionfromtheAliensControlRegulations.TheMerendafamilyandAustralianborn

women examined in this study, were subject to harsh restrictions despite the fact they were

naturalizedBritishsubjects.

The introduction of the Nationality Act did nevertheless promote assimilation by providing an

opportunity for aliens to acquire British subject status in Australia. If the applicant showed that

they had resided in Australia for five years, were of good character and could speak English

adequately, then they were entitled to the rights of a national born British subject.144 The

NationalityActwassupposedlybeneficialforGermans,ItaliansandJapaneselivinginAustraliafor

more than five years, unfortunately, for most women, this was not the case. The majority of

women in this study, particularly GermanJewish women, arrived here between 1938 and 1940,

andthereforewerenoteligibletoapplyfornaturalizationbythetimewarwasdeclared.

Parliament was clearly aware that loyal Germans would be negatively affected by legislation. Mr

Hughsaid:

142
I. M. O'Brien, Citizenship, Rights and Emergency Powers in Second World War Australia.Australian Journal of
PoliticsandHistory,Volume53,Issue2,2007,pp.210,211.
143
O'Brien,Citizenship,RightsandEmergencyPowers,p.211.
144
J.Chesterman,NaturalBornSubjects?RaceandBritishSubjecthoodinAustralia.AustralianJournalofPoliticsand
History,Volume51,Issue1,2005,p.32.
P a g e | 76

Theyshouldbegiventhelibertyofwhichweprofesstobesoproud.Idonotproposetociteindividual
cases, but many Germans in Australia have played a most important part in its development and
particularlythosemenwhowerebroughttoAustraliabythelateMrGeorgeFifeAngasabout100years
ago. Descendants of many of those early settlers are now spread all over Australia and are rendering a
veryvaluableservicetothecommunity.145

LaborpoliticianJohnSolomonRosevearalsostated

We are being asked, among other things, to grant power to certain officials to search premises without
warrant.Wehavevividrecollection[of]whatwasdoneinthiswayunderWarPrecautionsActpassedjustat
the outbreak of the last war. Trade union premises and even Government offices in Queensland, were
raidedat[the]timebyanoverzealousofficialunderinstructions[of]thepresentAttorneyGeneral.146

The loyalty of naturalized Germans was questioned by authorities because Germany did not

recogniseanynaturalizationunlessitwasobtainedwiththeconsentoftheGermanauthorities.147

In order to prove their loyalty to Australia, many Italian men opposed Mussolini publicly and

enlistedintheAustralianDefenceForces.Thosewhowerenaturalizedwereacceptedforservice.

However, the applications of unnaturalized Italians were rejected and then referred to

Intelligence.148

TheassistantresearchofficeroftheLaborCouncil,MrS.Jordan,claimedthatmenborninAustralia

ofItalianparents,whohadbeennaturalized,werebeingvictimizedbyemployersbecauseoftheir

Italian names. He argued that this was most unfair because these men were liable for military

serviceinthedefenceofAustralia,likeyoumenofBritishparentage.149TheNationalityActstated

thatthosewhobecamenaturalizedwereentitledtothesamerightsasaBritishsubject.However,

145
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 8 September 1939, 19899 (Mr
McHugh).
146
Commonwealth,HansardSecondReadingSpeech,HouseofRepresentatives,7September1939,173(Mr
McHugh).
147
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.352.
148
ItaliansEagertoEnlist.TheArgus,12June1940,p.5.
149
AustralianbornItalians.Unfairtreatmentalleged.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.
P a g e | 77

thisdidnotnecessarilymeannaturalizedsubjectswereexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulations

ordiscriminationfromthecommunity.

LoyaltytowardstheBritishEmpirewasdeterminedbythenationalitytheindividualwasofficially

identifiedwith.However,TedCantlehasobservedthatnationalitycanbewonorlostasallegiances

change, through exceptional circumstances, or through marriage and by adoption in respect of

children.150ThemostsurprisingrevelationforAustralianwomenwhomarriedGerman,Italianand

Japanese men was that they unknowingly lost their British nationality upon marriage and were

required to register as enemy aliens. An amendment made to Part IV, Division 1 (19) of the

NationalityAct,madeitmoredifficultforwomentoregaintheirBritishstatus:

thewifeofaBritishsubjectshallbedeemedtobeaBritishsubject,andthewifeofanalienshallbe
deemedtobeanalienAwomanwho,havingbeenaBritishsubject,hasbyorinconsequenceofher
marriagebecomeanalien,shallnot,byreasononlybydeathofherhusbandorthedissolutionofher
marriage,ceasetobeanalien.151

The Nationality Act did however provide the opportunity for such women to retain naturalized

Britishsubjects.152PartIV,Division1(18)clearlystatedthatwomenmarriedtoanalienorenemy

aliencouldmakeadeclarationinordertoretainherstatusasBritishsubjectshouldherhusband

150
T.Cantle,CommunityCohesion:ANewFrameworkforRaceandDiversity.Newyork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005,p.
116.
151
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,inportionofthefirstsession
oftheeighthparliamentoftheCommonwealth.AlbertJ.Mulleti,GovernmentPrinteroftheStateofVictoria,1920,p.
146.
152
Anyonewhoappliedfornaturalisationwasobligatedtoswearanoathofallegiance:I,A.B.,swearbyAlmightyGod
thatIwillbefaithfulandbeartrueallegiancetoHisMajesty,KingGeorgethefifth,hisHeirsandSuccessors,according
tolaw.SeeTheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,inportionofthe
first session of the eighth parliament of the Commonwealth. Albert J. Mulleti, Government Printer of the State of
Victoria,1920,p.153.
P a g e | 78

ceasetobesoduringthemarriage,althoughshewouldneedtobeawareoftheActandtakethe

initiativeofmakingtherequireddeclaration

Provided thatwhere a manceases duringthecontinuance of his marriage to be a British subject it


shall be lawful for his wife to make a declaration that she desires to retain British nationality, and
thereuponsheshallbedeemedtoremainaBritishsubject.153

ItwasalsoprovidedthataBritishbornwomanmarriedtoanenemyaliencouldapplytoretain

herBritishnationality;however,theonuswasonthewomantobeawareoftheneedtodoso,

and to make the declaration. She could then be given a certificate of naturalization at the

discretionoftheGovernorGeneral.Thatis,itwasnotanautomaticprocess.Thedefaultbylaw

waslossofcitizenship.154

Theprocesswasaseriousundertaking.Inorderforawomanclassifiedasanenemyalientoregain

herBritishnationality,anapplicationformwascompletedandsenttotheCIB(SeeAppendixSix).

The Department of Interior then responded with the completion of a general report and the CIB

informed the alien whether there was any security objection.155 The report, together with the

aliensapplicationwasthenforwardedtotheCIBHeadquartersinCanberra.TheSecurityService

would then advise the CIB in writing, either if there was no security objection raised to the

applicationorwhethertherewaslikelytobeaSecurityobjection,wheredetailswouldthenhave

beentransmittedtotheDirectorGeneral.156Iftherewasnosecurityobjectionraised,therewasno

needforareporttobesubmitted,andtheapplicationproceededfromtheCIBtotheDepartment

of the Interior.157 If there was a security objection raised, a detailed report was transmitted

153
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.146.
154
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.146.
155
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.59.
156
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.59.
157
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.59.
P a g e | 79

immediatelytotheHeadquartersoftheSecurityServiceandtheCIB.158Mostwomeninthisstudy

acquired naturalization towards the end of the war between 1943 and 1945. This was most

probably as a result of the recommendations of the ACAC and the war situation beginning to

improveinAustralia.

Naturalizationdidhowever,includechildrenundertwentyoneyearsofage,whowereincludedin

acertificateofnaturalizationgrantedtohisparent.159Ifthechildwasovertwentyoneyearsold,

he or she was not included, as Italian migrant Rita Contore discovered. Rita had been living in

Australiaforsixteenyears,andbecausebothherparentswerenaturalized,shebelievedthatshe

too was included in the certificate that was issued to her parents. However, authorities deemed

thisfactinsignificantandrejectedherappealtobeexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulations.160

The Commonwealth Minister for the Interior, Senator H.S. Foll, publicized the opportunity for

women to retain their British nationality when he found out that many women were suffering

unnecessaryhardshipthroughthealienregistrationprocess.161PriortoMarch1942,asageneral

principle,allapplicationsfornaturalizationwererejectedfromallenemyaliens.Withoutproviding

anyevidenceandmerelystatingaSecurityobjection,theMinisterfortheInterior,JosephCollings

inMay1942,feltthathewasentitledtosomeevidencetosupportanobjectionwasrequired.162

Asaresult,recommendationswereforwardedtotheMinisterfortheInteriorinDecember1942to

158
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.59.
159
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.140.
160
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 30 August 1940. See Zadro
[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
161
M. Bevege, Behind Barbed Wire: Internment in Australia during World War II. St. Lucia: University of Queensland
Press,1993,p.31.
162
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.55.
P a g e | 80

reviewexistingrestrictionsthatwereconsideredtoosevere,particularlyinthecaseofthosewho

hadgivenevidencethattheywereopposedtotheregimeoftheirnativecountryandtothosewho

haddemonstratedtheloyaltytotheAllincause.163

Preventinginjurytothewareffort:Internmentasameasureofcontrol

Although the registration proved to be obstructive for most women in this study, many had to

endurethemoststringentAliensControlRegulationsinternment.Thefollowingillustrationtaken

fromtheNAAwebsiteshowstheinternmentcampsthatwereestablishedacrossAustraliaduring

theSecondWorldWar.Figure17showsthatthedistributionofcampswashighlyconcentratedin

Australiassouthandsoutheastbecauseofthehighpopulationofmigrantswhosettledinthose

areas.

AccordingtoPaulHasluck,itwasageneralrulethatwomenwerenottobeinterned,butwhenthe

interest of public safety demanded it they would be kept in custody.164 Saunders argued that

accordingly,theAliensControlRegulationsassumedthatonlyEuropeanmaleenemyalienswerein

any way politically active, women being concerned only with their narrow domestic

responsibilities.165 Despite this general rule, several women were interned on the basis of their

politicalaffiliationsorracialappearance.ByNovember1940,1,726Germans,ItaliansandJapanese

menandwomenwereinternedacrossAustralia.AsSaundersandDanielshaveargued,wartime

policyreflectedtheAlliesdefeatsonthebattlefieldratherthanacalculatedriskassessmentofan

individual.166ThisisevidentwheninternmentfiguresofItaliansclimbedto4,727inMarch1944.167

163
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.56.
164
Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,p.593.
165
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.38.
166
Saunders,andDanielset.al.,AlienJustice,p.114.
P a g e | 81

Figure17:InternmentCampsacrossAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWar

NAA,InternmentcampsinWorldWarII.
[http://www.naa.gov.au/collection/snapshots/internment
camps/WWII/index.aspx].Accessed:25March2012.

TheDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberraandtheDeputyDirectorofSecuritywithineachstate

was responsible for internments during the war. Clause 20 of the Aliens Control Regulations,

declared:

IftheMinisteroranypersonauthorizedbytheMinistertoactunderthisregulationisofopinionthat
itisnecessaryorexpedientintheinterestsofthepublicsafety,thedefenceoftheCommonwealthor
the efficient prosecution of the present war to detain any enemy alien, he may warrant under his
hand,ordertheenemyalientobedetainedinsuchplace,undersuchconditionsandforsuchperiod
astheMinisterorpersonsoauthorizeddetermines.168

167
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.52.
168
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules,p.412.
P a g e | 82



ItwasstatedintheWarBookthattheincarcerationofenemyalienswasnotintendedtointernall

civilianenemyaliensimmediatelyontheoutbreakofhostilities.Internmentshouldberestrictedto

the narrowest limits consistent with public safety and public sentiment.169 The Military was

responsibleforinternmentandorcompilinganinitiallistofthosetobeinterned.170

AttorneyGeneralandMinisterforExternalAffairs,Dr.HerbertVereEvatt,whowastobecomea

prominent figure in Australias history in his campaign against the Communist ban in the 1950s,

made the Commonwealth Governments position clear on 10 September 1942, in a statement

madetotheHouseofRepresentatives

1. Theaimandsolejustificationofallrestrictionsuponindividuallibertyistopreventinjurytothewar
effortofthecountry,notto[punish]theindividualThesolegroundforrestrictinglibertyisthatthe
individual, if left unrestricted, might prejudice the successful defence of this country against the
enemy.

2. Thesecondprincipleisthatindividuallibertyistoberestrictedonlyifthereisarealdangerthatthe
individual will act in a way that prejudices the war effortfull internment being reserved for cases
wherethepossibilityofinjurytothenationisundeniable.171

Internment was justified by Evatt as a preventative measure. Such a restriction appealed to the

majority of the Australian public. Sydney resident F.A. Keen wrote a letter to the editor of the

SydneyMorningHerald,inwhichheexpressedtheviewthataslongasalienswhowereinterned

receivedthethreebasicessentialsoflife,food,clothingandshelter,therewasnocomparisonto

the harrowing accounts we read and hear over the air of the unfortunate people who were

prisoners of war in German concentration camps.172 Similarly, on 25 June 1940, the Minister for

169
WarBookoftheCommonwealthofAustralia:CoordinationofDepartmentalActionontheOccurrenceofStrained
RelationsandontheOutbreakofWar.Melbourne:DepartmentofDefence,July,1939,p.2.
170
WarBookoftheCommonwealthofAustralia,p.2.
171
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943), p.4.
172
TheAliensQuestion.SydneyMorningHerald,7August1940,p.10.
P a g e | 83

Transport, Michael Frederick Bruxner, claimed that the Commonwealth Government was too

lenientinthetreatmentofenemyaliens.HestatedthatWeareaskingouryoungmentoenlist,

and at the same time we are allowing enemy subjects to remain free.173 Although there were a

largenumberofenemyalienswhowerealreadyinterned,itwasclearthatMrBruxnerschargeof

Federal laxity was unlikely to convince the public that official action was sufficiently wide and

vigorous.ItwasreportedintheSydneyMorningHeraldtwodayslaterthatexperienceabroadhas

amplydrivenhometheneedforustotaketheproblemofenemysubversionmoreseriouslyand

realistically, and greater vigilance is now imperative in the paramount interest of the national

security.174

Figure18:AttorneyGeneralHerbertVere
Evatt

FlindersUniversity,HerbertVereEvatt.
[http://library.flinders.edu.au/resources/colle
ction/special/evatt/evattbiog.html].Accessed:
2012

Hasluck wrote that the total of local internments rose to a wartime maximum of 6,780 in

September1942 (including 1,029 Germans, 3,651 Italians and 1,036 Japanese), but thereafter, as

thewarsituationbegantoimprovefortheAllies,thesefiguressteadilydeclineduntilSeptember

173
InternmentDemand.EnemyAliens.StateMinistersConcerned.SydneyMorningHerald,26June,1940,p.11.
174
EnemyAliens.SydneyMorningHerald,27June1940,p.6.
P a g e | 84

1944,thetotalwasdownto1,380(including704Germans,135Italiansand480Japanese).175At

theendofthewar,fortysevenItalians,564Germansand587Japaneseremainedinternedandin

December 1945, the Judge of Supreme Court of Canberra was appointed as a Commissioner to

examine whether they should be deported.176 Japanese figures of internment remained constant

andapartfromthosefewreleasesongroundsofhumanitarianism,duetoextremeinfirmityofage

or health no releases were effected.177 As noted in Chapter Five, many Japanese nationals were

deported.Fromtheevidencepresented,itisclearthattheirtreatmentduringthewarwasbased

ontheheightenedsecuritythreatinAustraliasnorthandtheirJapaneseappearance.

ChallengingInternment:TheAliensTribunal

Internmentmeasures could, with great difficulty, be challenged by internees. The Aliens Tribunal

wasestablishedinNovember1940tohearobjectionsmadeagainstinternment.TheMinisterfor

theArmywasresponsibleforappeals.Thetribunalconsistedofachairmanandtwomembers,who

heard the appeal, and presented its recommendations to the Deputy Director of Security. The

process also included an Advisory Committee which was established in each state and present

during the hearing. If the Deputy agreed to release the enemy alien, he would act on the

recommendation.Ifhedisagreed,thematterwaspassedontotheDirectorGeneralofSecurity.178

AswewillseeinChapterFive,AustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentwhofoundthemselves

incarceratedduringthewarbattledauthoritiesthroughmanyappealsinthisTribunal.

175
Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople19391941.VolumeOne,p.594.
176
Lamidey,AliensControl,Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,pp.524.
177
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.54.
178
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.51.
P a g e | 85

TheissuesdiscussedattheTribunalincludedsuchquestionsas:onwhatgroundswasanyresident

interned?Whodecided?Wasinternmentsimplyadeprivationoflibertyanddidthisconstitutede

facto imprisonment? In whose interests did this selection occur?179 The Chief of Military

Intelligence for Southern Command, Lieutenant Colonel Sydney Whittington informed the Aliens

TribunalHearingNumberthreeinFebruary1941,thatInternmentisnotapunishment;wemerely

deprive an enemy alien of his liberty, otherwise he is treated exactly as an ordinary

individualInternment is just an ordinary form of restraint.180 However, the President of the

UnitedEvangelicalLutheranChurchofAustralia(UELCA),PastorJ.J.Stolzsawitdifferently.Ashe

protestedthatindividualswereinternedWithoutahearinginanopencourt;withoutevenbeing

told the charge laid against them; without permitting their lawyer to know the accusation raised

againstthemtheyweredeprivedtheirliberty.181

ThethreattoAustraliasnationalsecurityescalatedwhenJapandeclaredwarontheAlliedforcesin

December1941.JapansaggressiveadvancedownthechainofislandstoAustraliasnorthandthe

bombing of Darwin in February 1942, led to the incarceration of all Japanese residents living in

Australia,alongwithlargenumbersofItaliansinternedinQueensland.Itisimportanttonotethat

Japanese residential numbers were low due to restrictions that had been placed on immigration

during the first half of the twentieth century. It was recorded that 587 of 600 Japanese living in

AustraliawereincarceratedasaresultofJapansentryintothewarinDecember1941.182

179
K.Saunders,InspiredbyPatrioticHysteria?:InternmentpolicytowardsenemyaliensinAustraliaduringtheSecond
World War in P. Panayi et al., Minorities in wartime: National and Racial Groupings in Europe, North America and
AustraliaduringtheTwoWorldWars.AnnArbor,MI:E.B.EdwardsBrothers,1993,p.295.
180
Saunders,InspiredbyPatrioticHysteria?inPanayi,MinoritiesinWartime,p.294.
181
Saunders,InspiredbyPatrioticHysteria?inPanayi,MinoritiesinWartime,p.294.
182
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.53.
P a g e | 86

Manpowerandemployment

The treatment of enemy aliens was also informed by wartime manpower concerns. The

Commonwealth Government was forced to address the problem of how to make further use of

Australianwomen,bothintheservicesandinindustryestablishingasignificantlabourforceina

war economy.183 As a result, the Manpower Directorate, anew system of industrial conscription,

wasintroducedinOctober1942.TheManpowerRegulations1942(Cth)calledupwomenandmen

forservicesandcontrolledwhereallmenandwomenwouldwork.Manywomenwerecalledupto

work in occupations that were previously dominated by men, such as munitions factories and

warehouses.

In comparison to internment figures recorded during the First World War, those interned during

the Second World War were significantly lower. This could be a result of both shortage of

manpowerandenemyaliensbeingcalleduptoworkinlabourcamps.Internmentwasexpensive,

costing the Commonwealth Government 3 every week for eachinternee.184 Similarly, the Aliens

Control Regulations also controlled the employment of all aliens, which prohibited the

employment(exceptwiththewrittenpermissionofanauthorityspecifiedintheorder)ofaliens,or

anyindividualalien,inanyoccupationspecifiedintheorder.185

FollowingJapansentryintothewar,alienslivinginAustraliawerecompelledtoundertakesome

form of national service. In February 1942, all aliens over the age of 18 years were required to

183
J.PenglaseandD.Hunteretal.,WhenthewarcametoAustralia:MemoriesoftheSecondWorldWar.Sydney:Allen
andUnwin,1992,p.38.
184
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.54.
185
SeeNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRuleno.88of1939,Regulation23.NationalSecurity
(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule,p.413.
P a g e | 87

registerfornationalservice.Inthefollowingmonth,theWarCabinetdemandedthatalienlabour

shouldbemadeavailabletotheAlliedWorksCouncil(AWC)whichcoordinatedandimplemented

themassivepublicworksanddefenceinstallationsthatwereneededtolaunchAlliedoffensivesin

thePacific.186TheCivilConstructionalCorps(CCC)wasastrictcivilianorganizationthatundertook

war related construction projects and operated under the AWC between February and June in

1942.Atotalof53,518menwereemployedbytheCCC.Inearly1942,theCivilAlienCorps(CAC),a

subsidiary of the CCC was established, where the bulk of enemy aliens were conscripted into

labour. Due to the competition that existed between the Manpower authorities and the AWC,

enemy aliens who were considered as lowrisk internees were released from incarceration to

contributetotheAlliedwareffortinremoteregions.187

It was clear that GermanJewish refugees were wrongfully classified as enemy aliens at the

outbreakofwar,howeveraftertheywerereclassifiedasrefugeealiensandexemptfromtheAliens

ControlRegulations,theCommonwealthGovernmentcontinuedtoconscriptthemintheirlabour

force. This unjust action was acknowledged by Lamidey, who wrote the continuation of this

practice and the anomaly which it raised when viewed against the Aliens Control Regulations

undoubtedly was the cause of much resentment.188 The stories of GermanJewish women who

wereaffectedbythelegislationarehighlightedinChapterSix.

186
Panayi,MinoritiesinWartime,p.312.
187
Panayi,MinoritiesinWartime,p.312.
188
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.34.
P a g e | 88

Theendofthewar

ByAugust1944,thewarinEuropewasnearinganendandGeneralBlameyrequestedthatthe312

Army personnel (seconded to the Aliens Control department) return to their military duties.

Simpson, as the new Director General in Canberra, responded by saying he needed to retain the

Armypersonnelinorderforthedepartmenttostaystable.Hearguedthat

althoughAustraliassecuritypositionhadeasedasthetideofthewarwentagainstGermanyandJapan
newsecurityproblemshadarisenorwereanticipated,andhecouldnotanswerforAustraliasinternal
securityifBlameysrequestwasgranted.189

Simpson did however release 75 Army personnel to Blamey. On 24 October 1945, Simpson was

appointed Justice of Supreme Court and resigned as Director Generalof Security. Longfield Lloyd

became the new Director General of Security until 15 December 1945 when Secret Service was

disbanded and activities and records were taken over by Security Section of the CIB. Former

Director of Military Intelligence at Army Headquarters, Brigadier Charles Chambers Fowell Spry

became the new Director General in 1949. Spry was later to head the Australian Security

IntelligenceBranch(ASIO).

Eventually,theNationalityandCitizenshipActwaspassedandcameintoeffecton26January1949.

MinisterforImmigration,ArthurCalwell,claimedthattheNationalityandCitizenshipActwasnot

designed to make an Australian any less a British subject, but to help him express his pride in

citizenshipofthisgreatcountry.190However,notmuchhadchangedwiththeintroductionofthe

newNationalityandCitizenshipAct.JohnChestermanwrotethatthedivisionbetweenaliensand

subjects was a welldefined one. Aliens had to go through naturalization processes to acquire

Australiancitizenship,whilenonAustralianBritishsubjectshadmerelytoregistertoachievecitizen

189
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.27.
190
Beaumont,AustralianCitizenship,p.181.
P a g e | 89

status.191 The Nationality and Citizenship Act changed the status of married women under the

former Nationality Act and removed limitations imposed on women and enabled them to make

theirownchoiceasfarastheirnationalstatuswasconcerned.192

Conclusion

ThischapterfocusedonthebureaucraticsystemsthatwereimplementedduringtheSecondWorld

War. It highlighted the inaccuracies that existed within Australias intelligence organization and

showedhowunpreparedtheCIBwasattheoutbreakofwar.Thestoriespresentedinthefollowing

chapters illustrate how the Aliens Control Regulations were applied to German, Italian, Japanese

andAustralianbornwomen.TheirstoriesreflecttheinconsistentwaysinwhichtheAliensControl

Regulations as were applied, highlighting confusion among officialdom concerning Aliens Control

Regulationsandthexenophobicattitudesexpressedtowardssomewomen.

191
Chesterman,NaturalBornSubjects?,p.34.
192
K. Tsokhas, Making a nation state: cultural identity, economic nationalism and sexuality in Australian history.
Melbourne:MelbourneUniversityPress,2001,p.14.
P a g e | 90

ChapterTwo

forthegloryofgreaterItaly:Italiancruisers
MVRemoandRomolo


OhLordabovelookdown
withlove
Uponourlittleship
Pleasedoyourbest
Toendthisdeadlytrip,
Whereactionyellsand
Ringingbells
Wontmakeuscurseand
Swear
Ashalfasleepfrombed
Weleap
Tofindnoraiderthere1

On26May1940,nineteenyearoldLilianaGiacosa,apassengeronboardtheItalianMVRomolo,

confessedtoherdiarythat

Everyone is worried because it seems that they want to keep us prisoners in case war breaks out any
minute.Thisisoneofthosecriticalmomentswhichoccurwithanaverageoftwiceayear.Themoment
seemsveryblacknowandallnewspapersdeclarethatItalywillgotowar.Ofcoursethereisalwayshope
but things look pretty dark now. Mother says it would be better to be interned here in Australia than
caughtoutatsea.Everyonehasthejitters.Isupposeitwillsoonpassjustasothermomentsofcrisishave
passed.
2

Liliana and her family were looking forward to returning to her homeland in Italy; however, the

RomolowasinAustralianwaterswhenItalydeclaredwaragainsttheAlliedforces.TheAustralian

1
OneofthecrewmembersonboardtheRomoloreportedlyvoicedtheirfeelingstowardsthehorrificordealthatwas
experiencedbycrewandpassengers.CrewmembersonboardwereorderedbytheFascistgovernmentinItalytoalter
itscourseandsetthecruiseronfire.ThepassagewaspublishedintheNavyNewsalmost19yearsaftertheeventand
described the fear expressed by crew and passengers on board the ship. [See Hounded down Romolo. Navy News,
Friday,January9,1959,p.2].
2
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 6 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Melbourne.
P a g e | 91

MVManoorawassenttocapturetheItalianvessel.PassengersonboardtheRomoloreturnedto

Australia, and endured the Commonwealth Governments enforcement of the National Security

(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)duringtheSecondWorldWar.

By early June 1940, the Commonwealth Government was expressing growing concern over Italy

becominginvolvedinthewar.ItiswellknownthatItalians,especiallythoselivinginQueensland,

were subjected to a consistently high degree of racially inspired antagonism as well as political

suspicion.3ThischapterillustrateshowtheCommonwealthGovernmentkeptaclosewatchover

ItalianslivinginAustralia,especiallythoseonboardItalianvesselswhichwereeventuallyseizedin

Australianwaters.

GianfrancoCrescianiwrotethatthefirstItalianPrisonersofWarandinterneesduringtheSecond

World War were sailors and passengers on board Italian vessels, and that the eight female crew

membersonboardbothvesselswerenotinterned.4RichardBosworthandRomanoUgoliniclaimed

thatonlytwoItalianwomenwereinternedfromtheFremantlecommunity,MrsFunazziandMrs

Travia.5 This chapter argues otherwise, presenting new research concerning female crew and

passengers on board the vessels who were interned during the war based on their political

affiliations. Unlike German women involved in Nazi activities presented in the following chapter,

therewasnoevidencetosuggestthatthesewomenhadanactiveroleinfascistorganisationsin

Australia.However,insomecases,itwasclearthatwomenwerepoliticallyinvolvedtosomeextent

3
K.Saunders,andH.Taylor.TheEnemyWithin?TheProcessofInternmentofEnemyAliensinQueensland193945.
AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume:34,Issue1,1988,p.20.
4
SeeG.Cresciani,CaptivityinAustralia:thecaseoftheItalianPrisonersofwar,19401947.StudiEmigrazione,Volume
26,1989,p.196;andG.Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia.Melbourne:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003,p.100.
5
R.BosworthandR.Ugoliniet.al.,War,InternmentandMassMigration:TheItaloAustralianExperience19401990.
Roma:GruppoEditorialeInternazionale,1992,p.81.
P a g e | 92

duringthewar.Thischapterdepictsthewartimehysteriaandracialantagonismthatexistedwithin

Australia when Italy entered the war by presenting case studies of Italian migrants who were

returningtoItalyduringtheoutbreakofwar.

nationalismwithaFascistlabel:AbriefoverviewofItalianfascisminAustralia

The most prominent element of fascism was patriotism. Don Luigi Sturzo described fascism as

nationalism with a Fascist label.6 David Brown referred to Italians in Queensland who perceived

fascismasaforcethatwasrestoringtheintegrityofItalyanddefendingnotonlyItalianhonoursat

homebutalsotherightsofItaliansabroad.7InOctober1922,afterviolentbattlesonthestreets

and political chaos in Italy, Mussolini, also known as the Duce of Fascism, came to power.8

NewcomerstoAustraliaduringthe1920sand1930swhohadwitnessedthebirthoffascisminItaly

had emigrated to avoid fascism. Italians residing in Australia were perceived as a threat by the

CommonwealthGovernment.

MostItalianwomeninthisstudystatedontheirquestionnaireformstheiroppositiontothefascist

regimeinItaly.However,somewomenwereinvolvedinfascism.AngelaDianawroteinherarticle

that generally, Italian women who were members of a fascist organisation were not involved in

political activities, and those who were members, had been pressured by their family and peer

groupstojoin.9Womendidoccasionallyjoinfascistorganisationsforsocialcontact,butthisdidnot

meantheywerenotfascists.Forexample,ItalianbornRosinaLazzarini,senthergoldweddingring

6
D.Brown,FascismwithinthePreWorldWarIIItalianpopulationofQueensland:astudyofcommunityprocessesand
interaction.JournalofRoyalAustralianHistoricalSociety,Volume93,Issue1,2007,p.24.
7
Brown,FascismwithinthePreWorldWarII,p.24.
8
G.Cresciani,ItalianslivinginAustralia.Melbourne:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003,pp.7677.
9
Diana,ItalianwomeninAustralia,p.77.
P a g e | 93

totheItalianconsulinsupportofthefascistcausewhichsignifiedthestrongidealcommitment

thatsomewomenhadfortheregime.10ManywhosettledinAustraliaweremilitantlyopposedto

fascismandpreferredtosettleinagriculturalareasinAustralia,includingareassuchasGriffithand

LismoreinruralregionsofNewSouthWales.11

The Italian threat in Australia was considered to be more acute compared to Germanys

involvementinthewar.Before1920,therewereapproximately8,000ItalianslivinginAustralia.

ThisnumbersignificantlyincreasedwhenItaliansmigratedtoAustraliaduringthe1920sand1930s,

fleeingtheoppressiveregimethatMussolinihadintroducedtoItaly.WilliamA.Douglasswrotethat

MussolinihadrestoredItalyameasureofnationalprideandridherofdeepseatedcivilreligious

strife.12 Douglass also argued that Mussolinis drive for national glory in Europe was translated

intoapotentialsourceofethnicprideforItaliansoftheemigrantdiaspora.13Thiswasespecially

evident for Italian communities established within Australia. Former public servant Noel Lamidey

statedthatthe:

FascistPartyhasdoneitsbesttotakeadvantageofthepatrioticsentimentsofItalianswhohavesettled
here,andtoturntoaccounttheloveofcountryandattachmenttothemotherlandthataresostrongly
implantedintheItalianheart.14

TheCommonwealthGovernmentconsideredItalianfasciststobealmostfanatics,andifAustralia

had been invaded, they would have done their utmost to assist the enemy.15 However, from the

10
Diana,ItalianwomeninAustralia,p.77.
11
Cresciani,ItalianslivinginAustralia,p.79.
12
W.Douglass,A.FromItalytoIngham:ItaliansinNorthQueensland.StLucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,1995,p.
204.
13
Douglass,FromItalytoIngham,p.204.
14
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReedontheinternmentand
controlofItaliansinAustralia(November1943).Sydney:N.Lamidey,1974,p.75.
15
Lamidey,AliensControl:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReed(November1943),p.76.
P a g e | 94

filesexaminedinthisstudy,itisclearthatmanyItalianwomenwerefleeingtheoppressivefascist

GovernmentinItaly.

LamideyreferredtoanItalianinterneefromQueensland,whowasprobablyanaturalizedBritish

subject,andwasfoundinpossessionofamapofAustraliashowingthedistributionofitsvarious

partsamongsttheAxispowers.16Therealityofthethreatseemedgreatlyexaggeratedwhenthe

CommonwealthGovernmentimmediatelysuggestedthatit

maythereforebeacceptedasbeyondquestionthatthefascistGovernmentwashopingtoobtaina
slice of Australia, and that it was endeavoring through the fascist organizations, and by means of
otherfascistinfluencesinAustralia,topromoteasbestitcouldtherealizationofthathope.Fromthe
pointofviewthereforeofthepotentialriskofanyItalianwhomightbeinanywayassociatedwiththe
Fascistpartyoranyofitsactivities,therewasundoubtly,andstillistoalesserdegree,theelementof
risktoourownsecurity.17

BecauseItalianshadsettledinlargenumbers,especiallyinQueensland,thethreatoffascistrevolt

seemedimminent.GovernmentofficialsbelievedthatifAustraliawasinvadedbytheAxisforces,

ItaliansresidinginAustraliahadtheopportunityofjoiningupwiththeAxispowers,andwhenin

numbersandnotlikelytohavetodoanyrealfighting,theywilldoastheyaretoldbyanyonein

authorityoverthem.18QueenslandhadthelargestItalianbornpopulationinAustraliawith8,500

Italians in 1933, the majority residing in the northern sugar cane region between Mackey and

Cairns.19 Fascist organisations in Australia were able to influence on Italians lifestyle, especially

sinceitwasconsideredasculturallydrivennationalism.Brownwrotethatwithinashorttimethe

ItalianFascistPartywasabletoconstructasophisticatednetworkofpoliticalorganisations,social

clubsandeducationalinstitutionsthatbroughtamajorityofItaliansinQueenslandintoitssphere

16
Lamidey,AliensControl:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReed(November1943),p.78.
17
Lamidey,AliensControl:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReed(November1943),p.78.
18
Lamidey,AliensControl:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReed(November1943),p.78.
19
D.Brown,TheCaseoftheBrisbaneFascio:ThetransnationalpoliticsoftheItalianFascistParty.HistoryAustralia,
Volume6,Issue1,2009,p.5.4.
P a g e | 95

of influence.20 Brown argued that the cultural activities associated with these occasions were

arguably more important than political ideology.21 For example, Australian Military Authorities

sawtheattendanceatfascistorganisedcommemorationsofItalysvictoryinAbyssiniaasevidence

proving Italians in Australia did not have loyalty to their country of residence but allegiance to

Imperial Italy.22 However, similar to their German counterparts, membership of fascist groups in

Australiawaslow,whichmeanttherewasanegligiblepoliticalimpactonItalians.23

ItisalsoimportanttonotethattheoppositiontothefascistregimeinAustraliawasaforcebyno

means negligible.24 The antifascist groups in Australia were established by Italians who had

witnessed the birth of Fascism in Italy and were militantly opposed to it.25 The Italians involved

werepredominantlyindustrialandagriculturalworkerswhohadbeencompelledtoemigrateafter

its coming to power.26 A drive to increase the countrys population and the United States

restrictionontheintakeofItaliansbetweentheworldwarssawItalianfiguresinAustraliaclimbto

approximately38,000.27

Italyentersthewar

The Commonwealth Government was deeply concerned about the implications and activities of

Italian fascism. At the outbreak of war, Mussolinis Italy stayed neutral and it was not until June

20
Brown,FascismwithinthePreWorldWarII,p.35.
21
Brown,TheCaseoftheBrisbaneFascio,p.6.
22
Brown,TheCaseoftheBrisbaneFascio,p.11.
23
Brown,TheCaseoftheBrisbaneFascio,p.5.5.
24
G.Cresciani,Fascism,AntiFascismandItaliansinAustralia,19221945.Canberra:AustralianUniversityPress,1980,
p.98.
25
Cresciani,Fascism,AntiFascismandItaliansinAustralia,p.98.
26
Cresciani,Fascism,AntiFascismandItaliansinAustralia,p.98.
27
J.Church,PerLAustralia:theStoryofItalianMigration.Melbourne:theMiegunyahPress,2005,p.5.
P a g e | 96

1940, when France was besieged by the Germans that Italy decided to declare war against the

Allies.On16June,Francesurrenderedandimmediatelyaskedforanarmistice.28Forthisreason,

Italys entry into the war was perceived by many as treacherous. Richard Bosworth wrote that

ItaliantroopsstabbedinthebackagaspingFrancewhenshealreadylayprostratedbytheGerman

BlitzkriegsweepingtoParisandtheChannelcoastMussolinihadwon...aftertheenemyhadbeen

defeatedelsewhere,bysomebodyelse.29

TheperceptionofwomeninfascistItalyiscrucialtounderstandingthetreatmentofItalianwomen

inwartimeAustralia.ThefascistregimeinItalyredefinedthefemalerole,makingwomenvictims

and at the same time protagonists of the states key activity.30 Mussolini outlined the effects on

fascistItalyifwomenweretoundertakepaidwork:

Withworkawomanbecomeslikeaman;shecausesmansunemployment;shedevelopsindependence
andafashionthatiscontrarytotheprocessofchildbirth,andlowersthedemographiccurve;manis
deprivedofworkanddignity;heiscastratedineverysensebecausethemachinedepriveshimeitherof
hiswomenorofhisvirility.31

RobinPickeringIazziclaimedthattheregimeconstructednewapparatusesintheformsofpolicies,

programs, and institutions designed to cultivate and manage a patriarchal agenda for the female

culture.32 As a result, the traditional figure of a womanmother (donnamadre) was promoted,

whichrepresenteddevotiontothefamilyandhomeandmaternalcaretowardsfathers,husbands

28
R.Stromberg,EuropeintheTwentiethCentury.NewJersey:PrenticeHall,1997,p.246.
29
R.J.B.Bosworth,BenitoMussoliniandtheFascistDestructionofLiberalItaly,19001945.Adelaide:TypecraftPtyLtd,
1973,p.89.
30
R. PickeringIazzi, Mothers of Invention: Women, Italian Fascism, and Culture. Minnesota: University of Minnesota
Press,1995,p.40.
31
PickeringIazzi,MothersofInvention,p.40.
32
PickeringIazzi,MothersofInvention,p.41.
P a g e | 97

andoffspring.33InItaly,Mussolinibelievedthattheroleofawomanwastobeanexemplarywife

andmotherwherewomanmaybestexpresshernaturalgenius.34

Catholicism also played an important role in regards to the position of women in Italy. Lesley

Caldwell argued the Catholic Church always displayed a discursive preoccupation with sexuality

and the relation between the sexes, and its position affected debates about the place of women

andthefamilyinItaly.35Bythe1940s,theprimaryfocuswasonthebondbetweenthemotherand

thechildevidentinspecialistaccountsaswellaspublicstatementsthatweremadebytheState

andtheChurch.TheCatholicpositionwasthatwomensdualroleinsocietyandthefamilycould

onlyeverbeachievedatthecostofthefamilyanditsmembers,andthatwomensdutydemanded

theirfamilyallegiancefirstandforemost.36

Criticism towards Italians was not only expressed by the Australian Catholic church, but also the

generalAustraliancommunity.ItwasreportedintheWestAustralianfourdaysafterItalydeclared

war against the allies that the internment of all enemy aliens was strongly advocatedwhen

allegations were made that Italians as a whole were disloyal.37 The support for war against Italy

was overwhelming. It also exacerbated feelings that already existed towards Italians that were

previouslybasedontheirrace.PrimeMinisterRobertGordonMenziesdeclaredthatAustraliawas

atwarwithItaly.HeproclaimedIhaveneverreallybelievedinmyheartthatBritishpeopleneedto

sustainthemselvesonadietofhate,butifIfeltdisposedtostandupandsingahymnofhateitis

33
PickeringIazzi,MothersofInvention,pp.4041.
34
PickeringIazzi,MothersofInvention,p.xv(Introduction).
35
L.Caldwell,ItalianFamilyMatters:Women,PoliticsandLegalReform.London:MacmillanAcademicandProfessional
Ltd,1991,p.8.
36
Caldwell,ItalianFamilyMatters,p.22.
37
EnemyAliens.AllegationsofDisloyalty.InternmentAdvocated.TheWestAustralian,15June1940,p.12.
P a g e | 98

today.38ItalianslivinginAustraliawerealreadyclassifiedasaliensandwhenItalyenteredthewar,

they were reclassified as enemy aliens and further investigated. Police put their plan for the

internmentofItalianaliensintoaction.TheSydneyMorningHeraldreportedonthedaythatpolice

lefttheirheadquartersinHunterStreetinthecity,andcalledupondriverstomeetatthehomesof

enemyaliens.Otherpolicestationsandthemilitarywereinformedandinstructedtoactuponlists

ofnameswhich,inmostcases,hadbeenpreparedmonthsinadvance.39

AsstatedintheIntroduction,MargaretBevegeconcludedthattherewasnosignificantpoliticalor

presscampaignagainstaliensduringWorldWarII.Thelackofpubliccampaignisattributabletothe

coolheadednessandcommitmenttofairplayexhibitedbythePrimeMinisters,MenziesandJohn

Curtin, who never engaged in alien baiting themselves, and publicly denounced it in others.40

However,itisarguablethatthiscoolheadednessandcommitmentoffairplaywasnotexhibited

towardsItalians.41RegardlessofhowlongtheyhadlivedinAustralia,thereweremanyItalianswho

foundthemselvestobepotentialsuspectsandwereroundeduptobeinterned.42

Italians who associated with the Italian Club or any other Italian organisation were immediately

suspected of being involved in the potential risk to the nations security. Francesca Merendas

38
EnteredWarforLoot.ItalysDecision.MrMenziessSpeech.SydneyMorningHerald,12June1940,p.15.Robert
MenziesrespondingtothenewsofItalyenteringthewarataweeklyluncheonwiththemembersoftheLegacyClub.
39
PoliceActQuickly:RoundUpofItalianAliens.SydneyMorningHerald,11June1940,p.9.
40
B.Bevege,BehindBarbedWire:InternmentinAustraliaduringWorldWarII.St.lucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,
1993,p.229.
41
Bevege,BehindBarbedWire,p.229.
42
B.Bunbury,RabbitsandSpaghetti,CaptivesandComrades:Australians,ItaliansandtheWar,19391945.Fremantle:
FremantleArtsCentrePress,1995,p.14.Whilethemenwereroundedupbyauthorities,thewives,frightenedthat
lettersornewspapersoverlookedbythesearchingpoliceofficerscouldbeused,iffound,toincriminatetheirhusbands,
tookpainstodestroyeverythingthatwaswritteninItalian.[SeeG.Cresciani,TheItaliansLivinginAustralia,p.100].
P a g e | 99

father,PaoloMerenda,whofeaturedintheIntroductionofthisthesis,waswellknownamongthe

ItaliancommunityofthesmalltownTully,approximately140kilometressouthfromCairns.Despite

therebeingnoevidencetoimplyhehadanyinvolvementinfascism,hewasinternedbasedonthe

factthattheItaliansheassociatedwithweremembersoftheFascistParty.

ItaliansnotonlyhadtocontendwiththeAliensControlRegulations,butalsothediscriminationand

racismthatwerebroughtonbythewar.TheCommonwealthGovernmentdecidedtocloseshops

that were leased or rented to Italians who were interned. It was understood that the

Commonwealth Governments decision to close these shops was prompted by fears that, if they

wereallowedtoremainopen,disturbancesmighthaveoccurred.43Itwasalsodecidedthatclosing

shopsownedbyItalianswouldmakeitcleartothepublicthatforeignersrunningothershopswere

notenemyaliens.44

Such disturbances relating to Italian migrants were witnessed in Sydney soon after Mussolini

declaredwaragainsttheAlliedforces.On13June1940,theSydneyMorningHeraldreportedthat

at least 20 shops had been smashed by youths during the previous two days. According to the

report,youthswereseenrunningawayandlatercastironandleadballsandasmallbarofiron

were found inside the windows. Jagged pieces of iron and old parts of motor car engines were

thrown through other windows.45 However, there was some appeal made by authorities to the

43
WhyShopsWereClosed.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.
44
Why Shops Were Closed. Sydney Morning Herald, 13 June 1940, p. 11. There were also cases of employers who
dismissedItalianworkerstoavoidindustrialdisputes.InorderforItalianstoobtainemployment,manyclaimedthey
wereofSwissorGreekdescent.AnumberofGreekmenweremistakenbyAustraliansforItaliansandasaresultwere
beatenup.SoonaftertheseincidentsGreekshopsdisplayedsignsproclaimingthenationalitytoavoidconfrontation.
SeeJ.Beaumont,AustraliasWar,193945.St.Leonards:AllenandUnwin,1996,p.57.
45
YouthsBreakWindows.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.
P a g e | 100

publicnottogiveventtotheirfeelingsbydamagingproperty.46Thereasonbehindtheirpleawas

laterexplainedbythepolice,whopointedoutthatwhenthewindowsweresmashedtheItalian

occupantoftheshopdidnothavetopaythecostofrepairs.Thisexpensehadtobebornebythe

ownersofthebuildingsorbyaninsurancecompany.47

PrizeofWar:TheCaptureoftheMVRemo

OtherissuesconcerningItalysentryintothewarthatwerehighlypublicizedinthemediaincluded

thecaptureofItalianshipsinAustralianwaters.CrescianicontendedthatthefirstItalianprisoners

ofwarinAustraliaweresailorsoftheItalianshipsberthedatAustralianportsorsailinginterritorial

waters.TheRemo,forexample,wascapturedon12June1940inFremantleafteritsdeparturehad

beendelayedfordaysbyAustralianauthoritiesonvariouspretexts.48ItwasreportedintheSydney

MorningHeraldonthedayofitscapturethatCustomsofficialsandtheNavycooperatedinevery

way possible to ensure that if Italy did declare war this vessel would be seized as a prize.49

Interestingly,whathasneverbeentoldbeforeisthestoryofItalianwomenwhowereonboardthe

vessel during its capture. Cresciani writes that women on board the Remo and Romolo were not

46
YouthsBreakWindows.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.
47
YouthsBreakWindows.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.Anotherdisturbancethatwasreportedinthe
SydneyMorningHeraldoccurredinKingStreet,Cityon12June,1940.Itwasreportedthat15policeweresenttothe
scene. A woman had brought fruit in a shop conducted by naturalized Italians. As she was about to leave the shop
another woman pushed the bag out of her hands saying, Why do you patronize Italians? Someone then seized a
basketofberryfruitandhurledthecontentsabouttheshop.Intheexcitementwhichfollowed,thetwowomenwere
almostknockeddownandtheirscreamsandtheshoutsoftheItalianscausedadensecrowdtocollect.Itwassome
time before the police were able to clear the footpaths and road to enable pedestrians and vehicles to pass.
[ExcitementoutsideShop.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11].
48
Cresciani, Italians in Australia, p. 99. After the capture of the Remo, the ship was altered and used by the
Commonwealthduringthewarforgeneraltransport,transportingbeerandothergoodstoIndiaforBritishservicemen
underthenewnameReynella.[FormerItalianShipArrives:Remoservedthroughoutthewar.TheArgus,9October
1945,p.5].
49
ItalianShipSeized.ValuablePrize.SydneyMorningHerald,12June1940,p.15.
P a g e | 101

interned.50However,Ihavediscoveredthatwomenandchildrenwereimprisoneduponcaptureat

FremantleGaol,atRottnestIsland,locatedoffthecoastofWesternAustralianearFremantleand

latertakentoaboardinghouseduetothepoorconditionsontheIsland.

OneofthefemalepassengersonboardtheRemowasoneyearoldJosieCiavola.FrancescoCiavola

wasmarriedtoGiovanna(nee`Laluna)andarrivedwiththeirdaughterJosieinAustraliaon6June

1940. Although Josie was too young to remember her journey to Australia, she does recall her

parentstellingherthattheirshipRemowasdetainedatFreemantlewhenitarrivedthereandall

crew and male adult passengers were interned on Rocknest [Rottnest] Island and women and

childrendetainedonboardforatimeandthenashoreforacoupleofweeks.51

Thoughthereislimitedinformationavailabletoresearchersonthepassengersandcrewwhowere

detainedatRottnestIslandthereis,however,aninvestigationdossierheldattheNationalArchives

ofAustralia(NAA)inMelbournethatshowsauthoritiesatRottnestIslandwerenotpreparedforthe

Italianinternees.AreportwrittentoWesternCommandshowshowunpreparedtheywere:

Ihavetoreportthaton11/6/40,12Germanand38ItaliansInterneeswereadmittedhere.
Iwasnotinformedofthetotaltoexpect.Iwasinformedtoexpectabout25ItaliansexRemoabout3pm
thatday.Allarrangementsweremadeforthereceptionandfeedingof25men,butinallwereceived50
interneesthatday.Wereceived23menfromthem.vRemoatabout1730hours.Theteahourhereisat
1630hours,andasihavenocontroloverthatmealtime,anditisnotpossibletoorderfurtherfoodfrom
theCivilPrison,whosupplythemeals(theirkitchenbeingclosedat1630hoursandkitchenstaffbeing
prisonersarelockedupatabout1650hours).TheRemocontingentbroughtalargequantityofItalian
Sausage,Milk,TinnedFish,TinnedFruitandAeratedWaters.Wesuppliedthemwithbreadfromourown
mess, and they made their evening meal from this. When they had finished, they left a considerable
quantityonthetable.ThreeoftheRemocrewdidsleepwithoutastrawmattressthatnight,butthe
three were issued with extra blankets. We did not have the equipment on hand, butthis was rectified

50
Cresciani,CaptivityinAustraliaandCresciani,ItaliansinAustralia.
51
CorrespondencefromJosieBlack,4November2008.RottnestIslandwaslocatedinWesternAustraliaandwasused
asaprisonerofwarcampduringtheFirstWorldWar.AttheoutbreakoftheSecondWorldWar,theislandwasusedto
houseItalianinterneesduring1940.[SeeNationalArchivesFactSheet:RottnestIsland,WesternAustralia(191415and
1940).[http://www.naa.gov.au/whatson/online/featureexhibits/internmentcamps/wwii/rottnestisland.aspx,20
June2009].
P a g e | 102

nextday.The23Remointerneesbrought40blanketswiththemfromtheship.Fromthenontheywere
providedwithallnecessarybedding,utensilsandfood.Theyhavebeenmadeascomfortableaspossible
under the circumstances. Hot showers are available, and they purchased from their own monies,
stretchers,mattressandpillows.Thefood,althoughperhapsnotwhatsomeofthemhavebeenusedto,
issufficientformenwhodonotwork,andthevisitingMedicalOfficerhasattimesinspectedit.Iamnot
responsiblefortheirinternmenthere.Therewere92inmatesherethatday,andIwasnotpreparedin
anywaytoreceiveinternees.52

AcomplaintwasmadebytheCaptainoftheRemo,GuiseppeDani,whowrote

somewerecompelledthatnighttosleeponthebarefloorforlackofstrawmattresses.Onthefirstday
foodwasnotprovidedtothem.Alltheofficerswereandaretreatedascommoninterneesregardlessthat
betweenthemaretheMasterwhoisnearsixtyyearsoldandtheRoyalCommissionerwhois63yearsold,
notingoodhealthandnotbelongingtothecrewoftheRemo,buthewasarepresentativeoftheForeign
MinistryofItalyonboardthesamevessel.Thefoodinthisprisoniseverydayworse.53

AuthoritiesatFremantleGaolweresurprisinglysympathetictotheircause.TheCateringSupervisor

recommendedimprovementstobemaderegardingtheconditionsoftheprison:

Acting on instructions issued by Western Command, I visited the Internees quartered at the Fremantle
Goalat1130hourson13/8/40andinconnection,Ihavetoreportthat:
The food as issued in the Fremantle Goal to the internees in my opinion is disgraceful and that the
complaints lodged are well foundedSample of menu as supplied for eight days is attachedIt is
recommendedthatanimmediateactionbetakentocontrolthefoodsuppliesoftheseinterneesThiscan
be achieved by the appointment of an N.C.O as Q.M. from Provost staff for controlling rations and
supplies similar to the method adopted at Rottnest. The erection of Fowler and Sawyers Stoves for
cookingpurposes,andthetransferoftwoItaliancooksfromRottnestIsland(nameshavebeensubmitted
byCapt.OfRemo)andinformationforwardedtoO.Cinterneescamp,RottnestretransferofInternees.54

Eventually, the Ciavola family were transported to their destination, Melbourne, Victoria, on the

shipDuntroon.ThefamilysettledinaruralareainVictorianearKooweerupinSouthGippsland,

where Josies father Francesco leased a farm and grew potatoes, onions and milked cows. Josie

remembered her parents having to attend the police station every week to register as [enemy]

52
CopyofreporttoWesternCommandfromO.CDetentionBarrack,19July1940.SeeAliens,Internees,Prisonersof
WarSeizureofMVRemo.K1214/241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
53
MemorandumbyDirectorofPersonalServicestoWesternCommand,July1940.SeeAliens,Internees,Prisonersof
WarSeizureofMVRemo.K1214/241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
54
CopyofMemorandumtoD.A.D.S.andTfromCateringSupervisor,WesternCommand,13August1940.SeeAliens,
Internees,PrisonersofWarSeizureofMVRemo.K1214/241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 103

aliens.Shealsorecalledagreatdealofdiscriminationparticularlyatschoolandintryingtorunthe

farmre[regarding]workers,transporttomarkets.55

JosiehighlightedhowfortunateherfamilywasaftertheyhadsettledinVictoria:

My father and grandfatherwere not interned as they were primary producers and essential to the
war effort and since not formally educated were not considered influential or a risk to national
security.Wedidnotsufferlikethefamilieswhosemenwereinternedandbecauseweweremoreor
lessselfsufficientonthefarmwealwayshadfreshfoodetc.Aswellasgrowingfoodmymotheralso
preservedfruitsandvegetablesandkeptchickensaswellasraisingasheepandapigeachyearwhich
wouldbeslaughteredtoprovidemeat.Shealsomadeallourclothes,sheets,clothsetc.56

Josieattributesapertinentpointregardingtheissueofemploymentduringthewar.Fortunately,

duetotheshortageofmanpowerduringthewar,theCiavolafamilywasnotconsideredathreatto

nationalsecuritybecausetheywerecontributingtothewareffortasprimaryproducersduringa

timewhenfreshproducewaslimited.57

Personnelspiteandvindictiveness:FemalecrewmembersoftheRemo

Asnotedearlier,theAliensControlRegulationsgeneratedagreatersenseoffeartowardsItalians

which consisted of a high degree of racially inspired antagonism as well as political suspicion.58

FortyfiveyearoldItalianbornMariaRiverawasacrewmemberonboardtheRemo,workingasa

stewardess. All female crew members on board the Remo were considered as prohibited

immigrantsandweregrantedCertificatesofExemptionforonemonth.Sinceherarrivalfromthe

captureoftheRemo,MariastayedataboardinghouseinFremantleownedbyMrandMrsFunazzi,

whowereaskedbypoliceon22June1940toaccommodatefemalecrew.AustralianbornofItalian

55
CorrespondencefromJosieBlack,4November2008.
56
CorrespondencefromJosieBlack,4November2008.
57
CorrespondencefromJosieBlack,4November2008.
58
K.SaundersandH.Taylor,TheEnemyWithin?,p.20.
P a g e | 104

parents,MrsFunazzididaccommodatethewomen,butfounditdifficulttoreceiveassistancefrom

theCommonwealthGovernment:

Sofar,MrsFunazzihasreceivednopaymentwhatever.Shehasappliedtovariousdepartmentsbuttodate
hasreceivednosatisfaction.Shehasnointentionofturningthemoutbutnaturallyhopestoreceivesome
remunerationatanearlydateandhaswrittentotheDepartmentoftheInterior,Canberra,inthis
connection.59

The investigation dossier concerning Maria held at the NAA in Perth has never been examined

before.Mariasfiledoesnotcontainmuchinformationaboutherjourneyasacrewmemberofthe

Remo,butitdoesgiveusanaccountofherlifefrom1942onwards.Duringthewar,Marialivedin

Fremantle,sheknewverylittleEnglish,wassingleanduponarrival,Mariaworkedasacookatthe

StLouisJesuitSchool,atClaremount,WesternAustralia.SheexplainedthatherfamilyinItalywas

involvedinastoragebusinessandassuredauthoritiesthatshewasfinanciallystable.60

InOctober1940,authoritiesbecameconcernedthattherewerenophotographsofMariaonher

registration papers. Authorities interviewed her and conducted a search of her premises, where

nothingdetrimentalwasfound,onlypersonallettersthatMariahadwrittentoherfriendVittoria

Causa,anothercrewmemberontheRemo.61

59
MrsFunazziencounteredherownproblemswiththeAliensControlRegulations.AccordingtoBosworthandUgolini,
Mrs Funazzi represented a challenge to the Intelligence officers. She was well spoken and was highly regarded in
FreemantlesItaly.DuringtheEthiopianwar,MrsFunnaziraisedfundsfordisabledItalianfamiliesandbecauseofthis,
authoritiessentherandotherwomenfromFreemantleprisontoasmallcountrytown,forthreemonthsbeforeshe
wasallowedtoreturnhome.ShepersistedthatherinvolvementinItalianactivitieswassocialratherthanpolitical.
[BosworthandUgolini,War,InternmentandMassMigration,p.81]
60
Doctors made note that her illness was presumably change of life. See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian internee].
K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
61
SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 105

In March 1942, three statements were made to authorities against Maria by people who were

working with her as cooks in the kitchen. Michael Garrity was a steward attached to St. Louis

College,Claremount.Michaelwrote

ThedayDarwinwasbombed,IwasworkinginthekitchenwithVictoria[Vittoria]andMariatwo
Italian girls. A Tradesman came to the kitchen and told them that Darwin had been bombed. They
became quite excited over the news and talked together for some time. It was quite obvious they
wereverypleasedattheJapanesebombing.TheyveryseldomspeakEnglishandarealwaystalkingto
oneanotherinItalian.MariaisdefinitelyproItalianmoresothanVictoria[Vittoria].62

Thesestatementswerecommonduringwartime.Australianneighboursorworkcolleagueswould

act upon their personnel spite and vindictiveness in order to prove to authorities that Italian

womenweredangerous.

AnotherstatementwasmadebythepantrymaidattheAdelphiHotel,Perth,MaryCoralOrchard,

whostated:

UntilrecentlyIwasemployedasadomesticatSt.LouisCollege,Claremount.Onaccountoftheanti
British attitude of two Italian girls named Maria and Victoria [Vittoria] I left the College. About a
fortnightagowewereseatedatdinnerinthekitchen.TherewerethetwoItaliangirls,MrsBennettand
amannamedMichael.MariesaidtousallWemustsurrendertotheJaps.MrsBennettandmyself
saidWecertainlywillnotsurrender.BothMarieandVictoriasaidtheywillbequitewillingtomarry
Japanesewhentheycamehere.OnedayMariewenttoFremantletoseeafriend.Shewasawayabout
3hours.Whenshereturnedsheinformedmethattherewere13AmericanshipsinFremantle.Atthe
timeitpuzzledmehowMariehadobtainedtheinformationreshipping.63

Finally,MargaretBennettclaimed

Iamamarriedwomanresidingat25St.QuintinAve.,Claremont,andamemployedasahousemaidat
St. Louis College, Claremont. About 10th February I was seated having breakfast when another
employee whom I knew as Maria an Italian girl who arrived here on the Remo said to me, You
people want to surrender to Japan oryouall will be killed. I replied, There is no surrender with us
British people. If Australia surrenders Japan and Italy will share this country and British dogs down,

62
Statement made by Michael Garrity, 4 March 1942. See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian internee]. K1171/RIVERA M,
NAA,Perth.
63
StatementmadebyMaryCoral,6March1942.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,
Perth.
P a g e | 106

replied Maria. Onaccount of her anti British attitudesI have not spoken toher since. Maria isde
finitelysympathetictowardsItalyandisalwayspleasedwhennewsofBritishreversesispublished.64

Basedonthestatementsgivenbyhercolleagues,ReverendFatherPerrett,whowasincharge

ofstaffatSt.LouisCollege,terminatedtheemploymentofbothMariaandVittoria.HestatedI

considerthatbothgirlsaredangeroustobeatlarge,andtheonlymeasuretotakeistoplace

theminaninternmentcamp.Itisratherpuzzlingthatthesetwofemales,whowereattachedto

theRemo,shouldbeatlargewhenallmembersoftheRemocrewwereinternedwhenthe

boatwasseizedatFremantle.65

Consequently, Maria Rivera was arrested on 18 March 1942, and taken to Woodmans Point

detention centre, located on the west coast of Western Australia, for subversive conduct. It was

statedbyauthoritiesthatowingtoherantiBritishutterancesandattitude,shecausedillfeeling

amongstotheremployees.66SergeantH.T.Nevinwrotethatbasedonhisinterviewswiththestaff

from the College who made the above statements against Maria and Vittoria, he believed that

becauseshewas100%Italian,bothgirlsaredangeroustobeatlarge,andtheonlymeasureto

takeistoplacethemininternmentcamp.67Priortoherarrest,authoritiessearchedthroughher

possessions and gave her the documents regarding the warrant for her internment.68 There was

64
StatementmadebyMargaretBennett,4March1942.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,
NAA,Perth.
65
Memorandum to inspector Read from Special Bureau in Perth, 13 March 1942. See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian
internee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
66
ReporttoInspectorReadfromSpecialBureau,10March.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERA
M,NAA,Perth.
67
ReporttoInspectorReadfromSpecialBureau,10March.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERA
M,NAA,Perth.
68
Memorandum to inspector Readfrom Special Bureau,20March 1942. SeeRIVERA Maria (277) [Italian internee].
K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 107

onlyoneproblemregardingthestatementmadeagainstMaria.Itwasclearfromthedocumentsin

herfilethatMariahadnoideawhyshewasarrestedandbecauseshecouldspeakverylittleEnglish

shecouldnotunderstandwhyshewasinterned.69

Figure20:MariaRivera. Figure19: VittoriaCausa.




RIVERAMariaNationality:ItalianArrivedFremantle CALESSO[CAUSA]VittoriaNationality:ItalianArrived
perRemo5June1940.K1331/1950/RIVERAM,NAA, FremantleperAustralia12April1954.
Perth. K1331/3/1957/CALESSO,NAA,Perth.

Mariawasunabletocommunicatewithotherstaff,therefore,itissafetoassumethatMariawas

interned because she was 100% Italian, rather than a potential threat to nations security. As

Helen Andreoni has pointed out, the colour of Italians was always an issue. During the 1890s,

Italianswereseentobenotthesamecolorasthedecisionmakersnorindeedweretheyseenas

Europeans.70ItwascommonformanyItalianmigrantstobeunawareoftherequirementsofthe

69
SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
70
H.Andreoni,OliveorWhite?TheColourofItaliansinAustralia.JournalofAustralianStudies,Volume27,Issue77,
2003,p.81.
P a g e | 108

Aliens Control Regulations. During the war, news on the Aliens Control Regulations was found in

parliamentarydebatesandlocalnewspapers.Aswillbediscussedfurtherinthefollowingchapter,

many Italian women did not know how to speak or read English therefore, were unaware of the

legislation.

The following day, Maria made a strong appeal. She wrote two letters in Italian to the Most

IllustriousMinistryforWar.Inthefirstletter,shewrote

1) ByadocumentgiventomebytheCustomsHouse,Iunderstand,Iamtogoaboutasafree
citizenwithalltherightsgiventoimmigrants.

2) Yesterday,the20thMarch,aboutHr.1500adetectivecameattheSt.LouisCollege,whereI
wasworkingforaboutamonth,tookmeandbroughtmeheretoaconcentration[internment]
camp.

3) I,myselfthink,indeedIamcertainIhavetherighttoknowhow[why]Iwasinterned.

4) MyconductinAustraliahasbeenoneofextrememodesty,becauseapartfrommycondition
moralandphysical,IleadalifeofworkandprayerleavinghomeonlyofaSaturdayandSunday
to go to Church. That is the whole truth on my honour. I made no acquaintances with the
exception of the Seminars family which I found to be a mirror of virtue. Mr Seminars, Mrs
Seminars and the children, excellent Australians all with pure English sentiments. The other
Italians who came in contact with me I detest because they belong tosuch a low class, that
theyareadisgracetoItaly.

5) WhythishonourableCourtbeforeinterningapersonsoeasily,putsinjeapody[jeopardy]and
togreatsufferingsphysicalandmoralpersonswholeadanexemplarylife?

6) ThereisnooneabsolutelywhocouldsaythatIhaveinterestedmyselfinpolitics,because,I
repeat,IamunabletospeakorreadEnglishandmuchlessIdontknowanybodywithwhomI
couldspeakbecauseforalongtimenowIamlivingwithEnglishpeople.

7) I beg of this honourable Court strongly, to call me and I will give by word of mouth the most
amplesatisfaction.

8) IagainaskofthecourttotakeintoconsiderationwhatIamaskingandtodealwiththematter
justly.71

71
TranslatedcopyofAppealtotheMostIllustriousMinistryforWar,21March1942.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italian
internee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 109

Inherletter,MariahighlightedthedifferentkindsofItalianswhohadsettledinAustralia.Cresciani

wrotethatthereweretwosocietiesandtwodifferentculturesthatrepresentedItaliansmigrating

to Australia. One was a minority of educated middleclass Italians and the other group, the

overwhelming majority, was of peasant migrants who were illiterate or semiliterate.72 Maria

consideredherselftobeofahigherclasstothemajorityItalians,isolatingotherItaliansfromher

kind. This discrimination amongst Italians was common, and as Cresciani explained, the poorer

Italians found themselves estranged from the Australian community and from the Italian

Establishmentinexactlythesamewayasintheirvillagesathometheywerealienated.73

Mariassecondletter,writtenon21March1942,soughttoproveherinnocence:

I, Maria Rivera and Vittoria Causa friends ex the Remo and fellow workers, we are here in the
concentrationcampandweareunabletounderstandthereasonforit,unlessitisduetofalseand
vileshanderwhich,vary[very]probablyasuspectcamefromthecookofSaintLouisCollegeMrsGina
Marantelli and who uses Mrs Bennett as a tool (she also works at the College looking after the
dormitories)

From the first day, I, Maria Rivera started work at the College St. Louis, the cook, Gina Marentelli
startedtakingtomeandstronglybeggedofmenottospeaktoVittoriaandtotreatherbadly,and
perhaps that could be the only way to make her leave the college, I, Rivera, did not reply to such
suggestions. For two, three days and every day, Gina kept repeating the same phrases. One day, I
Riverafedup,IsaidtoherGinaitisimpossibleformetodothatandfromthatdayGinaMarantelli
turned against me. But that made no difference because I am of a very proud, strong and upright
character.MrsBennettisaveryintimatefriendofGinaMarantelli,somuchsothatateverymealshe
had specialdishes and veryoften specialcakes for the afternoon tea.As I sayagain the Bennett is
veryintimatewithGinaandsheactstheinformerwithgreatskillandcunning.

ThereisnodoubtaboutthatforafewdaysafterBennettstoppedspeakingtomeRivera,anddidnot
comenearthetableagainsayingthatIandVittoriaweretakingaboutthewar.

We Rivera and Vittoria took no notice of it and as a matter of fact gave it no importance at all,
becauseitisabsolutelyuntrue.Somuchso,becausealsothereverendfathershadtoldusnot[to]
absolutelyspeakaboutthewar.ItwasBennettwhoeverydaywasreadingthepaperandbringingthe
radionewsandmakinglongandvariousdiscussionswithGinaduringthedayandImyselfneverdidI
wanttoknowanythingandIwassayingtoGinanottotalktomeaboutit.GinaMarentelliisBritish
subject,wellIamtellingyouandaloudsheisabadaverybadBritishsubject.Sheonlywishesforthe

72
Cresciani,ItaliansinAustralia,p.55.
73
Cresciani,ItaliansinAustralia,p.55.
P a g e | 110

momentwhenthoseuglyyellowfacescomehere,todestroythewholeofAustraliaandmanyother
thingsthatwewillexplaintoyoubywordofmouth.74

AswewillseeinChapterFive,thewaragainstJapanwaspursuedmoreaggressively.AfterJapan

enteredthewar,theJapanesewereportrayedbytheAlliedforcesduringwarasaracialmenace,

aswellasaculturalandreligiousone,andasevidencedinMariasletter,itisinterestingtonote

thatbecauseofthisportrayal,MariaasanItaliannational,consideredherselfasasuperiorraceto

thatoftheJapanese.75

On26April1942,Mariawrotealetterfromhospitalsufferingfromabadcaseofindigestioncaused

byherdietduringherinternment.Whilehospitalized,authoritiesappointedtwomatronstoguard

her.76 The letter was addressed to the camp Commandant and she wrote that she was having

problemswithhereyes,generalweaknessandstomachproblems.Shewashoweverexcitedabout

herappeal,statingthatshesentanexcellentreportthatwaswellsetoutandiftheyexamineit

withclearconscienceandthejudgejustlytheymustsetmefree.Ifnot,themoralehereishighand

withgreatpatienceandresignationIwillputupwitheverything.77Itwasreportedthreedayslater

that Maria was suffering from an acute appendicitis for an immediate operation, condition

serious.78

74
TranslatedcopyofletterfromMariaandVittoriaCausa,21March1942.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].
K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
75
J.W.Dower,WarWithoutMercy:RaceandPowerinthePacificWar.NewYork:Pantheonbooks,1986.
76
ReporttoSwanBarracks,Perth,1April1942.SeeAliens,Internees,PrisonersofWarSeizureofMVRemo.K1214/
241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
77
Translated copy of letter from Maria to the Camp Commandant, 26 April 1942. See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian
internee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
78
Report to Swan Barracks, Perth, 29 April 1942. See Aliens, Internees, Prisoners of War Seizure of MV Remo.
K1214/241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 111

The Aliens Tribunal refused Marias appeal one month later. In August she was transferred to

TaturacampinVictoriaandinOctober,MariawrotealettertotheConsulofSwitzerlandappealing

tohimforhelp.Shewroteabouthowsherequiredaspecialdietinorderforherstomachtoget

betterandstatedthatwhileshewasinPerthhospitalshereceivedgoodcare.AtTaturathough,

Mariastatedthatthedoctorsdidnotvisitherandthattheyrefusedtogiveherthedietthatshe

askedfor.Instead,authoritiestoldhertobuyandcookthefoodatherownexpense.Mariawrote

Doesthisappearjustandfairtoyou?Canathinglikethisgoonforever?WhatIamwritingtoyou

is the truth.79 She then asked for medical references to be sent to her officers from doctors in

Perthhospitaltoprovethatshehasamedicalconditiontotreatherstomach.80

Thatsamemonth,MariawroteanotherlettertotheSwissConsul:

Iwasvisitedbythedoctor,hesaidnothingtome,IaskedifIcouldhaveaChartmadeformydiet,that
is to say, a small piece of meat and boiled vegetables, in such a way that my food will have no rich
sauce.IdelayedwritingtoyouthesefewdaysbecauseIawaitedtheresult,butuptilltodaynothing.As
I have already written toyou I,alas, suffer very badly with my stomach andyoucan have the fullest
satisfactionfromtheMilitaryAuthoritiesandtheNuncipalhospitalatPerth,W.A.,whereIhavebeen
foralongtime.Icannotunderstandwhyevertheyhavenotdeliveredthisdiet,andIhavecontinually
saidthatIhavegreatsuffering.Doesitappeartobejustandhumanetoyou?81

Thetranslatorwentonfurthertonotethat,exceptfortwopeople,theItaliansinthecampareofa

verylowclass.82ItisunclearfromherNAAfilewhetherMariaeverreceivedherspecialdiet.What

wedoknowisthaton19February1944,theDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberra,wrotetothe

DeputyDirectorofSecurityinPerththathewaspreparedtoreleaseMariafrominternmentunder

79
SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
80
Translators comments copy of letter from Maria to Consul of Switzerland in Melbourne, 3 November 1942. See
RIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
81
Translators comments copy of letter from Maria to Consul of Switzerland in Melbourne , 21 October 1942. See
RIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
82
Translators comments copy of letter from Maria to Consul of Switzerland in Melbourne , 21 October 1942. See
RIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 112

the condition that she be employed under adequate supervision in a Catholic hospital or similar

institution.83 What is most interesting to note is that the staff at the St. Louis Jesuit School,

includingtheRectorKelly,madeanapplicationforMariasreturntowork.HewroteWeshallbe

verygladofherservicesinthedomesticworkoftheschool,whereshewasemployedpreviously

andwithgreatsatisfactiontoall.84Thiswascertainlyacontradictiontowardsthestatementsmade

bythecollegestafftwoyearsearlier,highlightingtheparanoidnationalismthathadlongexisted

against nonBritish subjects as a result of the White Australia Policy (WAP), which exacerbated

duringwartime.85On6March1944,Mariawasreleasedandtwelvedayslater,severerestrictions

wereplacedonhertravelandpossessions.86

Oneyearlater,Mariahadreportedtoauthoritiesthatshehadlostherrestrictionorderanddidnot

understandit.Inawrittenstatement,shewroteinItalian:

Since my release from internment I have reported my movements to the Police authorities and the
ManpowerAuthorities, andthought bydoing so I hadcompleted myobligations infull. I cangive no
explanation as to why I did not know the contents of the Restriction Order that I signed for. When I
receiveditIwasinabadmentalstatebuthavereceivednomedicalattentionsincemyreleasefrom
internment. I regret my error through my ignorance of the terms of the RestrictionOrder, but I now
understandandwillcomplyinfuture.87

83
MemorandumfromDirectorGeneral,W.B.SimpsontoDeputyDirectorofSecurityinPerth,19February1944.See
RIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
84
Copy of letter from Reverend Kelly to Authorities, February 1944.See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian
internee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
85
TheconceptofparanoidnationalismwasadaptedtomorerecenteventsbyauthorScottPoyntingwrotethatyou
cannothaveapoliticsoffearunlessyouhaveacultureofparanoia;aparanoiabuiltintoanationsanxietiesaroundits
racialandethnicdimensionsbutderivingfromarangeofwidersocial,economicandpoliticalfactors.[S.Poyntinget
al.,BinLadenintheSuburbs:criminalisingtheArabother.Sydney:SydneyInstituteofCriminology,2004,p.213]
86
MemorandumfromDirectorGeneralofSecurity,W.B.SimpsontoDeputyDirectorofSecurityinVictoriaandPerth,
29February1944.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
87
TranslatedStatementmadebyMariaRiveratoAuthorities,2March1945.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].
K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 113

The Security Service in Perth informed Maria that she would most likely be prosecuted for this

breach and informed her that the whole thing was caused through her carelessness in not

familiarising herself with important papers she had actually signed for and received.88 It is

unknownwhethershewasfinedforthisbreach,howevertherestrictionswererevokedon7March

1945.

ThefactthatrestrictionswereplacedonMariaRiverauponherreleasefrominternmentin1944

clearlyshowedthatItalianwomencontinuedtobevictimizedevenafterItalyhadsurrenderedin

September 1943. Marias case shows there was no evidence to prove she was involved in any

subversive activities during the war. Yet, because of her Italian origin and the suspicion that was

generatedbytheAustralianpublicagainstItalians,Mariawaswrongfullyinterned.

TheSinkingoftheRomolo

Compared to the capture of the Remo, the seizure of the Romolo was a much more publicized

event.TheRoyalAustralianNavyMVManooraseizedtheRomolo,whichwasheadingnortheastin

direction, and rescued the crew and passengers after the vessel was set on fire by the crew and

scuttled220milessouthwestofNauru.TheRomolosailedfromBrisbaneonthe5June1940,but

waslocatedbyManoorasevendayslater.TheManoorascaptureoftheRomolowasportrayedby

the media as a heroic act. Even nineteen years after the event, the Navy News published an

accountoftheincident:

With Italys entry into the war she [Manoora] was sent to hound down the Romolo, which had
escapedfromanAustralianport.Ontheseconddayoutonthehighseasinthischase,theManoora
sighted the Italian escapee and fired over her bows. Refusing surrender, the Romolo put on a
scuttlingact.H.M.A.S.Manoorasettledherdowninthesea,andreturnedhomewithAustraliasfirst
ItalianP.O.Ws.ForweeksthenshedriftedasthewatchmanoftheseasinthePacificalertforarmed

88
Copy of Memorandum to Captain Masel from Security Service in Perth, 2 March 1945. See RIVERA Maria (277)
[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 114

merchantmen, like herself, styledraiders, thepresenceof which wasevidenced bythe shelling of


smallislandsintheareaatbriefintervals.Butthemonotonyofit!Somehow,armedshipsavoided
her,andthescrapshercrewsoughtdidntoccur.89

ThescuttlingoftheRomolomayhavebeenapopularnewsstoryinthepress,however,verylittle

information exists concerning the female crew and passengers onboard the Romolo. However,

whatisknownisthattheofficers,crewandpassengers,includingtwoItalianmigrantsonboardthe

ItalianvesselwerereturningtoItalyandwerenottheescapeestheNavyNewsportrayedthemto

be.90

Asnotedearlier,LilianaGiacosaandherfamilywitnessedtheevent.AcopyofLilianasdiarywas

found in a Naval Intelligence file concerning the Romolo incident. Lilianas diary was taken by

authorities because it gave an interesting account of the capture and subsequent sinking of the

Romolo.91Thisisindeedtrue.ThediaryentriesdescribehertimeinAustralia,herdesiretoreturn

toherromanticinterestEnzoinItalyandthedisastroustripontheRomolo.Italsoshowsthatthe

Romolosdeparturewasdelayedanumberoftimesthroughoutthefirstfewmonthsof1940,due

to fear surrounding Italys involvement in the war. On Sunday, 20 May 1940, the Consul sought

permissiontoleavefromtheCommonwealthGovernment,whichwaseventuallygranted.92

Although the Romolo departed on Wednesday 5 June, there were a few moments when Liliana

fearedthatItalyhadalreadydeclaredwar:

89
HoundeddownRomolo.NavyNews,Friday,January9,1959,p.2.
90
TheRoyalAustralianNavywerealsoactiveintheMediterraneanwiththesinkingoftheItaliandestroyerEsperoby
theSydneyandtheItaliancruiserBartolomeoColleonion19July.[MckernanandBrowne,p.230].
91
Confidential report from Intelligence Officer to Naval Staff Office, Brisbane, 19 September 1940. See Romolo
SinkingbyHMASManoora[22pages].B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
92
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 20 May 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
P a g e | 115

wesaweighteensailorsoftheBritishNavy,fullyarmedwithbayonetsintheirhandsmarchingbehind
anofficerwhowasholdingapaperinhishand.Mumwentwhiteanddesertedusforthecabinwhere
we found her packing fathers clothes. We all got a fright but then what else could we do, it was
obvious,wethought,Italyhasthisminutedeclaredwarandtheyhavecometotaketheship.Well,they
hadntThesemenweresenttotakecareoftheship,andtoseethatitlefttheBrisbanecanalsafely.
Thatwasverykindofthem,buttherealthingbehinditwasthattheywereafraidthecaptainwould
sink the ship at a narrow point in the canal, and so block itWe got into open sea, and I can see all
heavedatremendoussigh,butIdontthinkallisfinishedyet.93

Once the vessel was out at sea, the crew and passengers were aware that they were being

followed.Theirjourneywasdescribedbythepress:

InstructionswereissuedtothemerchantcruisertoshadowtheRomolowhensheleftBrisbaneon
June5.HercommanderbythedaykeptfarasternwiththemeninthecrowsnestsightingtheItalian
linersmast,whichwasjustvisibleoverthehorizon.Atnight,withalllightsout,sheclappedonspeed
andracedaheaduntilshespottedtheItalianslights,atdawnagaindroppingawayfarastern.The
nextnighttheRomolo,withalllightsout,turnedsoutheast,intothePacificin,accordingtoCaptain
R.L.Harry,aTorresStraitpilotwhowasstillaboardher,alastminuteefforttoracetoaneutralport.
Orders had been received by the leader of a Fascist junta aboardan authority which was able to
overrideallthecaptainsdecisions.94

Those on board became aware that they were being pursued, and that they were on a different

path.Lilianawroteon8June:

Thereisstillashipfollowingus,itfollowedusallduringthenight,itwillbefollowingusalot
morenowuntilwegettosomeJapaneseIslandIonlyhopewardoesntbreakoutduringthe
following week, otherwise, we shall be seeing Australia again and I dont want that to
happenWe had a blackout again last night, and will be having them as long as we are
watched.95

OnMonday10June,thecrewandpassengersonboardpaintedthecolouroftheshiptogreyto

looklikeacruiser.Thenextday,LilianawrotethatsheWokeupthismorningandwastoldbymy

auntythatwarwasdeclaredbyItalyonFrance.Nowalltheshipisgreyandeveryoneisveryexcited

93
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 27 May 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
94
Cruisers Long Chase. Sinking of the Romolo. Dogged for a Week. Race to help Freighter. TheWest Australian, 19
June1940,p.9.SeeMSRomolodepartedBrisbanesinkingoffNESolomonIslands.PP227/2/1939/W1,NAA,Perth.
95
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 8 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
P a g e | 116

lestwesightsomeship.IfallgoeswellwehopetoreachsomeJapaneseislandinsafety.96Though

morale was high, this was soon to change. The Manoora caught up, seized the vessel and as

reported in the news, once their capture seemed imminent, under the orders of the fascist

GovernmentinItaly,thecrewonboardsetthevesselonfire:

DuringthemorningofWednesday,June12,athickcolumnofsmokewassightedandastheAustralian
ship raced towards it, the officers realised it was the Romolo burning fiercely amidships as she heeled
slightlyintheflattropicalcalm.Standingoffoutofrangeoftheintenseheatweresixlifeboatscrammed
offindeepwater,andslippedhermotorpinnaceovertheside.Weweredarnedimpressedbytheway
yournavywentaboutthings.97

Lilianadescribestheordealinherdiary:

Thechiefstewardcameroundandtoldustogetallwecouldandgotothelifeboatswithourbeltson.He
badeuskeepcalmforthegloryofgreaterItalyWeputourlifebeltsonandsoonwewereinthelaunches
inthesea.IhadmanywoollensonandMotherhadherthickcoatonandwiththeheatwewereallred
andirritated.Wegotdownthelaunchesandtheheatwasterrific.Whenallthelauncheshadleftwesaw
acolumnofsmokerisingfromthetopdeckoftheRomolo.Wecontinuedsoinseaandlastlyweneared
theManoorawhichhadreachedus.Pandolfirandownthestepstohelpupthewomen.Auntyalmost
fell into the sea but I managed well and everyone got on board safely. Our launch was the last one to
reach the boat except for the captains launch. Of course during this time we didnt have a chance to
realisewhatwashappening.Withtheheat,theexcitement,andthesightoftheburningshipwecouldnt
speakoract,butoncewewereinthesaloonoftheManooraweallhadtobreakoutanddosomething.
Wewerefairlywelltreatedandtheshipspursuergavethewomenacabineach.About4.30on12/6/40
theyfiredsevenshotsattheRomolotosinkitallthemorequickly.Thenoise,ofcourse,wasdreadful
and that, of course, added to our discomfort. They were kind and offered us some hot tea, which, of
course, helped to give us more strength. The Romolo burned for a considerable time and finally it
disappearedbelow the water at6.20 and the captain ofthis boat hasbeenkind. At6.p.m. we went to
tablebutmustadmitthefoodisterrifichowever,wecantcomplain.98

It was reported that the Italian Captain made a kind gesture towards the crew members of the

Manoora:

AlltheItalianpassengersandcomplementoftheRomoloweretakeninabarricadedtrainunderarmed
guardtointernmentsomehoursaftertheshipberthed.AremarkablegesturewasmadebytheItalian
captain, who presented his chronometer to the commander of the Australian vessel, asking him to

96
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 10 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
97
Cruisers Long Chase. Sinking of the Romolo. Dogged for a Week. Race to help Freighter. 19 June 1940. See MS
RomolodepartedBrisbanesinkingoffNESolomonIslands.PP227/2/1939/W1,NAA,Perth.
98
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 12 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
P a g e | 117

accept it in recognition of the courteous and honourable treatment he and his officers had been
given.99

Figure21: GiacosaFamily

GuglielmoGiacosa,RosinaGiacosa,LilianaGiacosaandRosemary
Giacosa[familyphotographattached][Box50].
SP244/2/N1950/2/5574,NAA,Sydney.

99
Cruisers Long Chase. Sinking of the Romolo. Dogged for a Week. Race to help Freighter. 19 June 1940. See MS
RomolodepartedBrisbanesinkingoffNESolomonIslands.PP227/2/1939/W1,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 118

Figure22: MapoftheRomolovoyage.

MSRomolodepartedBrisbanesinkingoffNESolomon
Islands.PP227/2/1939/W1,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 119


Figure23:Romolosetonfirebythecrewin

theSouthPacificOcean12June1940.

AustralianWarMemorialCollection,
[http://cas.awm.gov.au/item/002007].
Accessed:15April2008.


Figure24:CrewandpassengersescapingtheRomolo
andbeingtakenonboardtheManoora.

AustralianWarMemorialCollection,
[http://cas.awm.gov.au/item/128067].Accessed:15
April2008.


Figure25:HMAS
Manoora.

AustralianWarMemorial
Collection,
[http://cas.awm.gov.au/it
em/P00041.030].

Accessed:15April2008.


P a g e | 120

After Liliana was safely on board the Manoora, Liliana watched the sinking of the Romolo. She

wroteWiththeRomolowentdownallourbelongings.Idontregretitofcourse,becausebetter

likethisthanknowitisinthehandsoftheEnglish.100TheRomolocrewdidtheirutmosttoprevent

their capture which could have been perceived as disloyal to the British Empire. However, the

CommonwealthGovernmentdidgranttheirleaveandthereisnomentionofherfamilyhavingany

fascist sympathies in her diary. The NAA files concerning the Giacosa family do however suggest

otherwise.

AllcrewandpassengersfromtheRomolowereboughttoTownsville,Queensland.Eventually,all

Italianmalesweretransferredtotheprisonerofwarandinternmentcamplocatedoutsideofthe

town of Hay in the Riverina district of southern New South Wales.101 Lilianas father, fascist

GuglielmoGiacosa,whoaccordingtoinvestigationofficerswasamemberoftheFascistParty,was

oneofthemanyonboardinterned,firstatGaythorneinternmentcamp,beforebeingtransferred

toHayinternmentcamp.GuglielmowasborninAlba,ProvinceGuneoon9July1897andwasan

agriculturalengineer.GuglielmoswifeRosinaGiacosaandherchildrenLilianaandRosemarywere

notinterneduponarrivalbecause,asnotedinpreviouschapters,itwasageneralrulethatwomen

were not to be interned. Rosina moved to Brisbane to be closer to her husband and after a few

months,whenherhusbandmovedtoHay,again,Rosinatookherchildrenandfollowedhim.102

100
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 12 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
101
Cresciani,ItalianslivinginAustralia,p.99.
102
InterneeServiceandCasualtyForm.SeePrisonerofWar/Internee:Giacosa,Guglielmo;Dateofbirth09July
1897;NationalityItalian.MP1103/1/Q7199,NAA,Melbourne.
P a g e | 121

Similartotheircounterparts,therewerefemalemembersoftheFascistPartywhowerenotonly

politicallyinvolved,butmoresociallyorientated.FromanumberofinterviewswithItalianwomen

wholivedinAustraliaduringthe1920sand1930s,AngelaDianaconcludedthatthemainaimsof

TheWomensFasciowerewelfareoriented,humanitarianandsocialaimsofassistingtheneedy,

where they untiringly organized balls, charities and receptions for every fascist celebration.103

Fromherfindings,itwasconcludedthatItalianwomenwhowereinvolvedinfascistactivitieswere

educatedandmanytaughtchildreninschoolsandclubs.Itwasclearthatwomendidnotseemto

haveanindependentactiveroleinapoliticalsense.104Theyseemedtohavefollowedtheirmen,

where no real power seems to have been in their hands, except in dealing with children and

functions.105Thisdidnotnecessarilymeanthatwomenwerenotpoliticallyinvolvednorthattheir

activitiescouldbeseenaspolitical.Therewerealsosomewomenwhoexpressedtheirsupportto

the fascist Government in Italy by sending gold jewellery overseas.106 Diana wrote the fact that

women migrated from Italy in proportionately high numbers from 1925 to 1940 also meant that

they would have had some experience of fascism in Italy.107 In order to express support for the

fascistGovernment,womenwouldsendweddingringsoranyothergoldtheymightpossesstothe

fascistcampaign.108

RosinaGiacosawasanexampleofthemanywomenwhovolunteeredtoorganizedancesandballs.

Rosinasnamewasdetectedbytheauthoritiesonafascistcircularwhichreferredtofunctionsthat

werebeingheldbyfascistorganizationsinJune1939.ThoughthecircularaffirmedthattheFascist

103
A.Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia.Affarisocialiinternazional,Volume16,IssueNo.2,1988,p.76.
104
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.76.
105
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,pp.76and77.
106
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.77.
107
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.73.
108
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.73.
P a g e | 122

character is voluntary and constant, the Secretary of the Fascist Group, Dr. I. Fanelli ordered

womentobepresentinevergreatnumbersatourfunctionswhichbytheirvariedcharacterare

able to satisfy the spiritual and worldly needs of our entire colony.109 As a result, authorities

decidedinviewoftheFasciomembershipandherdisregardoftheNationalSecurityRegulations

her internment is recommended.110 Authorities also referred to the fact that Rosina arrived in

Australiaonthe3March1931,butdidnotregisterasanalienuntil19June1940,thusshowing

utterdisregardtoNationalSecurityRegulations.111

DetectiveConstable,NormanH.Spryinterceptedabooktitled,FascioLuigiPlatonia(ItalianFasci

abroad)whichhadasubscriptionindexofmembersoftheSydneyFasciofromtheperiod9January

to7May1940.112ItmentionedRosinaandbothherchildren,andonthisbasis,authoritieswere

forced to place restrictions upon the family. Rosina admitted to being a member of the Fascio

Femminili,butalsoclaimedthatshedidnotattendanyofthemeetings.ThereasonRosinagaveas

to why she was a member of the fascist organization was given on her registration papers. She

claimedthatmanywomenwhoownedpropertyoverseaswererequiredtobecomeamemberof

theFascistParty.113

109
Copy of a translated circular that was taken from the file of Antonio Panella, 22 May 1939. See Giacosa, Rosina
(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
110
SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
111
ApplicationforDetentionOrderNationalSecurity(General)RegulationsSection20,4April1941.SeeGiacosa,
Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
112
ReportbyDetectiveConstableNormanH.Spy,4December1940.SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/1
5085,NAA,Sydney.
113
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 13 August 1940. See Giacosa,
Rosina (Italian) [Box 147]. C123/1 5085, NAA, Sydney.. See Giacosa, Rosina (Italian) [Box 147]. C123/1 5085, NAA,
Sydney.
P a g e | 123

The question of whether Rosina should have been interned was discussed by the Director of

Military Operations and Intelligence to Eastern Command, Army Headquarters to the Eastern

CommandinVictoria,whoclaimed:

Where to place these women? Women can be suitably interned where the course is considered
essential,withemphasisonthewordessential.ButExternalAffairswouldregardwithgraveconcern
anythinglikeamassinternmentoranyinternmentswhichwereotherwiseindiscriminate.Suchaction
might have unpleasant consequences for Australian women in enemy territory and it was obviously
desirable to avoid any retaliatory action by Germany or Italy. Each case should be given the closest
scrutiny to enable us, if any internment is queried through diplomatic channels, to say clearly and
definitelythattheinternmentiswarrantedonsecuritygrounds.114

Theincarcerationofwomenwasclearlyalastresortforauthorities.InRosinaGiacosascase,the

Eastern Command was required to give details of the recommendation for her detention. The

Military Board was required to consider whether Rosinas involvement in the Fascist Party was

sufficient for her internment. The Director of Military Operations and Intelligence of Eastern

Command,ArmyHeadquartersinVictoriaoutlinedtherequirementsthatwerevitalfortheMilitary

Boardtoconsider:

The case consists of little more than Fascio membershipandthere is nothing to show why Eastern
Commandconsidersherinternmenttobeessential.IsitintendedtotreatFasciomembershipofitself
asagroundforinterningenemywomen?Ifso,shallwenotbefacedwithsomethinglikeawholesale
internmentofItalianwomen?WhatistheparticulardangerwhichEasternCommandfearfromher?
WhatsubversiveactivitycanshecarryonatHay?Wouldnotrestrictionsasdistinctfrominternment
besufficient?DoesEasternCommandthinksheissodangerousthatweshouldinternherevenatthe
riskofapossibleretaliatoryinternmentofAustralianwomeninItaly?115

It was eventually decided that on 10 July 1941, Rosina and her 6 year old daughter, Rosemary,

wouldbeinternedatTatura.116Rosemarywasreleasedfrominternmentforschoolingon11March

114
ReportfromDirectorofMilitaryOperationsandIntelligencetoEasternCommand,ArmyHeadquarters,Victoria.See
Giacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
115
Report from the Director of Military Operations and Intelligence of Eastern Command, Army Headquarters in
Victoria.SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
116
ReportonInterneebyCampCommandment,L.B.McLeod,11July1941.SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].
C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 124

1943.117 Rosina and her children Rosemary and Liliana, along with her husband Guglielmo, were

eventually released from internment in November 1944.118 No evidence was presented to prove

thatRosinaandherfamilywasdangeroustothenationssecurity.AsSaundershasarticulated,the

status of enemy alien, in addition to their political beliefs caused the government to suspect

foreignersaspotentially,thoughnotspecificallysubversive.119

ThecrewmembersoftheRomolowerealsoinvestigatedbecauseoftheirpoliticalaffiliations.Elena

GiovenaleworkedasanurseontheItalianvesselandafterherarrivalinAustralia,residedinEast

Sydney where she found employment at Lewisham Hospital. According to Intelligence, Elena

confessed that she was a fascist and was suspected of being a messenger for other fascists.120

Authorities intercepted a letter addressed to Elena, which was written by CzechoSlovakian

national,WalterGeiringer.TheletterreferredtotheChiefOfficeroftheRomolo,TullioTamiand

stated that Elena was to get in touch with the SubLieutenant of the Manoora, H. Tyrell if at

anytimesheneededassistance.121Despitetherebeingnoevidencetosuggestanyinvolvementin

subversiveactivities,authoritiesconcluded:

AsthisselfconfessedFascistis,onherownadmission,actingasagobetweenforTamiandGeiringer,
theformerclaimingtobeaNavalOfficeroftheItalianMerchantFleetweareoftheopinionthatthis
woman should be interned, as it is evident that her sympathies are with Italy, and her freedom
constitutesadangertothiscountry.122

117
Memorandum from Custodian of Records, W.S. Chenoweth, 25 October 1944. See Giacosa, Rosina (Italian) [Box
147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
118
Memorandumdated6December1944.SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
119
SaundersandTaylor,TheEnemyWithin,p.19.
120
ReporttoInspectorWilson,8April1940.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
121
NotewrittentoInspectorWilson,7April1941.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
122
ReporttoInspectorWilson,7May1941.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 125

Consequently,Elenawasconsideredtobearisktonationalsecurityandauthoritiesrecommended

hertobeinterned.123

Due to the economic climate and the shortage of manpower, Elena was interned at Lewisham

HospitalwheresheworkedunderthesupervisionofherMotherSuperior.Therewassomeconcern

overallowingElenatobeinternedatthehospital.EasternCommandwroteinareport:

Fromasecuritypointofviewrestrictionofthiswomanwithinthehospitalinwhichsheisemployed
would not be satisfactory in view of the volume of patients and visitors which pass through the
building. Such a restriction could not of course be adequately policed and she still could, if she so
desired,actasagobetween.124

Nevertheless, their decision to intern Elena at the hospital was most probably influenced by the

shortage of labour during the Second World War. Internment can be perceived as an effective

measuretocontrolenemyaliens,butasnotedinChapterOne,itwasalsoanexpensivemeasure

fortheCommonwealthGovernment,costingthe3perweek,perperson.Towardstheendofthe

war the Commonwealth Government realised that enemy aliens could work in labour camps to

alleviate manpower shortage and contribute to the war effort, while the Commonwealth

Governmentstillcontrolledtheiractions.125

While Elena was interned at Lewisham Hospital heavy restrictions were placed on her travel. In

orderforElenatoleavethehospital,anapplicationtotheauthoritiesbyherMotherSuperiorwas

required.InApril1942,Elenasoughtpermissiontoaccompanythenursingsistersintotownbycar

to do her own personal shopping. Authorities did not object as long as she was accompanied

123
ReporttoInspectorWilson,7May1941.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
124
Report titled Application for Ministerial Authority to Intern from Eastern Command, September 1941. See
Giovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
125
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.54.
P a g e | 126

duringtheentireperiodbyatleasttwonursingsistersandthatalettersupplyingthenamesofthe

places that Elena had planned to visit was sent to authorities.126 Elena was also not to have any

contact with anyone except the shop assistants with whom she is conducting her business.127

Restrictions were lifted in September 1943, after authorities received a letter from a naturalized

GermanbornMaxFrederickRaasch,whoaskedforElenasreleasetomarryher.Noobjectionwas

raisedandtheyweremarriedon27November1943.128Asaresultofhermarriage,Elenabecamea

naturalizedBritishsubjectwhichmeantshebecameexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulations.

AnyonewhoElenaassociatedwithwasalsosuspectedofbeingafascistsympathiser.Both38year

oldMariaCebinand46yearoldGuiliaPonzellettiworkedasastewardessontheRomoloandlived

inEastSydneyafterthevesselwasseized.AuthoritiessearchedMariaCebinshouseaftershewas

seen visiting Elena in May 1941. A letter written in Italian and a book which showed prominent

personages under Nazism and their counterpart under Fascism were found in her possession.129

Authoritieswrotethat:

As this woman does not speak the English language and associates with known Fascistscombined
withthefactthattheNaziFascistBookwasfoundinherpossession,perhapsconsiderationcouldbe
givenastowhetherornotthispersonisafitsubjectforinternment.Ifthisactionisnotconsidered
warranted,perhapssuitableactionmaybetakentorestricthermovementsandpreventhercontact
withknownFascists.130

126
LetterfromMotherSuperior,S.M.BonifacetoLietenantGeneral,GeneralOfficerofEasternCommanfinVictoria,
H.D.Wynter,13April1942.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
127
Letter from to Lieutenant General, General Officer, Commanding Eastern Command in Victoria, H. D. Wynter to
MotherSuperior,S.M.Boniface,April1942.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
128
MemorandumfromDirectorGeneralofSecurityW.B.SimpsontoDeputyDirectorofSecurity,23September1943.
SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
129
ReporttoInspectorWilson,6May1941.SeeCebin,Maria(Italian)[box64].C123/12830,NAA,Sydney.
130
ReporttoInspectorWilson,6May1941.SeeCebin,Maria(Italian)[box64].C123/12830,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 127

Though authorities considered that Maria should have been interned,it was laterfound out that

shewasexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulationsbecauseofhermarriagetonaturalizedBritish

subject, Alberto Bernardini.131 It is important to note that Italian women who were married to

Australian men were naturalized through marriage. That is, they took on the nationality of their

husbandandbecameBritishsubjects.BothElenaandMariabecamenaturalizedthroughmarriage

and were therefore exempt from the Aliens Control Regulations. The ramification of the

naturalizationprocessisfurtherexplainedinChapterSeven.

Figure26:MariaCebinsregistrationphoto,
1940.

MariaCEBINNationality:ItalianArrived
TownsvilleperMVMANOORA18Jun1940
[Box30].SP11/5/CEBIN,MARIA,NAA,
Sydney.

GuiliaPonzeletti,anothercrewmember,wasfortunateenoughtohavenotbeeninternedduring

thewar.AfterlivinginEastSydneyforafewmonths,shemovedtoMelbourne.Guiliacouldspeak

onlyafewwordsofEnglish.Shewasconsideredharmlessbyauthorities,butinFebruary1941,it

was alleged that she made antiBritish statements and claimed to have been working for a well

knownfascist,MarioVigano,ownerofaMelbourneCafcalledMarios.Itwasrecommendedthat

131
MemorandumfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityforNewSouthWalestoDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberra,8
July1943.SeeCebin,Maria(Italian)[box64].C123/12830,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 128

itmightbedeemedadvisabletohavehermovementswatchedandrestricted.132Fortunatelyfor

Guilia,shewasnotsubjecttoarestrictionorderanditwasstatedthatshecouldnotbecompelled

toreturntoSydney.133

Conclusion

In conclusion, wartime policy introduced during the Second World War can be perceived as a

reactiontowardstheimminentthreattothenationssecurity,creatingtheenemywithin.Italian

bornwomenwereclassifiedasenemyaliensandjudgedontheirethnicityandpoliticalaffiliations

rather than the individual risk to national security. This chapter concludes the first part of this

thesis,illustratinghowtheoutbreakofwarheightenedthecontroloverenemyaliensinAustralia.

ThefollowingchaptersconcerntheeffectsthattheAliensControlRegulationshadonAustralian

bornwomenofGermanbackground,ItalianbornwomenandAustralianbornwomenofJapanese

descent all of whom resided in Australia during the Second World War. It shows how the Aliens

ControlRegulationswereappliedtoeachenemynationalindifferentways,leadingtoconclusions

that factors such as political and racial aspects influenced the way in which these Aliens Control

Regulationswereadministered.

132
Memorandum,21February1941.SeePonzeletti,Guilia(Italian)[box66].C123/2863,NAA,Sydney.
133
Copy of Memorandum from Deputy Director of Security, NSW to DeputyDirector ofSecurity, Melbourne, 31 July
1944.SeePonzeletti,Guilia(Italian)[box66].C123/2863,NAA,Sydney.

PARTII:

EnemyAliensonLand

Figure27:PictureofSwastikafoundinthe possessionofAustralianbornIlmaBohlmann

IlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&StanleyGeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.
D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.

P a g e | 130

ChapterThree:

GermanatHeart

Thetragic,andoftenshameful,discriminationagainstAustraliansofGermanoriginfosteredduringthe
World Wars had many consequences. No doubt, some of you carry the emotional scars of injustice
duringthosetimesaspartofyourbackgroundsorfamilyhistories.LetmeasGovernorGeneral,sayto
allwhodohowprofoundlysorryIamthatsuchthingshappenedinourcountry.1

On 14 February 1940, after authorities obtained a warrant. A search of the premises at number

fortyeightDixonSt,ClarenceParkinAdelaide,confirmedittobetheaddressoftheleaderofthe

womens Nazi Organization in South Australia (Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Deutschen Frau in

Auslande), Pauline Mathilde Johanne Starke. Pauline was born in Southern Germany and arrived

withherfamilyinAustraliaon15March1929.Shewasdescribedasbeingstout,andhavingblue

eyeswithdarkhairwithatingeofgreyontheside.Paulinewassixtytwoyearsoldandawidowof

German national Paul Emil Starke, keeping her husbands ashes in a casket located in her sitting

roomdecoratedwitharedSwastikaoneachcorner.AmongherfriendsweretheGermanConsul,

MrsMathildeHeinleandIlmaBohlmannwhoseinvolvementintheNaziOrganizationwillbefurther

discussedbelow.2

DuringthesearchofPaulineshouse,Nazisympathizer,OttoSternberg,whowasstayingwithher

at the time was taken away to be detained by authorities. It is clear that Pauline was an ardent

supporter of Hitler. This was illustrated through her active leadership of the Womens Nazi

1
TheGovernorGeneral,SirWilliamDeanespokeattheopeningoftheAustralianconferenceonLutheranEducationat
theGoldCoaston26September1999notedinP.McDermott,InternmentDuringthegreatWarAChallengetothe
RuleofLaw.UNSWLawJournalVolume28,Issue2,2005,p.330.
2
See Starke, Ernst Emil Robert [deportation to Germany together with his mother, Pauline Starke includes
photographs].D1915/SA15103,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Adelaide.
P a g e | 131

OrganizationinSouthAustraliaandtheSwastikasandphotographsthatdecoratedherhouse.The

searchalsorevealedthatPaulinehadawirelesssetwhichwasoperatingandtunedintoastation

inBerlinalongwithseveralmapsofGermany.3 ApolicestatementrecordedPaulinesayingJews

arethetroubleforthepresentsituation.ItisnotHitlerthatwantstoruletheworldbuttheJews.

WhenHitlerconquersPolandthewarwillfinish.4


Figure 28: (Left) Passport
photoofPaulineStarke
andFigure29:(Right)
PictureofPaulBeckmann

foundinPaulines
possessionbypolice,15
June1944.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.

There was evidence that Pauline was aware that members of her organization were kept under

closescrutinybythepublicandauthorities.InaletterwritteninGermantoafriend,MrsM.Weich,

that was translated by authorities, Pauline wrote Please dont say anything about what I told

youIt might be repeated incorrectly, and there might be gossip which we as National Socialists

3
LetterfromWirelesslicenceInspector,M.W.BrosnantoSeniorRadioInspector,6September1939.SeeStarke,Ernst
Emil Robert [deportation to Germany together with his mother, Pauline Starke includes photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
4
Statement made by authorities, no date. See Starke, Ernst Emil Robert [deportation to Germany together with his
mother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 132

(Nazis) must avoid at all costs.5 Other Nazi affiliations recorded by authorities included Paulines

son Ernst Emil Robert Stark, an ardent Nazi supporter who was interned. It was clear from

correspondencethatshealsokeptincontactwithGermanConsul,PaulBeckmann.6

As a result of Germanys declaration of war on 3 September 1939, many German women like

Pauline were placed under suspicion because of the large German population in South Australia,

where there were many activities and organizations that first, second, and third generation

Australians of German descent became involved in. However, there are also files that suggest

surveillance was undertaken before the outbreak of war. Hermann Homburgs frustration was

expressedwhenhewrotethefollowingaboutGermanLutheranslivinginSouthAustraliain1947:

Itwillhardlybedisputedthattheyshouldnotevenintimeofstressandforracialreasonsonlybe
separatedfromtherestofthecommunity,bemadethebuttoflocalpropagandaandbesingledoutfor
odium and suspicion. If a century and more of residence in this land does not entitle them to be
regardedasAustralians,thenhowmuchlongermusttheysojournherebeforetheyare?7

ActivitiesthatpreservedGermancultureinSouthAustraliawereconductedbymanyorganizations.

On7February1935,forexample,theGermanAustralianCentenaryCommitteewasformedbythe

South Australian German Historical Society, and its main purpose was to urge the restoration of

historicalnames,suchasKlemzig,theplacewherethefirstoftheseimmigrantssettledupontheir

arrival from Germany in 1838.8 Another instance was when the Historical Society honored the

5
Copy of letter intercepted by authorities written by Pauline to Mrs M. Weich in Tanunda, 10 November 1939. See
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
6
LetterfromPaulineStarketoMrBeckmann,4February1940.SeeStarke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
7
H.Homburg,SouthAustralianLutheransandWartimeRumours.Adelaide:SelfPublished,1947,p.7.
8
BooklettitledtheUnveilingofMonumentinhonourofFirstGermanLutheranPioneersatKlemzigon29August,1936
at3p.m.SeeGermanHistoricalSocietyofSA.D1915/SA18743,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 133

foundingleaderofthevillageofKlemzig,PastorAugustLudwigKavel.Theyheldaceremonyand

Homburgunveiledamonument.ThemonumentwasdedicatedtoDanishCaptainDirkMeinhertz

Hahn. It was placed in the German settlement, originally known as Hahndorf. It was known as

AmblesidebetweentheFirstandSecondWorldWar,butthenamewaschangedbacktoitsoriginal

nameHahndorfduringthelate1930s.9

Figure30:HermannHomburgattheunveilingofthe
CaptainHahnmemorialatHahndorfinSouthAustralia.

GermanHistoricalSocietyofSA.D1915/SA18743,NAA,
Adelaide.

9
PhotographofHermannHomburgattheunveilingoftheCaptainHahnmemorialatHondorfS.A.1936.SeeGerman
HistoricalSocietyofSA.D1915/SA18743,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 134

At the outbreak of war, authorities rounded up all German men who were immediately

incarcerated. This chapter focuses on German women and Australian women of German descent

who were targeted by intelligence officers because they were German at Heart, a notion that

represents women who maintained their German cultural values and language throughout

settlementdespitetheirstatusasBritishcitizens.Itprovidescasestudiesofthesewomenandhow

theywereaffectedinvariouswaysbytheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth).

Some of the women were ardent supporters of Nazism and socially prominent in German

communities within South Australian and New South Wales.10 This study focuses on German and

AustralianwomenofGermandecentwhosettledinareasofSouthAustraliaandNewSouthWales

due to the vast amount of files available at the NAA in each state. Over seventy five Australian

women of German heritage were examined. Most files were held at the National Archives of

Australia(NAA)inSydneyandAdelaide.

Theirexperienceisnotonlyrecordedinarchivaldocuments,butalsophotographsthatdepictthe

realityofthesestorieswhichareheldattheNAA.DespitetheirsupportforNazism,itisclearfrom

the files that they posed no real threat to the nations security and that the Aliens Control

Regulationswereinconsistentlyappliedbecauseofthesubjectivenatureofthelegislationandthe

officialdom responsible for administering it. This Chapter highlights the significance of Homburgs

question:Ifacenturyandmoreofresidenceinthislanddoesnotentitlethemtoberegardedas

Australians,thenhowmuchlongermusttheysojournherebeforetheyare?11Thestoriesillustrate

thelackofcitizenshiprightsthatthesewomenhadduringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.

10
PhotographsthatdepictthesocialeventsthatmostGermansparticipatedinaredepictedonpages146150.
11
Homburg,SouthAustralianLutherans,p.7.
P a g e | 135

RiseoftheNaziPartyinAustralia

There were many German women living in Australia who had Nazi sympathies, most located in

Tanunda, South Australia. However, this did not mean that the women presented in this chapter

whowereNazisupporterswererepresentativeofmostGermansettlerswithintheSouthAustralian

community during the war. According to Charles Price who was formerly an intelligence officer

during the war, in 1939, approximately 26,000 people of German background were living in

Australia, 19,000 assimilated while the remainder retained their German cultural values and

language.12Pricesmainargumentrevolvedaroundwhathebelievedtobethechiefproblem.This

was

the extent to which members of the Nazi Party delayed the absorption process in Australia by
spreadingamongstAustralianbornGermanstheNaziVolksgedankethetheorythatbloodoverrides
nationality and that all Germans abroad must retain their connection with the German racial
community.
13

However,asHermannHomburghasdescribedit,Pricesworkwas

intended to throw doubt upon the loyaltyof Lutherans and support the action of security to intern
those whom its officers singled out for suspicion, and provide material for the justification of the
actionsofhisfellowofficers.14

ThereisnoevidencetosupportPricesargumentthatthosewhomaintainedtheirGermanvalues

preventedassimilation.Infact,NaziPartymembershipinAustraliawasrelativelylowandhadno

influence over the majority of German settlers in Australia. It is more acceptable to support

HomburgsassertionthatPrice,likemanyotherAustraliansduringwartimehysteria,joinedinthe

huntforsuspects.15

12
C.Price,GermanSettlersinSouthAustralia.Melbourne:MelbourneUniversityPress,1945,p.4.
13
Price,GermanSettlers,p.40.
14
Homburg,WartimeRumours,p.48.
15
Homburg,WartimeRumours,p.48.
P a g e | 136


Figure31:Mapof
TanundaandtheBarossa

Valley

Gumpl,TheHitlerClub.

FormerpublicservantNoelLamideyexplainsinhisreportthatattheoutbreakofwar,therewasa

needforinvestigation,surveillance,prosecution,restrictionandinternment.Hewritesthiswasall

in line with accepted and acknowledged procedures deemed essential to protect the civil

community and the country itself then on a war footing.16 Despite low numbers of Nazi Party

membership,LamideyclaimedthatmembershipofNaziandfascistorganizationswereoneofthe

main reasons these security measures were introduced. Homburg wrote that whatever efforts

were made by persons, either from here or abroad, to influence residents in the State [South

Australia] towards Nazism, failed miserably.17 Over 170 German newspapers were published in

16
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.3.
17
Homburg,WartimeRumours,p.68.
P a g e | 137

Australia and only a very few supported Hitlerism.18 It was clear however, that among German

settlers in South Australia, a policy emerged of maintaining the language and culture of their

ancestorsand,toacertainextent,theirpoliticalloyaltytoGermany.19

Itwasageneralrulethatwomenwerenottobeinterned,butwhentheinterestofpublicsafety

demanded it they would be kept in custody.20 Saunders argued that these Aliens Control

Regulations assumed that only European male enemy aliens were in any way politically active,

women being concerned only with their narrow domestic responsibilities.21 However, women

involved in Nazi or Fascist organizations were considered to be a threat to national security. Ian

Harmstorf believed that this admiration for Hitler was common for women in their advanced

age.22 Frances Wells experienced this first hand. She claimed that her grandparents who had

visitedrelativesinGermanynotlongbeforethewarbeganwerenaturallyaffectionatetowardsthe

old country and they returned to Australia convinced that the Fhrer was doing much good.23

Harmstorfwrotethat

SouthAustraliansofGermandescentwereabletobaskintheknowledgeaswellasreflectedglorythat
inthenewGermanyunderHitler,lawandorderhadbeenrestoredandcommunistinsurgentscrushed.

18
Price,GermanSettlers,p.77.
19
Price,GermanSettlers,p.75.
20
P.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941:VolumeOne.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1952,p.
593.
21
K.Saunders,WarontheHomefront:StateInterventioninQueensland19381948.St.Lucia:universityofQueensland
Press,p.38.
22
F.Wells,ATanundaChildhoodduringWorldWarII:SunshinebeneathShadows.
[http://www.history.sa.gov.au/chu/programs/history_conference/History%20Conf%2007/A%20Tanunda%20Childhood
%20during%20World%20War%20II%20Sunshine%20beneath%20sha.pdf]Accessed:14January2009,p.3.
23
I.Harmstorf,SouthAustraliasGermans.
http://www.thegermanclub.com.au/aboutus/germanhistoryinSA.php#WWIISAGermans.
PaperdeliveredataSymposiumonWorldWarII,ConstitutionalMuseum,1987.Accessed5January2010.
P a g e | 138

Germany had once again become resepectable, at least in the eyes of conservative western
governments.
24

IntheviewofsomeAustralianauthorities,theGermanNaziPartyconvertedAustraliancitizensand

British subjects to German ideology and as a result, many people of German background

subsequentlysufferedfortheirbeliefs.25

AccordingtoColinDoxford,theNaziPartydidnotlargelyinfluenceGermanslivinginAustralia.At

itspeakinthelate1930s,totalmembershipconsistedof180GermansresidinginAustralia.26The

firstlocalbranchoftheNSDAP(NationalSozialistischeDeutscheArbeiterPartei)wasestablishedin

Tanundabyamedicalpractitioner,DrJohannesBecker,whoarrivedintheBarossaValleyin1927.

The second branch was established in Sydney by a delicatessen shop owner, Joannes Frerck, in

KingsCross.OtherbranchessoonfollowedinAdelaide,MelbourneandBrisbane.27Asdescribedby

Jurgen Tampke, there was a small but very active Nazi movement in Australia.28 The Nazi Party

andtheiractivitieswerestronglysupportedbytheGermanConsul.However,inSydney,itmade

little progress with attempts to win over the local German community.29 For example, the

ConcordiaClubsuccessfullyresistedthespreadofNazismamongstitsmembers.30

24
I.Harmstorf,SouthAustraliasGermans.
http://www.thegermanclub.com.au/aboutus/germanhistoryinSA.php#WWIISAGermans.
PaperdeliveredataSymposiumonWorldWarII,ConstitutionalMuseum,1987.Accessed5January2010.
25
J.Vondra,GermanSpeakingSettlersinAustralia.Melbourne:CavalierPressPtyLtd,1981,p.80.
26
SeeJ.TampkeandC.Doxford,Australia,Willkommen:ahistoryoftheGermansinAustralia.N.S.W,Kensington:New
SouthWalesUniversityPress,1990,p.221.
27
TampkeandDoxford,Australia,Willkommen,p.221.
28
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney.SydneyJournal,Volume1,Issue1,March2008,p.69.
29
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
30
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
P a g e | 139

Support for Nazism among Australian men and women of German descent were not surprising

givenfavorablepoliticalclimatetowardsNazismpriortothewar.31TheNSDAPwasalsopopular

because it promoted a particular kind of pronationalist responsibility for women of the correct

racial stock.32 The National Socialist Womens Association was a subdivision of the NSDAP. The

highestadministrativedepartmentwastheReichsWomensLeadership.Themainresponsibilities

werestatedintheNaziPartysmembershipbook

Asawomansresponsibilitiesathomeandwiththefamilyarevitalforournation,allwomenshould
share the knowledge of how to raise a great nationthe functions of the Womens Organization are
structured as follows: Department of Motherservice, Department of National Economy and Domestic
Economy, Department of Assisting Services, Department of Culture, Education and Training,
Department of Youth Teams, Department of Children Teams, and Department of Neighbouring and
ForeignCountries.33

As evidenced above, womens role in the Nazi Party revolved around domestic and maternal

responsibilities.InaccordancetotheNaziPopulationPolicy,Hitlerencouragedwomentocarefor

numerous children in order to proliferate the Aryan race.34 He emphasized that Man is the

organizer of life, woman is his helper and his executive agent.35 L. J. Rupp notes that Hitlers

oppositiontothepoliticalparticipationofwomenandhislowestimationofwomensabilitiesare

wellknown;womenwere,forHitler,unimportantexceptasbreedersoffuturegenerations.36They

31
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
32
SeeJ.Stephenson,TheNaziOrganisationofwomen.London:CroomHelm,1980;I.Guenther,Nazichic?:fashioning
womenintheThirdReich.NewYork:Berg,2004;andD.Reese,GrowingupfemaleinNaziGermany.AnnArbor:
UniversityofMichiganPress,2006.
33
R.Cowdery,IchKampfe(IFight).HongKong:LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationData,2007,pp.13334.
34
L. J. Rupp, Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda 19391945. New Jersey: Princeton
UniversityPress,1978p.17.
35
A.M.Sigmund,WomenoftheThirdReich.Canada:NDEPublishing,2000,p.11.
36
Rupp,MobilizingWomenforWar,p.15.
P a g e | 140

weretoactasmotherstotheirownfamiliesbutalsotothecommunityasawholeandthustothe

entirerace.37

Germans living in Australia became subject to the Aliens Control Regulations, where they were

classifiedasenemyaliensandroundeduptobeinterned.AustralianresidentMargaretBurtonfrom

Adelaide,SouthAustralia,recalledtheGermanslivinginherarea:

MostofthemwereintheBarossaValleyandofcoursetheywereterriblyloyaltoAustraliaandthiswas
the sad thing. The ones that I believe werent loyal were ones that had families whod recently
emigratedinthelate1930s.ButmostoftheGermanscameoutinthe1860s,1850sandtheywerethird
orfourthgenerationAustralianandhadnoconnectionatallwithGermany.Ithinktheyweretoohard
onthemreallybuttheydidntknowwhowerespiesandwhowerent.38

PaulineStarkeandAssociates

Nazi propaganda emphasizing thewomans role in the new Germanyin some respects was quite

popularamongtheGermanwomenpresentedinthischapter.AfterresidinginAustraliaforeleven

years, Pauline Stark told authorities how she became involved in the Frauenschaft (National

SocialistWomensLeague)

IfirstbecameassociatedwithitwhenIheardthatGermanwomenwereurgedtocometogethertodo
some good work for the homeland. That was from Queensland, and it was advertised in the
Queensland HeraldI told my husband that I wanted to do something for my country, as I was a
Germanwoman.
39

In1940,complaintsweremadeagainstPaulineStarkescharacterbytheresidentsinTanunda.A

statement below by local resident, E.J. Pohl shows the division between other German residents

andPaulineStarke:
37
E.TurnerGraham,TheGermanwomanhastheinnerenergytoworkforGermaness:Race,GenderandNational
SocialisminInterwarAustralia'.Lilith,Volume15,2006,p.104.
38
J.PenglaseandD.Horner,WhentheWarcametoAustralia:MemoriesoftheSecondWorldWar.NewSouthWales,
St.Leaonards:Allen&Unwin,1992,p.17.
39
ReportonPaulineStark,NoDate.SeeStarke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 141

IhaveheardoftheFRAUENSCHAFT,andIbelievetherewassomethinglikeitinAdelaide.MrsSTARKE
wasinit.WhilewewerestayinginGermanyayoungrelation,whocametoseeus,said,Doyouknow
somebody called Pauline Starke? My wife said, Yes, the mother or stepmother of Ernst Starke. She
goes to the German Club. He then pulled out a paper called the Schwarzekorps, the Black Storm
Trooperspaper,andtherewasalongarticleinitsignedbyPaulineStarke.ItwasallaboutAustralia
and how their hearts here were true to the Fatherland, and how hard they worked to overcome the
misunderstandingofNazismwhichwastakingplaceinforeigncountries.40

A statement was also made by Richard August Sadilek, who was interviewed by Lieutenant W.A.

LangfordandW.O.Haleon13May1944.Sadilekclaimed,Mywifetoldmethatacoupleofweeks

ago,somechildrencamearoundcollectingwastepaper,andwhentheyaskedMrsPaulineStarke

shesaidWinthewarIburneverypaper.Idontgiveanythingtowinthewar.41

PaulinesclosestfriendsincludedtheNaziPartymembersMathildeHeinle(aGermannational)and

AustralianbornIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann.Mathildewassixtyfouryearsold,borninHomburg,

GermanyandlivedwithPaulineattheClarenceParkaddress,aninnersouthernsuburbofAdelaide,

whileherhusbandwasinternedatTatura.ThedateofherarrivalinAustraliaisunclear,thoughshe

waswellknowntoauthoritiesforpraisingHitlerandconstantlystatinghowshedespisedthearrival

ofJewsinAustralia.42IlmawaswellknowntoIntelligenceofficersfororganisinggatheringsather

house that were attended by the most prominent Nazi supporters living in Adelaide, including

Pauline.

40
ExtractfromreportofInterviewwithE.J. PohlbySgtC.P.R.TrezonaandLieut.C.A.Price,22November1943.See
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
41
StatementmadebyRichardAugustSadilek,13May1944.SeeStarke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
42
Questionnairecompletedbyauthorities,12February1940.SeeHEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,NAA,
Adelaide.
P a g e | 142

Before the outbreak of war, in June 1938, Mathilde wrote a letter that was intercepted by

authoritieswhichdescribeshowcloseshewastotheFrauenschaftorganizationanditsmembers

IhavelearnedwhatourWomensOrganisationreallymeansinthetruesenseofthework.Whatgood
purposescanbefilledbyit,whenthewillandsenseofcomradeshipalsohelps,hasbeenverywellproved
inm[my]sickness,alsoallourcomradeswereverygood,thoughtfulandeagertoserve.Theyvisitedme
inhospitalandpresentedmewithsmallgiftsandflowers,abeautifulfeelingforasickperson.Iwillnever
forget it, it shall be myzealous endeavour to workgladly for theWomensOrganisation as soonas my
strengthwillallowitagain.

ToholdtogetherandcooperateforourFehrerandFatherland,shallbeourresolve.Heisthemanwhich
bookshaveprophesiedtousIlookuponhimaspartofGod,onlythroughhimwillGermanybegintolive
again; he works for his people, the Nation helps him, so that we will rise again and make honour for
Deutschlandlied.

Allthesemanyyearswewereforgottenbyourfatherlandandlefttoourselvesinaforeignland,anot
respected personality. Through the N.S.D.A.P. and the Womens Organisation we, after all, have a little
Germanyforourselvesabroad,afeelingofwellbeingatmeetings,mayweabletoretainitandGodkeep
ourFuehrer.

HeilHitler43

Asevidencedabove,interestinGermanculturewasthrivingbeforeandduringthewar.Therewas

very little membership in the Party before the war even began. Two months before the war, a

reportintheDieBrucke44appearedoncelebrationsoftheSolsticeFestivalanddiscussedPaulines

involvement:

43
CopyofletterfromMathildeHeinletoMrsSchmidt,June1938.SeeHEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,
NAA,Adelaide.
44
DieBrukewasaweeklymagazinefoundedin1934,andwastheorganoftheLeagueofGermansinAustraliaand
New Zealand, and of the GermanAustralian Chamber of Commerce, also maintained a steady stream of Nazi
propagandaandappealedfortheunificationofpeopleofGermandescentonaculturalbasis.[W.D.Borrie,Italians
andGermansinAustralia:AStudyofAssimilation.Melbourne:TheAustralianUniversity,1954,p.213].ThetermsDie
Brucke were chosen as the title of the GermanAustralian newspaper which, from its inception, was to confront its
essentially assimilated GermanAustralian audience with increasingly inflammatory material sourced mainly from a
nationwithwhichAustraliahadhad,atbest,adifficultrecentpast.ThenewspaperwasdescribedbyEmilyGraham
TurnerasafactseekingtoemulateseveraloftheGermanAustraliannewspapersalreadyinexistenceandthusclaim
for itself an air of familiarity from its potentially apprehensive GermanAustralian. [GrahamTurner, The German
Woman,pp.97and98].
P a g e | 143

Figure32:AclothwiththeSwastikasymbol
embroideredonthetoprightcorner(inset)found
amongMathildeHeinlespossessions.

HEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,NAA,



The room was decorated with flowers and greens, the singing group opened [for] the Leader, Mrs
STARKE, gavean addressThe Festival was alreadycelebratedbyourforefathers asthe prototypeof
power.About20yearsagoaperiodbegan,inwhichitwasbelievedtodoawaywitholdcustomssoas
togivethepeoplesomethingnew,thedecaysetinAsGermanswehavearighttocelebratesucha
P a g e | 144

Festival.Also,indoingthis,inanothercountry,wedonotoffendagainstloyalty,buthelpinthebuilding
upofaGermanCulture.45

Althoughitmayseemthatmanywomenjoinedtheseorganizationstoexpresstheirloyaltytothe

Fuhrer, membership was also a means of social networking. There was also a fear that many

GermanswerebecomingnaturalizedBritishsubjectswhichwoulddecreasePartymembership.A

reportfromintelligenceauthoritiesshowsthatPaulinewrote:unfortunatelylatelyanotherfamily

has become naturalised, so that an increase in the membership number can hardly be reckoned

withinthenearfuture.46

ThemajorityoftheNationalSocialistgatheringswereheldatIlmaBohlmannsresidencelocatedat

twentysevenHarveyStreet,WoodvilleinSouthAustralia.IlmawasawellknownNazisympathizer

inherlocalcommunityandwasbornatMitcham,SouthAustralia.BothherparentswereGerman

born. Ilmas husband, Stanley George Bohlmann was Australianborn, though his father was

Germanborn and his mother English. During the war Stanley worked as a manager of a wharf.

Stanley was considered to be delivering information on ships entering Adelaide to his wife. Even

beforethewarbrokeout,thereweremanycomplaintsmadebyworkersandlocalsagainstStanley

workingonthewharfandhiswifeIlmafororganizinggatheringsforNazisympathizers.

45
Copy of article in Die Brucke, Adelaide, 8 July 1939. See HEINLE Ludwig and Mattilda. D1915/SA15128, NAA,
Adelaide.ParanoiawithinthePartyalsoexisted.PaulinewroteaboutaPartymemberwhoshedespisedIwouldonly
liketoknowwhyshemustberegardedasamember?Sheneitherpaysacontributionnordoessheanywork,tothe
functionsalsodoesntcome,issheaspy,somethingisntright,becausesheleadsapeculiarlife.Mathildewasasked
byPaulinetokeepaneyeonthisparticularmember.[CopyofletterfromPaulineStarketoMrsSchmidt,20December
1938.SeeHEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,NAA,Adelaide].
46
CopyofreportthroughtheN.S.D.A.P.LocalGroupAdelaidefromPaulineStarke,28July1939.SeeHEINLELudwig
andMatilda.D1915/SA15128,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 145

InastatementmadebyMargaretPriestinAugust1939,Ilmawasnotedasbeingmostunpopular

in Woodville re [regarding] her political activities, including sewing and collecting clothes to

distribute to distressed Germans. Their house was considered as a regular rendezvous of

importantGermanpeopleandforantiBritishpropagandaandliterature.47Thisfurtherreinforces

the notion of being German at heart. Despite being Australianborn, Ilmas loyalty lay with her

parents and husbands mother country. This was shown in an opinion piece written by Ilma to a

local newspaper sometime in September 1938 (along with her association with intelligence

agencies)

TotheEditor,
Now that Germany has again become a great Power and considering that there are some 85 million
Germans and about 69 million Britons, would it not be wise for their countries to come together as
friends?HerrHitleroftenexpresseshisdesireforpeace,butheissomisrepresentedthatheappearsto
thepeopleasafearsomeogre.Thosewhointimatelyknowhimknowhowfantasticthisideais.Before
Hitler came to power in 1933 Marshal Vorishiloff boasted (1930) that the U.S.S.R. had the most
formidablearmyintheworld.IsitsurprisingthatGermany,underHitler,setupanarmedbulwarkagainst
this formidable combination? Prior to the war I was responsible for the Rhodesian intelligence service
(military). I never received a single report unfavorable to the German Administration in German East
Africa.NotasingleAskari(nativesoldier)desertedduringthewarfromgeneralvonLettowVorbecktothe
British sidea sufficientproof of the satisfactionof thenative inhabitants with German rule,Germany
Speaks, a book by 21 leading statesmen, should be read by all concerned in modern international
affairs.48

DetectiveCharlesTrezonainterviewedIlmaandinhisstatementexpressedhisdismayonthestate

of the house. Trezona stated the whole length of the house is in a bad State. It has not been

completedandallmannerofjunkisstrewnaboutit.Thewholepropertyhadanuntidyappearance

whenIvisitedthepremises.49Authoritiesplacedherhouseundersurveillanceandmadealistof

thosewhohadvisitedtheBohlmanns.ThoseonthelistincludedPaulBeckmann,andprominent
47
CopyofStatementmadebyMargaretPriest,29August1939.SeeIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&StanleyGeorge
Bohlmanninvestigationsandinternment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
48
OpinionletterwrittenbyIlmaBohlmannpublishedinunknownnewspaper,titledWorldPeace:AngloGermanAmity
Desired,datedaboutSeptember1938.SeeIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&StanleyGeorgeBohlmanninvestigations
&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
49
StatementmadebyDetectiveCharlesP.R.Trezona,16November1939.SeeIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&Stanley
GeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 146

Nazisympathizers,Dr.Seith,ExGermanConsulDrSeger,CarlHeerdt,ErnstStarke,TheoBay,Kurt

HundermarkandSecretarytotheGermanConsulMargaretBole.50

It was concluded by authorities that the Bohlmanns were in the Nazi Party because of their

expensive gatherings with Nazi sympathizers which was quite inconsistent with their small

income.51OnSaturday,13January1940,DetectiveTrezonaapproachedStanleyandhiswifeIlma

andissuedthemwithaDetentionOrder.IlmarespondedbywritingalettertotheCommandantat

Keswick, an internment camp located in the innersouth western suburb of Adelaide. Ilma

emphasizedherBritishidentityinordertoremoverestrictionsimposeduponher:

I wish to appeal against the restrictions placed upon meI am a Britishborn subject. I have always
carriedouttherulesandregulationsofthecountry.Ihavegiventhebestofmyabilitytothewelfare
andinterestsoftheStateandhavealwaysworkedveryhardtoobtainthebestresults.Icanneither
speak, read or write the German language, so I cannot understand why these restrictions should be
placeduponme.52

In spite of this, Ilma and Stanley were eventually taken to Tatura internment camp. Upon Ilmas

arrest,astatementwasissuedbyherarrestingpoliceofficer,IsabelOttaway,whostatedthatIlma

said:

I am a hundred percent German. By that I mean I was born of German parents and you could not
expect me to renounce them altogether. I am sure no Australian in Germany would be treated like
thisIf people think I am disloyal, the reason for it is this. I have always taken an active part in
Governmentaffairsandmyletterstothepresshavebeenmisunderstood.Myreasonsforwritingwas
to try and bring together the German andBritish nations with a view if possible of preventing war.I
expect some of my letters have been intercepted, because I have written to Germany, but there is
nothinginthem.Idefyanyonetosayso.53

50
StatementmadebyDetectiveCharlesP.R.Trezona,16November1939.SeeIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&Stanley
GeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
51
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.265.
52
CopyofletterfromIlmaBohlmanntotheCommandant,MilitaryForces,Keswick,25January1940.SeeIlmaCarola
AmaliaBohlmann&StanleyGeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
53
Statement made by Woman Police Officer, Isabel Ottaway, date unknown. See Ilma Carola Amalia Bohlmann &
StanleyGeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 147

IlmaandStanleywerenotreleaseduntil15May1945.


Figure33: Anotherphotoof
apicnicorganizedbythe
GermanWinterReliefFund.
Authoritieslabeledtheabove
asfollows:2.SenrStarke;3.
PaulBeckmann;4.Ernest
EmilStarke;5.Ilma
Bohlmann;and9.Pauline
Starke.

GermanWinterReliefFund.
D1915/SA21866,NAA,
Adelaide.NAA,Adelaide.


Figure34:Germanmembers
oftheGermanWinterRelief
Fundonapicnicactivities
thatGermanwomensuchas
PaulineStarkwereinvolved.

GermanWinterReliefFund.
D1915/SA21866,NAA,
Adelaide.


P a g e | 148


Figure35:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.

Figure36:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.

Figure37:
1. PaulBeckmann
2. MathildeHeinle
3. LudwigHeinle

Photographofcamping
activitiesheldbyGerman
organizationsinSouth
AustraliaduringtheSecond
WorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.

P a g e | 149

Figure38:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.

Figure39:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.

Figure40:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.

P a g e | 150


Figure41:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.

Figure42:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.


Figure43:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 151

Figure44:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.


Figure45:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin

SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.




Figure46:Germannationals
theMethseiderFamily.

Photographofcamping
activitiesheldbyGerman
organizationsinSouth
AustraliaduringtheSecond
WorldWar.

GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 152

InternedonthebasisoftheirproGermanviews

Another woman who was open about her sympathies toward Hitler was Australianborn Manda

GertrudeThiele.MandawasthirdgenerationAustralianofGermandescentlivingwithherparents

onthefarminLoxton,onthesouthbankoftheRiverMurrayinSouthAustralia.Heronlyfriend

was the Lutheran Pastor of Loxton, Carl Wilhelm Julius Meier, who was interned during the war.

Mandawasapoliticalactivistandwroteanumberoflettersconcerningthewar,includingaletter

thatwaswrittentoMrsTraegerinTanundasupportingHitler,thoughitisinterestingtonotethat

sheidentifiedherselfasbeingAustralian:

Wellwhatdoyouthinkofthewarnews?ImgametotakeonabetasImsureofwiningitthatPrime
MinisterChurchillwillbethemosthatedmanintheworldverysoonandAdolfHitlerthebestloved,its
nearly that far now, I knew that already when I spoke to you in hospital but I knew you did not yet
understand but youll be on my way of thinking quite soon now. France will now stick by Germ
[Germany], I well knew that Hitler would be as fair [as] it was possible to be to those unfortunate
nationsdeceivedbytheirleaders,andthathehasprovedtobe.Ourleadersareheadingforacrashtoo.
WearethelaughingstockoftheIndiansandtheIrisheventheSth[South]Africansaretryingtogetout
ofthismesswerein,thoughawickedlotofgangstersgivingordersfromBritain.Theyhavebrought
ourcountrydowntowhatitisnowandledusintothewartofightfortheirfinancialinterestsandwe
could stoop to the gutter doing it, and theyd just think,stupid lot of fools, we can do anything with
themrightdownslaughteringthosetryingtocrushourgame.IcouldtellyoulotsthatIknowbutmust
closenow.54

When interviewed by authorities, Manda admitted that these were her true beliefs, along with

claiming that Churchill was nothing but a puppet of the English bankers.55 Officer S.G. Eyles

cautioned and warned Manda of her position and that she may be interned for expressing her

sentiments. It is recorded that her answers were given in a defiant manner and she replied that

shefullyunderstoodherpositionandshedidnotcareis[if]shewasinterned.56Mandasaidtothe

officersthatthebankersstartedthewarandChurchillismoretobepitied,ourpoliticiansareto

54
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
55
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
56
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 153

be blamed for the war.57 Eyles responded by saying Did not Hitler cause the war when he

marchedintoandbombedPoland?58MandarepliedWellhavenottheEnglishinvadedIran?He

said But the English occupation is a peaceful one. She said That is what you think.59 Eyles

conversationwithMandaisdescribedfurtherinhisreport

Isaid,DoyouthinkthatHitlercouldbethemostlovedmaninEuropeafterhisactionsinregardtothe
shootingofthehostagesinFrance.Shesaid,Doyoubelievethat?Isaid,Ido.Shesaid,Idont.I
said,DontyoubelieveGermanyisaggressiveandcruel?Shesaid,No,Idonot.CaptainHillsaid,
AreyouproudofyourGermanblood?Shesaid,Yes,Iam.Isaid,Dontyoubelievethenewsinour
papers?Shesaid,No,Idont,thatiswhereyoumakethemistakebelievingit.IlistentotheWireless
foroverseasnews.60

DuetoherpoliticalopinionsandantiBritishviews,itwasrecommendedthatrestrictionsbeplaced

onManda.Itwasnotedthatthefactthatsheisanintelligentdeterminedtype;andresidesina

Germandistrict,makeshercontinuedfreedomadefinitedangertotheNationalSecurity.61

Thereishowever,evidencetosuggestthatauthoritieswerereluctanttointernheronthebasisof

herpoliticalopinions.AdocumentwrittenbytheDirectorofMilitaryIntelligencereportedthat

TheMinisterhesitatestointernherontheevidencegivenunlessitcanbeshownthatherviewsare
influencingherfamilyandthelocalresidents,orthatshecouldbeamenacetooursecurityHealso
thinks that Japanese intervention may have altered her views and that she might be further cross
examinednowbeforehisfinaldecisionisgiven.Pleaseactaccordingly.
62

57
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
58
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
59
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
60
Secret report written by S.G. Eyles to the Inspector at Commonwealth Investigation Branch (CIB) in Adelaide, 4
November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwifeMandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
61
RecommendationmadebyBrigadier,Commandant,4thMilitaryDistrict,Nodate.SeeVOGELAugustandwifeManda
Gertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
62
ReportwrittenbytheColonel,whowasDirectorofMilitaryIntelligencetoSouthernCommand,January1942.See
VOGELAugustandwifeMandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 154

In response to this, authorities investigated her family and found she had five brothers and two

sisterswhoallsharedthesameviewasManda,andrefusedtoregisterformilitaryservice.Areport

madebypoliceofficersstationedatLoxtonrevealedMandasfamilyhavebeenageneraltopicof

conversation in Loxton since the start of the war because of their flagrantly hostile attitude

towardsourEmpire,andwe,incommonwithallloyalresidentsofLoxton,arefullyconvincedthat

these people should be interned.63 On 20 March 1942, Constable Margaret Ottoway arrested

Manda.WhentheConstablepresentedMandawiththewarrantforherinternment,MandasaidI

have been expecting something like this; in fact, I have had my suitcase packed for about two

weeks.SoyouseeIamnotatallsurprisedatyourvisit.64Mandaandherchildrenweredetained

untiltheorderwasrevokedon7May1945.65Evidently,herhostileattitudetowardstheBritishand

herproGermanviewsandcommunitypressureledtoherincarcerationduringthewardespitethe

factthereseemedtobenorealsecuritythreattothenationandinspiteofherBritishcitizenship.

Iaskforyourreconsideration:TheKrawinkels

The case of Rita Krawinkel, along with many of the other stories presented in this chapter,

demonstrates how women with full local citizenship were affected by the Aliens Control

Regulations on the basis of their political affiliations. Rita was born in Australia of parents of

Germandescent,andwasexceedinglywellconnectedinSouthAustralianGermansocialcircles.She

wasmarriedtothePresidentoftheSouthAustralianGermanHistoricalSociety,HeinrichKrawinkel,

63
Statement made by Police stationed at Loxton, 30 January 1942. See VOGEL August and wife Manda Gertrude.
D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
64
Statement made by Constable Margaret Ottoway, March 1942. See VOGEL August and wife Manda Gertrude.
D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
65
SeeVOGELAugustandwifeMandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 155

who was accused of associating with prominent Nazi figure Dr Johann Becker.66 Her father was

Hermann Homburg, who was a prominent figure within the South Australian community. It was

found out many years later that Homburg was interned because of his close affiliation with Dr

Becker;however,HomburgandDrBeckeractuallydespisedeachotherduringthewar.Hermann

wasnotreleaseduntilDecember1942andeventhenhewassubjecttovariousrestrictions.67

In1934theGermanClubinAdelaidehadpassedaresolutionwhichrefusedtheadmissionofthose

belonging to foreign political organizations such as the Nazi Party. Though the German Club

claimednottohavebeenpoliticallyaffiliated,itwasarguedbyGaryGumplthatintheearly1930s,

keymembersoftheClub,includingRitashusbandHeinrich,assistedNazioperativesbyhavingthe

International League of Nations Societys antiNazi resolution rescinded in 1935. According to

Gumpl, the door had been opened to Nazi infiltration which continued to increase in the years

immediatelyprecedingtheWar.68HeinrichadvisedDrBeckertomovetoTanundabecausethere

wasnodoctorinthatarea.Beckerdidso,andsetupamedicalpractice,buthealsoestablishedthe

Nazi Party in South Australia.69 Becker later established a library that emphasised Nazi literature

calledDeutscheFortbidongsverein.70ItwasduringthisperiodthatAustraliansecuritynoticedanti

Jewish propaganda being distributed. Dr Becker had a strong belief that the Reich Government

would send Nazi operatives to assist the Nazi cause in Australia.71 It was in 1935 that the

66
HeinrichKrawinkelwasamemberofthegermanClub,theConstitutionalClub,theCommonwealthClub,theRoyal
GeographicalSociety,theRotaryClub,theRoseParkBranchoftheLiberalandCountryLeagueandtheKlemzig
CemeteryTrust.[Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.169].
67
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,pp,166and140.
68
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.141.
69
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.81.
70
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.143.
71
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.82.
P a g e | 156

Commonwealth Investigation Branch (CIB) became aware of Nazi Party activities increasing in

Tanunda.72

RitashusbandHeinrichwasinternedinMay1940,becauseofhisassociationwithDrBecker,but

successfullyappealedtotheTribunalAdvisoryCommitteeandwasreleasedinAugustofthatyear.

However, he was interned again in October 1941. He appealed for a second time but was

unsuccessful. While her husband was interned, authorities ordered Rita to disconnect her phone

becauseherfatherwasanexinterneelivingnextdooratthetime.AuthoritiesstatedInviewof

this, and the fact that the subject has undoubted proGerman sympathies, coupled with her

husbandsknownproNaziviews,itisstronglyrecommendedbythisServicethatthetelephonebe

disconnected and cancelled indefinitely.73 Rita appealed to authorities to keep her phone

connection

IaskforyourreconsiderationMyhusband,asyouknow,isinVictoria.Ilivewithmythreechildrenwho
help to maintain the household. My eldest daughter (21) holds a responsible position at the Bank of
N.S.W.,myseconddaughter(19)isnursing,myson(15)isastudentatP.A.C.butduringholidaysworks
for wages on a farm. The telephone is mainly used by my three children to communicate with their
friends.Ihavenohelpeitherinthehouseorinthegarden.ThechildrenandIdoallthework.Iusethe
telephone occasionally to ring tradespeople for orders. My last telephone account was 4/17/ which
includes2/18/rent,fromwhichyouwillseehowsparinglythephoneisused,butyetitisaconvenience
to usall. Thephone is never used to speak with strangers. We rarelyhave visitors. We livequietly and
almostexclusivelytoourselves.Iaskthatyoureconsidertheorderoratleastsuspendsametoenableyou
to further investigate the necessity of enforcing the order in view of the convenience the phone
principallyaffordsmydaughters.74

72
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.142.
73
MemofromDeputyDirectorofSecurity,SouthAustraliatoDirectorGeneralofSecurity,Canberra,7January1943.
See Krawinkel, Mrs Rita [restriction order under National Security (General) Regulations]. D1915/SA113, NAA,
Adelaide.
74
CopyofletterfromRitaKrawinkeltoDeputyDirectorofSecurity,Adelaide,21January1943.SeeKrawinkel,MrsRita
[restrictionorderunderNationalSecurity(General)Regulations].D1915/SA113,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 157

Figure47:AphototakenofHeinrichsbarnonthewaytoTanunda.Itwasnotedbyauthoritiesthat
theSwastikasignswerelaterpaintedoutandwerereplacedwithlargewhitecircleswithasmileyface
representingthesun.Largeletteringwasalsoadded:TheSunWillShineAgain.

[NaziactivitiesinSouthAustraliaduringWorldWarIIcontainsonephotographsaidtodepict

membersoftheGermanNaziParty,Tanunda,SouthAustralia].D1918/S35,NAA,Adelaide.

Despiteherpleas,RitawasrefusedatelephoneconnectionuntilOctober1944.Herhusbandwas

finallyreleasedunderarestrictionorderinDecemberthatyear.75AccordingtoGumpl,therewas

norealproofthatHeinrichwasinvolvedinNazism.Oneinterneewhowasinterviewedbecausehe

was a Party member believed that Heinrich wasnt a Party member, but was committed to

Germanismandanythingelsethatwouldmakehimabitmoreillustrious.76

WhywasntPaulineStarkeinterned?

PaulineStarkewasnotonlyanactivemember,butalsoleaderofFrauenschaft,theaffiliatedbody

towhichthefemalePartymembersbelongedinTanunda.77DespiteheropennessaboutherNazi

75
See Krawinkel, Mrs Rita [restriction order under National Security (General) Regulations]. D1915/SA113, NAA,
Adelaide.
76
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.175.
77
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.211.
P a g e | 158

sympathies, Pauline was never interned during the war. In fact, Pauline made complaints to

authoritiesclaimingthattherestrictionsimposeduponher,whichincludedreportingdailytothe

police station in her area, were too harsh. Pauline claimed she was suffering both mentally and

bodily under this harsh treatment.78 The only time Pauline was exempt from reporting daily to

Goodwood Police Station was in late September 1940, when she fell ill and needed time to

recover.79

Inasecretdocumentconcerningthecomplaint,authoritieswrotethattherestrictions

placeduponMrsStarkearethereverseofharsh.Sheisextremelyfortunateinthatsheisnotinterned.I
knowofnowomaninthisStatewhohasdonemoretofurtherthecauseofNazismthanshehas.Sheis
almost fanatical on the subjectI regard Mrs Starke as a distinct menace and it would not be in the
interests of security to in anyway relax the restrictions now imposed upon her. In fact, my personal
opinionisthatsheshouldbeinterned.
80

As a result of her complaint, Paulines restriction was reduced to reporting twice a week to her

localpolicestation.WhyPaulinewasnotinternedisnotclearfromherNAAfile,thoughonecan

speculate that perhaps she was used as bait by intelligence in order to gather more information

fromothermenandwomenwhowereaffiliatedwithherinvolvementinproNaziactivities.

In January 1942, Pauline and Mathilde were forced by local police to leave their home due to

growingconcernamongthecommunityregardingherinvolvementintheNaziParty,andmovedto

78
LetterfromtheConsulforSwitzerland,J.A.PietzckertoMilitaryDistrict,Keswick,SouthAustralia,9July1941.See
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
79
PoliceReportaddressedtoSgt.Trezona,24September1940.SeeStarke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
80
SecretdocumentconcerningcomplaintmadebyPaulineandhersonErnstStarke,nodate.SeeStarke,ErnstEmil
Robert [deportation to Germany together with his mother, Pauline Starke includes photographs]. D1915/SA15103,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 159

another location. In response, Pauline and Mathilde appealed to the Consul for Switzerland, J.A.

Pietzcker,whowrotetotheChiefCommissionerofPolice:

IaminreceiptofinformationfromMrsPaulineStarkehasbeenorderedtoholdherselfinreadinessto
leavethishomeofhersinAdelaideat12hoursnotice.MayI,onbehalfoftheoldladyandalsoMrs
Heinle,whosharesherhome,requestthatthisordermaybewithdrawn.Ifeelsurethatincaseofthese
twooldladiessecurityreasonscanhardlycomeintoquestion;furtheritwouldbeimpossibleforthese
twoladies,eithertofoottheexpensesofaremovalnortoundertakearduousworkconnectedtherewith,
bothofwhombeinginapoorstateofhealth.Awaitingthefavourofyourreply,andtrustingthattheywill
bepermittedtocontinuetheoccupancyoftheirpresenthome.81

Figure48:AframedpictureofAdolf
HitlerfoundinPaulineStarkesNAA
fileinAdelaide.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermanytogether
withhismother,PaulineStarke
includesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.

81
LetterfromConsulforSwitzerland,J.A.PietzckertotheCommissionerofPolice,January1942.SeeStarke,ErnstEmil
Robert [deportation to Germany together with his mother, Pauline Starke includes photographs]. D1915/SA15103,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 160


Figure49:(Left)andFigure
50:(Right)Postcardsof
AdolfHitlerfoundinthe
possessionofleaderofthe
NaziOrganizationinSouth
Australia,PaulineStarke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.


Figure51:Postcardof
Hitlerfoundinthe
possessionofPauline
Starke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.


Figure52::Postcardofthe
NaziPartyinGermany
foundinthepossessionof
PaulineStarke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.

P a g e | 161


Figure53andFigure54:postcardsofAdolfHitlerfoundinthepossessionof
PaulineStarke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.


Figure55::Postcardof1936OlympicsinBerlinandFigure56:postcardof
AdolfHitlerfoundinthepossessionofPaulineStarke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 162


Figure57:Postcardof
membersoftheNaziParty
inGermanyfoundinthe
possessionofPauline
Starke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.


Figure58:PostcardofAdolfHitlerfoundinthepossessionof
PaulineStarke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwith
hismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.


Figure59:Postcardfoundinthepossessionof
PaulineStarke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.

P a g e | 163


Figure60::NewspaperclippingofGermanpoliticianandmilitaryleaderoftheNazi
PartyHermannGoeringfoundinthepossessionofPaulineStarke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.


Figure61:PostcardofHermannGoeringfoundinthe Figure62:PostcardfoundinthepossessionofPauline
possessionofPaulineStarke. Starke.

Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludes togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide. photographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.

P a g e | 164

Despite their plea, both Pauline and Mathilde were transferred to Tanunda under the Aliens

ControlRegulations.Beforetheywereforcedtoleave,PaulineandMathildehadtheirbelongings

packed andrequested to be deported to Germany. However, authorities were reluctant to grant

their deportation due to the backlash that could have occurred from the German Government.

AuthoritiesreportedthatifPaulineandMathildeweregrantedleave,therewasnodoubtthatthey

would have the intention of proving to the authorities in Germany how the Military had

persecutedtheminthiscountry.82

It is possible that authorities thought it would be best that German women associated with the

NaziPartybeconfinedtotheTanundaregion,alsoknownasthehotbedofNazism.Thismayhave

been done to prevent the spread of Nazism to other Germans in other areas of South Australia,

who were not so loyal to Germany. This was a more effective way for authorities to place

surveillanceonmembersoftheNaziPartywhoassociatedwithPaulineandauthoritieswereable

to control the travel and movements, and surveillance placed upon those suspicious of their

involvementinGermanactivities.

AsChristineWinterwrote,inordertokeepthefaithfuluncontaminated,theGermanGovernment

instructed the Swiss, who as a neutral nation were looking after German interests in enemy

countries,toensurethatthoseloyaltotheThirdReich,thesocalledReichstreuewereinterned

together, and that all others be separated from them. In many instances, this also reflected the

wishesofboththeinternedNazisandantiNazis.83ItispossiblethattheSwissConsulinstructed

82
ReportonPaulineStarkeandMathildeHeinle,27January1942.SeeHEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,
NAA,Adelaide.
83
C.Winter,TheLongArmoftheThirdReich:InternmentofNewGuineaGermansinTatura.JournalofPacificHistory,
Volume38,Issue1,2003,p.88.
P a g e | 165

authoritiestoapplythesamemeasurestothosewhowerenotinterned.Forexample,Paulineand

MathildeweretransferredtoTanundaduringthewartoresidewithotherGermanswhowerealso

placedundersurveillance.InJuly1944,itwasrequestedthatbothPaulineandhersonErnstStarke

berepatriatedtoGermany.84Therewasnoobjectionbuttheywererefusedonthegroundsthatno

formalapplicationwasmade.85ItisunclearwhethertheyreturnedtoGermany.

TheSituationinNewGuinea

In1884,GermanyannexedNewGuineaandbelieveditwasthedutyoftheGermannationtotake

in hand the development of New Guinea.86 Consequently, there was an increase in anti

Germanism,especiallyinQueenslandwhereNewGuineawasamajorsourceoflabourinthesugar

industry.ByDecember1884,Germanyhadalreadytakenphysicalpossessionofthenortheastern

half of New Guinea.87 After the First World War, New Guinea was a CMandate of the League of

Nations under Australian control which was threatened by total German possession. Because of

this, German Nazi leaders in 1936 decided all German citizens residing in New Guinea to show

loyaltyandsupportfortheReichandjointheparty.88ChristineWinterwritesthatthedecisionto

enrollwasapragmaticoneforsome,[while]othersjoinedenthusiastically.89

84
Copy of letter from Consul for Switzerland, J.A. Pietzcker to Director General of Security, Canberra, 7 July 1944.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
85
DuringtheirstayinTanunda,bothwomenappealedonceagaintodiscontinueregularreportingtothePoliceStation.
However,restrictionswerenotrevokeduntilafterthewar.[LetterfromConsulforSwitzerland,J.A.Pietzckertodeputy
DirectorofSecurity,Adelaide,18October1944.Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhis
mother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
86
TampkeandDoxford,Australia,Willkommen,p.152.
87
TampkeandDoxford,Australia,Willkommen,pp.153and154.
88
Winter,TheLongArmp.85.
89
Winter,TheLongArm,p.85.
P a g e | 166

LutheranMissionarieswereestablishedinNewGuineafrom1886.MissionhousesinGermanysent

peopletoNewGuineatochristianisetheheathensandtoadministertothespiritualneedsofthe

white colonial population.90 During the 1940s, German missionaries in New Guinea were

consideredsupportersofHitlerandsomeweredescribedbyJohannePeterWeiss,asbeingvery

much Nazi sympathisers.91 At the outbreak of war, male mission personnel in New Guinea were

internedatTaturaCamp.TheirwomenandchildrenwereevacuatedtoAustralia,accommodated

throughPresidentoftheUnitedEvangelicalLutheranChurchofAustralia(UELCA),PastorJ.J.Stolz

in South Australia. They settled mainly in areas north of Adelaide, in the Barossa Valley region

TanundaandNurioopta,intheAppila/LauraregionandontheYorkPeninsulaaroundMaitland.92

The transfer of German women and children from New Guinea to the Barossa Valley region was

highlypublicized.On3January1942,theLutheranHeraldreportedthat

steps have [been] taken to provide homes for them, even if only temporaryThese ladies and their
children have gone through hard times. For over two years they have lived separated from their
husbands and fathers. They have now left everything behind. To many of them Australia is a foreign
country.
93

TheLutheranHeraldwashighlysupportiveoftheNewGuineaevacueesandforthenexttwoweeks

publishedupdatesonthewelfareoftheevacuees.Itwasreportedon3January1942that:

Mostofthechildreninthecolonyareagedbetweenfourandsixyears,andtheeldestis10.Although
they are glad to be out of the range of Japanese bombs, the women maintain that they would have
preferredtostayinNewGuineawiththeirhusbandsSeveralofthechildreninthecolonyhavenever
seentheirfathers,whohavebeeninternedsincetheoutbreakofwar.
94

90
J. P. Weiss, It wasnt really necessary: internment in Australia with emphasis on the Second World War. South
Australia,EdenHills:J.P.Weiss,2003,p.158.
91
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,p.159.
92
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,pp.16566.
93
FromOurMidst.TheLutheranHerald,3January1942.
94
GermanColonyfromN.GuineaGrowsbyOne.TheLutheranHerald,23January1942.
P a g e | 167

The women and children were determined to join their husbands at Tatura, detesting the

restrictions imposed on their movements while worrying about housing and education for their

children.95Thefollowingstoriesareofwomenwhochosetobecomeblatantlyandprovocatively

Germaninordertobeinternedwiththeirhusbands.96ThiswasevidentwhenPastorStoltzwrotea

letterclaimingthatthesewomenwere

apparentlyfanaticalNaziswhoHeilHitler,singDeutschlanduberAlles,andarrogantlyandbitterlyrail
againstallthingsBritish.TheyrefusetoattendlocalLutheranchurchesunlesstheservicesareheldin
GermanandrefusetosendtheirchildrentoLutheranschoolsunlessthechildrenareexemptedfrom
saluting the flag and singing the National Anthem. Moreover, they are very dissatisfied with their
presenttreatmentandrecently20ofthemsignedapetitiontothePrimeMinisteraskingtobeinterned
withtheirhusbandsandchildreninafamilycamp,givingasreasonsthattheycouldnolongerlivewith
theirhosts,thattheydislikedreportingtothePoliceinwinter,thattheyhadtoomuchworktodo,and
thattheydidnotfeelsafeintheeventofwarinAustralia.
97

ApetitiontothePrimeMinisterwaswrittenandsignedbymostoftheGermanwomenevacuated

fromNewGuinea.Itrequestedthattheybeinternedbecause:

1.Wedeemitimpossibletolivewithrespectivehostsforalongerperiod.
2.ItisaproblemtoreporttothePoliceofficeeveryweekinwinter.
3.WedonotfeelsafehereintheeventofwarcomingtoAustralia.
4.Thequestionoftheeducationofourchildrenwouldthusbesolved.
5.Forhealthreasonssomeofusareunabletodoallthenecessaryworkwhereasourhusbandscouldhelp
usinafamilycamp.
6.Ifinternationalrelationsshouldstandintheway,wearepreparedtogiveourpersonalsignaturesfor
voluntaryinternment.98

95
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,p.166.
96
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,p.66.
97
Copy of letter from Pastor J.J. Stoltz, no date. See New Guinea German female evacuees. D1915/SA7955, NAA,
Adelaide.ThewordstotheGermansongDeutschlanduberAllosareasfollows:Germany,Germanyoverall,overallin
theworld,Ifwealwaysstandasbrothersinattackandindefence,FromtheMeusetotheMemel,fromAdigetoBaltic
Sea, Germany, Germany, over all, over all in the world. German wives, German faith, German wine and song, Shall
continueintheworldtheirancientlovelysound,Toencourageustonobledeedsforourwholelifelong,Germanwives,
Germanfaith,Germanwineandsong.Union,rightandfreedomfortheGermanFatherland,Letus,asbrothers,strive
forthemwithheartandhand,Union,rightandfreedomthepledgeofhappiness,Bloomthouinthisjoy,O!German
Fatherland.[C.A.Price,GermanSettlersinSouthAustralia.Melbourne:MelbourneUniversityPress,1945,pp.5354].
98
CopyofpetitionletteronbehalfofOnbehalfof:MrsLechner,MrsFlierl,MrsMaurer,MrsM.B.Stuerzenhofecker,
MrsLinsenmeier,MrsMetzner,MrsG.Walter,MrsStreicher,MrsW.Bergmann,MrsFugmann,MrsBoerner,MrsBaer,
P a g e | 168

AletterofsupportforthesewomenwaswrittenbyardentNazisupporter,anAustralianofGerman

descent, Mrs Minnie Meier(also known as Mrs J Meier) who was described as being reared in a

typicallyGermanatmosphere.99Shewrote:

IamwritingonbehalfofEvacueeshereinAustr.[Australia]sincethefirstdaysofJanuary,1942.Their
husbandsaremissionariesandawayfromtwotothreeyears.Theladieshaveenduredhardships,living
inlandallalonewiththeirchildren.Somehave2,3,4,5childrenandthinkofanxietyreMalaria&c.
Whenarriving,theyweretoldtheycanseetheirhusbands,butofnoavail.Justnowtheytriedfora
travelpermit,butthatwasnotgranted.Thewinterwassocold,theycouldnotgothen,andarevery
sadatheart.Ifonlyavisitwereallowedthem.100

Anumberofindividualletterswerealsowrittenbythewomen,appealingtobeinternedwiththeir

husbandsinTatura.ClaraHofmann,wifeofaGermanmissionaryReverendGeorgHofmann,wrote:

Recentlyanumberofwomenandchildren,evacueesfromNewGuineaMissionStationswhohadbeen
residingintheBarossaDistrict,SouthAustralia,forayear,havebeentransferredtoTaturatobeableto
livewiththeirhusbandsandfathersatthefamilycampthere.IwasevacuatedfromN.G.togetherwith
those other women and children a year ago. They resided in South Australia while I did so here [in]
N.S.W. Being the mother of three little children aged 3, 4, and 5 years, I find it extremely difficult to
manageunderthepresentcircumstancesandsolemnlyappealtoyoualsotograntmetheprivilegeof
beingreunitedwithmyhusband,Rev.GeorgHofmann,No.2059,Hut39,oftheInternmentCamp1A,
Tatura,Victoria.
101

Forty eight year old Germanborn Maria Martha Flierl was also a New Guinea evacuee and

requestedthatsheandherchildbeinternedwithherhusband,alsoaGermanmissionaryinterned

MrsBatze,MrsEiermann,MrsHorrolt,MrsMunzel,MrsGoetzelmann,MrsStrauss,MrsI.Stuerzenhofeckerandmyself
MrsZimmermann.,signedbyMrsZimmermanntoPrimeMinistersDepartmentinCanberra,23May1942.SeeNew
GuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
99
SeeFAMeier(alsoHE,WE,CWJ,&MrsMeier)D1915,SA19922,Adelaide.
100
CopyofletterwrittenbyMrsJ.MeiertoDepartmentforIntelligenceforEvacueesinCanberra,10September1942.
SeeFAMeier(alsoHE,WE,CWJ,&MrsMeier)D1915,SA19922,Adelaide.
101
CopyofletterwrittenbyClaraHofmanntothePrimeMinistersDepartmentinCanberra,8January1943.SeeNew
GuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 169

atTatura.MariawasinterviewedbyauthoritieswhereshestatedshesympathizedwithHitlerand

sangGermaninspiredsongsDeutschlandUberAllesandtheHorstWesselsong.102

Because of the reports published by the local media, the local residents of Tanunda were well

awarethatthesewomenwereintheirtownreceivingwelfare.TheLutheranHeraldreported:

The ladies are full of praise of the treatment which was accorded them by the Red Cross and by the
Government officials In the meantime the party is settling down as well as possible under existing
circumstances. The ladies are attending to the work themselves. The Government is recognizing its
responsibilitytoprovideforthem.Forthetimebeing,pendingdefiniteinformationfromCanberra,they
haveallbeenputunderthecareoftheSouthAustralianWelfareDepartmentWearethankfulthatwe
havebeendeemedworthytoassistthepoorfugitiveswholefteverythingbehind,andwhostillsuffer
withtheirnativecongregationsinNewGuineamoreorphanedthanevernowandwepraythatthe
doormaysoonbeopenedforthereturnofthemandtheirhusbandstotheworktowhichtheyhave
dedicatedthemselves.
103

TheNewGuineafemaleevacueesalsowantedtoacknowledgethesupportthattheyhadreceived

fromthecommunity.TheLutheranHeraldreported

TheNewGuineaMissionEvacueesherewithwishtoexpresstheirheartfeltthanksforalltheloveand
kindness which was extended to them both in the way of providing them with valuable gifts in kind,
dressesetc.,andbyreceivingthemintothehomes.WhilstinAdelaide,alistwasbegunofallthegood
thingsbroughttothecollegeandsomehowthatlistwaseithernotcompletedordisappeared.Inorder
nottoleaveanybodyout,theladieshaveaskedthattheirdeepappreciationbemadeknownbymeans
oftheLutheranHerald.Godsrichestrewardtoeachgiver.104

Some Australian residents, however, made it clear that they were not pleased with German

evacueesreceivingaid.LocalresidentHaroldE.Wilkschwrote

Justalittlesuggestionregardingthesewomen.Likeothers,IfeltalarmedwhenGermanmissionwomen
werebilletedwithDistrictLutheransofGermandescentIfearedtheirinfluencewouldbedamaging.
Instead,theoppositeeffectwasachieved,formanyofthemturnedouttoberealarrogant,dyedinthe
woolNaziswholookeddisdainfullydownupontheirAustralianbornhostsandhostesses.Manyhomes
have refused to tolerate them. You will know which of these women are Nazis. I respectfully suggest
that you move any Nazi women who are guests of Germanborn citizens. They regard each other as

102
HistorysheetofMariaMarthaFlierl,Nodate.SeeFlierl,MariaMarshe.D1915/SA19680,NAA,Adelaide.
103
The Missionary Evacuees from New Guinea. The Lutheran Herald, 17 January 1942, pp. 2426. See New Guinea
Germanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
104
TheLutheranHerald,14March1942.SeeNewGuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 170

equals, and in such homes, I believe, these women are likely to strengthen previouslyexisting Nazi
sympathies,andfromsuchhomesanunsavouryinfluencemightspread.105

Alongwiththespreadofunsavouryinfluence,thematterofmanpowershortageduringthewar

wasanotherbasisofconcernamongstthecommunity.LocalresidentA.BPalmerwrotealetterto

theInspectoratthelocalpolicestationstatingthattheredoesnotappeartobeanyreasonwhy

the thirteen persons of above referred to could not be called upon to seek employment.106 The

mainconcernwasthatthesewomenshouldhavebeenseekingemploymentratherthanreceiving

welfare. Palmer acknowledged that it may be difficult for these women to obtain employment

giventheirnationality;however,hewrotethatitwasstillpossibleforthesewomentofindwork.107

Authoritiesrealizedthattherewasstrongsupportfortheinternmentofthesewomenfromlocal

residents.Itwasreportedthatthereisnodoubtthattheinternmentofthesewomenwillmeet

with the wholehearted approval of the local residents.108 According to authorities these women

couldnotbetrusted,andtheiractionswerekeptundernotice.109OneexampleisthecaseofNew

Guineaevacuee,GermanbornElizabethAlwineZischler.Authoritieswrotetheyfeltthepresence

ofthiswomaninpublicwouldcausedisaffectionandwouldpossiblyleadtodisturbances.110This

105
CopyofletterwrittenbyHaroldE.WilkschtoIntelligenceatKeswick,2December1942.SeeNewGuineaGerman
femaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
106
LetterfromA.B.PalmerwrotealettertotheInspectoratthelocalpolicestation,15September1942.SeeNew
GuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
107
LetterfromA.B.PalmerwrotealettertotheInspectoratthelocalpolicestation,15September1942.SeeNew
GuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
108
HistorySheetofMariaMarthaFlierl,nodate.SeeFlierl,MariaMarshe.D1915/SA19680,NAA,Adelaide.
109
ReporttoSgtTrezona,21May1942.SeeNewGuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
110
Response from the Director General in Canberra, 2 August 1944. See New Guinea German female evacuees.
D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 171

perceptionwasinfluencedbythefactthatshewasresidingwithawellknownsympathizer,Paul

GottholdFriedrichKlose.

After being questioned by authorities, the New Guinea evacuees were eventually transferred to

Tatura. The following are questions that were put to these women by authorities in order to

determinewhethertheywerearisktosecurity

1. AreyouaNazisympathizerandafollowerofHitler?
2. DoyouhopethatGermanywillwinthewar?
3. DoyouwishtoreturntoGermanyafterthewar?111

As noted earlier, Mrs J. Meier was one of those who supported the New Guinea women. Her

husband,ReverendJ.Meier,wasalsointernedduringthewaranddiedon30March1943whilein

custody.Beforehisdeath,theReverendhadappealedtotheAliensTribunalCommitteeinSouth

Australia,butafterthehearinghadcommenced,itwasrecommendedbythecommitteethathis

detainment be continued. Shortly after his death, Mrs Meier approached authorities to obtain

permission to print some memorial cards in German for her husband. It is unclear from her file

whether permission was obtained, nevertheless, authorities took note that her attitude on this

occasion is an interesting example of how, even at this stage of the war, many Australianborn

GermansstillholdfirstloyaltytothelandoftheirforefathersandconsiderthatallHitlerhasdone

hasbeengoodfortherealgoodoftheworld.112

111
SeeHolzknecht,HeleneSieglinde.D1915/SA20497,NAA,Adelaide.
112
SeeFAMeier(alsoHE,WE,CWJ,&MrsMeier)D1915,SA19922,Adelaide.
P a g e | 172

TheNaziMovementinSydney

ThischapterhassofarhighlightedtheimpacttheAliensControlRegulationshadonAustralianborn

women of German descent, not because they were assessed as a risk to national security, but

becauseofthepoliticalaffiliationsexpressedbywomenwithincertainareasofSouthAustralia.This

chapterhasalsoillustratedtheCommonwealthGovernmentsinabilitytodistinguishlanguageand

cultural ties from political affiliations. As noted earlier, there was very little Nazi influence in

Australia and many German Clubs resisted any attempts to distribute Nazi propaganda. It is

importanttonotethatdespitethelargepopulationofGermanbornwomeninSydney,therewasa

small but very active Nazi movement in Sydney.113 Overall, the Nazi movement posed no real

threattonationalsecurityduringthewar.

Despitethelessenedthreattosecurity,membersoftheNazimovementinSydneycontinuedtobe

targeted by authorities. Thirty one year old Gertrud Prager was a member of the Nazi Party in

Sydney who was placed under surveillance by authorities during the war. Gertrud was born in

Meiningen, Germany and arrived in Australia in April 1936. Gertrud lived in Mosman, on the

northernshoresofSydneyHarbour,withhertwochildren,whileherhusband,asuspectedmember

oftheNSDAP,wasinternedatTatura.Gertrudwouldoftenwritetoauthoritiesaskingtovisither

husbandandwasgrantedpermissiontovisithimonthebasisthatshewasnottoassociatewith

otherenemyaliensonherway.

InFebruary1942,Gertrudwasadmittedtohospitalfordiphtheriaandduringherstayshewroteto

theOfficerofArms,C.HMcLean.NursesfromthehospitalbecameawareofGertrudwritingletters

and became suspicious. She was reported to authorities and in June 1942, Gertrud was interned

113
Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
P a g e | 173

withhertwochildrenatLiverpoolinternmentcamp.Shewasinternedonthebasisofphotographs

found in her home of her grandparents in Germany standing in front of a Swastika with Hitlers

photograph in the background. Despite authorities noting that there is nothing in the exhibit to

showwhathersentimentsare,shewastransferredtoTaturainternmentcamp.114Authoritiesat

firstrefusedtodetainherchildren,however,thedeputyDirectorofSecurityinNewSouthWales

wassympathetictowardstheircauseandallowedforthefamilytobeinternedtogether.115

Before her internment, Gertrud wrote a letter to her husband which conveyed sympathies with

Hitler and the Nazi Party. It was reported by authorities that the letters to her husband were

couchedinsuchproNazitermsthatitispossiblethatshehaswritteninsuchastraininthehope

thatherletterswillbeinterruptedand,thatasaresult,shewillbeinternedwithherhusband.On

the other hand[she] could have made these statements sincerely believing them. In this case

detentionwouldbewarranted.116Policefurtherinvestigatedbyinterviewingherneighboursand

those who knew her and it was claimed that Gertrud had never shown any antiBritish

sentiments.117 Her parents however, were enthusiastic supporters of Hitlers regime. Authorities

foundaletterfromherparentsbeforethewarbrokeout.Itstated

We have to thank those damned Jews for our economical position. May the devil take them all. You
cant realize how furious we are with them, I could poison them all. I hope the day comes whenthis
broodwilldisappearfromtheearth,theyareacreationofthedevil.Thatwewillfightthemyouwill
have seen by your papers. Our Fuhrer spoke very strongly against the Jews at the Party Day in

114
Report from Deputy Director of Security in New South Wales to Director General of Security in Canberra, 24
September1942.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
115
Report from Deputy Director of Security in new South Wales to Director General of Security in Canberra, 24
September1942.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
116
ReportmadebyCaptainofIntelligence,NewSouthWales,March1942.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].
C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
117
MemorandumtoOfficerinCahrgeinYoung,30March1942.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].C123/7567,
NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 174

Nuremberg.Isentyouafewpapers,theEnglishpapers,theEnglishpaperswillnotmentionmuchof
it.
118

Similarly,Gertrudsbrotherwrotein1938,IneednotwriteaboutmyService[Military].Onething

Imustsay,wefeelstrongandareafraidofnoone.HereinGermany,itiswonderful.OurFuhreris

verygreat.119Nevertheless,theinternmentofthePragerfamilydidnotlasttotheendofthewar.

They were released in January 1945 because Gertrud was pregnant, expecting her child in

September.120ItwasrevealedthatitwasneverprovedthatGertrudshusbandwasamemberof

theNSDAP,however,itwasclaimedhevotedatoneoftheReichelectionsheldinGermanybefore

theyhadarrivedinAustralia.121

Another Nazi sympathizer was Hilda Yehender who was born on 14 November 1911 in Germany

and lived in Sydney upon her arrival in April 1927 with her mother. She married her husband

HermannBittnerin1934.Duringthewar,herhusbandwasinternedbecausehewasamemberof

theNSDAP.Hilda,hersevenyearolddaughter,Helene,andherfriendElisabethKollat,movedfrom

Sydney to live in Adelaide with her parents. However, all three were interned at Orange, in the

centralwestofNewSouthWalesinMarch1943.Itwasreportedthatauthoritiesfoundoutthat

Hilda was a member of the Nazi organization Frauenschaft and was an active member in the

organization.InherAliensTribunalHearing,thegroundsforherinternmentwererevealed

118
Copy of extract from letter written from Gertrud Pragers parents in Germany to Gertrud Prager, 17 September
1936.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
119
Copy of extract from Gertruds brother to Gertrud, June 1938. See Prager, Gertrude (German) [Box 226].
C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
120
Report from Lieutenant Colonel in Victoria to Australian Military Forces, Date Unknown. See Prager, Gertrude
(German)[Box226].C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
121
MemorandumtoDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberra,March1945.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].
C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 175

sheisthewifeofawellknownsupporteroftheNaziPartyinN.S.W;sheisassociatedwiththewivesof
prominent Nazis in N.S.W; it is alleged she has made antiBritish statements, that she is proNazi in
outlook; that she was a member of the Nazi Womens Organisation in Sydney; and that in spite of
havingadoptedAustraliaasherhomelandshemadenoattempttobecomenaturalized.
122

Figure63:HildaBittner

BECKHildaNationality:German
ArrivedAdelaideperCrifeld10April1927
AlsoknownasBITTNERNEEYEHENDER].
D4881/BECKHILDA,NAA, Adelaide.

NotonlywasHildaexperiencingdifficultieswiththeauthorities,butherpersonallifealsobecame

complicated.ItwasbrieflymentionedinthefilethatHildashusbandHermanrequestedadivorce

on the grounds of her adultery with another internee.123 Hildas case is another example of

women being interned on the basis of their proGerman views without any evidence to suggest

whetherornotshewasathreattonationalsecurity.ThoughFrauenschaftwasaffiliatedwiththe

NSDAP which promoted activities for national socialist women, it did not follow that all women

whobelongedtothisorganizationwereathreattoAustraliaswareffort.

TheCountFelixVonLucknerVisit

WhenGermanwarheroCountFelixvonLucknervisitedAustraliain1938,officialsweresuspicious.

Duringthewar,itwasbelievedthatHitlerusedvonLucknerforpropagandapurposestopromote

122
Copy of transcript Hilda Bittners Tribunal Appeal, 21 March 1994. See BITTNER, Hilda. D1915/SA16486, NAA,
Adelaide.
123
ReportonHildaBittner,Nodate.SeeBITTNER,Hilda.D1915/SA16486,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 176

Nazism in Australia and wherever he went in Australia he aroused suspicions that he was

spying.124Australianbornpianoteacher,EileenMayStadler,wasseeninhiscompanyduringhis

visittoSydney.Thisledtoauthoritiescreatingafileonher.EileenhadGermanparents,andher

father,LaurentStadler,wasanaturalisedsubjectwhohadbeenlivinginAustraliafortwentyeight

yearsandwassuspectedofbeingaNazisympathizer.

Eileen and her fathers friendship with the Count seemed to arouse suspicion. Statements were

given by hairdresser, Betty Mason, who knew Eileen for three years, and by Leah Florence, who

employedEileen.BettyMasonstated:

IknowEileenStadler,shewasemployedbyMrsPillow,hairdresserononeoccasionsheinformedme
thatsheattendedtheGermanClub,onceamonth,shealwaysreferredtoGermanyasherhome.Ihave
visited her home and I found that she was always favourably disposed towards theGerman nation. I
haveobservedherwearingaGermanemblemaroundherneck.Frommyknowledgeofher,Iwouldsay
definitelythatsheisdisloyalpersoninrespecttotheBritishEmpire,hersympathiesareproNazi.Iwish
thecontentsofthisstatementtobekeptstrictlyconfidential.IhaveneverheardMrStadlermakeany
disloyalremark.Thisstatementistrueandcorrecttothebestofmyknowledge.125

Similarly,LeahFlorenceclaimedthat:

OnoneoccasionsheinformedmethatshewasafrequentvisitortotheGermanclub,shewasalways
proNaziandononeoccasionIsaidtoherHowwouldyouliketoberuledbyaJapEileen,shereplied,
I wouldnt mind Mrs Pillow. I have heard from different customers that Eileen has made disloyal
remarkstothemwhilstshewasdoingtheirhair.MrsRosilandFishwickinformedmethatStadlerhad
saidtoher,neithermysonordaughterwillmarryanAustralian.Ialsoheardanotherladycustomer
maketheremarkwhenmydaughterwasgoingoutwithRoyStadler,hesaidtoher,whenyouputthis
ringonyouwillknowyouwillbecomeaGerman,Icannotrememberthatwomansname.Thesame
lady informed me that Hitler is toasted every morning before breakfast. I know from my own
knowledge that Eileen was studying the German language and that she was well advanced. Some
travelogues were left here by a man, they were about Austria, I told Eileen about them and she
appeared very indifferent, but when Hitler marched into Austria, she became very excited and
requested the books, she appeared very anxious togethold of them.I am of thebelief that she is a
great German sympathiser. I know Mr Stadler to be a German. From my own observations and
conservation,Iconsiderthemaverydisloyalfamily.Iamoftheopiniontheyshouldbeinvestigated.I
would like this statement to be kept strictly confidential. I have read this statement it is true and
correct.126

124
ReportonHildaBittner,nodate.SeeBITTNER,Hilda.D1915/SA16486,NAA,Adelaide.
125
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.232.
126
StatementmadebyLeahFlorencePillow,hairdresserwhoemployedEileen,30October1940.SeeStadler,Eileen
May(Australian[born]parentsGerman)[Box331].C123/10682,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 177

Eileen admitted to authorities that she was a frequent visitor of the German Club and she was a

friend of the Count and other suspicious people. Authorities noted that she had become a well

known singer entertaining Australian troops, and gained some fame as a singer, she visited

IngleburnandWallgroveMilitarycampstosing.127

EileensfatherwasalsosuspectedofbeingaNazisympathizerbecauseofhisassociationwiththe

Count:

Prior to the outbreak of the present war, Eileen Stadler wore swastikas on her shoes. On her 21st
birthdayherfatherpresentedherwithacoatcosting80guineas,althoughitwasthoughtthathewasin
business only in a small way. Nevertheless, he always seemed to live well and when Count Felix von
LucknerwasinSydney,Stadlerandthemembersofhisfamilywerephotographedwithhim.Thiswas
thoughtstrangethatahumblebarbershouldhavebeenfraternisingwithvonLuckner.128

In 1944, authorities reported that Laurent Stadtler was no longer proNazi and had changed his

viewstoproBritish.Thereasonsbehindhischangedviewsisunknown,however,itishighlylikely

thatLaurentdidsoinorderforauthoritiestoceasetheirsurveillance.

127
ReporttoMPISection,Hurstville,4November1940.SeeStadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]parentsGerman)
[Box331].C123/10682,NAA,Sydney.
128
Report to Eastern Command restricted access, No date. See Stadler, Eileen May (Australian [born] parents
German)[Box331].C123/10682,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 178

Figure 64: NaziGermanypostcardfoundin


EileenStadlerspossession.

Stadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]
parentsGerman)[Box331].C123/10682,
NAA,Sydney.

Figure65:NaziGermanypostcardfoundinEileenStadlers

possession.

Stadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]parentsGerman)
[Box331].C123/10682,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 179

Figure66:PhotographoftheCountwithEileenStadlerduringhisvisittoSydneyin
1938.

Stadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]parentsGerman)[Box331].C123/10682,
NAA,Sydney.

Figure67:PhotographoftheCountwithEileenStadlerduringhisvisittoSydneyin
1938.

Stadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]parentsGerman)[Box331].C123/10682,
NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 180

Paradoxically,whilepeoplewereaccusedofdisloyaltybecauseoftheirassociationwiththeCount,

hehimselfwasnotaNazi.Itisimportanttonotethatitwaswellknownafterthewaryearsthatthe

CountsvisittoAustraliaprovedtobeafiascofortheReich.129TheCountmadestatementsthat

hedidnotfullysupporttheNaziregimeandwasamemberoftheFreemasons,asecretsocietythat

hasalwaysbeenassociatedwithJews,whichmeantthathewasnotandhadneverbeenaNazi.130

On5July1939,HitlersignedanorderagainsttheCount,theprinciplechargebroughtagainsthim

wasthathehadusedthecruiseforselfindulgenceratherthantocreategoodwillforGermany.131

Asaresult,theCountescapedallchargesinexchangeforhissilenceandhisbookswerewithdrawn

fromlibrariesandanysourceofincomediminished.132GumplarguedthatBritishintelligencewere

unawareofthemattersconcerningvonLuckner

it is equally difficult to believe that it had not imparted this information to its Australian counterparts.
Suchafailurewhetheritwasdeliberateornegligenttodisclosetheexistenceofcrucialmaterialfactsthat
couldassistinternees,wasnotonlyinbreachofafundamentaltenetofjusticebutalsoanactequatingto
deceit.133

This deceit refers to all stories concerning Germans who were seen with the Count and those

internedbecauseoftheirassociationwiththeCount.Allwomenwereincarceratedbasedsolelyon

politicalgroundsalone.Therewasnotsufficientevidencetosuggestthatanyofthesewomenwere

athreattothenationssecurity.Nonetheless,itwasclearfromtheevidencepresentedthatmost

womenwereopenlysympathetictotheNaziParty.

129
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.232.
130
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.233.
131
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,pp.23233.
132
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.233.
133
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.233.
P a g e | 181

Conclusion

The cases presented in this chapter demonstrate why the Aliens Control Regulations were

introduced.AmajorityofthewomenconsideredinthischapterwereNazisupporterswhobecame

involved in Nazi activities. These women were not, however, representative of most German

settlersinAustraliatoanygreatextent.ItisimportanttoconsiderthattheNaziPartyinAustralia

didnotwidelyinfluenceGermansinAustralia.MostwomenwhoexpressedtheirsupportforHitler

wereelderlyandbelievedthattheNaziPartyhadledtoGermanybecomingpoliticallystrongerand

economically prosperous after the First World War. Despite their views, one must question how

much influence these women had within the community. As Hermann Homburg wrote, most

Germans were persecuted during the war because they had preserved German culture and

language. Authorities believed that anyone who had not obtained naturalization was a potential

threat to Australian security. In hindsight, we can see that Homburgs assertions were accurate.

The women in this chapter were clearly persecuted during the war on the basis of their political

viewsalone.TheAliensControlRegulationswereinconsistentlyapplied,which,giventhearbitrary

nature of the legislation, is a common occurrence inflictedupon minority groups during timesof

crisis.Asimilarscenarioispresentedinthefollowingchapter,whichshowshowtheAliensControl

RegulationswereappliedtoItalianwomenlivinginSydneyduringthewar.
P a g e | 182

ChapterFour:

ItalianbyBirth:
ARisktoNationalSecurity?


Apart from the fact that you have interned an innocent man and have broken up my home,
you have also put two Australian employees out of work, all for the simple reason that my
husbandscountryisagainstus.IfthisishowwearetohelpwinthewarGodhelpusall.1

(ItaliannationalMariaMinciotti)

AsaresultofItalysentryintothewar,ItalianmenresidinginAustraliawerequicklyroundedupby

authoritiesandplacedininternmentcamps.Italianwomen,wives,daughtersandmotherswerelefton

theirowntolookafterthefamilyhouseholdandmanytookoverthefamilybusinessorworkedonthe

farm. Italian women found themselves in a society which was often hostile and suspicious to them

because of their ethnicity. Often, Italian women did not speak any English which compounded their

problemsofassimilationintoAustraliansociety.ThestoriespresentedinthisChaptershowthesocial

andeconomicramificationsthattheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)hadon

Italian women living in New South Wales during the Second World War. The two Aliens Control

Regulationsthatprovedtobemostproblematicduringthewarconcernedtravelrestrictionsandthe

effectsoftheProhibitedPossessionsOrder1940(Cth).However,asitwillberevealedinthischapter,

therewerealsomanywomenwhowereconsideredasecurityriskasaresultofthewartimehysteria

thatexistedintheAustraliancommunity.

1
LetterwrittenbyMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,12
August1940.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Sydney.
P a g e | 183

Very little has been written on how these Aliens Control Regulations affected women who were not

internedduringthewar.Furthermore,historiesthatconcerntheissue ofinternmentfocusprimarily

ontheexperienceofItalianmen.ThischapterfocusesonItalianwomenaffectedbytheAliensControl

RegulationsinNewSouthWales.Avastamountofarchivalmaterialisavailabletoresearchersatthe

NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA)inSydneybecauseofthehighpopulationofItalianswhosettledin

New South Wales. This chapter provides an insight into how the Aliens Control Regulations were

appliedtoItalianwomenwhiletheirhusbands,orotherfamilymemberswereincarceratedduringthe

war.

ItaliansettlementinAustralia

Duringtheearly1800stherewereveryfewItalianslivinginAustralia.2Italiansettlementswereformed

in Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and Tasmania during the second half of the nineteenth

century.3From1891,therewere438ItaliansinQueenslandandby1925,thatnumbergrewto2,000

asaresultoftheimmigrationofItalianstoworkinthecanecuttingindustry.However,itisimportant

tonotethatthesefiguresshouldnotbeseenasaccurategiventhefactthatmanyItalianssettledin

country regions and failed to register for the census.4 The census in 1921 showed that the total

numberofItalianslivinginAustraliawas8,135.AmoreaccuratereportthatoriginatedfromtheItalian

CommisseriatGeneral for Emigration showed there were approximately 15,000 Italians living in

Australia.5 The 1920s and 1930s witnessed an influx of Italian migration to Australia. Despite many

2
G.Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia.Melbourne:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003,p.33.
3
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.43.
4
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.54.
5
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.54.
P a g e | 184

instances of xenophobia which had intensified during this period, Italians preferred to remain in

Australiaduringthedepressionwithmuchmoreopportunitiesavailabletothem.6Between1922and

1927, the number of Italians grew from 8,500 to 33,000, making them the largest group of enemy

aliensresidinginAustraliaattheoutbreakofwar.7

TwohundredandfortytwoItalianwomenlivingacrossAustraliawereexaminedforthisstudy.Forty

fourwomenresidedinWesternAustraliainPerthandFremantleonthecoastalregionsandWiluna,in

the mid west region of Western Australia.8 Thirty eight files that concerned Italian women living in

South Australia were also examined, many whom resided in Adelaide and Solomontown near Port

Pirie.9

OverninetypercentofItalianssettledalongtheeasternstatesofAustralia,includingurbanareassuch

asSydney,MelbourneandNorthQueensland,withInghamandInnisfailsettlingtwelvepercentofthe

Italian population.10 Many Italians worked as a cheap labour force in the sugar cane industry in

Queensland preceding thewar.Thisisevidencedbythe figures providedinTable2whichillustrates

thatQueenslandhadthehighestnumberofItalianinternmentsduringthewar.Atthebeginningofthe

war, Western Australia had the highest number of Italians who were interned, but as the war

6
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.54.
7
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.24.
8
FormoreinformationonthesettlementofItaliansinWesternAustraliaseeM.MennickenColey,TheGermansinWestern
Australia:Innovators,Immigrants,Internees.WesternAustralia:MtLawley:Crossprint,1993.
9
FormoreinformationonItaliansettlementinSouthAustraliaseeD.O'Connor,NoNeedtoBeAfraid:ItalianSettlersin
SouthAustraliaBetweeen1839andtheSecondWorldWar.Adelaide:WakefieldPress,1996.
10
A.Paganoniet.al.,ThePastoralCareofItaliansinAustralia:MemoryandProphecy.Victoria,Ballan:ConnorCourt
Publishing,2007,p.49
P a g e | 185

progressed,thethreatmovedtowardsthenortheastofQueensland.11Theheightenedsecuritythreat

oftheJapaneseinvasioninAustraliasnorthandthehighconcentrationofenemyaliensinthatarea

prompted the decision to implement a curfew on enemy aliens living in Queensland who were not

interned. The curfew was introduced on 12 February 1942 by the Minister of Army Frank Forde. All

enemy aliens were required to stay inside their house between the hours of 8pm to 5am, excluding

enemyalienswhoseworkrequiredthemtoworkbetweenthesehours,suchasthosewhoworkedina

hospitaloranyotheressentialservicesduringwartime.12

Nationality QLD NSW VIC SA WA TAS Total

Germans 322 436 120 145 80 4 1115

Italians 2107 806 170 170 1346 65 4727

Japanese 247 69 19 1 251 0 587

Table2:Internmentfigures, 31March1944.

Lamidey,AliensControl:AReporttotheHonourableArthurA.CalwellH.P.Ministerfor
ImmigrationuponsomeAspectsofAliensControlinAustraliaDuringTimeofWar,1947,p.
52.

11
K.SaundersandH.Taylor,TheEnemyWithin?TheProcessofInternmentofEnemyAliensinQueensland193945.
AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume34,Issue1,1988,p.19.
12
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946:AliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee,InterimReportSubmitted
totheRightHonourableH.V.Evatt,LL.D.,K.C.,M.P.TheAttorneyGeneraloftheCommonwealthofAustralia(1943),p.46.
P a g e | 186

ThemajorityofwomeninthisstudyresidedinurbanareasofNewSouthWales,includingDarlinghurst

andEdgecliffeincentralSydney.OthersalsolivedinfarmingareasofNewSouthWales,especiallyin

theBrokenHillregionandMurrumbidgeeIrrigationArea.Outofthe242Italianwomenexaminedfor

thisthesis,thetablebelowshows theagesof116Italianbornwomenregisteredasenemyaliensin

NewSouthWalesafterItalydeclaredwarontheAlliedforces.

AGE NUMBEROFWOMEN

UNDER20 18
Table3:
Agesof116Italianbornwomenlivingin 2029 33
NewSouthWalesduringtheSecond
3039 35
WorldWar.
4049 16
5059 5
OVER60 9

TheresearchshowstherewasanincreaseinmigrationofItalianwomentoNewSouthWalesbetween

1933 and 1940. The map below illustrates the areas from which these women originated. Many

migrated from southern regions of Italy, such as Molfetta in the Province of Bari, Lipari Islands near

SicilyandCaulonia,locatedintheProvinceofReggioCalabria.

P a g e | 187


Figure69:MapofItaly

N.Randazzo,andM.
Cigler,TheItaliansin

Australia.Melbourne:
AEPress,1987,p.8.

Mostwomenexaminedinthisstudywereintheagegroupsoftwentytwentynineandthirtythirty

nine. The youngest woman affected by the Aliens Control Regulations was sixteen year old Carmela

Agostino, born in Caolonia, Italy and arrived in Sydney in October 1931.13 Teresa Melloco was the

13
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,24August1940.SeeAgostino,Carmela
(Italian)[Box153].C123/15260,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 188

eldest Italian woman who registered as an alien at 78 years old. Teresa arrived in Australia in

November1925fromToppo,Italy.14

This study also shows that their fertility rate was fairly low, with average family size of one three

children.ThisfollowsthenationaltrendofsmallerfamiliesinAustraliafromthe1920s.In1922,atotal

of55,170birthswererecordedinAustralia.Thisfiguredroppedcontinuouslyduringthedepressionin

the 1930s. For example, in 1939, a total of 48,003 births were recorded. It was only as economic

conditionsimprovedthatthebirthratefiguresslightlyincreased.15

Fromthe116filesthatwereexamined,eightyninewomenweremarriedandfourwerewidows.The

high numbers of those married may have been the result of the important role that the Catholic

Church played in womens upbringing in Italy. In addition, divorce in Australia remained socially

unacceptableduringtheearlytwentiethcenturyandunacceptabletotheCatholicChurch.16

DuetothelackofspecificdataavailableonItalianwomensemploymentduring19201940,anumber

ofhypothesesweremadebyAngelaDianaabouttheeconomicroleofItalianwomen.17Sheassumed

that women shared the work in a range of male occupations such as working in fruit shops,

14
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 30 July 1940. See Melloco, Teresa
(Italian)[Box209].C123/17030,NAA,Sydney.
15
SeeW.Vamplewet.al.,Australians:HistoricalStatistics.Broadway:Fairfax,SymeandWeldonAssociates,1987,p.51.
16
In1933,numberofdivorcesrecordedwas1954.Thisnumberincreasedto7213in1945.Itwasnotuntilthe1960sthat
divorcebecamemuchmorebroadlyacceptable.SeeVamplew,Australians:HistoricalStatistics,47and43.
17
A.Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia.Affarisocialiinternazional,Volume16,IssueNo.2,1988,p.66.
P a g e | 189

restaurants,andboardinghouses,aswellasdoingthehouseworkandchildrearing.18Marriedwomen

fromthisstudywhowereinpaidworkcorrespondwithDianasconclusions.

Onlyelevenofthesemarriedwomenwereinpaidworkduringthewarandonewomanhadworked

beforetheyweremarried.Themajorityofthequestionnaireformsemphasizedthefactthatwomen

were not employed, and authorities made it clear by stating that their occupation involved home

duties or domestic duties. If they were not specific enough, authorities would ask for a more

completeanswer.Twentyonewomenweresingleandsevenofthemwereinpaidwork.Somewomen

workedasdressmakers,machinistsortypistsandperformeddomesticdutiesforothers.Whilethisis

notdissimilartotherolesandexpectationsofAustralianbornwomenwithinAustraliansocietyatthe

time,thereislittledoubtthatItalianwomenhadspecificproblemsduetotheirethnicity,languageand

culture.

CinderellasoftheImmigrationProgramme

Franca Arena argued that women have been the cinderellas of the immigration programme, who

were brought out here against their will and have been mobile and invisible; their domestic labour

contributionnotcountedandtheirpaidlabourviewedasmarginal.19Anexampleofthiswasevident

inanaccountbyItalianmigrant,MariaPaoloni,whoin1937,wasforcedtoliveinAustralia

18
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.75.
19
Noi donne ItaloAustraliane : documenti del primo congresso dell' Associazione donne ItaloAustraliane sul contributo
delledonneItaloAustralianeallasocieta'Australiana,Sydney26Ottobre1985,Melbourne27Ottobre1985=proceedings
ofthefirstcongressofItaloAustralianwomenonthecontributionofItalianAustralianwomentoAustraliansociety,Sydney
26thOctober,1985,Melbourne27thOctober,1985.Melbourne:ItaloAustralianWomen'sAssociation,1986,p.22.
P a g e | 190

IdidnotwanttocometoAustraliaThedecisiontoemigratewasheartbreakingandIwouldnt
have had the strength to take it except for the hope of an early return homeMy most vivid
memoryisofthesecrettearsIshedaloneinmycabin,thinkingthateverydaywastakingme
furtherfrommynativeland.20

AccordingtoDiana,thegeneralpatternformigrationwasforthemantomigrate,work,save,[and]

return to choose a womanWomen followed their fathers, lovers, husbands, uncles. They rarely, if

ever,beganthemigrationchain.21

InItaly,mostgirlswerenotallowedtoleavehomeassinglewomen.Notonlydidmarriagerepresent

anescapefromtheboredomandrestrictionsofvillagelife,butformany,itwasseenasawayoutof

grindingpoverty.22Itwasdifficulttofindasuitablehusbandbecausealargepercentageofmenhad

emigrated. Italian women who were involved in arranged marriage.23 The father was the moral

guardianresponsibleforhisdaughtersfutureanditwashedecidedwhothedaughterwastomarry.24

Thedecisiontomarrybyproxywasusuallyfollowedbytheexchangeoflettersandphotographs.25This

wasclearlythecasewithItalianbornMartaDePalma.MartawasborninMolfetta,Italyandarrivedin

SydneyinJune1940.ItwasspecifiedonMartasquestionnairethatshewasaresidentinAustraliafor

aperiodoftwomonthsonly,andshestatedthatduringthistimeshehasonlyleftthehouseontwo
20
A. M. KahanGuidi and E. Weiss et al., Give me strength/Forza e coraggio: Italian Australian women speak. Sydney,
Broadway:WomensRedressPressInc,1989,p.65.
21
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.66.
22
J.Church,PerlAustralia:TheStoryofItalianMigration.Melbourne:TheMiegunyahPress,2005,p.26.
23
S.B.Wardrop,ByProxy:AStudyofItalianProxyBridesinAustralia.Melbourne:ItalianHistoricalSociety,1996,p.1.This
wasalsoknownasaproxymarriage,whenonepartyatthemarriageceremonyisrepresentedbyasubstituteknownas
proxy.SusanBellawrotethat,thecaseofItalianmigrantstoAustralia,thishasinvariablymeantthatthegroom,unableto
bepresent,hasnominatedanothermantostandinhisplace.[SeeWardrop,ByProxy,p.1].
24
Wardrop,ByProxy,p.1.
25
Wardrop,ByProxy,p.26.
P a g e | 191

occasions,togetmarriedandtothePoliceStation,toregisterasanalien.26Itwasfurthernotedthat

shecametoAustraliatomarryherpresenthusbandCarloDePalmawhomshehadneverseen,but

hadcorrespondedwithbymeansofphotographs.27

Nevertheless,thepatriarchalcontrolthatwasexpressedtowardssinglewomenalsoappliedtomarried

women. Italianborn Gina Tommasso, who was single, migrated to Australia from Italy in 1933. Two

yearslater,GinamarriedandsettledinPunchbowl,southwestofSydneyandhadtwochildren,Maria

and Paolo. There were not many people of Italian descent living in the area, only those who owned

fruitshops,marketgardensandpoultryfarmsintheoutlyingareasanddistricts.Bothchildrenwere

determined to learn English at school. However, it was more difficult for their mother to learn,

especiallywhilebeingathomeandhavingverylittlecontactwithAustralians.Afterthewarhadended,

Ginawasratherenviousofsomeofthepostwarmigrantsgoingtoworkwhowereenjoyingmeeting

peopleandbringinghomemoney.28HerdaughterMariawrotethat:

Irememberoverhearingherhalfjokingthatsheshouldalsogetajob.Myfatherwasveryoffendedand
shenevermentioneditagain.Inmyfathersera,itwasacceptedthatthehusbandwasthebreadwinner
anditwasaninsulttohimifhecouldnotbethesuccessfulproviderforthefamily.29

ItalianWomenonParole

Italianwomenwerefurtherisolatedasaresultoftheirhusbandsbeinginternedandtheregistration

processwhichcategorizedthemastheenemy.Clause5(1)oftheAliensControlRegulations,declared

26
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,13July1940.SeeCiccolella,MartaorDe
Palma,Maria(Italian)[Box84].C123/13278,NAA,Sydney.
27
SeeCiccolella,MartaorDePalma,Maria(Italian)[Box84].C123/13278,NAA,Sydney.
28
GinaTommaso,Correspondence.10April2009.ApseudonymwasusedforGinaandherfamilyupontherequestofthe
interviewee.
29
GinaTommaso,Correspondence.10April2009.
P a g e | 192

that every alien resident in Australia at the commencement of these Regulations shall, unless he is

exempted or deemed to be exempted by or under these Regulations, register himself as an alien in

accordancewiththeseRegulations.30

As noted in Chapter One, enemy aliens were required to report to their ARO at the nearest police

station on a weekly basis.31 For some, this proved to be a difficult task. Sixtysix year old Italian

migrant, Nicolina Angimeri, who lived at the corner of Mimosa Road and Prairie Vale Road, Bossley

Park, a suburb of Sydney, was required to report each week to the Smithfield Police Station

(approximately5kmaway).NicolinahadtotravelbybuseachSaturdayaccompaniedbyhergrandson.

Thebusfareswereabigexpenseforher.However,thegreatestdifficultywasthefactthatshehadto

walkamilefromherhomeinordertoreachthebusandanothermileafterleavingthebustoreach

the Police Station.32 Some locals were concerned about this and provided assistance. The Hon.

SecretaryoftheBossleyParkProgressAssociation,MrsF.Goldie,suggestedthat,perhapsitcouldbe

arrangedthatthisladyreporttothelocalPostOfficer,oreventoalocalJusticeofthePeace.33

30
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmadeunder
Commonwealth Acts During the Year 1939. Also Prerogative Orders, etc., with Tables and Index. L. F. Johnston,
CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939,p.406.
31
Incaseswherenothingwasadverselyknownagainsttheenemyalien,orunlesstheAROknewsomegoodreasonwhy
suchshouldnotbedone,theperiodofreportingwasextendedtoonceamonth.AccordingtoLamidey,thesereportscould
bemadeanytime,includingnighttimeonweeknights.Hearguedthatpoliceappreciatedthedecision.Itwasneverthe
intentionthataliensshouldtaketimeofffromworktoreport,particularlyinviewofthemanpowershortage.SeeLamidey,
AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.14.
32
LetterfromF.GoldietoMrF.HillM.L.A,ParliamentHouse,Sydney,19May1942.SeeAngimeri,Nicolina(Italian)[Box
78].C123/13113,NAA,Sydney.
33
LetterfromF.GoldietoMrF.HillM.L.A,ParliamentHouse,Sydney,19May1942.SeeAngimeri,Nicolina(Italian)[Box
78].C123/13113,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 193

AnotherItalianwomanwhowasunabletoreportperiodicallytotheAROwasCaterinaFuda.Caterina

wasthirtyeightyearsoldwhensheregisteredasanenemyalienandwasmarriedwithfourchildren.

Duringthewar,CaterinaandherfamilylivedinUltimo,Sydneyanditwasreportedbyauthoritiesthat

MrsFuda

isthemotheroffoursmallchildrenandisunabletoobtaintheservicesofanypersontomindthemwhilst
sheattendstheCentralAliensBureautoreportperiodically.Unlessthereisanythingofanadversenature
onrecordinyourServiceagainstthisalien,itisrecommendedforfavourableconsiderationthatshebe
exemptfromperiodicalreportingattheCentralAliensBureau.34

Evidently there were many women who found it difficult to report on a weekly basis to the ARO.

Fortunately,forCaterinaandNicolina,therewasnoobjection.35

Figure70:NicolinaAngimeri

NicolinaAngimeri[Italian
arrivedSydneyper
ROMOLO,Oct.1936.Box
133].SP11/2
Italian/AngimeriN,NAA,
Sydney.

34
Report from Commissioner of Police to Deputy Director of Security of NSW, 10 August 1944. See Fuda nee Panetta,
Caterina(ItaliannaturalisedBritishsubject)[box61].C123/12759,NAA,Sydney.
35
ResposefromDeputyDiirectorofSecurityofNewSouthWalestoCotmmissionerofPolice,16August1944.SeeFuda
nee Panetta, Caterina (Italian naturalised British subject) [box 61]. C123/1 2759, NAA, Sydney and Angimeri, Nicolina
(Italian)[Box78].C123/13113,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 194

Those excluded from parole included Italian women whose nationality changed upon marriage. For

example, Maria Epifanis, who was born on the island of Crete, in Greece and arrived in Australia in

February1940,wasconsideredfavorablybyauthorities.MariabecameanItalianwhenshemovedto

Assimina,inItalyin1924.However,shemarriedGreeknational,KirlacoJohnEpifanis,anditwasstated

onherquestionnaireformthatitwasnotnecessaryforMariatosignaparoleformbecauseasaresult

ofhermarriage,shewasNowGreek.36Authoritiesstatedthat

althoughthiswomanbecameanItaliansubjectin1924wehavenodoubtsheremainedaGreekatheart.
OnherarrivalinAustraliasheremainedaGreekandonquestioninghershemaintainsthatshehasalways
beenaGreekandrefusestoadmitherformernationality.ApparentlyhasnoloveforItalyorItalians.We
donotthinkitnecessarytorestrictthiswomansmovements.
37

Figure 71: MariaEpifanis



MariaEpifanis[formerlymacli][Italian
arrivedAustraliaperREMO,c.1940.Box
141].SP11/2ItalianEpifanisM,NAA,Sydney.

36
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,1June1940.SeeEpifanis[neeMacli],
Maria(Italian)[Greekbymarriage][Box101].C123/13686,NAA,Sydney.
37
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,1June1940.SeeEpifanis[neeMacli],
Maria(Italian)[Greekbymarriage][Box101].C123/13686,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 195

On17November1944,MariachangedhernationalitytoGreek,whichmeantthatshewasclassifiedas

anAlliedalien.38ThismeantthatMariawasstillaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations,butnotto

thesameextentasthoseregisteredasenemyaliens(seeAppendixOne).

Thewomansplacewasonlyinthehome

DuringtheSecondWorldWar,ItaliancommunitiesinAustraliawerepatriarchal,wherethehusband

wasconsideredheadofthefamily,anditwashewhorepresentedthefamilytotheoutsideworld.39

ThisparticularaspectofItalianculturehadanimpactonItalianwomenlivinginAustralia.Forinstance,

on20January1942,thirtythreeyearoldAngelicaMunarin,whoarrivedinAustraliain1935andlived

in Surry Hills during the war, received a letter from her father, who at the time was living in

Melbourne.

Figure72:
AngelicaMunarin

AngelicaMunarin[Italianarrived
SydneyperCITTADEGENOVA,20
Dec1935.Box148].SP11/2
Italian/MunarinA,NAA,Sydney

38
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,1June1940.SeeEpifanis[neeMacli],
Maria(Italian)[Greekbymarriage][Box101].C123/13686,NAA,Sydney.
39
N.RandazzoandM.Cigler,TheItaliansinAustralia.Melbourne:AEPress,1987,p.163.
P a g e | 196

Authoritiesinterceptedtheletter,whichwasthentranslatedintotheformofapoeticletter,poemand

tenproverbs

1. Loveandrespectyourparentsifyouwishpeopletoloveandhonouryou.
2. Youmusthelpyourparents,thisistheaccountwhichyouhavetopay.
3. LoveandhonouryourparentssaidChristinhiscommandments.
4. Succouralwaysthosewhogaveyoulifeandexistencewillbepleadingtoyou.
5. Youmaythinktohideyourevildoing,butthenyouwillshowitofyourself.
6. Tokilliscertainlyagreatevil,butmoralkillingismoreserious.
7. Goodnessandbeautyareriches.
8. Beautywithoutgoodnessisaflowerwithoutvalue.
9. Doyouwishtogainmeritfromanembrace?
40
10. Itisgoodnessalonewhichcontainsinitselfallgoodness.

Fourteen years had elapsed since he had last seen his daughter and in his letter, he reasserted the

significanceoftheroleinwhichhisdaughterwassupposedtotakepart.Evidently,thefirstprioritywas

totakecareoftheparents.

Life for Italian women, particularly those who lived on farms, was often difficult. Many women

enduredloneliness,longhoursofhardwork,andlookedaftertheextendedfamily.41AccordingtoNino

Randazzo and Michael Cigler, the womans place was only in the home an attitude most Italian

woman had always believed in.42 The greatest hostility against Italians was based on Australians

disapprovalofhowItalianwomenseemedtobetreatedbytheirmen.43Dianaconcludedthattension

existedduetotheopposingculturalvalues:ItaliansthinkingAustralianwomenleduseless,idlelives,

andAustraliansthinkingthatItalianwomenwerevirtuallyslaves.44

40
Copy of letter from A. Costa translated by authorities, 25 February 1942. See Munarin, Angelica (Italian) [box 64].
C123/12822,NAA,Sydney.
41
RandazzoandCigler,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.165.
42
RandazzoandCigler,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.165.
43
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.74.
44
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.74.
P a g e | 197

This isolation meant that it was even more difficult for many women to learn English and not being

abletospeakEnglishmadeitharderforthemtoliveinAustralia.Duringthewar,Italianwomenwere

unabletodothesimplestchoreswithouttheadversityoftheAliensControlRegulations.Forinstance,

many found it difficult to do the shopping. In Italy, it was considered an opportunity for women to

socialize with other women from their local community. In Australia, however, they could not make

themselvesunderstood.45TherestrictionsimposedonItalianwomenmadethesituationworse,with

most women unable to communicate with local authorities and adhere to the Aliens Control

Regulations.AcomplaintwasmadetowardthirtytwoyearoldFrancescaZiinowhoarrivedinAustralia

in1937fromLipari,Italy,regardingherconduct.However,authoritiesconcludedthatshespeaksvery

littleEnglish,andfrom herconversationwearesatisfied that sheisnotwelleducated anddoesnot

understandthenatureofthecomplaintassheisalwaysathomeandneverleavestheplace.46

Italian women were generally excluded from Australian society. They spoke no English and had few

Australianfriends.Thiswasacommonthemeinthemajorityofthefilesexaminedinthisthesis.Onthe

questionnaireformofseventyoneyearoldItalianmigrantfromEastwood,MariaBarbuto,authorities

wrotethatsheresidesonafarmwithhermarrieddaughterandsoninlaw,whoarenaturalized.She

never leaves the farm and is in no way antiBritish or subversive. She cannot speak the English

45
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.76.
46
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 17 July 1940. See Ziino [Zeeno],
Francesca(Italian)[3pages;box36].C123/12074,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 198

language.47AnotherexampleincludedthirtynineyearoldMariaFrancescaTraino,wholivedinEast

Sydneyduringthewar.Itwasalsostatedon Mariasquestionnaireformthatshehadnoassociates

otherthanherhusbandandchildren,hasnoplacetofrequent,andveryseldomgoesoutasshesuffers

frombadsight.48

Figure73:MariaBarbuto

MariaBarbuto[Italian

arrivedSydneyperSS
PALERMO,23Jan1926.Box
134].SP11/2
Italian/BarbutoM,NAA,
Sydney.

ItisimportanttonotethatbecauseoftheisolationexperiencedbymanyItalianwomen,authorities

wereconvincedthatfromanationalsecuritypointofviewtherewasnoneedtotakeanyactionthat

would restrict their movements. Italian Francesca Culmone arrived in Australia in 1938 and lived at

Bonnyrigg, in western Sydney, where she assisted her father, Battista Culmone, on the farm. It was

stated on her questionnaire form by authorities that she was a harmless hard working type of

person.49 Maria Melara arrived in Australia two months before Italy entered the war in June 1940.

47
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 30 August 1940. See Barbuto, Maria
[Italain][Box247].C123/18289,NAA,Sydney.
48
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 16 July 1940. See Traino, Maria
Francesca(Italian)[Box97].C123/13597,NAA,Sydney.
49
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 27 August 1940. See Culmone,
Francesca[Italian][Box260].C123/18720,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 199

MariaresidedatDarlinghurstwithhersisterandworkedasamachinist.Mariatoldauthoritiesthatshe

could not speak English very well and that she has nofriends other than her sister [and on]

returninghomefromworkeachday,shegoestobed.50

MariaTesorieroalsospentmostofherlifehousebound.MariaarrivedinAustraliain1937andresided

at Enmore with her husband and three children. When Maria was required to complete her

questionnaireforminAugust1940,itwasstatedbyauthoritiesthatshehasnotbeenoutsinceItaly

declaredwar,thereforetherewasnoneedforauthoritiestofurtherrestricthermovementsfroma

securitypointofview.51

RestrictedtoTravel

The Aliens Control Regulations were also concerned with the travel and movements of aliens and

enemy aliens. Italianborn Kathleen Demento was thirty years old when she arrived in Australia in

1936.Duringthewar,KathleenlivedateighteenStephenStreet,inEastSydneywithherhusbandand

her one child and was occupied with household duties. In January 1941, Kathleen and her husband,

FrancescoDemento,failedtoregisterwhentheymovedtolivein98BourkeStreet,EastSydney.The

Demento family had been living at their new address for nine to ten days and did not report the

changewithinthesevendaysafteracquiringanewplaceofresidency.52Whenaskedbyauthoritiesthe

50
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,18August1940.SeePerri(neeMelara),
Maria(ItaliannaturalisedBritishsubject)[Box81].C123/13198,NAA,Sydney.SeeTesoriero,Maria[Italian][Box186].
C123/16377,NAA,Sydney.
51
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,15August1940.
52
Copy of reportto Commissioner of Police, W.J.M,31January 1941. SeeDemento,Kathleen(Italian)[box 58]. C123/1
2703,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 200

reason behind failing to register, they responded by claiming that they were busy working in their

shop.53However,authoritiesthoughtotherwise,andreportedthattheDementofamily

have a daughter of about 15 years of age who speaks English quite well and who looks after the fruit
businesswhichthealiensrunforthegreaterpartofthedayandtheexcuseofferedbytheAliensisnot
reasonable.54

Consequently,bothFrancescoandKathleenwereprosecutedon28February1941andwerefined2

with8/costs,whichwasasignificantamountofmoney.55

Figure74:KathleenDemento Figure 75: FrancescoDemento



KathleenDEMENTONationality: FrankDEMENTONationality:Italian
ItalianArrivedSydneyperVIMINALE ArrivedSydneyperPALERMO23Dec
30Sep1936[Box42].SP11/5 1926[Box42].SP11/5DEMENTO,
DEMENTO,KATHLEEN,NAA,Sydney. FRANK,NAA,Sydney.

53
Copy of reportto Commissioner of Police, W.J.M,31January 1941. SeeDemento,Kathleen(Italian)[box 58]. C123/1
2703,NAA,Sydney.
54
Copy of reportto Commissioner of Police, W.J.M,31January 1941. SeeDemento,Kathleen(Italian)[box 58]. C123/1
2703,NAA,Sydney.
55
Copy of reportto Commissioner of Police, W.J.M,31January 1941. SeeDemento,Kathleen(Italian)[box 58]. C123/1
2703,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 201

Another example of an Italian woman affected by the control of travel and movement of the Aliens

ControlRegulationswasMariaSchinella.MarialeftMelbourneon27April1940andmovedtoBroken

Hillon1May1940.Fiveweekspasseduntilauthoritiesfoundoutaboutthemove.Whenaskedwhy

shefailedtoreporttothepolicestationwithinthesevendaysuponarrival,Mariarepliedthatshedid

not know that she had to report. It was concluded by authorities that Mrs Schinella is twenty four

yearsofageandenteredtheCommonwealthon19November1928.ShespeaksEnglishfairlywelland

inmyopinionissufficientlyeducatedtounderstandtherequirementsofherregistrationasanalien.56

Asaresult,MariawasinbreachofSection16(1)and(4)oftheAliensControlRegulationsandfined5

and8/costsoneachcount.57

ItalianwomencouldnotescapetheeffectsoftheAliensControlRegulationsenforcedbyauthorities

regardlessofhowmanyyearstheyhadbeenlivinginAustralia.MariaSchinellawasonlytwelveyears

oldwhenshearrivedinAustraliaandhadbeenlivinginAustraliafortwelveyearswhensheregistered

as an alien. In spite of this, Maria was still subject to the Aliens Control Regulations and suffered

through therestraintsthatwereplacedonher traveland movement.Anotherexamplewas seventy

one year old Oisola Giacco, born in Pargiolia, Italy, and arrived in Australia in 1900. Despite the fact

56
Report to Inspector of Police, Broken Hill, 6 June 1940. See Schinella, Maria (naturalised British subject [previously]
Italian)[Box326].C123/110530,NAA,Sydney.
57
Report to Inspector of Police, Broken Hill, 6 June 1940. See Schinella, Maria (naturalised British subject [previously]
Italian)[Box326].C123/110530,NAA,Sydney.NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRuleno.88of1939,
Regulation16(4)statedthatanalienshall,withinsevendaysafteracquiringanewplaceofabode,attendinpersonbefore
thealiensregistrationofficernearesttohisnewplaceofabode,andbringwithhimhiscertificateofregistration.[National
Security(AliensControl)Regulations,p.411].
P a g e | 202

thatshehadbeenlivinginAustraliaforthirtynineyears,Oisolawasrequiredtoregisterasanenemy

alienandwassubjecttotheAliensControlRegulations.58

Impossibletoliveonsuchcircumstances:economicrepercussionsofflegislation

At the outbreak of the Second World War, Italians who were already registered as aliens and were

reclassified as enemy aliens when Italy entered the war. Of the 12,764 Italians registered as enemy

aliens during the war, 4,727 of them were interned by 31 March 1944.59 A total of 3,386 of those

registeredwereItalianwomenorAustralianbornwomenwholosttheirBritishnationalityasaresult

oftheirmarriagetoanItaliannational.

Consequently,manywomenlivinginNewSouthWalesexperiencedhardshipandlonelinesswhiletheir

husband,brother,father,orsonwereabsent.TheeconomicimpactthattheAliensControlRegulations

had on Italians in Australia was discussed by Margaret Bevege who referred to research concerning

ItaliansinQueenslandconductedbyW.DBorriein1951.Borriesuggestedthatthelackofbitternessof

theseexinterneeswastheresultofthecaretakenofthefarmsbytheirwives.60Bevegeconcluded

thattheeconomicsecuritytheyhadsoughtbymigrationwasbasicallyundisturbed,andtheyregarded

the low yields of 19423 as a temporary setback.61 This may have been the case for some Italian

familiesresidinginruralQueensland;however,manywomeninthisstudyshowthattheAliensControl

58
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,17July1940.SeeGiacco,Oisola(Italian)
[box62].C123/12794,NAA,Sydney.
59
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.52andAppendixA.
60
M.Bevege,BehindBarbedWire:InternmentinAustraliaduringWorldWarII.St.Lucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,
1993,p.234
61
Bevege,BehindBarbedWire,p.234.
P a g e | 203

Regulationshelpeddiminishbusinessesandhomes.Afterthemainincomeearnerwastakenawayto

internment,economicsecuritynolongerexisted.Infact,manyItalianwomenandAustralianwomen

marriedtoItalianmenpleadedwithauthoritiestobeinternedwiththeirhusbandasaresultoftheir

inabilitytosupportthemselves.

MariaMinciottishusbandwasinternedatLoveday,SouthAustralia.MariaarrivedinSydneyin1919

and on 16 December 1940, Maria and her two children were forced to vacate their property at

Molong,inruralNewSouthWales.Mariascashassistancefromthewelfaredepartmentwascutoffby

authoritiesbecauseshewaslivingwithherparents.62InanumberoflettersthatwerewrittentoPolice

Headquarters, Maria pleaded that her family could not manage without any cash assistance. On 10

October1941,Mariawrotetoauthoritiesthatinaperiodoffifteenmonthsshehadreceivedonlyone

lotofclothingallowance,andthattheallowanceshewasreceivingperfortnightwasnotenoughfor

hertwochildren,whoatthetimewereattendingschool:

The only cash allowance I receive is 10/ per fortnight and 2 3 in relief per fortnight. I receive no
allowanceforrent,tomyknowledgethemilitaryisresponsibleformyHusbandsinternment;andifthe
governmentcannotassistmeinmorecashallowance,Ithinkitstimemyhusbandwasreleasedsohecan
provide for his children and myself in a superior way than the present allowance, trusting this is quite
63
clear,awaitingsatisfactory[answer]atyourearliest.

Authorities rejected her letter and one month later, Maria wrote another letter, claiming that her

familycouldnotsurvivewithoutcashassistancefromtheCommonwealthGovernment

...IunderstandthatcashassistancecannotbegrantedtomeormytwochildrenasIm[Im]living
withmy parents.Willyoupleasenotethatmyparentshavenothingwhatsoevertodowithmeormytwo

62
LetterfromCaptainofIntelligenceSection,EasternCommand,G.H.V.NewmantoMariaMinciotti,29November1941.
SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
63
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,10October1941.SeeMinciotti,Maria
(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 204

children, I have five shillings per week sent to pay, and at present [Im indebt] to my parents for twenty
weeks rent. that the only cash assistance [Ive] received since in Goulburn has been tenshillings per
fortnight, can anyone possibly pay rent and provide for two children on the mentioned amount. [Also] I
would like to point to you that my two children are going to school and wear out more than the cash
assistance in leather alone. I have asked from time after time for my Husbands release, but have being
[been] informed that his internment must continue. So therefore I demand full support apart from your
food relief I want cash assistance, please oblige by letting me know what justices is there for my two
children,an[answer]willbeveryacceptable,asmytwochildrenaretooyoungtorealisethecircumstances
anditsmydutytosee,thattheygetthefullsupportthatallBritishbornchildrenreceive.Idonotthink[Im]
beingselfish,allIaskisjusticesmymarriedlifehasbeingbrokenupbytheMilitaryAuthorityThereforeI
askforsomeotherarrangementstobemade,as[Im]feduptotheneckoftryingtoliveontheallowanceI
receive.Trustingthisisplainenough[Ive]alreadyexperiencedsixteenmonthsofthislifeanditfeels[like]
64
sixteenyears.Soawaitingyourreplysoonaspossible,pleasedontdelay.

Despite her desperate plea, authorities continued to reject her appeal, claiming that further cash

assistancewasnotnecessarybecauseMariaandherchildrenwerelivingwithherparents.65Thefact

thatshe wasthereunwillingly andthatshewasreceivingnofinancialsupportfromherparentswas

irrelevant.

Threemonthslater,Mariapersistedthatherhusbandbereleasedtosupporthisfamily.Shewrotethat

shewasunabletoworkduetobadhealth,andthat

fairisfair,asIknowofacertainpersonthathas[been]releasedandisatpresentemployedinthistown
andhasnochildrentosupport,soallIaskiswouldyoukindlybegoodenoughtoseeintomyHusbands
caseasIcannotliveonthedolealone.
66

On20March1942,Minciottihadenduredenoughofauthoritiesignoringherpleaandwrotealetter

claimingthatshehadnootherchoicebuttoaskfortheinternmentofherselfandherchildren,stating

64
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,1November1941.SeeMinciotti,Maria
(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
65
LetterfromCaptainofIntelligenceSectionofEasternCommand,G.H.NewmantoMariaMinciotti,29November1941.
SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
66
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,28January1942.SeeMinciotti,Maria
(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 205

that it was impossible for her to live on such circumstances.67 The authorities continued to ignore

Mariasdilemmaandrejectedherrequesttobeinterned.68

Mariashusband,NellaValdoMinciotti,waseventuallyreleasedfrominternment,butheremainedin

SouthAustraliaunderthecontroloftheAlliedWorksCouncil(AWC).69InAugust1943,Mariaapplied

forapermittotraveltoSouthAustraliatobewithherhusbandandwroteanotherlettertotheDeputy

DirectorofSecurity,whichstatedshewouldliketodrawtheattentiontothefactthatmyhusband

and I have been separated for three years on no fault of our own which no doubt is understood.70

MariaalsowrotethatherhusbandhadahousereadyforherandthechildrentomoveintoinSouth

Australia.71PermissionforMariatotravelwasrejectedbyauthorities,andofferedthealternativethat

herhusbandmovebacktoSydneyandacceptemploymentintheCivilAliensCorps(CAC),asubsidiary

oftheAWC.72Overwhelmedbythenumberoflettersthatwerewritteninresponsetothis,authorities

67
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,20March1942.SeeMinciotti,Maria
(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.Despiteherrequestforcashassistance,inherlettersfromtheDepartmentof
Social Services, the Officer in Charge reminded Minciotti to include prepaid postage in all her letters to the department.
See, for example, letter from Officer in Charge, Military Intelligence Section to Maria Minciotti, 7 February 1941. See
Minciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
68
MemorandumfromCaptainofIntelligenceSectionofEasternCommand,G.H.NewmantoTheDepartmentofCharitable
Relief,25March1942.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
69
Copy of letter sent from Deputy Director of Security for New South Wales to Maria Minciotti, 8 September 1943. See
Minciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
70
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheDeputyDirectorofNationalSecurity,24August1943.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)
[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
71
LetterfromMariaMinciottitofromDeputyDirectorofSecurityinNSW,3November1943.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)
[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
72
LetterfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityinSouthAustraliatoDeputyDirectorofSecurityinSydney,15November1943.
SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 206

finally approved Marias application to move to South Australia in November 1943.73 Marias

persistencepaidoff.However,inmostcasesItalianwomenwerenotsounrelenting.

The Aliens Control Regulations impeded every aspect of Italian womens lives. Sometimes ordinary,

everydaydutiessuchasshoppingrequiredthecrossingofpolicedistricts.Inorderforenemyaliensto

dothis,anapplicationformtoacquireatravelpermitwasexpectedtobeprocessedbyauthorities.74

Special permits were issued on a monthly basis in cases of medical or educational reasons to move

outsidethepolicedistrict.75OneexamplewasBoncaldoVincenzaFazzolarifromBalranald,inwestern

New South Wales, who was seriously ill and had to obtain a permit in order to get treatment in

Melbourne.BoncaldoshusbandAntoniowastoaccompanyhertoMelbournebecauseshecouldnot

speak English and it would have been difficult for her to make arrangements.76 Boncaldo Vincenza

applied for the permit in March 1945, which clearly showed that Italian women continued to be

victimizedevenafterItalyhadsurrenderedtotheAlliedforcesinSeptember1943.

73
MemorandumfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityinNewSouthWalestoDeputyDirectorofSecurityforSouthAustralia,26
November1943.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.AuthoritiesstatedthatMariaMinciotti
hastwochildrenwhomshehastomaintainonanamountof2perweek,allowedherbyherhusband.Asaresult,sheis
financially embarrassed and particularly desires the opportunity of traveling to Port Augusta where a home is available.
Copy of Letter from the Deputy Director of Security for New South Wales to the Deputy Director of Security for South
Australiaon8October1943.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
74
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.9.
75
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.9.
76
LettertoPoliceDepartmentinSydneyfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityofNSW,SergeantJamesF.Scott,19March1945.
SeeFazzolari,BoncaldoVincenza(Italian)[Box126].C123/14389,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 207

ProhibitedPossessionsOrder

The severity of the Prohibited Possessions Order imposed upon Italian women through the Aliens

Control Regulations is illustrated in a number of dossiers examined for this thesis. All women were

required to hand over any wireless sets or any other apparatus that were prohibited to their local

police station and such equipment was confiscated throughout the duration of the war. Many were

foundguiltyofbeinginbreachofClause22oftheAliensControlRegulationsandwererequiredtopay

afineinadditiontocourtcosts.Policeofficershadthepowertoobtainsearchwarrantsandconduct

searchesofanypropertyatanygiventime.

The prosecutions relied only on the statements given by local police officers. Many investigators

claimedthatthewomenprosecutedwereunawareoftheAliensControlRegulations.Thiswasoftena

resultoftheirinabilitytoreadorwriteEnglish.Countlessfilesexaminedforthisstudyrevealedthose

whoownedawirelessthatwerenotinuseandstoredawaywerestillprosecuted.Therewereeven

casesofwomenbeingprosecutedbecausetheywereinpossessionofafaultywirelessthatwasalso

storedaway.InJuly1943, thefascist Government in ItalycollapsedafterMussolini wasoverthrown.

Twomonthslater,ItalysignedanarmisticewiththeAllies.77Asthewarsituationbegantoimprove,the

relaxingoftheadministrativecontrolsoveralienswasjustified.However,inspiteofthis,Italiansliving

in Australia were still affected by the Aliens Control Regulations. For instance, twenty two year old

ItalianmigrantMartaDePalmaarrivedinAustraliain1940andlivedinEastSydneyduringthewar.In

July1942,MartawasinbreachoftheAliensControlRegulationsafterauthoritiesfoundherwireless

77
R. Stromberg,EuropeintheTwentiethCentury:FourthEdition.NewJersey: PrenticeHall,Upper Saddle River, 1997, p.
263.
P a g e | 208

setinthepossessionofanotherItalian.Martawasfined2and9/courtcostsandauthoritiestook

possessionofthewireless.78

On18 December 1944, Martawrote aletterto theDirectorofPostsandTelegraphs in Sydney,Jack

Malone,askingforthereturnoftheradioset.ShewroteinItalian

WhenImovedfromSydneytoEastwoodearlylastyear,Ihadntthespacetoaccommodateallmyfurniture,
andarrangedforsomeofit,includingmyradioset,tobekeptatafriendshomeuntilsuchtimeasIcould
accommodateitmyself.Theradiowasdisconnectedandhadonevalvemissing.Itwasnotashortwaveset,
andcould not receive overseas news.AsI amunableto read, write or speak English, Idid notknowthat
therewasaregulationwherebyallaliens hadtohandintheirradios,andthereforedidnotdoso.InJuly
1943,Ireceivedasummons,aftermyradio hadbeentakenfrommebypolice officers,andinDecember
had to go to Court and pay a fineI have heard that you are now returning confiscated radios to their
owners and should appreciate it if you will favourably consider my application to have mine returned to
me.
79

Despite the fact that the war situation had improved for the Allied forces, Martas request for the

returnofherradiosetwasrefusedanditwasneverreturned.80

Rita Contore was one of the many Italian women who suffered humiliation through the Prohibited

Possessions Order. Rita arrived in Sydney in 1924 and lived with her parents at Wetherill Park.

Authorities reported that they found a morse code transmitter owned by Rita and when she was

interviewed,itwasstatedthatshehadmadeanapplicationtojointheWomansSignalingCorps.81

78
Report written by Leonard William Pratt, 27 July 1942. See Ciccolella, Marta or De Palma, Marta (Italian) [Box 84].
C123/13279,NAA,Sydney.
79
Copy of translated letter written to Director of Posts and Telegraphs in Sydney, Jack Malone, 18 December 1944. See
Ciccolella,MartaorDePalma,Marta(Italian)[Box84].C123/13279,NAA,Sydney.
80
CopyofletterwrittenbyDirectorofPostsandTelegraphsinSydney,JackMalonetoMartaDePalma,2January1945.See
Ciccolella,MartaorDePalma,Marta(Italian)[Box84].C123/13279,NAA,Sydney.
81
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,30August1940.SeeZadro[formerly]
Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 209

DespitethefactthatRitalivedinAustraliaforfifteenyears,herapplicationwasrefusedbecauseshe

wasanalien.82RitaproducedabooktoauthoritiescalledLifeBuoyHobbyBookNo.fiveandreferred

topagetwentythreewhichshoweddirectionstomakingmorsecodesignals.Shetoldauthoritiesthat

themodelwasmadethreeyearsagoandshewasmakingastudyofmorsecodeatthetimeandwas

practicingontheset.Asaresultoftheraid,policeconfiscatedthemorsecodetransmitter.83

The Aliens Control Regulations required aliens to obtain a permit in order to own a motor vehicle

licence.On2March1942,RitaContorewasagaininterviewedbythepoliceregardingthewayinwhich

sheobtainedherdriverslicence.Accordingtothereport,SergeantAshtonaskedher,Beinganenemy

alien are you aware that you should be in possession of written permission from the Military

Authoritiesalso?.HewentonfurthertoaskWhenyoumadeanapplicationforthelicenceinthefirst

instance did you give your correct name? In response to this, Rita replied that she did not give her

correctname,andadmittedtodroppingtheefromContorebecauseitwaseasiertopronounceandI

thoughtthat[it]wouldbeeasiertogetalicenseinthatway.SergeantAshtonremindedRitaofthe

seriousness of the matter, claiming that apart from committing an offence against the National

SecurityRegulationsyougavewronginformationtotheTransportAuthoritiesandliabletopunishment

in that direction. He further stated that the matter would be reported to Authorities.84 Authorities

reportedthematter,butitisnotclearfromthefileswhetherRitawasprosecuted.

82
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,30August1940.SeeZadro[formerly]
Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
83
Report by Thomas Jesse Wilson to MPI Headquarters in Sydney, 14 April 1942. See Zadro [formerly] Contore, Rita
(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
84
Report by Thomas Jesse Wilson to MPI Headquarters in Sydney, 14 April 1942. See Zadro [formerly] Contore, Rita
(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 210

Thefollowingmonth,inApril1942,Ritawassuspectedbyreliableneighboursandthelocalpoliceof

beingapersonpossessingdisloyalandinimicaltendenciesbecauseshewasacloseassociateofall

doubtful Italians in that District, some of whom were interned of recent date.85 After being

interviewedbypolice,itwasreportedthat

she is a frequent visitor to the Liverpool Internment camp, and she admitted to us that she had gone
frequently without first obtaining the necessary permit from the local police. When submitting our
comprehensive reportrelative tothe activities ofItaliansgenerally in those Districts,werecommended
thatthiswomenbeinterned.
86

Rita claimed that she had no idea that she was required to obtain a travel permit when she visited

LiverpoolInternmentCamp.Whenshediscoveredthatsuchapermitwasnecessary,shegotone.87

Itwaslaterfound outbyauthoritiesthatRitafrequentedtheLiverpool InternmentCamptoseeher

boyfriendZadroDavino,whowasinternedforfourmonths.ZadrowasreleasedinMay1942,andlived

in Redfern. He worked in Newtown at the Wholesale Grocery Merchants under the control of the

AWC.88RitaandZadroeventuallygotmarriedandinJune1942Ritaaskedforpermissiontolivewith

ZadroatBossleyPark.However,authoritiesdecidedthatZadroshouldstayathisplaceofresidencyin

Redfern because it was stated on his form of parole that when he was released, he would reside at

Redfernandthathewouldnotatanytimeduringthepresentwarentertheareathroughwhichthe

85
ReportfromSergeantG.G.AshtontoInspectorWatkins,14April1942.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box
243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
86
ReportfromSergeantG.G.AshtontoInspectorWatkins,14April1942.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box
243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
87
ReportonRitaContore,1June1942.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
88
ReportonRitaContore,1June1942.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 211

Sydney Water Channel passes.89 One year later, Zadro was sent to work burning charcoal on the

Mudgee Railway Line. Rita and their seven week old child applied for permission to move closer to

Zadro.Thiswasrefused.Ritawasunabletogetaffordableaccommodationandmadeanapplicationto

live with her mother which was approved.90 There were many Italian women who were adversely

affected by these overbearing Aliens Control Regulations. Most Italian men were working under the

control of the AWC due to the shortage of manpower during the war. Through the Aliens Control

Regulations, the wives of these men were forced to live apart from their husbands, making it even

moredifficultforthemtoacquirethefinancialsupportneededfortheirsurvival.

Therewas,however,specialconsiderationinregardstochangesofresidenceandtravelpermitsgiven

to the wives of enemy aliens who were in the Australian Defence Forces. Naturalized Italians were

accepted for service in the Defence Forces. Noel Lamidey argued that no distinction was made

betweenthewivesofmenworkingunderthecontroloftheAWCandthosewhoservedintheDefence

Forces. There was also no distinction made between the wives of men in Labour Camp, Munition

Factoriesandthelike,wheretheemploymentwasdirectlyconnectedwiththewareffortandinwhich

it was necessary for Zadro to live away from home.91 Lamidey gave the example of two wives who

89
Report from Deputy Director of Security ofNew South Wales, S. C. Taylorto Captain Davis, 4June1942. See Zadro
[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
90
ReportfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityofNewSouthWales,S.C.TaylortoDeputyGeneralofSecurityinCanberra,
10June1943.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
91
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.16.
P a g e | 212

desiredtoresidetogethertoeconomize,theirapplicationshould beconsideredsympatheticallybut

eachcaseshouldbedealtwithonitsmerits.92

Thereweresomecaseswhereregimentationwasrestrictivetoadegreethatsuggestedunnecessary

andoverbearingintoleranceonthepartofofficialdom,whileinothersalaxitywasapparent.93Inother

words, it simply depended where one lived as to how strict the enforcers of the Aliens Control

Regulations were. Lamidey claimed that those who applied for a travel permit and who were

favourably known to AROwere confined for the most part of the day to the one place.94 For

example,amarriedwomanwhowasnormallyinherhome,suchpermitwasprovidedforanindefinite

periodandremainedcurrentsolongasthealienresidedatthesameaddress.95Thelaxitythatwas

apparentinsomedistrictswasevidentinthedossiersofwomenwholivedintheruralareasofNew

SouthWales.ThiscouldbeexplainedbythegreatmajorityofItalianswhowereinvolvedinagricultural

activityduringthewarandthatfarmingandresidentialareaswerenotlocatedanywherenearmajor

92
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.16.InJune1943,ItalianA.Pappalardowho
workedunderthecontroloftheAWC,desiredtohavehiswifeandhissontoresidenearhisworkplace.TheDeputy
DirectorofSecurityforNewSouthWalesrespondedthattherewasnosecurityobjection,aslongasheproposestoobtain
accommodationforhisfamily.Attachedtothememorandumwasanextractconcerningwhatwasrequired:Arrangements
havebeenmadewiththeControllerofAliens,AlliedWorksCouncil,wherebyanexinterneewhodesireshiswifeandfamily
toresideintheStatewhereheisemployedwillmakewrittenapplicationthroughtheAlliedWorksCouncilandtheex
interneemustshowintheapplicationwhetheradequatelivingarrangementsforhisfamilyhavebeenmade.SeeReport
fromSergeantW.T.CondertoManagerforNewSouthWalesCivilAlienCorps,AlliedWorksCouncilinSydney,3March
1943.SeeNSWSecurityServicefileRequestsbyexinterneesthatwivesandfamiliesbeallowedtoresideintheState
wheretheyareemployedbytheAlliedWorksCouncil[8pages].C320/P1,NAA,Sydney.
93
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.9.
94
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.11.
95
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.11.
P a g e | 213

stateworks.MajorsitesofItalianagriculturalactivityincludedtheMurrumbidgeeIrrigationAreaand

onthenorthcoastofNewSouthWales.

In smaller, rural communities people knew each other and were less frightened by different cultural

groups,especiallyifthereweresignificantnumbersofItalianslivingwithinthecommunity.However,

thiswasnotthecaseinurbanareasofNewSouthWales.Thedossiersrevealedthatinruralareas,the

regimentation and adherence to the Aliens Control Regulations were not so meticulous when

compared to the administration in urban areas of New South Wales. It is highly likely that Italian

farmerswereconsideredfavourablybyauthoritiesduetotheirhighsuccessrateinagriculturalgrowth.

ThisisparticularlyfeasibleinviewofthefactthatItalianfarmerscontributedagreatdealtothewar

effort, especially during a period in which Australia supplied food to the Allied forces in the Pacific.

Therefore, it was possible that a positive relationship may have existed between Italian farmers and

authorities living in the outer suburbs of Sydney and the rural areas of New South Wales.

Consequently,ItalianslivinginruralareaswereaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulationstoamuch

lesserextentthanthosewholivedintheinnerurbanareasofNewSouthWales.

LoyaltytotheBritishEmpire

According to Ted Cantle, in order to become effective citizens, you must be educated about the

multiple identities that structure our social worlds to be able to understand, evaluate, and, if they

choose, meaningfully participate in the struggles against identitybased forms of oppression'.96

Although it may be considered possible to comply with the customs, practices, styles, and norms of

96
T.Cantle,CommunityCohesion:ANewFrameworkfroRaceandDiversity.NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005,p.122.
P a g e | 214

twodifferentcultures,itcanalsobeadifficultprocessformigrantstoretainallegiancetotheirnative

culturewhileparticipatingintheiradoptedculture.97Thiscanbeappliedtothewomeninthisstudy.

Italian women could demonstrate their patriotism and support of the war effort through unpaid

labour,andasaresult,wereconsideredfavourablybyauthorities.AccordingtoMelanieOppenheimer,

muchofthevolunteerworkthatwasdoneduringthewarisgenerallyconsideredtobeunskilledand

largelythedomainofwomen.Thisincludeddomesticworkactivitiessuchascooking,cleaning,serving

andknitting.98ItalianmigrantPalminaContinowasconsiderednottobeasecurityriskbecauseofher

voluntarycontributiontothewareffort.PalminawasthirtytreeyearsoldwhenshearrivedinAustralia

in1937fromCranaMonferato,Italy.Itwasstatedonherquestionnairebyauthoritiesthat

Fromourconversationwiththisalienandneighbours,weareoftheopinionthatsheisanunlikelyperson
to do or say anything which is of Anti British nature. At present she is engaged in knitting socks and
other[woollen]comfortsforthesoldiers.Inouropinionnogoodpurposewouldbeservedinrestricting
99
themovementsofthisalien,fromanationalsecuritypointofview.

Figure 76:PalminaContino

PalminaContino[Italian
arrivedSydneyper

VIMINALE,17Dec1937.
Box138].SP11/2,
Italian/ContionP,NAA,
Sydney.

97
R.F.Baumeister,Identity:CulturalChangeandtheStruggleforSelf.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1986,p.209.
98
M.Oppenheimer,AllWorkNoPay:AustralianCivilianVolunteersinWar.Walcha:OhioProductions,2002,p.89.
99
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 13 July 1940. See Contino, Palmina
(Italian)[box61].C123/12772,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 215

Another example included Italian migrant Rosina Benetti, who arrived in Australia in 1937 from

Recoare,Italy.Duringthewar,RosinalivedatRockValley,andlookedafterhertwochildrenwhilealso

helpingherhusbandonthefarm.AuthoritiesstatedonRosinasquestionnairethattheydidnotfindit

necessary to restrict her movements, particularly when her husband worked on the farm producing

vegetablesfortheSydneymarketsanddoesnotgooutofthedistrict.100

SecurityRisk

The risk to national security was a vital concern for the Commonwealth Government. The Aliens

Control Regulations were one way of keeping possible security risks under control. Anyone who had

antiBritishsentimentswasconsideredarisktonationalsecurityandkeptunderconstantwatchbythe

authorities. On the Aliens Control Regulations questionnaire form, authorities provided a general

overview of the person registering in regards to their risk to national security.101 An example of this

was evident on the questionnaire form of Rina Pesavento. Rina was born in Asiago, Italy on 13

September1905andlivedatStanmore,intheinnerwesternsuburbs,duringthewar.Authoritieswere

convincedfromtheirinvestigationthat

thiswomanandherhusbandarepeoplewhoareloyaltothecountryandthisisborneoutthefactthatthey
have property and money here which would suffer if they committed any subversive action. Pesavento
statesthatasfarassheknowsshehasnorelativesservingintheItalianarmedforces.
102

100
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 26 July 1940. See Benetti, Rosina
(Italian)[Box162].C123/15600,NAA,Sydney.
101
Question43stated:GeneralRemarks.Thepoliceinvestigatingthiscasewillhereunderfurnishareportsettingoutthe
opinion they have formed from the aliens attitude a to whether or not any action should be taken to restrict his
movementsfromanationalsecuritypointofview.Givereasons.QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,Police
HeadquartersinSydney,16July1940.SeePesavento,Rina(Italian)(box71).C123/12969,NAA,Sydney.
102
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 16 July 1940. See Pesavento, Rina
(Italian)(box71).C123/12969,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 216

Bycontrast,anItalianwomanwhowasconsideredasecurityriskwasMariaTommasoMacchia.Maria

arrived in SydneyfromSpadafora,Messinain 1937andlivedinNorth Sydney.Thoughitis notclear

from the files what was said, it was concluded by authorities that the movements of Maria and her

husband, Bartolo, should be restricted from a nationality security point because of her antiBritish

views.103

Women who were clearly no threat to security, but did associate with fascists were considered a

potentialsecurityrisk.ErnestinaElviraSantesearrivedinAustraliain1934andworkedforthirtyyears

asanurseandservantfortheJoriofamilywhowerealsoItalian.ErnestinaknewverylittleEnglishand

authorities feared that the Jorio family, who were considered to be ardent fascists, would have

influencedher.104Authoritiesreported

We are of the opinion that this alien is entirely under the influence of the Jorio family who are the
majorityatleast,Fascists.Shehasbeenwiththefamilyforaboutthirtyyearsinthecapacityofnurseand
servantandisatrustedpersonwiththefamily,andweconsiderthattheycouldeasilyimposeonher.She
cannotspeak English andappears absolutelydependanton theJorio family foreverything. On her own
weareoftheopinionthatshewouldbeharmlessbutseeingsheiscloselyassociatedwiththeJoriofamily
she would absorb their teachings and doctrines and consideration might be given as to whether her
105
movementsshouldberestrictedornotwiththoseoftheJoriofamily.

ThoughpolicethoughtitwaspossiblethatErnestinacouldbeinfluencedbytheJoriofamily,nofurther

action was taken by authorities. It is clear that authorities not only based their suspicion on the

103
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,20August1940.SeeMacchia,Maria
Tommaso(Italian)[Box189].C123/16470,NAA,Sydney.
104
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,2August1940.SeeSantese,Ernestina
Elvira[Italian][Box165].C123/15742,NAA,Sydney.
105
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,2August1940.SeeSantese,Ernestina
Elvira[Italian][Box165].C123/15742,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 217

ethnicityofthesewomen,butwerealsoapprehensiveofItalianwomenwhowereconsideredguiltyby

association.

IssuesaboutItalianwomensmoralityanddecencywerealsoraised.Thiswasespeciallyevidentwith

Italianwomenwhoranboardinghousesforsinglemen.NotonlydidtheseItalianwomensufferfrom

poorhousingandabysmalwages,theyhadnotimeorpossibilityforleisureandsocializing.106Italian

born Geoneffa Nardi ran a boarding house at Bridge Street, Lismore, which was described by

authorities as the rendezvous of the Italians in the district.107 Very little is known about Geoneffas

background,butshewasthepresidentoftheItalianLadiesCommitteeinLismore,andwasoccupiedin

many activities that involved the Italian community, including the group For the Motherland of

Lismore.GeoneffasdedicationtotheItaliancausewasevidentinanarticlefromtheItaloAustralian

newspaperdated25July1936

TheGroupoftheFortheMotherlandCommitteeofLismore,formedentirelyofourfellowcountrymen.
It is due to the manifold activities of the members of this group and to the sincere patriotism of our
workersthatthecampaignfortheWealthfortheMotherlandwassosuccessfulatLismore.Thesame
committeeisnowworkingforanothermagnificentaffirmationofItalianityinorganizingtheAnnualBall
108
fortheHospitals,whichtakesplaceon25thAugust.

NorestrictionswereplacedonGeoneffa.Shewas,however,keptunderconstantwatchbyauthorities.

Many Italian women were suspected of being fascist sympathizers and involved in political

organizationssimplybecausetheywereItalian.InesBettiwasborninSenigallia,Italy,on7February

106
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.74.
107
See Mrs Hession alias Mrs Nardi (Italian born, Naturalised British Subject) [13 pages; box 39]. C123/1 2159, NAA,
Sydney.
108
Translated report, no date. See Mrs Hession alias Mrs Nardi (Italian born, Naturalised British Subject) [13 pages; box
39].C123/12159,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 218

1894.SheleftschooltobecomeaschoolteacherinItalyandin1921shemarriedGaultieroVitali.In

1923, her husband left her and went to America. Four years later, Ines Betti came to Sydney with

Hamleto Agabiti, her defacto.109 During the war, Ines Betti lived at Darlinghurst, and on 1 July 1940,

was seen with the Consul General for Italy, Mr Mammalella, outside his flat at Mona Road, Darling

Point.BecauseofItalysentryintothewarandthepopularityoffascistorganizationsamongtheItalian

communitiesinNewSouthWales,theItalianGeneralConsulwasplacedundersurveillance.110

Figure 77:MissBetty

InesBettiVitali[Italian
arrivedSydneyper
CAPRERA,29Nov1927.Box
158].SP11/2Italian/Viatali
IB,NAA,Sydney.

InesBettismeetingwithMrMammalellainitiatedaninvestigationintoherownlife.Apartfromher

meetings with Mr Mammalella, there was no other evidence to imply that Ines Betti, also known as

MissBetty,wasinvolvedinanyfascistactivities.However,thereweremanywhoconsideredhertobe

109
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
110
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 219

suspicious. Two days after Miss Betty was seen with the Italian Consul General, Australian resident

GeorgeHiggletmadeaformalcomplainttoauthorities.Inhisstatement,Georgewrotethatheknew

Miss Betty from working with her at David Jones and that they lived in the same neighbourhood.

Georgestated

AboutMay1940IhadoccasiontocallherhomeinWaratahSt.toserviceherradio.Sheremarkedtome
thatshehadbeentoadoctor forthepurposeofhavinghereyestestedandgettingglasses.Shetoldme
that the doctor wanted 2.2.0 for testing her eyes and 3.3.0 for the glasses. She then went to an eye
hospitalandtoldthemthatIhadnomoneyandIwasnotworking.Shethensaidtome,theforeignfools,
111
theybelievemeandIgetthemfor2/.

George went on further to state that he overheard Miss Bettys conversation over the phone, when

sheaskedsomeonetogoovertotheItalianConsulshousetolookatawireless.Heclaimedthat

WedonotdothatclassofbusinessandIdidnotgo,butInotedthenamesandaddressesbecauseIwas
suspiciousofthiswomanandIdecidedtoreportthemattertotheauthorities.Ihaveseenthiswomanon
numerous occasions for the whole of time I have known her and she always appears to be expensively
dressedandtohavelargesumsofreadycash.
112

Fromenquiriesmadebytheauthorities,itwasascertainedthatMissBettyandHamletoAgiabatiwere

gamblers and wherever they were living they organised card games where poker was played in

exchange for money. Authorities interviewed Mr Edward Payne and his wife who resided at

RushcuttersBaywhereMissBettyresidedforsometime.MrandMrsPayneclaimedthatMissBetty

had frequent card meetings where she used to entertain, and she had suggested to them that she

wantedtostartaclubtoplaypokerintheflats.MissBettyalsotoldthemthatitwouldbeprofitable

111
StatementmadebyGeorgeHigglet,3July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;box
50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
112
StatementmadebyGeorgeHigglet,3July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;box
50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 220

forthePaynes,whichmeanttheywouldprofitatleast1anight.113Alistofthemensnamesthatshe

associatedwithwasgiventoauthoritiesalongwiththesumsofmoneythatwaspaidintoheraccount

attheBankof New SouthWales,KingsCross Branch.114Whenquestionedbyauthorities,MissBetty

deniedeverything.Afterall,gamblingwasillegal.

Accordingtoauthorities,duringherinterviewMissBettyappearedtobe

averyshrewdwomanandisundoubtedlyacleveractress.Atthebeginningofourfirstinterviewwithher
shespokefairlygoodEnglish,butatalaterstageshecouldseethedriftoftheinterrogationshebecame
very broken in her speech and seemed disinclined to remember facts in any detail. Although she is a
womanof46yearsofageshehastheappearanceofawomannoolderthan30,andforherpositionin
115
life,isremarkablywelldressed.

Despitehershrewdnessandcleveractingskills,itwasconcludedbyauthoritiesthroughMissBettys

admissionthatshemettheConsulfrequentlyandthatsometimeagoheaskedhertotakeaclassof

Italian children at St. Marys School on Saturdays. She stated that she taught this class for a few

Saturdays only because the children, the majority of whom were born in Australia could not

understandhertoowellonaccountofheraccent.116Nofurtheractionwastakenbyauthorities.Itcan

thereforebeassumedthatwhileauthoritieshaduncoveredsomeillegalactivities,ithadnothingtodo

withsecurityandshewasleftalone.

113
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
114
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
115
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
116
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 221

TherewereanumberofincidentsinthefilesofItalianwomenbeingsuspectedasspies.Reflectingthe

hysteria ofthewartimeconditions, thereweremany inAustraliansocietywhoreported theirItalian

neighbours to authorities. For example, 49 year old Antonia Pasini who lived in Balgownie, Illawara

region,andlookedafterhertwochildrenwhileherhusbandwasinterned,wassuspectedofbeinga

spy. However, when she registered as an alien at the outbreak of war, authorities wrote that she

appearstobeapersonofpooreducationandintelligenceandisunabletoreadorwriteeitherItalian

or English.117 In October 1941, a statement was made by Frank Dubois, a watchman employed at

MountKeira

hewaswalkingpastPasinishouseatnighttime,whenheheardwhathethoughtwasadogbarkingnear
thehouse,butoncloserinvestigation,heconcludedthatthenoisewasmadebyaman,whomhesawinthe
vicinityofPasinishouse.HelatersawthemangotothehouseandMrsPasinihandedhimsomepaperor
118
letter.HealsosawpowerfullightsflickeringinthewindowsofthePasinihome.

Figure78:AntoniaPasini

AntoniaPasini[ItalianarrivedSydney
perCARIGNAND,11March1926.Box
149].SP11/2Italian/PasiniA,NAA,
Sydney.

117
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,nodate.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)
[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
118
ReportmadetoInspectorFraser,21October1941.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 222

Another statement was made by William Organa, a storeman employed at Mount Keira mine, who

claimedthatAntoniahadfrequentvisitsfromItaliansandstrangerstothedistrict.Itwasallegedthat

Antoniawasactinglikeaspy,showingcertainsignalsfromherwindowatnight.119

Frank Dubois wife, Nellie Dubois stated to authorities that Antonia had an antiBritish attitude and

thatherhusbandFrankheardnoisesandsawpowerfullightsflickeringinthewindowsofthePasini

home.120ShewentonfurthertoclaimIamnotinapositionofmyknowledgetosayifMrsPasinihas

awirelessasIhaveneverseenitatherhomebutmychildrenhaveseenawirelessinherhomeabout

2weeksagoandtold[me]ofhavingseenit.121MrsDuboisdesiredhernametobewithheldandthe

informationtreatedasconfidential,asherchildrenhavetoassociatewithItaliansinthelocalitywhere

theyliveandalsohavetoattendschoolwiththemandsheconsidersthatsomeharmmightcometo

themifitwasfoundthatshehadgiveninformationtotheMilitaryIntelligence.122Itwasnotspecified

inAntoniasfilewhetheranyfurtheractionwasundertakenagainsther.

Conclusion

ThemajorityofItalianwomenexaminedinthisthesisarrivedinAustraliaduringthe1920sand1930s

and settled in New South Wales. Many of them were unable to read, write or speak the English

language. Already excluded from mainstream Australian society, life for these women became even

119
Report made to Inspector Fraser, 24 September 1941. See Pasini, Antonia (Italian) [Box 203]. C123/1 6860, NAA,
Sydney.
120
StatementmadebyNellieDubois,9November1941.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
121
StatementmadebyNellieDubois,9November1941.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
122
StatementmadebyNellieDubois,9November1941.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 223

moredifficultattheoutbreakofwar.Manyofthesewomenlivedinahostileandsuspicioussociety,

whichwasallpartofthewarhysteriathatgrippedAustraliansocietyduringthewar.Theisolationthat

Italian women experienced during the war made their lives difficult. The situation was made worse

throughtheenforcementoftheAliensControlRegulations.AsaresultofItalysentryintothewarin

June 1940, Italian women were then classified as enemy aliens. It was the intention of the Aliens

Control Regulations to have an effect on aliens and enemy aliens who were under suspicion and

consideredarisktosecurity.However,thecasestudiespresentedinthischapterclearlydemonstrate

thatmanyordinarywomenwerecaughtupinthelegislationandaffectedbythestrictAliensControl

Regulationsimposedonthemduringthewar,allbecauseoftheirItalianheritageandethnicity.

As revealed in the chapter, it also depended on where women lived within the state of New South

Wales.ItalianwomenwholivedinruralNewSouthWalesweretreatedmorelenientlythanthosein

Sydney.Thecontrastoftheunnecessaryandoverbearingintolerancethatwasexercisedintheinner

urbanareasofNewSouthWalesismarkedinthedossiers.FormanyItalianwomen,theregistration

process and weekly reporting to the Police Station proved to be an arduous task. Furthermore, it is

clear that the restrictions placed on their travel and movements and the control over prohibited

possessionsalsohadaneffectonthelivesofthesewomen.

However,theAliensControlRegulationsnotonlyhadanegativeimpactonthelivesofItalianwomen.

Japanese women and Australianborn women of Japanese descent also suffered on account of the

AliensControlRegulations.Theywerenotonlycategorizedasenemyaliensbutwereincarceratedasa
P a g e | 224

resultofJapanenteringthewarinDecember1941.Thefollowingchapterdescribestheirexperiences

ofthesewomenandhighlightstheinjusticethatwasinflicteduponthemduringthewar.
P a g e | 225

ChapterFive:

InternedasaPrecautionaryMeasure

itisracewhichcounts,andnotnationality.1

(PoliceInspectorWake,1937)

In April 2007, I discovered a file that was held at the National Archives of Australia (NAA) in Perth,

WesternAustraliathathadnotbeenexaminedsincedeposition.ItconcernedanAustralianJapanese

woman,MarieKazmieHamabata.MariewasborninPortHedland,Perth.Sheclaimedtohavehadno

recollection of her mother, but was aware that she was a Japanese woman. She did know that her

father was an Englishman called George Graham. When her father had passed away, her mother

marriedaJapaneseman,HamabataKazmie.MariewasfirsteducatedattheConventSchoolinBroome

andthenattheLadiesCollegeinLeederville.Whileshewasthere,hermotherandstepfatherdied.At

thetimeoftheSecondWorldWar,MariewassingleandworkedinafloristshopinGeraldton,near

Perth,andappearedfromthefilestohavehadaverygoodreputationamonglocalresidents.Shewas

staying at the Shamrock Hotel in Geraldton, Perth. The owner of the hotel was a Greek man Nick

Pilatis.Oneofhisneighbours,anAustralianbornMrsWrightbecamesuspiciousofhimandwroteto

authoritiesinAugust1941,reportingthatNickwouldstayupuntilthreeorfourintheeveninglistening

totheradioandthathisactionsweresuspiciousashekeptcompanywithMarie.2AfterNickpurchased

thelicenseforhishotel,authoritiesinformedhimthatMariecouldnotstayinhishotelbecauseshe
1
R. Bosworth, and R. Ugolini, et., al, War, Internment and Mass Migration: The ItaloAustralian Experience 19401990.
Roma:GruppoEditorialeInternazionale,1992,p.95.
2
Description of Marie Kazmie, 13 August 1941. See HAMABATA Marie (aka Marie Kazmie and Marie Haramata) (7457)
[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Perth.
P a g e | 226

wasofJapanesedescent.Inresponse,NickboughtthefloristshopnextdoortohishotelsothatMarie

couldworkandlivethere.3

OnFriday,2January1942,withoutanynotice,MariewaschargedwithbeinginbreachofSection13

(1)oftheNationalSecurityAct1939(Cth).4ShewasinternedatthedetentionbarracksatWoodmans

Point,Perth.ManyofMariesfriends,includingNickPilatis,wereshockedbythisandwroteanumber

of letters in her support, claiming that an injustice had occurred. One of the letters on file is from

SolicitorsHardwickSlatteryandGibsonwhoreferredtoMarieasMissAmileta

WeareinstructedthatshehasnotatanytimebeeninJapan,norcanshespeakJapanese,norhasshe
displayedany interestinJapaneseaffairs. Weshouldbe gladtoknow whetherthereisanyprospectof
MissAmiletabeingreleasedfrominternment,andifshewerereleased,weareinstructedtoinformyou,
thatshewouldreturntoherformeroccupationasafloristatGeraldton.5

WhenquestionedwhetherMariewouldbereleased,anadvisorycommitteeresponded,forherown

protection,seeingthatsheisofJapaneseappearance,wesuggestthatherreleasebeconditionalon

her undertaking not to reside within one hundred miles of the coast line of Australia.6 Marie was

internedatTaturainternmentcamp,northeastofVictoria.

3
Description of Marie Kazmie, 13 August 1941. See HAMABATA Marie (aka Marie Kazmie and Marie Haramata) (7457)
[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
4
TheNationalSecurityAct1939,Section13(1)statedthatanypersonwhocommittedanoffenceandwasinbreachofthe
legislationcouldbearrestedbyanyconstableorperson.SeeStatutoryRulesmadeunderCommonwealthActsduringthe
year1939.Canberra:GovernmentofAustralia,1939.
5
LetterwrittenbySolicitorsHardwick,Slattery&Gibson,8January1942.HAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarie
Haramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
6
Report to the Deputy Director of Security for Victoria from Security Service in Canberra, 21 August 1942. HAMABATA
Marie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 227

Marie Kazmie is just one example of the many women living in Australia who were directly and

adversely affected by the legislation. Her story is an example of how Japanese and Australianborn

women were affected by the National Security (Aliens Control) Regulations 1939 (Cth) which were

introducedattheoutbreakofwar,andtheracistsentimentsthatwereevidentinthelegislation.Inthis

particularcase,Mariewasaffectedbythemostextremewartimesecuritymeasure,Clause20ofthe

AliensControlRegulations,whichconcernedtheinternmentofenemyaliens.DuringtheSecondWorld

War, the general view by officials was that women should not to be interned. Japanese women,

however,wereexcluded.ThischapterfocusesonuniquestoriesofAustralianbornwomenofJapanese

descentfromvariouslocationsinAustraliawhohadtheirlibertydisruptedbyauthoritiestoagreater

degreethantheirGermanandItaliancounterparts.Thefocusonthesewomenconveysthat,overall,

racewasadecidingfactoronhowtheAliensControlRegulationswereapplied.

The low number of files concerning Japanese women held at the National Archives of Australia

representsthetotalpopulationofJapaneseinAustraliaduringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.

According to the 1933 census, 2,084 naturalized Japanese were living in Australia and 147 were

Australianborn women. Over thirty files concerning Japaneseborn women were examined for this

thesis.7 The lack of information on these women is because of their immediate incarceration in

December 1941 without being investigated prior to their arrest. The immediate incarceration of the

JapaneseshowsthexenophobicattitudesoftheCommonwealththatcontinuedtoexistfollowingthe

harshimmigrationpoliciesthatwereimplementedasaresultofFederation.GermanandItalianmen

7
CensusoftheCommonwealthofAustralia,30June1933.Canberra:L.F.Johnston,CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,
1933,p.385.
P a g e | 228

who were rounded up during the war were supposedly interned based on intelligence that was

gathered regarding their political affiliations before the outbreak of war. On the other hand, all

Japanese men, women and children were arrested and interned immediately following the Pearl

Harbourwasattack.AmoreshockingfactwasthatAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentwere

internedwithoutanyjustification.ThischapterprovidesdetailedaccountsofAustralianbornwomen

ofJapanesedescentwhowereaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations.

As Kay Saunders has suggested, the incarceration of Japanese in Australia differed greatly to the

internmentofGermansand Italians duetopoliticalaffiliations: ItaliansandGermanswhohad been

incarceratedweremembersof,oratleastvociferouspublicsupportersof,bannedpoliticalgroupslike

theNSDAP(Nazi),fasisctorCommunistparties.8AccordingtoSaundersandHelenTaylor,therewere

three reasons why the internment of Japanese did not follow this pattern. The first was that the

commitment to Japans war activities was not openly proclaimed; secondly, the extreme national

sentiment of the Japanese would lead to acts of sabotage; and thirdly, Japanese did not assimilate,

makingnoattempttobeabsorbedintothenationallifeofthiscountryasmanyGermansandItalians

havebeen.9

Fromthestoriespresentedinthischapter,itisclearthatAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescent

were incarcerated based on three significant factors. The first factor was how Australian wartime

policy was a reflection of what was happening overseas, especially in the United States and Britain,

8
K. Saunders and H. Taylor, The Enemy Within? The Process of Internment of Enemy Aliens in Queensland 193945.
AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume34,Issue1,1988,p.23.
9
SaundersandTaylor,TheEnemyWithin?,p.23.
P a g e | 229

where those of Japanese descent were systematically incarcerated during the war. The geographical

proximity of enemy aliens was the second factor. As Saunders has suggested, the threat of invasion

seemed more imminent in the north eastern states: the vast states [Queenslands] geographical

vulnerabilitytoattackand,mostimportantly,thehighconcentrationofenemyaliensonthenortheast

coast.10Inaddition,itwasthecoastalareasofthesestatesthatwereregardedasmostunderthreat.

Accordingly, Yuriko Nagata found that these women were affected differently by the Aliens Control

Regulationsonacasebycaseadministration,dependingonthestateinwhichtheylived.11Thiswas

evidentinMarieKazmiescase,whowaseventuallyreleasedfrominternmentprovidedthatshewas

nottosettleorresideinacoastalarea.

Andthirdly,basedonevidencepresentedinthischapter,itisclearthatmanywomenwereinternedas

aresultoftheirJapaneseappearance.JohnDowersassertiononracialconflictcanbeappliedtothe

Australian attitudes towards Japan during the Second World War. Dower wrote Japans belated

emergence as a dominant power in Asiachallenged not just the western presence but the entire

mystique of white supremacism on which centuries of European and American expansion had

resisted.12 All three factors illustrate the arbitrary nature of the Aliens Control Regulations and

highlight the different ways in which the Aliens Control Regulations were applied to Australianborn

womenofJapanesedescent.

10
SaundersandTaylor,TheEnemyWithin?,p.16.
J.Beaumont,I.M.OBrien&M.Trinca,et.Al,UnderSuspicion:CitizenshipandInternmentinAustraliaduringtheSecond
WorldWar.Canberra:NationalMuseumofAustralia,2008,p.127.
12
J.Dower,WarwithoutMercy:RaceandPowerinthePacificWar.NewYork:Pantheon,1986,p.6.
P a g e | 230

Imminentthreat

Thethreat toAustraliasnationalsecurityescalatedwhenJapan declaredwaron theAlliedforcesin

December1941.However,evenintheearlytwentiethcentury,theJapanesethreatexisted.Japanwas

noticedasamodernfightingforceduringtheRussoJapaneseWar19041905andAustraliaresponded

byarguingforastrongerandseparatedefenceforceandnavy.13Thenorthwasalsocoveredbythe

presswhenJapaninvadedManchuriaintheearly1930salongwithJapansnoticeofwithdrawalfrom

theLeagueofNationsandtheterminationofnegotiationsofnavallimitationagreementsbetweenthe

majorpowers.14AustraliasimmigrationpolicieswerespecificallydirectedatJapaneseimmigrants.The

community always had that instinct to preserve a white Australian or British identity which had an

adverse affect on Japanese residents.15 Paul Jones writes that this attitude marked the anxieties of

maintaininganationalidentitydefinedasawhitenation,asthegeopoliticalframeworkoftheEmpire

increasinglycameunderstrain.16

JapanhadbeenanallyintheFirstWorldWarandbecameapotentialenemyleadinguptotheSecond

World War. Despite the fact that Japanese communities were always small before the war began,

anyone who came under suspicion of Japanese warlike activities was closely watched by the Army,

Navy,SecretServicesandPoliceforces.AccordingtoPamOliver,intelligencegatheringbecamemuch

moresophisticatedintheyearsleadinguptothewarandsomeintelligencereportswereworthyof

13
M.AucklandandP.Oliveret.al.,UnexpectedEncounters:NeglectedhistoriesbehindtheAustraliaJapanrelationship.
Melbourne:MonashUniversityPress,2007,p.xv.
14
P.JonesandP.Oliveret.al.,Changinghistories:AustraliaandJapan.Victoria:MonashUniversity,2001,p.27.
15
JonesandOliver,ChangingHistories,p.27.
16
JonesandOliver,ChangingHistories,p.27.
P a g e | 231

thelanguageofaspynovel.17ThemainthreatfromtheJapanesewasfromthenorthofAustraliaand

by 1942, the Japanese were in New Guinea and were only 50 kilometers from the southern capital,

PortMoresby.18TheCommonwealthGovernmentfelttherewastheneedtoimplementfirmsecurity

measuresagainstenemyaliens,especiallyJapaneselivinginNorthernQueensland.Japansaggression

downthechainofislandstoAustraliasnorthandthebombingofDarwininFebruary1942ledtothe

incarcerationofallJapaneseresidentslivinginAustralia,alongwithlargenumbersofItalianswhowere

internedinQueensland.AccordingtoNagata,theattackconfirmedAustraliasfearoftheyellowperil

andinflameditsantiJapaneseattitudes.19

Although it was a general rule that enemy alien women were not to be interned, all Japanese men,

women and children were nevertheless incarcerated when Japan entered the war. The internment

policyinregardtoJapanesenationalslivinginAustraliastated:

TheCommonwealthGovernmentproposestoadoptthefollowingpolicyfortheinternmentofJapanesein
AustraliaintheeventofwarwithJapan:
(a) InternmentofallJapanesemalesover16yearswithinAustraliaanditsterritories,exceptingthosewith
diplomaticorconsularprivileges.
(b) InternmentofallJapanesewomenuntiltheycanbetransferredoutofthecountry.
(c) ThenegotiationwithJapanofanexchangeofinterneesotherthanthoserequiredtobeheldfor
securityreasons.
(d) Acceptance of Japanese internees from New Caledonia if so required, as well as those from
GilbertandElliceIslandsColony,BritishSolomonIslandsProtectorateandNewHebrides.20

17
P. Oliver, Interpreting Japanese activities in Australia, 18881945. Journal of Australian War Memorial, Volume 36,
2002.
18
S.Macintyre,AConciseHistoryofAustralia.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998,p.191.
19
Y.Nagata,UnwantedAliens:JapaneseInternmentinAustralia.St.Lucia:UniversityQueenslandPress,1996,p.45.
20
J.PWeiss,Itwasntreallynecessary:InternmentinAustraliawithemphasisontheSecondWorldWar.SouthAustralia,
EdenHills:J.P.Weiss,2003,p.144.
P a g e | 232

BySeptember1943,itwasreportedbyauthoritiesthattherewereonly8Japaneseadultswhowere

notinternedonrecordinNewSouthWales,threemaleandfivefemale.AlthoughtheAliensControl

Regulations specified that children should not have been affected by the Aliens Control Regulations,

therewasnorecordofJapanesechildrenwhowerenotinterned.21

Forherownprotection

Aswehaveseen,theDeputyDirectorofSecurityforVictoriasuggestedthatMarieKazmiebeinterned

for her own protection, seeing that she is of Japanese appearance, suggesting the reason for her

internment was to protect her, and not to protect the Australian public.22 This statement alone

highlights the racist and paternalistic connotations behind the wartime security measures. Marie

Kazmie was born in Australia and should have not been affected by the legislation, but because she

lookedJapanese,Mariewasraciallycategorizedandwrongfullyinterned.

MariescasewasputforwardtotheAlienTribunalcommitteeandonthe17June1942,theadvisory

committeeneverthelessconfirmedtheoriginaldirective:

WethemembersofanAdvisoryCommitteeappointedpursuantonRegulation26oftheNationalSecurity
(General) Regulations have the honor to advise that we have heard and considered an application for
leavetomakeobjectionbyMarieKazmieHamabataagainstanordermadeforherinternmentCounsel
on behalf of the Minister tendered no evidence and directed no crossexamination to suggest that she
had shown any subversive tendencies or was other than a loyal subject of AustraliaFor her own

21
MemotoDirectorofSecurity,Canberra,2September1943Eliza.SeeGoto,ElizaHelen(Japanese[bymarriagebornin
England])[Box523].C123/17221,NAA,Sydney.
22
MemorandumfromtheSecurityService,CanberratotheDeputyDirectorofSecurityforVictoria,21August1942.See
HAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 233

protection,seeingthatsheisofJapaneseappearance,wesuggestthatherreleasebeconditionalonher
undertakingnottoresidewithinonehundredmilesofthecoastlineofAustralia.23

After a number of letters of support were sent to authorities, the injustice that had occurred was

eventually noticed by the Director General of Security John Mackay, who in July 1942, wrote to the

MinisterfortheArmy,FrancisMichaelFordewhohadcontroloverallmattersconcerninginternment

I invite your attention to the fact that there is not one word of the evidence given before the Tribunal
attached to these papers. The only reason why this woman was interned, as shown in the file, was in
accordancewithaninstructionissuedbytheArmy.24

Despite the fact that the authorities came to the realization that Marie was wrongly interned, the

injustice towards her continued. It was not until October that Attorney General Herbert Vere Evatt

revoked Maries detention order and directed that she be released. Nevertheless, Marie was

transferred away from her friends in Geraldton, sent to Victoria and was placed under a restriction

orderthatdidnotallowhertotravelwithoutpermissionfromlocalpolice.Shewasfurtherinstructed

not to associate with anyone apart from work colleagues and those she was living with; she was to

work(asatailoress)duringthedayandstayathomeintheevenings.25

EvenafterthewarhadendedinSeptember1945,Mariewasstillplacedundertherestrictionorder.As

Nagatahaspointedout,loyaltywasnoteasilyproventhroughAustralianfriendshipsandmembership

23
MemorandumfromtheSecurityService,CanberratotheDeputyDirectorofSecurityforVictoria,21August1942.See
HAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
24
Copy of letter from Director General of Security John MacKay to Minister for the Army, F.M. Forde, 31 July 1942. See
HAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
25
DeclarationmadebyAttorneyGeneralHerbertVereEvatt,13October1942.SeeHAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmie
andMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 234

oflocalorganisations.26TheDeputyDirectorofSecurityinMelbournestatedthatbecauseshewasof

JapaneseraceandthatbothparentswereJapaneseheoverlookedherfathersBritishnesstherewas

nointentionofrevokingtheorder.27However,MariescasewentontobeheardagaininSeptember

1945 at the Aliens Tribunal committee. She won her appeal and it was determined by the Director

GeneralforSecurityinWesternAustraliathatthesolereasonfortheinternmentofMarieKazmiewas

thefactthatshewasbelievedtobeofJapaneserace.28Itwasorderedthathercasebereviewed.29On

4 October 1945, restriction orders were finally revoked. Marie remained in Melbourne where,

according to authorities, she was working as a tailoress in a leading Melbourne shop and was quite

happytoremainthere.30

ThedaytheJapswereinterned

Oneofthemainpurposesofimplementingthelegislationwasasameanstocontrolaliensandenemy

aliens.Therewasagenuineandjustifiedfearofinvasion.AustralianbornAnneMargaretIwanagalived

withherparentsinCairns,NorthernQueensland,wheresheranherownlaundrybusiness.Annealso

26
Beaumontet.al,Undersuspicion,p.134.
27
MemorandumfromDeputyDirectorofSecurity,WesternAustraliatoDeputyDirectorofSecurity,Victoria,18September
1945.SeeHAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,
NAA,Perth.
28
Copy of letter from Deputy Director of Security, Western Australia to the Deputy of Director of Security, Melbourne,
Victoria,18September1945.SeeHAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].
K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
29
Copy of letter from Deputy Director of Security, Western Australia to the Deputy of Director of Security, Melbourne,
Victoria,18September1945.SeeHAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].
K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
30
Declaration made by Director General of Security, W.B. Simpson, 4 October 1945. See HAMABATA Marie (aka Marie
KazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 235

fellvictimofthemostextrememeasureoftheAliensControlRegulations.OnDecember8,1941,the

daytheJapswereinterned,TokitaroandOtsuneIwanagaandtheirdaughterAnnewerearrestedand

takentotheCairnswatchhouse.ItwasatthistimethatthetwentythreeyearoldAnne,whowasborn

at Kairi, Queensland, first learned that she had been legally adopted on 31 October 1918 by her

Japaneseparents.31

AnneexplainedtoNagatahowshereactedtothenewsofheradoptiononthedayofherarrest:

Thatmorningwhenthewarbrokeout,policecametothehouseandwentthrougheverythingandtookus
tothepolicestation.Duringthetimewewerethere,Dadwentoutoftheofficeandcameback.Hesaid,
YourenotJapanese.Dadshowedmemybirthcertificate.IwasallowedtogohomeItwasmorethana
shockThenextdayallJapanesewereputonatrain.Theydidntknowwheretheyweregoing.Mumand
Dadthoughttheywerebeingtakenawayalltobeshot.32

Hence, authorities discovered that Annes biological parents were of Chinese extraction. Annes

biological father, Charlie Lee Yan, had been born in Canton, China and her mother Maggie, (nee Lin

Ding), had been born at Charters Towers, Queensland. Her grandmother was Scottish and her

grandfatherChinese.AnnesadoptedparentsownedalaundrybusinessinCairnsandaftertheywere

interned,Annetookoverthebusiness.33Accordingtoauthorities,Annewaswellknowntomembers

ofthePoliceForcehereandsheisalsoverywellandfavourablyknowntothepublicofCairnsthrough

business.34 In 1938, Anne accompanied the ladies hockey team from Queensland to Sydney as

31
Memorandum from Sergeant to Inspector of Police in Cairns, 9 December 1941 See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
32
Nagata,UnwantedAliens,p.67.
33
Memorandum from Sergeant to Inspector of Police in Cairns, 9 December 1941. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
34
Memorandum from Sergeant to Inspector of Police in Cairns, 9 December 1941. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 236

Secretary of the team. A memorandum from a work colleague commented that there was no

complaint regarding her conduct. She was described as extremely well dressed and appeared to be

welloff.35Shereceivedaconsiderablenumberoflettersandtelephonecalls.Thememorandumdid

however,suggestsomebasisforconcernregardingAnnessociallife:Shedidnotmixwiththeother

guests,butitwasnoticedthathercompanywassoughtbymen,particularlymembersoftheArmyand

AirForce.36Accordingly,theonlycomplaintmadeagainstAnnewasthatsheconsortedwithmembers

of the Army and Air Force. Anne was apparently perceived to be a security risk, or perhaps was

suspectedofespionage.AmericantroopswerebasedinmanyareasofnorthernQueensland,including

Cairnsbymid1942.37

AnnesparentswerereportedlyinterestedinthelocalJapaneseSocietyandAnnewasmadesecretary

ofthesociety.AuthoritiesinCairns,consequentlywrotetotheNorthernCommandinTownsville,on

16December1941,thatAnnieisdefinitelyaJapanesesympathiser,sheconductedallbusinessaffairs

andbankingsfortheagedJapsofCairnsItissuggestedthatalthoughAnneisonlyyoung,shewould

35
Memorandum from Sergeant to Inspector of Police in Cairns, 9 December 1941. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
36
Memorandum regarding letter from Railway Laundry (where she used to work) from Miss A Isanaga, to Sydney, C.B.
Chambers, Pitt St concerning Anne Iwanaga, 2 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
37
It is well known that relationships between Australian women and American servicemen were disapproved of by the
Australian public. There were tensions that existed between Australian and American soldiers over women. As Marrilyn
Lake describes, the obvious preference of many women for the company of Yanks left Australian men feeling sexually
impotent.[M.Lake,TheDesireforaYank:SexualRelationsbetweenAustralianWomenandAmericanServicemenduring
WorldWarII.JournaloftheHistoryofSexuality,Volume2,Issue4,1992,pp.621633].
P a g e | 237

definitely help the enemy in case of an invasion.38 It was concluded that due to the evidence given

aboveandtheabovestatementsmadebythosewhoconsideredAnnetobesuspicious,therewas

concrete evidence that her sentiments are pro Japanese, and[authorities were] of the opinion she is
definitelyanagentfortheJapaneseinvasion.TheotherChineseintheCairnsdistrictwillhavenothingtodo
withIWANAGA.Thisaloneissuspicious.Irespectfullysuggestthatshebeinterned,assheisdangerousto
beatlargeandshewouldnothesitatetohelptheJaps.
39

Suspicious neighbours also told authorities that she was holding parties at night where Australians

werenotwelcome.ItwouldbebetterforAnnetobeundersafecustody.40

Almost four months later, authorities noted that Anne arranged accommodation and car hire as she

hadplannedtovisitherparentsinVictoria.Shesawherparentseverydayfrom7to10April.Annewas

unfavourably regarded by the Camp Commandant during her visit to the internment Camp so

consequently, all correspondence was intercepted by a censor.41 As soon as she returned to Cairns,

authoritiesconductedasearchwarrantonAnnespremiseson20April1942.Nothingwasfound,but

shewasneverthelessarrestedon3May1942,detainedatCairnsandnextdaymovedtoGaythorne

Internmentcamp.42

38
CaptainoftheI.O.CairnstotheNorthernCommandinTownsville,16December1941.SeeIwanga,AnneQueensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
39
CaptainoftheI.O.CairnstotheNorthernCommandinTownsville,16December1941.SeeIwanga,AnneQueensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
40
CaptainoftheI.O.CairnstotheNorthernCommand,31January1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcase
file.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
41
MemorandumfromConstableErnestO.RedfordtoDetectiveSubInspectorBirch,CIB,30April1942.SeeIwanga,Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
42
Memorandum from Constable to Cairns Station, 4 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 238

Whileinterned,Annewroteanumberofletterstoherparentsandfriends.Inoneofthoseletters,she

commented I regularly wrote to my parents who had been interned at the internment camp in

Victoria.Isntitnaturalthatweworryaboutourparents?...Thepolicecametoarrestmeandsaidthat

mysympathieswereJapanese.43Annesinternmentalsohadanimpactonherrelationshipwithher

fianc Australianborn Vivien Williams. Not much is known of Vivien, except that in her letters Anne

indicatedshewasengagedtohimandbecauseofherinternment,shefeltashamedtospeaktohim.In

alettertoherfriendJoanFoulisinCairns,AnnereferstoVivienasLarry:

As soon as this reaches you, will you please wire Mum? Put Mothers Day Greetings, to wish you best of
luck,healthandhappiness.Love,Anne.IforgottotellyoubeforeIleft..Iwillneverforgethowgood
youveallbeen.Especiallyyou&yourmother.ItisgoodofhertotakemythingshomeIsupposeyouwill
hear from Larry. I wonder how he will take it. You know I asked him to forget me dont you. Poor kid.
Something always crops up to spoil our happiness. Give me news of him whenever you get. Whether its
goodorbad.Hellhavetoforgetme,cosIwontwrite.Icouldntgotohimafterthis.
44

ShealsomentionedhiminanotherlettertoherfriendBettyKimmins:ImgladViv&Ihadafewhappy

weekstogetheranywayafter8longmonthsofseparation.45JoanrepliedtoAnne,writingthatshetold

allofAnnesfriendswhathadhappenedtoher,especiallyVivien.JoanrepliedItoldhimthathehad

betterwatchhisstepsandalsohowyoufeltAnne,buthavehadnoreplyforamonth,andinhislast

letterhesaidthatyoumeanteverythingtohimandnomatterwhathadhappenedhewouldntalter

anyoftheplansyoumadewhenyoulastsawhim.46

43
Nagata,UnwantedAliens,p.87.
44
FromAnneIwanagatofriendJoanFoulisinCairns,6May1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
45
FromAnneIwanagatofriendBettyKimmins,Brisbane,29May1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcase
file.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
46
CopyofletterwrittenbyJoanFoulistoAnneIwanaga,4June1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcase
file.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 239

Inalettertohersolicitor,Anneemphasizedthefactthatshedidnotwantherparentstoknowofher

internment:

I do hope you can do something for me Mr Dann for it will just kill Mum and Dad if they know what has
happened.Ifittakestoolong,Imightasktobesenttothem,forifthey[Authorities]donotwritetothemto
tellthemofmyinternment.Thatwouldbetoohardforthem.IfIwasabletoexplaintothempersonally&say
thecaseisinyourhands,itwouldnotbesohard.
47

AnneslettertoReverendH.Norton,oftheCairnsChurchofEngland,expressesbewildermentatbeing

interned:

As youmust know it was bad enough whenMum & Dadweretaken from me& to be told then of my
adoption,&thenaftermonthsofhardwork&sufferingtotrytokeepthebusinesstogethersothatMum
&Dadwouldhavesomethingtocomebackto,thiscomestomeTheygivenoreasonformyinternment.
Iveneverbeenoutmuchowingtotheshop,&Icertainlyhavenotsaidanythingwrong.Ivealwaystried
tobegood&fairtoeveryone,soIdontthinkanyoneshouldwishtodothistomeforspite.
48

Nevertheless,authoritiesconcludedinaconfidentialdocumentwritteninthatsamemonth:

It is suggested that although Annie Iwanaga is young she would definitely help the enemy in case of an
invasionAnnieIwanagassentimentsareproJapaneseandIamoftheopinionsheisdefinitelyanagentfor
the Japanese should they arrive in this country and threaten us with invasionI.O. Cairns recommends
internment.49

It is important to note that the document illustrates the similarity of expressions contained in

memorandums written by the Captain of the I.O. Cairns. Despite the fact that she was a British

subject,authoritiesconcludedthatshewasworkingasanagentandrecommendedherinternment.

47
From Annie to Solicitor, Mr E. Dann, 6 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
48
From Anne Iwanaga to Reverand H. Norton, Church of England, Lake St., Cairns, 8 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
49
Copy of Hearing of Objection, Brisbane, 21 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 240

InlateMay1942,AnneaskedauthoritieswhethershecouldmoveinwithherparentsatTaturacamp

whiletheresultsofherhearingwerepending.Annesthoughtsonthetribunalhearingwereexpressed

inalettertohersolicitor:

Mycasewasoverinabout10minutes&myinmateshereseemtothinkthisagoodsign.Idohopetheyare
right.Iamafraidtohope,forfearIshallbedisappointed.Thankyouagainforthegoodworkyouhavedone.
Idoappreciateitverymuch.
50

ShewrotetoherCampCommandant:

WoulditspoilmychancesforreleaseifIshouldasktobesentdowntothemwhileIamwaitingonresultof
myappeal.IftheresultofappealcouldbeavailablewithinaweekortwoIwouldbecontenttowaithere,but
ifthereplyisgoingtotakeweeksandweeks,ormonthsandmonths,IwouldprefertowaitwithMum&Dad,
ifthiswouldbepermittedIamwillingtopaytheexpensesofthetrip.51

Anneknewhoweverthatifreleased,shewouldnotbereturningtoherhomeinCairns.Shewroteto

Joanthechargeagainstmeisuntrue,butwhethertheArmybelievesmeisanothermatterBythe

way,IthinkthatIshallnotbepermittedtoreturntoNthQld[northQueensland]fortheduration,

shouldIbefortunateenoughtobereleased.52

AnnewashopefulthatshewouldreunitewithherparentsandwrotetotheCampCommandant:

OnceagainImustaskyouforassistance.Iamwritingtomyparentsofmyinternment,&Iwouldbevery
grateful if you would kindly explain the letter to them, for Dad might not understand that there is yet a
chanceformyrelease.PleasetellthemnottoworryasIamhappyhere,&iftheygetsickworryingovermy
detainment,itwouldmakeunhappy.IfIlosemyappeal,IllprobablybesenttoCamp.4,&thenmyparents

50
FromAnneIwanagatoSolicitorMrE.DannCairns,2June1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
51
Letter from Annie to Camp Commandant, 24 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
52
From Annie to Friend Joan Foulis, Cairns, 22 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 241

&Iwillbetogether,sotellthemnottoworry,foritmaybebetterforthe3ofusthatway.Iknitted2pairs
ofstockingsforMum&amsendingthembythismail,pleaseseethatshereceivesthemsafely.
53

Anneeventuallywrotetoherparentson9June1942:

You will notice that I too am interned, but I do not want you to worry for I have had an appeal, & several
CairnspeopleincludingtheChurchofEnglandminister&myschoolteachertohelpme,sowecantdoany
morenow,onlywaitpatientlyforwordfromtheArmy,astowhetherIamtobereleasedorkeptin.Aftermy
casehadbeenheard,Iaskedtobesentdowntoyou,butitappearsthatImustwaithereuntilwehearfrom
theArmy.
54

Onthe22JuneAnnesappealwasrejectedagainandshewasorderedtoremainatGaythorneCamp,

whichshedidforafurthertenmonths.

Annes case exemplifies Johann Peter Weiss observation that the problem with tribunal hearings is

thattheproofofinnocencewasontheaccused,who,inthemajorityofcasesdidntknowwhathe[or

she]wasaccusedof.55Whilelockedaway,Annereceiveddevastatingnewsthaton19October1942,

her laundry business had been subject to arson and all valuables were destroyed in the fire. Her

distresswasexacerbatedwhenshefoundoutthatshewasnolongerinsuredbecauseherinternment

interruptedhermail.ThebuildinghadbeeninsuredwithQueenslandInsuranceCo.Ltd.,CairnsBranch

fortheprevioussixyears,andthepolicyhadexpiredjusttwelvedaysbeforethearsonattack.Anne

argued that it was common practice for the company to provide an interim cover note for about a

month.Asauthoritiesrecordedit,Annewantstoknowcouldenquiriesbemadeonherbehalfasto

53
From Anne Iwanaga to The Camp Commandant, 9 June 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
54
From Anne Iwanaga to her parents, 9 June 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
55
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,p.296.
P a g e | 242

whethertheCompanyispreparedtoacknowledgeanyliabilityinthecircumstanceandshefeelsthat

sheisindangerofsufferinganinjusticeinconsequenceofherinternment.56

Inthemeantime,Annerequestedanothertribunalhearingorreviewoftheappeal.Inherstatement,

sheexplainedthatshecannotcommunicatewithotherJapanesebecausetheonlyJapaneseshecan

speak is a pidjin Japanese understood only by close friends and her parents, and that not many

JapaneseinCairnsspeakEnglish.Moreover,shecannotfittotheirways:

Ifindthisalsotobeverydepressing.Iamnow24yearsofage,physicallyhealthyandmentallynormaland
priortomyinternment,hadhopedtobeshortlymarried.Inmymomentsofsolitude,andespeciallywhen
depressed (which is often) feel upset, because, by internment, I am prevented from being married whilst
young...EvenmyfiancisawhiteAustralian,showingmydesireistodefinitelyresideinthelandofmybirth
andremainloyaltotheBritishEmpireasallAustraliansshouldbe.
57

Annes Tribunal Hearing was held on 29 March 1943. Pam Oliver has written that Japanese appeals

againstinternmentillustratethediversityofsituationsfacedbyJapanesepeoplewhopreviouslyhad

beenacceptedasgoodcitizens.58ThiscanbeappliedtoAnneshearing,wherethetranscriptsreveal

aconvergenceofmixedsentiments,informaldefinitionsofwhocouldbeconsideredAustralianand

the criteria by which this was judged, defined national characteristics based on racial theory, and

expressions of the difficult nature of the security situation.59 Lieutenant Bateman revealed to the

AdvisoryCommitteeattheTribunalHearingthatoneofreasonsforherinternmentwasbecauseAnne

56
Memorandum from Captain to Deputy Director of Security for Queensland, 12 January 1943. See Iwanga, Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
57
Letter written by Anne Iwanaga to Commandant, 17 January 1943. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case
file.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
58
Beaumontet.al,Undersuspicion,p.137.
59
Beaumontet.al,Undersuspicion,p.138.
P a g e | 243

believed herself to be of Japanese descent up to the time of her internment.60 After reading the

transcripts, After reading the transcripts, it appears to me that authorities interpreted Annes

testimonytocreatetheimpressionthatAnnewasadisloyalBritishsubject.LieutenantBatemanasked

Anne:youhavenogreatobjectiontotheJapanese?AnnerespondedWhyshouldIhave.Thenext

questionsfollowedinanalmostrepetitivemanner:

Theyhavenotdoneanyharmtoyou,havethey?Onlyjustbybeinginterned.Mymotherandfatherare
Japanese.
ThatistheonlythingthatyouhavesaidabouttheJapanese,isnotit?Yes.
Youhavenoobjectiontotheminvadingthiscountryandtryingtogetitiftheycan?Iwouldnotlikethat.
Doyounotthinkthattheyareveryovercrowded,theJapanese,andthattheyareentitledtosomefurther
landstoputtheirpeoplein?Whatisthat?
YouknowthatJapanisaveryovercrowdedcountry.Youhaveheardthat,haveyounot?Yes.
And dont you think that they are entitled to some of those islands up north to put some of their ever
increasingpopulationin?Thathasnothingtodowithme.
Iftheycangetanyoftheseislands,youarenotgreatlyconcerned?Iwouldnotlikethemtodoanythingto
Australiabecausewehavealotofourinterestshere.61

Thesecondappealwasmoresuccessful.InApril1943,Annewasfinallyreleased,althoughsubjecttoa

restrictionorder.RestrictionsimposedonherincludedthatshewastoresideintheareaofTropicof

Capricorn and cannot leave without permission; report to the nearest police on arrival and every

month afterward;not associateor communicatewith enemyaliensexceptforherrelatives;andnot

engageinanysubversiveactivitiesorvoiceopinionthatwouldoffendloyalcitizens.62Itwasconcluded

bytheDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberrathatIfMissIwanagaisnotaJapanesethentheredoes

not appear to be any reason why she should not be released under restrictions. You might state

60
CopyofAnneIwanagasAliensTribunalHearing,29March1943.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
61
CopyofAnneIwanagasAliensTribunalHearing,29March1943.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
62
Memorandum from Deputy Director of Security, Brisbane, to Director General of Security, Canberra, 8 April 1943. See
Iwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 244

whether this course of action is concurred in by you. If so, particulars of the restrictions you

recommendshouldbeincludedinyourreport.63ProvinghercommitmenttoAustraliawasalsomet

withobstacles.DespitethefactthatshewasinternedbytheCommonwealth,hadlostcontactwithher

fianc Vivien and had lost all her possessions in the arson attack while interned, Anne expressed

interest in joining the Australian Womens Auxiliary Services (AWAS) or the Womens Auxiliary Air

Force(WAAAFS).64However,becauseoftherestrictionorderthatwasplacedonher,herrequestwas

denied.

On 25 March 1944, the restrictions on Anne were revoked as a result of her marriage to a British

subject, Alan Charles Yeo. Alan was born in Nelmorn, New South Wales and was a Sergeant in the

Australian Military Forces (AMF) stationed at Grovely Camp, Brisbane. Anne was scared to visit her

parentsincaseofreinternmentsosheaskedforpermissiontovisitthem.65Beforehermarriage,Anne

enquiredaboutherpropertythatshehadlostwhileinterned

Shortly before I was sent here from Gaythorne, my friends in Cairns, with whom I left my belongings,
informedmethatamanfromtheMilitaryIntelligencehadcalledtoinspectmybelongingsandhadtaken
Japanese English Dictionaries saying they would be useful to him, also a battery set which was used for
massaging, and left no receiptWhen my parents were Interned 12 months ago, several of their trinkets
andpaperswereseizedbytheCairnsPolice.
66

63
LetterfromDirectorGeneralofSecurity,CanberratotheDeputyDirectorofSecurity,Brisbane,8April1943.SeeIwanga,
AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
64
MemorandumfromDistrictSecurityOfficer,BrisbanetoDeputyDirectorofSecurityService,Brisbane,2June1943.See
Iwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
65
Anne Iwanaga wrote letter to Deputy Director of Security in Brisbane, 10 December 1943. See Iwanga, Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
66
Letter from Annie to The Commandant, Camp 4, Tatura, 16 December 1943. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 245

ItisunknownwhetherAnnewasgivenaresponse.AfterthewarhadendedinNovember1945,the

Commonwealth Government intended to release and repatriatecivilian internees.67 Exceptions were

made for Australianborn women of Japanese descent, those married to an Australian, and those

medicallyunfittotravel.Annesparentsdidnotfitintoeitherofthesecategoriesandweretherefore

repatriated.Authoritieshavenoteditwashighlylikelythattheyweredeportedagainsttheirwill.

InFebruary1946,AnnesoughtpermissionforherparentstoreturntoliveinAustralia.Theoutcomeof

herrequestisnotclearfromherfiles,however,theDirectorofSecurityinCanberrastatedthatItisa

matter of Government policy whether deported enemy aliens should be permitted to return to

Australia so soon after deportation.68 Nagatas research shows that by August 1951, the

Commonwealth Government decided to allow the return of former Japanese residents to Australia.

Annesparents,whowerenowagedintheirearly70s,returnedin1953andwerereunitedwiththeir

daughter.WhileinJapan,theyworkedfortheOccupationalforcesasacookandahousemaid.Anne

regularlysentfoodparcelsandworkedfortheirreturntoAustralia.69

67
Nagata,UnwantedAliens,p.193.
68
LetterfromDirectorofSecurity,CanberratoDeputyDirectorofSecurityinBrisbane,19March1947.SeeIwanga,Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
69
Nagata,UnwantedAliens,p.237.
P a g e | 246

Figure79: AnneIwanagasparentsTokitaro
andOtsuneIwanagaupontheirreturnto
Australiain1952afterbeingdeportedjust
aftertheSecondWorldWar.

JapaneseMigrantat73.TheAdvertiser,18
December1952,p.1.

P a g e | 247

The fact that Japanese in Australia were deported after the war had ended shows the strength of

xenophobic policies that have existed in Australia since Federation. Similar to Marie Kazmies story,

Annes case raises the question of citizenship status in Australia during the early twentieth century.

Both Marie and Anne were British subjects under the Nationality Act 1920, however, this was

disregardedandasaresult,theircivillibertieswereignored.

TheUnfortunateStoryofMaryEllenor(Lena)Matsumoto

The effects of discrimination that were brought on by the White Australia policy were not only

experienced by those of Asian descent living in Australia during early twentieth century. Aborigines

were treated as nonBritish subjects and did not even receive the same entitlements as the white

woman.70 Mary Ellenor Matsumoto nee Corpus (also known as Lena), was, according to the Deputy

DirectorofSecurityinWesternAustralia,anaturalbornBritishsubject(Aborigine),wifeofaJapanese

alien but reverted to British nationality.71 This meant that Lena was not only affected by the Aliens

ControlRegulationsbecauseofhermarriagetoaJapanesealien,butalsofellvictimtothetreatment

thatAborigineshadreceivedasaresultoftheWhiteAustraliaPolicyintroducedduringFederation.

The concern surrounding Lenas case was because of the preconceived attitudes held by authorities

during the early twentieth century. Authorities relied upon a report written by the Commissioner of

Native Affairs, F.I Bray. The report was written before Lena was institutionalized and highlighted
70
N.Jones,Number 2 Home:AStoryof JapanesePioneers inAustralia. Fremantle: FremantleArtsCentrePress, 2002, p.
158.
71
Copy of Memorandum from Deputy Director of Security in Western Australia to the Director general of Security in
Canberra, 30 May 1945. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka
MaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 248

concern with Lenas association with Asiatics and natives, including her relationship with Kakio

Matsumoto.Intheearly1930s,itwasdiscoveredbyauthoritiesthatLenaresidedwithKakioinDarwin.

InMarch1938,KakiowaschargedwithhavingunlawfullycohabitedwithLenabeforetheirmarriage

on29June1938.BrayexpressedhisdismayatthemarriageinareportwrittentotheDeputyDirector

ofSecurityinPerthinJuly1943:

Suchmarriagesareunwiseforsocialandnationalreasons,butevidentlysimilarstrongviewswerenotheld
at Darwin, becausethe Japanese was allowed to marry this native woman. Now we are faced with the
aftermath.ItisaveryinconvenientonetotheSecurityAuthoritiesandsinceIhavenoplaceintheSouthern
areasof Western Australia for the detention of this woman,Ican only expressmyregretat the unhappy
circumstancesandtrustsomesuitableagreementwillbemadeforthecareofthewomanandherchildren
intheEasternStates.72

Lenas mother, Maria Emma Ngobing was an Aborigine and her father, Sibero Corpus was Filipino.73

Lenahadthreechildrenagedfromsixyearsoldtoelevenmonthswhenherhusbandwasarrestedand

interned in December 1941. Lena chose to be interned with her husband in Victoria for 12 months

where Lena gave birth to their fourth child, Tatsuro Matsumoto. Five months later, Kakio was

reclassifiedasaPrisonerofWar(POW).APOWwasanenemyalientransferredfromoverseas[or]

capturedinwarzones.74Itappearsthatauthoritieswerekeentoapplyhighsecuritymeasuresagainst

Kakio, who consequently, was sent to Hay internment camp in New South Wales, which meant that

72
ReportfromCommissionerofNativeAffairsoftheDepartmentofNativeAffairs,F.IBraywrittentotheDeputyDirector
ofSecurityinPerthinJuly1943.SeeMATSUMOTONakio[Kakio]andElina[Elener]Mary(wife)(8765)[Japaneseinternee]
[akaMaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
73
Jones,Number2Home,p.159.
74
Wartimeinternee,alienandPOWrecordsheldinPerthFactSheet180.DateUnknown.
[http://naa.gov.au/collection/factsheets/fs180.aspx]Accessed:25March2012.
P a g e | 249

Lena and her children endured the separation from her husband and their father.75 Lenas mental

healthstartedtodeteriorateandauthoritiesrecommendedthatshebeinternedwithherhusband:

a North West native, Mrs Matsumoto would be an unwelcome guest among the Southern natives and her
mental condition would probably deteriorate as a result...it is thought that the most satisfactory solution
wouldbetorevertthehusbandtointerneestatus...andreturnhimtoTatura.Hewouldthenbeabletolook
afterhisfamily,andhispresenceattheCampwouldnodoubthaveabeneficialinfluenceonhiswife.
76

TheissueofwhereLenabelongedbecamedifficultforauthorities.DirectorGeneralofSecurity,W.B.

Simpsonwrote:

Thisunfortunatewomanhastobesomebodysproblemandcouldnotberemovedtoamentalinstitution
unlesssheisconfirmedinsane.ThesuggestionbytheDeputyDirectorofSecurityforWesternAustraliathat
the husband be released cannot be considered on account of his security risk and I have no intention of
returning Mrs Matsumoto and her children to an internment camp as no good purpose would be served
thereby. The status of the husband could not be changed from prisoner of war to an internee just as a
matterofconvenience.77

Lenas father Sibero Corpus was eighty four years old living at Derby, Western Australia and was

deemeddestituteandenfeebledincapableoflookingafterher.78Lenasmotherandothermembers

ofherfamilywerelivingattheBeagleBaymissionnearBroome.However,thesuperintendantofthe

missionrefusedtoadmitLenagivenherhistoryofconsortingwithaJapanesemanandmentalhealth.

AuthoritiesalsonotedthattheonlyothernativesettlementsareintheSouth. TheCommissionerof

75
Jones,Number2Home,p.179.
76
Jones,Number2Home,pp.180and181.
77
Memorandum written by Director General of Security W. B. Simpson to Deputy Director of Security in Perth, Western
Australia, 25 May 1944. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka
MaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
78
MemorandumwrittenbyDeputyDirectorofSecurityinPerth,WesternAustraliatoDirectorGeneralforSecurity,19May
1944. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka Mary Ellenor Lena
CORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 250

NativeAffairs states that it wouldnot bepossibleto placethefamilyinany ofthesesettlementsfor

tribalreasons.79

Mary was not allowed to return to the Broome area because she was considered a menace to the

safety of Australia and the Deputy Director of Security, S. Masel, reported that it was illegal to

transportanativepersonfromNorthofthe20thparallelofSouthlatitude,duetoleprosyreasons.80

Lena and her children were eventually accepted at the Aboriginal station called the Roman Catholic

MissionatBalaklavainSouthAustralia.

In May 1944, it was reported by the medicalofficer thatLenas mental health was deteriorating and

thatshehadmistreatedoneofherchildren.Itwassuggestedthatherattitudetoauthorityandtoher

coevacuees is so disturbing that it endangers the reasonable peace and happiness of other half

castes.81 The Director General of Security in Canberra, W. B. Simpson, wrote that a medical officer

declared her insane and as a result, Mary was escorted to Parkside mental hospital near Adelaide in

September1944.HerchildrenweresenttoaconventcalledtheSacredHeartatCarrieton,200miles

northofAdelaide.82Ashortfilmwasproducedbyherdescendentsthatshowedauthoritiesinforming

79
Copy of Deputy Director of Security, S. Masel, 19 May 1944. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary
(wife)(8765)[Japaneseinternee][akaMaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
80
Jones,Number2Home,p.181.
81
CopyofletterfromK.McEwintoW.M.McCoyEsq,6May1944.SeeMATSUMOTONakio[Kakio]andElina[Elener]Mary
(wife)(8765)[Japaneseinternee][akaMaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
82
Jones,Number2Home,p.184.SeealsoHalfcastesN.T.toBalaklavaSouthAustralia.NAA,DarwinOffice,SeriesE659,
File1945/2493.Date:2005.[http://mc2.vicnet.net.au/home/pmackett/balklava2.html]Accessed5November2008.
P a g e | 251

the character of Kakio that his wife was taken to a mental institution and his children placed in a

convent.83

TheinvestigationdossierthatconcernsLenaandKakioMatsumotoisheldattheNAAinAdelaideand

manydocumentswithinthedossierwereexpungedtothepublic.84Thefiledoes,however,providean

insightintothewayLenascasewasinappropriatelydealtwithbyofficialdom.Italsoshowsthatonce

Kakio was released from internment in October 1946, over one year after the war had ended, Kakio

requestedfundstoassisthiminhisplighttoreunitewithhisfamily.InaletteraddressedtotheDeputy

DirectorofSecurityinSouthAustralia,Kakiowrote:

ThereasonformyaddressingyouistoaskifyoucouldarrangeformywifesfarefromAdelaidetoBroome
tobepaidbytheAuthorities,please.Iampennilessandcannotfindthemoney.

Mywifehasbeen[expunged],Adelaidesince19.9.44...andnowthereisanopportunityforhertogoandlive
with her sister and be looked after permanently. The question of accompanying her on the journey is
facilitatedbecause,theKanegaefamily,atpresentinternedherearepassingthroughAdelaideintimetocatch
KoolindasailingfromFremantleonAugust16andtheycouldpickherupontheway.
85

The bombing of Darwin in February 1942 scarred Australian residents living in the northern parts of

Australia, therefore, due to the potential public dismay that may have followed from the return of

Japanese to Broome, Kakios request was denied. However, the Director General of Security in

CanberrawrotetotheauthoritiesinMelbourne,Victoriathattherewouldinanycasebenoobjection

83
FilmdirectedbyS.Usami,KakiosStory.ShingoUsami/Metroscreen,2004.
84
ThisfileisexpungedunderSection33(1)(g)oftheArchivesAct,withholdinginformationfromthepublicwhichwould
involvetheunreasonabldisclosureofinformationrelatingtothepersonalaffairsofanyperson(incluingadeceased
person.[SeeMATSUMOTONakio[Kakio]andElina[Elener]Mary(wife)(8765)[Japaneseinternee][akaMaryEllenorLena
CORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth].
85
Copy of letter from Kakio Matsumoto to the Deputy Director of Security in South Australia, 18 July 1947. See
MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka Mary Ellenor Lena CORPUS].
K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 252

tohiswifeandfamilybeingenabledtojoinhimenroutetowhereverhemayberelocatedandfaresfor

the family provided accordingly.86 Kakio and his family were eventually reunited in 1948.87 It was

publishedintheDailyNewsthatKakiowastheLastJapreleasedfrominternment.Despitemanyyears

ofincarcerationandseparationfromhisfamily,KakiocontinuedtoexpresshisadmirationforAustralia.

HewasquotedassayingthatAustraliabestcountry.NofriendnothinginJapan.Japanfinish30years

ago.88ItwasclearthatLenaMatsumotoandherfamilyhadfallenvictimtothebureaucraticsystem

thathadfailedmanyindigenous/Asianwomen.

Figure80:MaryEllenor(Lena)
Matsumoto.


FilmdirectedbyS.Usami,Kakios
Story.ShingoUsami/Metroscreen,
2004.

86
CopyofmemorandumwrittenbytheDirectorGeneral of SecurityinCanberraandsenttoDepartmentoftheArmy in
Melbourne Victoria, 10 April 1947. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese
internee][akaMaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
87
FilmdirectedbyS.Usami,KakiosStory.ShingoUsami/Metroscreen,2004.
88
LastJapReleased.TheDailyNews,20May1948,p.7.
P a g e | 253

TheYellowPeril

ThefollowingcasestudiesshowhowtheAliensControlRegulationsaffectedAustralianbornwomenof

Japanesedescentinadverseways.SimilartotheplightofAustralianbornwomenmarriedtoItalians

examined in Chapter Seven, many Australianborn women of Japanese descent were unaware that

they were required to register as enemy aliens. Some were also suspected of being involved in

espionagebecauseofassociatingwithotherJapanesenationals.Moreimportantly,casestudiesshow

howtheAliensControlRegulationsimpactedtheirlivessociallyandeconomically.

BorninMackay,locatedontheeasterncoastofQueenslandandmarriedtoJapanesenationalAnashia

YakitichiShimamurawasunawarethatshehadlostherBritishstatusasaresultofhermarriageand

wasunawarethatshewasrequiredtoregisterasanenemyalienduringthewar.Itwasreportedby

authorities that her husband Yakitichi had deserted her nine years prior, however, she was now

residingwithanotherJapanesenationalSenjiroFujimura,apioneerinBrandon.89Itwasreportedbya

police officer that because she was born in Mackay, 'she considered that she was not compelled to

register as an alien. I pointed out to her that she was lawfully married to an alien of Japanese

nationality...Onbeinginformedofthecircumstancesshestatedthatshewassorryfornotcompleting

[the]Application'.90Despiteherapology,policearrestedAnashiaandfourotherJapaneseonMonday8

December1941,onedayaftertheattackonPearlHarbour.

89
ReportmadebyAliensRegistrationBureautoTownsvilledistrict,2January1942.SeeShimamura,AnashiaNationality:
Japanese/Australian[nofurtherinformation].BP25/1/SHIMAMURAAJAPANESE/AUST,NAA,Brisbane.
90
ReportmadebyAliensRegistrationBureautoTownsvilledistrict,2January1942.SeeShimamura,AnashiaNationality:
Japanese/Australian[nofurtherinformation].BP25/1/SHIMAMURAAJAPANESE/AUST,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 254

Figure 81: AnashiaYakitichiShimamura.



Shimamura,AnashiaNationality:Japanese/Australian
[nofurtherinformation].BP25/1/SHIMAMURAA
JAPANESE/AUST,NAA,Brisbane.

HildaLotteLipscombe,alsoknownasLotus,wasanAustralianbornwomanofJapanesedescentwho

wasfortunatetohavenotbeeninterned.HerhusbandAlfredLipscombe,aBritishsubject,was

employedbyLudowici'sTanners,LaneCoveandreturnedhomeonweekends.Therewas,however,

suspicionthatarosethroughthelocalcommunitythatLotuswasnotloyaltotheBritishEmpire.In

February1941,ananonymousletterwasreceivedbyauthorities

AJapanesewomannamedLotusLipscombe...maypossiblybedangerous.Shemaybeunderthedomination
ofherJapanesefather,whosename,oroneofhisnames,isY.Watanabe.ShehastoldmeheisaBaron.She
spentaperiodoftimewithhim,engagedinsomemysteriousbusinessonthenorthcoastofQueensland.
Shehasseveraltimescommentedontheunprotectedstateofthatcoastline.Herfathertravelswiselyinthe
guise ofapoultryexpert,andsheaccompaniedhimashissecretarythrough China,India,Italy,Germany,
andothercontinentalcountries,andtheylivedforatimeinLiverpool,England.Sheisaneducatedwoman
andspeaks4languages,includingGerman.ThenewwirelessstationatLondenderryissituatedwithinamile
fromher home,andsheknewthatstationwasto bebuiltthere 18monthsbeforeanyoftheotherlocal
peoplehadheard ofit.She mentionedthatshe hasaprivateincomewhich isprobablytrue,forthough
livingratherpoorly,shealwaysseemstohaveplentyofmoney,morethancouldpossiblybemadeoutof
hersmallpoultryfarmorherhusband'sbasicwage.SheisafriendofthewifeoftheGerman,Fischer,who
isininternment,andrecentlyspentafortnightwithMrsFischer,atEmuPlains.Shehasreceivedvisitsfrom
theJapaneseConsulandhiswife,whoisherfriend.(notpresentone,butthepreviousConsul)Forthepast
twoorthreeyearsshehasappearedtobelivingunderagreatstrain,andhastoldmesometerriblething
threatensherfromJapan.
91

91
Anonymous letter received by CIB, February 1941. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus Lipscombe)
(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 255

In response to this letter, authorities interviewed locals who knew Lotus, including the local Post

Master,MrNutt,whowas'unabletosupplyanyconcreteinformationconcerningthiswomanonly

that he viewed her with suspicion'.92 Police also interviewed Mrs Longhurst who later admitted to

authoritiesshewastheauthoroftheletterandthatshehadbeenaclosefriendofLotussince1934.

MrsLonghurstwroteforvariousnewspapersonpoultryfarmingwithLotus.Sheadmittedthatshehad

nothing of a concrete nature to put forward concerning any suspected subversive activities of Mrs

Lipscombe,otherthanthatshebecamesuspiciousofherasshewasbornofaJapanesefather'.93Mrs

Longhurst found out that her father was a Watanabe, and when she questioned her regarding her

Japanesesympathies,Lotus'informedherthatshehadnotimefortheJapaneseanddreadedtheday

thattheywouldtakeAustralia'.94MrsLonghurstalsosaidatonetimewheninJapanshehadtakena

terriblevow,thenatureofwhichsherefusedtodisclose;butitmeantthatshewouldsomedayhave

toreturntoJapan,andalsoherlastbornchild[ifamale]wouldhavetobetakenwithherandleftin

thatcountry.95

Authoritiesconcludedthefollowingthat

92
Memorandum to Inspector Wilson, MPI Section, 22 March 1941. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus
Lipscombe)(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
93
Memorandum to Inspector Wilson, MPI Section, 22 March 1941. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus
Lipscombe)(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
94
Memorandum to Inspector Wilson, MPI Section, 22 March 1941. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus
Lipscombe)(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
95
MemotoInspectorWilson,MPISECTION,22March1941.SeeLipscombe,HildaLottie(alsoknownasLotusLipscombe)
(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 256

weinformedtheopinionthatMrsLipscombe,althoughaneducatedwoman,isaromantictypewholikesto
relatecolourfulstoriestointrigueherlisteners.MrsLonghurstisthetypewhowouldreadilylistentothese
storiesandbeimpressedbythem.
96

Nevertheless,authoritiescontinuedtoreceiveanumberoflettersfromthelocalcommunitywhowere

concernedaboutthefactthatLotuswasofJapanesedescent.AustralianresidentMargaretKerrwrote

alettertoThePoultry,aweeklypaper,claimingthatLotuswasanagentfortheJapaneseGovernment

investigatingthestylesofAncientEmbroideryonexhibitattheBritishMuseum,London'.97Authorities

interviewedMargaretandher husband,FrankKerr,whosaidthattheyhadheardrumorsthatLotus

was a professional photographer and was providing someone in the navy with certain information.

Again, authorities discredited the claim, stating that this lad is not of the intelligent type, and his

suspicionsappeartobepurelyimaginary'.98

Source82:HildaLotteLipscombe

Lipscombe,HildaLottie(alsoknown
asLotusLipscombe)(Japanese[born]
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box
401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.

96
MemotoInspectorWilson,MPISECTION,22March1941.SeeLipscombe,HildaLottie(alsoknownasLotusLipscombe)
(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
97
Report from Mrs Margaret Kerr to W.B. Simpson, 16 April 1943. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus
Lipscombe)(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
98
MemotoSgt1stClassCampbell,SS,6May1943.SeeLipscombe,HildaLottie(alsoknownasLotusLipscombe)(Japanese
[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 257

In another case, Eliza Helen Goto was born in Cornwall, England in September 1888. Eliza arrived in

AustraliaandsettledinKogarah,asuburbofsouthernSydney,wheresheownedalaundrybusiness.

HerhusbandGeorgeGotowasofJapanesedescentandwasinternedduringthewarandduringtheir

time,Elizalookedafterthebusinessaswellashertwochildren.Accordingtoauthorities,

her husband, is well and favourably known to the Kogarah police and as far as is known his sentiments are
proBritish.Whenaskedwhyshe[MrsGoto]hadnotregisteredasanalienpriortothisdate,shereplied,I
thoughtthatasIwasborninEnglandofEnglishparents,IwasofBritishnationality.
99

Two months later, Eliza registered as an enemy alien. Authorities believed that Eliza was struggling

financiallyandwithherhealth,accordinglytherewasnoneedtorestricthermovements:

Despitethefactthatshehasnotreachedanadvancedage,MrsGotoisinpoorhealthandseldomleavesher
residence.Sheisalsoinpoorfinancialcircumstances,andwedonotconsiderthatthereisanyreasonwhyher
movementsshouldberestrictedasfarasnationalsecurityisconcerned.
100

Eliza was also brought to the attention of authorities for possessing a wireless, however, Eliza was

fortunatethatauthoritiesdecidednottoprosecuteherforowningawireless.101

However, Josephine Fuji was not so fortunate when she too failed to register as an enemy alien.

AustralianbornofChineseparents,JosephineresidedonThursdayIslandandwasmarriedtoJapanese

nationalTommieFuji.Herhusbandwasarrestedandinternedon10December1941ataninternment

99
MemorandumfailedtoregistertoInspectorHoward,8December1941.SeeGoto,ElizaHelen(Japanese[bymarriage
borninEngland])[Box523].C123/17221,NAA,Sydney.
100
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,DateUnknown.SeeGoto,ElizaHelen
(Japanese[bymarriageborninEngland])[Box523].C123/17221,NAA,Sydney.
101
Letter from Crawford Radio inspector to Capt. GHV Newman, 26 March 1942. See Goto, Eliza Helen (Japanese [by
marriageborninEngland])[Box523].C123/17221,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 258

campinsouthernQueensland.102Whileherhusbandwasinterned,JosephinearrivedinCairnstolive

withparents.BecausesheconsideredherselfasAustralianborn,Josephinewasunawarethatshewas

requiredtoregisterasanenemyalien.Authoritieswrote

WhenquestionedastowhyshedidnotregisterasanAlienpriortothe18thMarch1942,shestatedthatas
she was Australianborn she was not aware that she had to register. She further stated that she was not
awarethatshehadtoregisterasanAlienuntil shewasadvisedbytheChineseshecameincontactwith
sinceherarrivalatCairns.
103

It became well known during the war that the Commonwealth Government had no intention of

releasingJapaneseinternees.InaninterviewwithNagata,aGovernmentofficialstatedthat:

OurgovernmentwasfirmabouttheJapanese.AsfarasIremember,weinternedthelotand,asprinciple,
wedidntintendtoletanyoneout.Itwasfortheirprotection.104

This was evident in case studies that show that well after the war had ceased, many Japanese

remainedinterned.Forexample,ShigenoNakatawasborninHalifax,northernQueensland,on17April

1899andwasinternedatNo4,Taturainternmentcamp.Shigenosrestrictionorderwasrevoked29

August 1946, but resided in the internment camp until such time as accommodation could be

102
Report from Aliens Registration Officer, Central Bureau in Brisbane to Cairns Police Station,18 March1942. SeeFuji,
Josephine Nationality: Japanese/Australian Arrived Cairns on Ormiston 29 January 1942. BP25/1/ FUJI J
JAPANESE/AUSTRALIA,NAA,Brisbane.
103
Report from Aliens Registration Officer, Central Bureau in Brisbane to Cairns Police Station,18 March1942. SeeFuji,
Josephine Nationality: Japanese/Australian Arrived Cairns on Ormiston 29 January 1942. BP25/1/ FUJI J
JAPANESE/AUSTRALIA,NAA,Brisbane.
104
Beaumontet.al.,Undersuspicion,p.121.
P a g e | 259

obtained'.105Shigenowasnotreleaseduntil3July1947andintendedtoresidewithher4childrenwith

MrsKitanoAnnerleyat360IpswichRoad,Annerley,asuburbsouthofBrisbane.106

Figure83:JosephineFuji Figure 84: ShigenoNakata




Fuji,JosephineNationality:Japanese/Australian Nakata,Shigenoandfourchildren[names
ArrivedCairnsonOrmiston29January1942. unknown]Nationality:Japanese.BP25/1/
BP25/1/FUJIJJAPANESE/AUSTRALIA,NAA, NAKATASJAPANESE,NAA,Brisbane.
Brisbane.

Conclusion

The case studies in this chapter demonstrate that the application of the Aliens Control Regulations

generatedagreatersenseoffeartowardsthealienduringtheSecondWorldWar.Thepatternofwar

changedwhenJapanenteredthewarinDecember1941.Itbecameamuchmoreaggressivewar.The

105
LetterfromCommonwealthMigrationOfficertoTerricaHouse,Adelaide,10July1947.SeeNakata,Shigenoandfour
children[namesunknown]Nationality:Japanese.BP25/1/NAKATASJAPANESE,NAA,Brisbane.
106
LetterfromCommonwealthMigrationOfficertoTerricaHouse,Adelaide,10July1947.SeeNakata,Shigenoandfour
children[namesunknown]Nationality:Japanese.BP25/1/NAKATASJAPANESE,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 260

threatofimminentinvasionfromtheNorthbecamereal,andAustralia,insomecases,chosetoignore

protocol concerning women who were exempt from internment. Both Marie Hamabata and Anne

Kazmie were Australianborn citizens and as an unmarried woman, under Australian law, were

recognized as British subjects. Australianborn women like Marie Hamabata suffered an injustice by

beinginterned.AsaBritishsubjectlivinginGeraldton,Marieshouldnothavebeensubjectedtothe

Aliens Control Regulations. This was clear in the documents from the Director General of Security in

Canberra,JohnMcKay,whostatedthattherewasnorealreasonwhyMariewasinternedapartfrom

herJapaneseappearance.MarieplayeddownherJapanesetiesbystatingthatherparentshadpassed

away and was adamant that she had no Japanese friends. Despite her plea, she was transferred to

Taturacamp,underanisolationistmeasurethattookherawayfromclosefriendsandplacedherinan

internmentcampover3,800kilometersawayfromherhometown.107

It was less a surprise considering the political climate of the Yellow Peril that women like Anne

Iwanagawereinterned.Anyonewhoexpressedanytieswiththeenemycountrywasdeclaredariskto

nationalsecurity.ItisimportanttoconsiderthatAnnelivedinCairns,anareathatwasonhighsecurity

alert. She was suspected by many to have had proJapanese sentiments; she knew how to speak

Japanese;wasamemberoftheJapaneseSocietyandconsortedwithAmericantroops.108

What the authorities did not consider however, was how the implementation of the Aliens Control

Regulationsledtothesewomenbecomingdamagedinmanyways.Notonlywererestrictionsplaced

107
See HAMABATA Marie (aka Marie Kazmie and Marie Haramata) (7457) [Japanese internee]. K1171/HAMABATA M,
NAA,Perth.
108
SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 261

oncivillibertiesbyrestrictingtheirmovementsthroughinternment,buttheyhadanegativeimpacton

personalrelationships.Forexample,Anneenduredtheseparationfromherlovedones,whichledto

thedemiseofherrelationshipwithherfiancVivien,whilealsoforcinghertocometotermswiththe

newsofheradoption.Inadditiontothis,herparentsweredeportedin1945andshewasnotreunited

with them until their return eight years later.109 Their story reflects their resilience and personal

strengthofcharacter.

ThestoryofMaryEilenerMatsumotoreflectshowtheAliensControlRegulationsledtotheseparation

of her family and the decline of her mental health. The decision to intern these women was clearly

madebyabureaucraticsystemthatfailedthesewomen.AuthoritieswhoexecutedtheAliensControl

Regulationswereclearlypartofanarbitraryprocess,especiallywhencomparedtotheAustralianborn

womenofJapanesedescentlivinginSydney,whomanagedtoescapethemoreextrememeasureof

theAliensControlRegulations.110

Inconclusion,itisclearthatAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentshouldnothavebeensubject

totheAliensControlRegulationsduringthewar.Thecasestudiespresentedinthischaptershowhow

these women were interned based on the international relations, geographical proximity and race.

These women lost their possessions and were displaced within the community during war. The

followingchapterwilldiscusshowthelegislationaffectedthelivesofGermanJewishwomen,who,in

hindsight,shouldnothavebeensubjectedtotheAliensControlRegulations.

109
SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
110
See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka Mary Ellenor Lena
CORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.

PARTIII:
U

VictimsofCircumstance

Figure85: GermanJewishrefugeeHelenaBeck

HelenaBeckregistrationpapers,1941.SP11/2German,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 263

ChapterSix:

Acertainwarpsychosis:
GermanJewishrefugeewomenlivingin
NewSouthWalesduringthewar


Thequestionofanyidentityaroseinmuchmorecrucialmanner.IwascertainlynotaGermananymore;I
wasfarfrombeinganAustralian;IwasnotareligiousJew;IrefusedtoaccepttheclassificationofaGerman
expatriateorpoliticalrefugeeasapermanentidentityasithadnoideologicalbasis.Iwasjustaforeignerin
astrangecountrytowhichIhadnotyetanyemotionalbonds,exceptgratitudeforhavingbeenallowedinto
thiscountry.
1

AsIanMunroargued,thepointofformalacceptancebyahostcountryisthebeginningofanewand

differentjourney,onethatisfamiliarto,andforgottenbytheoldergeneration.2Thisisreflectedinthe

storiespresentedinthischapter,whichexaminesthelivesofGermanJewishwomenwhowereliving

in Sydney during the war. These women had lost their citizenship rights in their homeland Germany

and became stateless as a result of the Nuremburg Laws which were introduced by Adolf Hitler in

September 1935. However, a further identity crisis was experienced upon their arrival to Australia.

Despitetheirrefugeestatus,aconsequenceofhavingtofleefromGermany,GermanJewishwomenin

AustraliawereclassifiedasenemyaliensattheoutbreakofwarandsubjecttotheNationalSecurity

(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth).

1
H.Liffman,InSearchofmyIdentity.TheAustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory:SpecialIssueOnbeingaGerman
JewishRefugeeinAustralia,ExperiencesandStudies,Volume:31,Issue1,1985,p.14.
2
I.Munro,Takeninbutlefttofeelshutout.TheAge,22May,2010,p.6.
P a g e | 264

Thischapterreflectstheinconsistenciesthatexistedthroughoutthebureaucraticmanagementofthe

Aliens Control Regulations. However, while the stories presented in this chapter focus on injustices

suffered by GermanJewish refugees during the war, it is important to note that other nationals

classified as enemy aliens included Jewish women from Austria, Belgium and Hungary, who were

profiled as German nationals. Austria ceased to exist as an independent nation during the war, and

Belgium was occupied by the Germans up until 1945, which meant that both nation states were

incorporatedwithintheThirdReich.PaulR.Bartropasked:Howcouldthishavehappened?3Itwas

clearthattheCommonwealthGovernmentwaswellawarethatGermanJewishwomenrefugeeswere

fleeingNazipersecution,yettheywereclassifiedasenemyaliensattheoutbreakofwar.

From the stories presented in this chapter, GermanJewish refugees were wrongfully categorized as

enemy aliens. Interestingly, Bartrop referred to a memorandum that was prepared by the head of

ImmigrationBranchoftheDepartmentoftheInterior,A.R.Peters,datedJanuary1939whichdefined

the term refugee in a way that clearly encompassed Jews of German background. The document

clearly shows that the Commonwealth Government was aware that its policy would apply to people

who had suffered under the action of the German Government, and quotes the League of Nations

definitionofrefugeethatwouldclearlyapplytoGermanJewishrefugees:

Itis presumedthatthe Governments policyin regard to refugeesisintended for the presentto applyto
JewsandnonJewswhoaresufferingdisabilitiesasaresultofactionbytheGermanGovernmentAgeneral
definitionofrefugeewhichsubstantiallyconformstothedefinitionagreedtobytheLeagueofNationsis:
Residents,orformerresidents,ofterritoryoccupiedbyGermany,whodonotenjoytheprotectionofthe
GermanGovernment,orofanyotherGovernment.
4

3
P.R.Bartrop,EnemyAliensorStatelessPersons?TheLegalStatusofRefugeesfromGermanyinWartimeAustralia.
JournaloftheAustralianJewishHistoricalSociety,Volume10,Issue4,1988,p.271.
4
Bartrop,EnemyAliensorStatelessPersons?,p.272.
P a g e | 265

Nevertheless, the Commonwealth Government decided to retain the status of enemy alien which

encompassedGermanJewishrefugeesaswellasJewishrefugeesfromBelgium,HungaryandAustria

foranotherfouryears.GermanJewishrefugeeswerenotreclassifieduntilMarch1943.

JewishMigration

There hasbeena JewishpresenceinAustraliasincetheearliest days ofEuropeansettlement.There

wereatleastsixJewishconvictsonboardtheFirstFleetwhicharrivedin1788inNewSouthWales.5

During the 1820s Jewish settlement was mainly in Sydney. In the 1830s and 1840s Jewish migrants

began to settle in other areas such as Hobart, Port Macquarie, Goulburn, Melbourne, Adelaide,

GeelongandTamworth.6By1841,therewerealmost1,200JewslivinginAustralia.TheGoldrushin

the1850sand1860sincreasedtheJewishpopulation,mostofwhomarrivedfromGermany,butthere

werealsosmallernumbersfromGreatBritainandEasternEurope.By1861,fortypercentoftheJewish

population lived in rural areas.7 However, during the economic depression in the 1890s there was a

declineintheJewishpopulationinVictoria.ManymigratedtoNewZealand,SouthAfricaandWestern

Australia.8 Nevertheless, statistics show that overall Jewish settlement in Australia continued to

increase. Some of the increase can be attributed to the natural increase of human population the

5
C.A. Price, Jewish Settlers in Australia. Canberra: Australian National University, 1964, p. 8. This figure may not be
accurate.Thearchivebookmakesnotethattherewereeightoutofthe751convictsontheFirstFleetandtheremayhave
beensixmoreonboard.[C.A.Price,JewishSettlersinAustralia,p.8].
6
Price,JewishSettlers,p.27.
7
Price,JewishSettlers,pp.27and28.
8
Price,JewishSettlers,p.8.
P a g e | 266

surplusofbirthsoverdeathsbuttherewerealsomorearrivalsthandeparturesofJewishmigrants.In

addition,somenonJewishpeoplesconvertedtoJudaism.9

The introduction of the White Australia Policy (WAP) in 1901 created a climate in which Australian

AngloJews encouraged assimilation and played down religious and cultural practices. By the 1920s,

there was an increase in intermarriage and a decline in religious observances and Jewish education

within the Jewish establishment in Australia.10 The 1921 census showed the effects the war had on

German migration to Australia. In the 1920s, over 300,000 migrants came to Australia and

approximatelytwothirdsofthemwereassisted.However,only22,582Germansarrivedandby1933

thenumberhaddeclinedto16,842.11The1933censusrecordedover23,000peopleofJewishorigin

living in Australia.12 When Hitler came to power, Jews immigrated to other countries immediately.

Approximately 7,000 Jews migrated to Australia, 2,000 of them from Vienna.13 According to Jurgen

Tampke, the murderous racial and political policies of Nazi Germanyled to a sharp increase in

SydneysGermanspeakingpopulation.14

9
Price, Jewish Settlers, p. 9. It is important to note that Price wrote that the statistical material available for such an
assessmentisveryslight.[Price,JewishSettlers,p.9].
10
M.JTurnbull,SafeHaven:RecordsoftheJewishExperienceinAustralia.Canberra:NationalArchivesofAustralia,1999.
For more information on post war migration, see S. Rutland, Postwar AntiJewish Refugee Hysteria: A Case of Racial or
ReligiousBigotry?SojournersandStrangers,JournalofAustralianStudies77(2003):6979.
11
Price,JewishSettlers,p.42.
12
CensusoftheCommonwealthofAustralia,30June1933.Canberra:L.F.Johnston,CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,
1933,p.381.
13
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney.SydneyJournal,Volume1,Issue1,March2008,p.69.
14
Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
P a g e | 267

In July 1938, the Commonwealth Government had agreed to accept 15,000 refugees from Germany

andAustria;however,theoutbreakofwarpreventedthis.Duringthewar,Australiadidnonetheless

accept 7,000 refugees, many of whom were Jewish.15 In 1939 an influx of Jewish refugees entered

Australia. According to Tampke, these refugees were deeply religious and passionate Zionists.16 This

aptlydescribesmanyofthewomenexaminedinthisstudy.HerthaMeyer,borninGermanyofJewish

backgroundistypical.ShewasamemberoftheShomrin,ayouthOrganisationestablishedin1939and

affiliatedwiththeZionistfederation.17TheShomrinwasthefirstZionistyouthmovementinSydney,

withitsmembershipconsistingpredominatelyofyoungrefugeeswhoarrivedimmediatelybeforethe

war.18

ThefocusofthischapterisonGermanJewishwomenwhosettledintheareasofNewSouthWales,

themajorityofwhomwererefugeesresidingintheeasternsuburbsofSydneysuchasRoseBay,Bondi

andBelllevueHill.Thetablebelowshowstheagesof151confirmedGermanJewishwomenofthe195

GermanwomenexaminedinthisthesiswhoregisteredasenemyaliensinNewSouthWalesbetween

1939and1941.

15
Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
16
Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
17
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeMeyer,Hertha(German)[Box193].
C123/6575,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Sydney.
18
S.Rutland,EdgeofDiaspora:TwoCenturiesofJewishSettlementinAustralia.Sydney:WilliamsCollinsPtyLtd,1997,p.
319.
P a g e | 268

AGE NUMBEROFWOMEN
UNDER20 18
2029 30
3039 42
4049 29
5059 19
OVER60 13

Table4:Agesof151GermanJewishbornwomenlivinginNewSouthWalesduring
theSecondWorldWar.19

Most women examined in this study were aged between twenty and fifty years old. One of the

youngest women affected by the Aliens Control Regulations was sixteen year old German national

GertrudErnaStreker,borninJaffa,PalestineandwhoarrivedinSydneyinAugust1941.20Attheother

end of the spectrum, statistics show that sixteen of these women were over sixty years old. Lina

KraemerwastheeldestGermanwoman.Sheregisteredasanenemyalienattheageofseventyeight

yearsoldafterarrivinginAustraliainApril1939fromHaploch,Germany.21

Themapbelowillustratestheareasthesewomencamefrom.Manymigratedfromeasternregionsof

Germanywith19%migratingfromBerlin.Otherareasincludewesternandnorthernregions,suchas

the Rhine, Dusseldorf and Hamburg. It is imperative to note that there were some women who

19
SeeAppendixSeven.
20
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 1941. See STREKER Gertrud Erna -
Nationality: German - Arrived: Sydney per Queen Elizabeth 15 August 1941.D4881/3/STREKER,NAA,Adelaide.
21
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney6 August 1940. See Kraemer, Lina
(German) [Box 165]. C123/5719, NAA, Sydney.
P a g e | 269

migratednotfromGermanyassuch,butfromVienna,Austria,whichatthetimewasunderGerman

occupation.


Figure86:Map
ofGermany
1939


GermanHistoryDocuments.No
date.

[http://germanhistorydocs.ghi
dc/images/Map_1_english_for_b
hedit.jpg].Accessed:25March
2012.

Prewar Jewish refugees were welcomed for their contributions to the local economy. The German

Jewish women in this study were well educated and brought a more cosmopolitan way of life.22

Jewishrefugeeswhoarrivedbefore1939helpedestablishnewindustriesandincreasedemployment

opportunities. Some of these industries were outlined by Senator Henry Foll: optical and scientific

22
S.Rutland,AustralianResponsestoJewishRefugeeMigrationbeforeandafterWorldWarII.AustralianJournalof
PoliticsandHistory,Volume31,Issue1,1985,p.42.
P a g e | 270

instruments, weaving silk and rayon, textile printing, glove making, fountain and propelling pens,

Vienneseknittedware,elasticwebbing,cosmeticsandBakelitegoods.23

The study shows that their fertility rate was fairly low, with an average of one to three children per

woman.The151filesIexaminedshowedthat102womenweremarried,onewasengaged,tenwere

widowsandtwoweredivorcedatthetimeofregistration.Thirtyoneofthe102marriedwomenwere

inpaidworkduringthewarandtwentyeightwomenhadworkedbeforetheyweremarried.Thirtysix

womenweresingleandthirtythreeofthemwereinpaidwork.Somewomenworkedasdressmakers,

machinists,typistorperformeddomesticdutiesforothers.Thisnumberissignificantlyhigherthanthe

Italian women featured in the previous chapters, who may have had specific problems due to their

ethnicity, language and culture which prevented their assimilation within the local community.

Comparatively, GermanJewish women who settled in New South Wales just before the war were

educated,originatingfromwhatwasdeemedamoresophisticatedclassandfamiliarwiththeEnglish

language. Statistics show that 66% of these women were confirmed naturalized British subjects,

indicatingtheirwillingnesstoassimilateintoAustraliansociety.

AustralianJewishWelfareSociety(AJWS)

ThesupporttheyreceivedfromtheAustralianJewishWelfareSociety(AJWS)wasanotherreasonwhy

the GermanJewish women in this study obtained higher employment numbers in the workforce in

comparisontotheirItaliancounterparts.TheAJWSwasformedasanadhocresponsetothecrisisin

Germanyandwasatfirstestablishedin1936astheGermanJewishRefugeesFundNewSouthWales,

23
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.42
P a g e | 271

whichwaslocatedattheMaccabeanHallinDarlinghurst,aninnercityeasternsuburbofSydney.The

mainfunctionoftheorganizationwastoassistwithimmigrationandintegrationofJewsinAustralian

society.ManywomenexaminedforthisstudywereassistedbytheAJWS,andweremembersofthe

organization during the war. Germanborn Hilde Kurniker for example, was a single woman with no

family and was permitted to arrive in Australia in 1938 because of the AJWS, who assisted in her

passage to Australia.24 Additionally, the AJWS provided welfare for those who were struggling

financially. GermanJewish born Johanna Marx arrived in Australia in 1937. She lived in Bondi, an

eastern suburb of Sydney, during the war and received 2 per week from the AJWS because her

husband,LeopoldMarx,wasunemployed.25

The Commonwealth Government was however, less willing to assist GermanJewish refugees

throughout the war period. For example, German Jewishborn Erna Schaul of Double Bay, also in

SydneyseasternsuburbofSydney,wrotealettertoauthoritiesappealingforsomeassistance:

DearSir,
ReferringtotheregulationsaboutRefugeewidowswhosesonsareincampImightaskrespectfullytobring
myowncasetoyourconsideration.
MysonUlrichSchmauschnowaged19servesintheLaborCompanysincethebeginningofthisformation.
HeisasonfrommyfirstmarriageandhisfatherwaskilledfromtheNazisinaconcentrationcamp.Somy
firsthusbandwassicksincetheboywas3yearsold,Ihadtobringtheboyupbymyselfandeventoearn
thelivingforthefamily.
MightIbeaskingto[too]muchtogetnowthesameadvantagesastherefugeewidowswhosesonsarein
camp. My second husband Mr Berthold Schaul volunteered for the Labor Camp but got exemption
[exemption] because his factory does war work. He wouldn't ask even for any preference, because he
couldn'tjustifyasastepfather.Thankingyouinadvanceforyourkindlyconsideration.26

24
Letter to Acting Secretary for Immigration, A. R. Peters, 30 October 1945. See Jospe [nee] Kurniker, Hilde (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box153].C123/5269,NAA,Sydney.
25
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeMarx,Johanna(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box128].C123/4464,NAA,Sydney.
26
CopyofLetterwrittenbyErnaSchaultoDeputyDirectorofSecurity,6August1942.SeeSchaul,Erna(German)[Box98].
C123/3623,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 272

AuthoritiesrefusedErnasappeal,notgrantinganyassistance.27

Figure87:JohannaMarx Figure 88:ErnaSchaul



JohannaMARXNationality:GermanArrived ErnaSCHAULNationality:GermanArrived
SydneyperSTRAITHAIRDon30Nov1937[Box SydneyperSTRATHEDENon01Feb1939[Box
124].SP11/5MARX,JOHANNA,NAA,Sydney. 174].SP11/5SCHAUL,ERNA,NAA,Sydney.

TheAJWSalsoprivatelyownedanagriculturaltrainingfarmforJewishrefugeescalledtheChelseaPark

TrainingFarmforAlienJewishRefugees.ThefarmwaslocatedatBaulkhamHills,northwestofSydney,

anditsfunctionwastotrainpeopleclassifiedasenemyalienswhowereunabletofindworkinthecity.

Those who graduated were employed by their Australian neighbours on other farms.28 The farm

accepted both men and women and was well known by authorities to be under strict supervision,

27
Response from Deputy Director of Security to Erna Schaul, 14 August 1942. See Schaul, Erna (German) [Box 98].
C123/3623,NAA,Sydney.
28
A.Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring:TheHistoryoftheAustralianJewishWelfareSociety.Sydney:AustralianJewishWelfare
SocietyandAustralianJewishHistoricalSociety,1998,pp.5758.
P a g e | 273

therefore, there was no need for local police to be concerned about the individuals working on the

farmfromasecuritypointofview.

AnotherGermanJewishbornwomanwhoresidedonthefarmwasBrigitteLittmann.Itwasstatedby

authorities that her occupation was a dressmaker and she was making military uniforms without

receiving any payment. Authorities stated that this alien and her husband were trainees at the

ChelseaParkTrainingFarm

where they are endeavoring to fit themselves for farm work. The rules of the Farm are very strict and
rigidlyenforced,thereforethemovementsofaliensresidingattheFarm,arerestrictedtoanextentmore
thanordinarily.
29

Despite the Training Farm being considered as the best thing the Welfare Society had undertaken

becauseitenabledpeopletobetrainedforworkandlife(ontheland)inAustralia,byMarch1940,the

TrainingFarmwasnolongerfunctioningduetothehaltinJewishmigrationduringthewar.30Military

authoritiestookovertheFarmunderleaseinApril1941until1944.Afterthewar,thefarmwasused

tohouseJewishyouthcampsandwaseventuallysoldfor11,350in1957.31

Tryingtofitin

As noted in Chapter One, all enemy aliens were required to register and report to the (Aliens

Registration Officer (ARO) once a week. The elderly experienced most hardship in regards to

registration.RosaRosenbergwasaseventyoneyearoldwidowlivinginDoubleBay.DuringDecember

29
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeLittmann[neeDeutschland],Brigitte
(naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyGerman][Box229].C123/7670,NAA,Sydney.
30
Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring,p.58.
31
Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring,p59.
P a g e | 274

1940, authorities received an anonymous letter stating that they were suspicious of the fact that a

numberofrefugeesweregatheringaroundherhouse,especiallyonSundays.Theanonymouswriter

statedthat'Alightisoninthebathroomofthisplacetotheearlyhoursofthemorning.Recentlyan

explosion was heard in the bathroom whereupon the light was immediately extinguished'.32

AuthoritiesaddedthatRosahadnopersonalfriendsandthat'thefamilygenerallyareinratherpoor

circumstances, and are struggling for a living'.33 This was not the only encounter Rosa had with

authorities.Asshewasgrowingolderandherhealthdeteriorating,Rosawrotealettertoauthorities

appealingtobeexemptfromhavingtoreporttoauthoritieseachweek.

Figure89:RosaRosenberg

RosaRosenberg[GermanarrivedSydneyper
AORANGI,8April1939.Box98].SP11/2
GERMAN/ROSENBERGR,NAA,Sydney.

AuthoritiesrejectedRosasappeal,butitwassuggestedthatbecauseofherillhealthshemaybeable
towritetoauthoritiesona weeklybasisinstead.CaptainG.H.V.Newmanof theIntelligenceSection
wrote:

Inreplytoyourletteryouareadvisedthatnoexemptionfromreportingweeklycanbeallowed.Inview
ofyourageandhealthsuchlettertobewitnessedbyaJusticeofthePeaceorbyaprominentcitizen,

32
Anonymousletter,16December1940.SeeRosenberg,Rosa(German)[Box99].C123/3636,NAA,Sydney.
33
MemotoInspectorWilson,27December1940.SeeRosenberg,Rosa(German)[Box99].C123/3636,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 275

approved of by your local Alien Registration Officer. It will be necessary for you to make such
arrangementswiththeAlienRegistrationOfficeratRoseBayinregardtothismatter.
34

In a similar way to their Italian counter parts, some GermanJewish women also endured loneliness

and a feeling of alienation from their community. Ted Cantle wrote that in Britain after the Second

World War, migrants felt obliged to downplay their own cultural identity and with some groups

showingagreatwillingnessanddeterminationtoevenfeelBritishbeforetheycameandtotrytofit

in.35InAustralia,migrantsalsofeltobligedtodownplaytheirculturalidentity.Forexample,German

JewishborntwentyeightyearoldDorotheaChmelnitzki,whocametoAustraliainOctober1938,was

requiredtoregisterasanenemyalieninJuly1940.Dorotheaemphasizedtoauthoritiesthatshewas

endeavouring to do everything in her power to improve herself both socially and in the use of the

Englishlanguage.36Shefurther statedthatalthoughshewas borninBerlinofGermanparents,she

nowregardsherselfasstatelessandwouldjointheNewAustraliansClub.37Doretheaswillingnessto

adoptanewAustralianidentityaspartoftheirnewbeginningwascommonamongmanyGerman

Jewishrefugeewomenexaminedinthisstudy.

In some cases, GermanJewish women applied to have their surname changed to a more Anglicized

name in order to avoid difficulties during registration processes for enemy aliens. Anna Marie Collin

34
SeeRosenberg,Rosa(German)[Box99].C123/3636,NAA,Sydney.
35
T.Cantle,Communitycohesion:anewframeworkforraceanddiversity.NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005,p.122.
36
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 18 July 1940. Chmelnitzki, Dorothea
knownasMrsShell(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)[box62].C123/2782,NAA,Sydney.
37
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 18 July 1940. Chmelnitzki, Dorothea
knownasMrsShell(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)[box62].C123/2782,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 276

was born in Berlin in February 1902 and arrived in Australia in October 1939. During the war, Anna

lived in Killara, on Sydneys upper north shore of Sydney, and worked as a domestic servant. On 16

June1940,authoritieswrote:


ShesaysherparentsandhergrandparentsarenotoftheJewishrace,butProtestantLutherianfaith.It
transpiresthathercorrectnameisAbrahamandthatowingtohermother'sdivorceboththemotherand
thedaughterassumedthemother'smaidennameofCollin.ShewasinstructedtokeepnameAbraham
andtoldauthoritiesthatthepeopleshewritestoareDrGertrudLansburg,herbrotherandhermother
andsister.ShehasfriendswhoarehalfGermanandJewishandshespeaksEnglish,FrenchandGerman
fluentlyandstatesthatshehatesHitlerandeverythingGerman.38

On18November1943,Annawrotetoauthorities:

DearSir,

IherewithbegtoapplyforpermissiontousethenameofCollinagain.
Aftermymotherdivorcedmyfather,Dr.PaulAbraham,in1904,shewasgrantedtherightforherself
andherchildrentoreadoptthenameofCollinwhichhadbeenhermaidenname.
Consequentlymyschoolcertificate,qualificationsandreferencesaremadeoutforAnnaMarieCollin
andnotAbraham.
In 1938 Hitler ordered by decree that every person of Jewish descent who had changed his or her
name,hadtoreadopttheformername...
SomeweeksagoIwasinformedthatowingtosomeregulationconcerningchangeofnamesIhadto
alterthenameonmyregistrationcardfromCollinintoAbraham,whichIdid.
However I would like to use the name of Collin again and would appreciate if you gave me the
permission to do so. I may point out that this would save me endless trouble and difficulties as I am
knownonlyasA.Collin.39

It is unknown why initially authorities asked Anna to change her name back to her fathers name

however,itispossiblethatauthoritiesdidnotbelievethatshewasofProtestantfaith.InJanuary1944,

Annawasgrantedpermissiontochangehername.40

38
Report,16June1940.SeeCollin,Anna[Anne]Marie[GermanJewessnaturalisedBritishsubject][Box40].C123/2184,
NAA,Sydney.
39
Anna Marie Colllin wrote letter to Deputy Director of Security, 18 November 1943. See Collin, Anna [Anne] Marie
[GermanJewessnaturalisedBritishsubject][Box40].C123/2184,NAA,Sydney.
40
LetterfromDeputyDirectorofSecuritytoAnneMarieCollin,14January1944.SeeCollin,Anna[Anne]Marie[German
JewessnaturalisedBritishsubject][Box40].C123/2184,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 277

Although most knew how to speak English, there were some GermanJewish women who were

isolatedfromthecommunitybecauseoftheirlackofknowledgeoftheEnglishlanguage.Forexample,

BertaHerzbergwasaseventyeightyearoldJewishrefugeewidowfromGermanywholivedwithher

childreninRandwick,easternSydneyduringthewar.Itwasstatedonherquestionnairethatshedid

not know any English nor did she have many friends.41 Another example is Dorithea Sara Jacobus,

anotherGermanJewishrefugeewholivedwithherdaughterinBondiduringthewar.Itwasstatedon

herquestionnairethattheAlienisawidowaged seventyeightyearsofage,andisunable tospeak

English. The information herein was obtained through the aliens daughter with whom she resides

andsupportedby.42

Figure90:BertaHerzberg

BertaHerzberg[German
arrivedSydneyperMARELLA,
14April1939.Box94].
SP11/2GERMAN/HERZBERG
B,NAA,Sydney.

41
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeHerzberg,Berta(German)[Box183].
C123/6318,NAA,Sydney.
42
Questionnaire completed by the MPI Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney. See Jacobus [nee Wolff], Dorathea Sara
(German)[Box460].C123/15069,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 278

On the other hand, GermanJewish women who knew how to speak English experienced a lenient

responsefromauthorities.Indoingso,manyfelttheneedtocontributetothewarefforttofeelmore

acceptedinsociety.TheywerealsomotivatedbytheirpersecutionunderHitlersregime.Anexample

isCharlotteLevinwhowasborninNovember1884inLiegnitz,Germany.CharlottelivedinBondiand

workedasalanguageteacherattheBusinessCollegeinSydney.Charlottewrotetoauthoritieson19

March1944offeringherservicestotheAustralianwareffort:

Sir

HerebyItakethelibertyofofferingyoumyservices.

I am a refugee alien, 59 years of age, teacher of languages and speak, write and translates French,
Spanish,German,andEnglishperfectly.IcanalsoreadandtranslateeasyItaliantexts.Ihavestudiedin
England and France, acted formerly as teacher of languages and commercial subjects in Germany and,
persecutedundertheNazirule,cametoAustraliainAugust1936.IbelongtotheJewishcommunity.Iam
inpossessionofmyowntypewriter.

Icouldcallonyoupersonally...AtpresentIgiveafewprivatelessonsandhelpafriendofmineinashop
over the middle of the day. I should be very happy indeed if you could make use of my services and,
trustingtohearfavourablyfromyou.43

Authorities responded three weeks later stating that her services were not required at the time,

however,iftheneedwouldariseshewouldbecontacted.AnotherexamplewasfiftyyearoldGerman

IrmaTranslateur,wholivedinWentworthville,westofSydney.Sheappliedtoregisterheraddressasa

factoryundertheFactoriesandShopsAct1912(Cth).BecauseIrmasbusinesscontributedtothewar

effort,makingsoldierschevronsand hatbands,noobjectionbyauthoritieswasmade.44Authorities

wereobviouslylenient,allowingIrmatorunherbusiness.Thisemphasizestheshortageofmanpower

andthesenseofnationalismhighlightedbythewareffort.

43
LetterfromCharlotteLevintoDirectorofSecurityService,19March1944. SeeLevin, Charlotte(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box115].C123/4093,NAA,Sydney.
44
LetterfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityNSWtoActingunderSecretary,DepartmentofLabourandIndustry,March1943.
SeeTranslateur,Irma(German[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box168].C123/5822,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 279

Figure91:IrmaTranslateur Figure 92:CharlotteLevin


IrmaTRANSLATEURNationality:GermanArrived CharlotteLEVINNationality:GermanArrivedSydney
SydneyperAORANGIon26Aug1938[Box203].SP11/5 perSTRATHAIRDon28Jul1936[Box110].SP11/5LEVIN,
TRANSLATEUR,IRMA,NAA,Sydney. CHARLOTTE,NAA,Sydney.

GermanbornMargotBettyBingwasalsowillingtocontributetothewareffortduringthewar.Margot

lived in Elizabeth Bay, an eastern suburb of Sydney, and assisted her husband manufacturing lamp

shades.Inresponsetothemanpowershortage,Margotshusbandwrotetoauthoritiesonbehalfofhis

wife:

Mywife wasasales manageress for 10 yearsata large metal supplyinghousein Germany andwouldbe
willing to give details of the exact details of construction and design of German gas masks. If this
informationishelpfultotheBritishAuthoritiesshewillbewillingtogiveittoanengineer.Sheknowsthe
theoreticalsideofthisquestion.
45

45
CopyofletterfromMargotBettyBingtoAuthroities,24February1941.SeeBing,MargotBetty(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[box62].C123/2789,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 280

It is clear that Margot was willing to become less German by offering her services to the Australian

military,duetoherexperienceoftheracialpoliciesimplementedbytheNazisinGermany.

Whilemyhusbandisincamp

TheisolationthatwasexperiencedbysomeoftheseGermanJewishwomenwasfurtheraggravatedby

the restrictions placed on their travel and movements, and the wrongful incarceration of their

husbands.AsnotedinChapterOne,thetravelandmovementsofaliensandenemyalienswerealso

restricted.Ifanenemyaliendesiredtochangehisorherplaceofresidence,itwasnecessarytoreport

it to the nearest ARO. For example, Germanborn Alice Pieck lived in Kingsford, while her husband

HansPieckwasinterned.Aliceappealedtoauthoritiestobeallowedtomoveclosertoherhusband:

IamaJewishRefugeeandmyhusbandHansPieck...isatpresentincamp.

Beforehewentintocampwehadamerceryandtailoringbusinessattheaboveaddress,buttheshophas
sincebeenclosed.Welivedonthetopoftheshop.Inowlivetherewithmychild,101/2yearsold.

Ihavetopay$4perweekrent,andIcannotdothisnowonmyhusband'smilitarypay.

IhaveaskedthePoliceforpermissiontomovetoNo.9Holmstr.,KingsfordwithMrandMrsGlaser(English
people).Itisonlyafewminutesawayfromwhereiamlivinginthesamedistrict.IcannotunderstandwhyI
havebeenrefusedpermission.Itwillbecheaperformetolivewiththesepeople,andifIamnotallowedto
move,Iwillnotbeabletopaythelandlordtherent,andhemightnotbeabletoletmehavetheplacefor
whatIcanpay.

I cannot understand why I cannot get the permission as I am not stopped from going one section to the
beachanditdoesnotseemproper,asIcannotgetacheaperplacefivemilesout.

Iwillbeabletostorealotofourgoodsandfurniture,averybigglasscounterandalltheotherfittingsout
oftheshopinthegerage[garage]of9Holmstr.,Kingsford,whichwillsavemyrunningintodebtwhilemy
husbandisincamp,andIwillperhapsbeabletopaymyway.

46
Trustingyouwillgivemepermission.

46
CopyofletterfromAlicePiecktoauthorities,5May1942.SeePieck[alsoknownasPeek],Alice(German)[Box187].
C123/6417,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 281

With her husband interned, Alice was struggling financially and thought it best to move in with the

Glasners because it would be cheaper and closer to her husband. Alices request to live with the

Glasnerswasrejected.

Figure93:AlicePieck

AlicePIECKNationality:German
ArrivedSydneyperVIMINALEon19Nov
1938[Box150].SP11/5PIECK,ALICE,
NAA,Sydney.

Therewere,however,somecasesofauthoritieswhoweresympathetic.Forexample,EdithRosenthal,

wholivedinDoubleBay,appliedforpermissiontovisitherhusbandwhowasinQueensland.In1942,

EdithwasgrantedpermissiontochangeherresidentialaddresstoliveinQueensland.Thirtythreeyear

oldErnaBerger,whowasborninChristburg,Germany,arrivedinAustraliain1938andlivedinSurry

Hills,aninnercitysuburbofSydney,duringthewar.HerhusbandwasemployedwiththeAustralian

Employment Company and Erna became exempt from the restrictions in June 1943.47 Herta Kramer

47
StatementtotheDeputyDirectorofSecurityinSydneyfromErna,16June1943.SeeBerger,Erna(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box130].C123/4505,NAA,Sydney.AsnotedinChapterOne,theAustralianEmploymentCompanywasa
labouringtaskforcethatmaintainedthewareffortandsupportedthefightingforces.J.Factor,ForgottenSoldiers:Aliens
intheAustralianArmysEmploymentCompaniesduringWorldWarII.TheBirsteinProject.Melbourne:AustralianCentre
forJewishCivilisation,2008.
[http://www.yosselbirstein.org/pdf/eng/other/Forgotten_Soldiers.pdf].November2010).Accessed:12March2010.
P a g e | 282

wasborninBerlin,arrivedinAustraliainNovember1938andlivedinVaucluseduringthewar.Herta

endured the restrictions in the early years of war despite her husband being employed by the

AustralianEmploymentCompany.Hertaappliedforatravelpermittovisitherhusbandatthelabour

campinordertoconsultaspecialistregardingtheirson,whohadafootinfection.Hertawasallowed

tovisitherhusband.48

Figure 94:EdithRosenthal


EdithROSENTHALNationality:German
ArrivedSydneyperNIAGARAon20Nov1938
[Box166].SP11/5ROSENTHAL,EDITH,NAA,
Sydney.

GermanHildaCentawerandherhusbandFranzMartinCentawerranadraperyandmillinerystorein

Orange, in the central west region of New South Wales, which required them to travel outside of

OrangeinordertobuygoodsthatwerenotonofferbytravelersfromSydney.Hildawrotealetterto

authorities in May 1940 asking for permission to travel to Sydney to purchase goods. Nevertheless,

48
MemotoCowraPolicestationSergeantFHGermerfromMPISectionSydney,30May1942.See KramerneeCaspary,
Herta(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)[filecontainsphotographofsubject][Box136].C123/4714,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 283

authorities refused to grant the permit. Hildas husband, Franz, approached their accountant James

Hunter,whowrotealetterofsupport:

Thesepeopleareveryhardworkingandbuiltupagoodbusiness.Ihavedonetheirworkandhaveknown
thempersonallyeversincetheyarrivedinthiscountry.
I spoke to them on the phone and pointed out it was nothing against them personally but a general
regulationapplyingtoallaliensfromanenemycountry,whetherJewsornotJews(theyareJews).
Itisahardshipparticularlyformillineryandladiescostumesbuying.Peopleincountrytownsgettoknow
what it is likelyto selland buyaccordingly. At thesametime manufacturers aregenerally small men and
theydarenotriskmakingmorethanonesampletoshowbothtownandcountryclients.Thisnecessitates
buyers visiting the factories. If one has not the goods then they make the rounds till they get what is
needed'.49

What is interesting to note is that the Centawers suspected they were being prosecuted for their

religionastheyhadexperiencedinGermany.ItisnotknownfromherNAAdossierwhethertheappeal

wasaccepted.

Figure 95:HildaCentawer

HildaCENTER[formerlyCENTAWER]
Nationality:GermanArrivedSydneyper
AORANGI22Oct1938[Box30].SP11/5
CENTER,HILDA,NAA,Sydney.

49
Accountant James Hunter wrote to authorities, 12 Jan. 1942. See Centawer [changed to Center], Hilde (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box121].C123/4255,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 284

Prohibitedpossessions

ThemostproblematicoftheAliensControlRegulationsforauthoritieswastheProhibitedPossessions

Order 1939 (Cth). As noted in Chapter One, the legislation preventedenemy aliens from listening to

anybroadcastfromawireless.Manywomenthoughtthattheywerepermittedtoownawirelessset

aslongasitwasnotused.GermanbornAnneEckardtarrivedinAustraliainApril1926andwasliving

in Cremorne, on the lower north shore of Sydney. Annas husband Joahannes Arthur Eckardt was

internedduringthewaratTaturacampinVictoria.In1942,asuspiciousneighbour,MrHatchmanfrom

NeutralBay,anadjoiningsuburb,madeareporttoauthorities,claimingthatagreenlightwasburning

fromherroomatleastonceamonth.Authoritiesconductedasearchwhichrevealedthatshewasin

possession of two wireless sets. Anna believed that because the wireless sets were not turned on,

therewouldbenoproblem.AuthoritiesclaimedshewasinbreachoftheAliensControlRegulations.

She responded by saying I thought I could have them providing I did not use them, I will make

arrangementstodisposeofthem.50Despiteherplea,Annawasfined3and2.10.0courtcosts.51No

further information can be found in her file on the initial complaint regarding the green light in her

room. Nonetheless, Annas case highlights the war hysteria that existed among the Australian public

towardsGermanJewishwomen.

Many women were required to dispose of their prohibited possessions voluntarily. Search warrants

conducted by authorities throughout the war found many women in breach of this Prohibited

PossessionsOrder.Itemsthatwereprohibitedincludedwirelesssets,addressbooks,electrictorchesas

50
StatementmadebyPolice,11December1941.SeeUrner,Anna[German][Box314].C123/10232,NAA,Sydney.
51
Memorandum to Inspector Watkins, MPI, 17 April 1942. See Urner, Anna [German] [Box 314]. C123/10232, NAA,
Sydney.
P a g e | 285

wellascameras.GermanHermineEIlserlivedinRichmondwithherfamily,intheruralareanorthwest

ofSydney,andtoldauthoritiesthatshevaluedhercameraanddidnotwanttodisposeofitthrough

sale.Shedecidedtoallowauthoritiestotakepossessionofitforthedurationofthewar.52However,as

withthefilesofotherpeople,itisdifficulttoascertainfromHermineswhetherauthoritiesreturned

herpossessions.

Inanothercase,sixteenyearoldGermanSteffiSchweigerarrivedinAustraliainDecember1938and

residedinMaroubraBayduringthewar.SteffiworkedasadressmakerandfailedtoreporttoherARO

becauseshedidnotwanttobelatetowork.Consequently,authoritiessearchedherhousehold.Steffi

wasfinedfiveshillingswithcourtcostsof2.2.0andeightshillingsforowningawireless.53Charlotte

GurkewasborninBreslau,Germanyin1904andarrivedinAustraliain1934.Duringthewar,Charlotte

was unemployed and lived with her two children while her husband Kuno Hans Wilhelm Gurke was

internedatTaturaInternmentcampinVictoria.InOctober1940,Charlottevoluntarilyhandedoverher

camera to authorities for the duration of the war. Two years later however, Charlotte wrote to

authorities

Iamanenemyalien(German)andabout2yearsagofollowingtherestrictionsgaveupmywirelessset.I
havejustheardthatenemyaliensareallowedagaintohaveawirelessandIshouldbeverymuchobliged
ifyoucouldletmeknowwhetherthisistrueandifsowouldyougivemepermissiontohireawireless
receivingsetfromalocalfurniturestore.
Iamlivingaloneherewithtwosmallchildrenandwouldappreciateawirelessverymuch,particularlyin
theevenings.54

52
Report to Commissioner of Police, Sydney, 7 November 1940. See Eisler [nee Klement], Hermine (naturalised British
subject)[formerlyGerman][Box253].C123/8505,NAA,Sydney.
53
SeeSchweiger,Steffi[German][Box211].C123/7111,NAA,Sydney.
54
LetterfromCharlotteGurketoR.W.HamiltonPostsandTelegraphstoDeputyDirectorofSecurityNewSouthWales,27
Oct.1942.SeeGurke,Charlotte(German)[Box280].C123/9305,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 286

Fourmonthslater,CharlottesapplicationwasrejectedbySeniorRadioInspector,W.T.S.Crawford.55

Figure96:SteffiFriedlander

SteffiFRIEDLANDER[formerlySCHWEIGER]
Nationality:GermanArrivedSydneyper
ROMOLO18Dec1938[Box60].SP11/5
FRIEDLANDER,STEFFI,NAA,Sydney.

Thisfollowingcaseshowssomediscrepancieswithinsomepolicestationsduringthewarregardingthe

applicationoftheProhibitedPossessionsOrder.HertaCurtiswasborninVienna,Austriaandmigrated

toAustraliain1938withherhusbandKurtCurtis.DuringthewartheyresidedinBellevueHill,inthe

eastern suburbs of Sydney and when Herta registered as an enemy alien, authorities wrote on her

questionnaire:

weareoftheopinionthatsheisoflowmentalityandwouldnotcommitand[any]subversiveacts.Sheis
slightly hard of hearing and does not appear to have any views on the institutionalisation other than
expressregretathavingbeenforcedfromherhome.Herhusbandisacommercialtravellerintypewriter
requisitesandisawayatpresentandhasbeenforabout2months.
56

55
CopyofletterfromW.T.SCrawford,SeniorradioInspectortoCharlotteGurke,15February1943.SeeGurke,Charlotte
(German)[Box280].C123/9305,NAA,Sydney.
56
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,1939.SeeCurtiss formerley Schmuckler,
Herta(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)[Box98].C123/3522,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 287

InSeptember1940,asearchwasconductedattheCurtishomeandasmallcamerawasfound.Before

the search, Herta explained that when she and her husband gave it in to authorities, authorities

claimedbecauseitwassmallandcheaptheywereallowedtotakeithome.However,oncethesearch

was conducted, Kurt surrendered the camera to the local police station in Waverley. According to a

statementmadebyKurt,heaskedforareceipt.TheofficerinchargetoldKurtthathewouldreceive

thereceiptinthemailwithinthenexttwoweeks.InNovember1940,Hertarequestedforthereturnof

hercamerafromauthoritiesforthesolepurposeoftakingonlyfamilyphotos.Authoritiesresponded

byaskingforareceipt,however,HertaandKurttoldpolicethatareceiptwasnotsenttotheirhome.A

reportwasmadebytheofficerwhoclaimedbothHertaandherhusbandwereverydefinitethatthe

camerahadbeensurrenderedandimpressedmethattheyweretellingthetruthaboutthematter.57

Thereportsconcludedthatthecameracouldnotbelocatedandthematterwasleftunresolved.

ThoughmanywereinbreachoftheProhibitedPossessionsOrder,somewereallowedtoownandusea

camera,butinmostcases,thesewomenbecameemotionallydistressedafterthepressurethatwas

exertedbyauthorities.TwentyfiveyearoldGermanLydiaKauflerlivedonherownduringthewarin

Homebush, an inner western suburb of Sydney. She was a successful fashion designer working with

severalfirmsinthecity.OnLydiasquestionnaireform,authoritieswrotethat:

Friends contacted stated that this alien is well conducted and anxious to comply with the laws of this
country and in their opinion loyal to the British Empirehas few friends and occasionally visits her
neighbour,andattendsconcertsatSydneyTownHall.58

57
ReporttoInspectorWilson,22September1941.SeeCurtissformerleySchmuckler,Herta(GermannaturalisedBritish
subject)[Box98].C123/3522,NAA,Sydney.
58
Questionnaire completedbythe MPI Section,Police Headquarters in Sydney. See Kaufler, Lydia Else (German [born]
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box234].C123/7874,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 288

Figure97:LydiaKaufler

Kaufler,LydiaElse.SP11/2NAA,Sydney.

InMay1940,LydiawasquestionedbyauthoritiesastowhysheexposedcolouredfilmatKodakCoin

Sydney.Lydiaexplainedthattheexposuresonthefilmwereherowndesignsandthatshemerelytook

photographstofinishofftheremainingfilm.Overwhelmedbythequestioning,Lydiawasemphaticto

thepointoftearsandauthoritiesbelievedthattherewasnosignificanceinthearrangementofthe

photographsnorwasthereanymessageandshewasclearedofanysuspicion.59

ThirtyyearoldErnaFurnberglivedinPetersham,innerwestofSydney,andworkedasaphotographer

duringthewar.InOctober1940,evidencewasproducedbyErnatoshowauthoritiesthatsherequired

permissiontobeallowed tousehercameraasphotography washeronlymeansofearningaliving.

AuthoritiesallowedErnatousethecamera,providedthatthefollowingrestrictionswereadheredto:

itisreportedthatherworkconsistsmainlyofdevelopingphotographs,anditisonlyoccasionallythatshe
isrequiredtodooutsidephotography,andtheincomefromthelattersourceisestimatedatonly5/a
week. It would appear that use is approved, additional restrictions would appear necessary to conform
withotherpermitsissued;thesemightincludebetweenthehoursof9.a.mand9.p.m;withinaradiusof
5milesoftheG.P.O.Sydney;photographsnottobetakenofprohibitedplacesorinprohibitedareas,or

59
Intelligence report, 28 May 1940. See Kaufler, Lydia Else (German [born] naturalised British subject) [Box 234].
C123/7874,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 289

of defence properties, equipment, or personnel in uniform; not to be used on Sundays or public


holidays.60

Ernasactivitiesweredulynotedbyauthoritiesasthemonthspassed.Ernawaslateraffectedbytravel

restrictionsthatwereplacedonenemyaliensduringthewar.InAugust1942,shewrotetoauthorities

askingforpermissiontovisitherfiancwhowaslivinginMelbourneinordertodiscussarrangements

forthewedding:

DearSir,
IwishtoapplyforpermissiontovisitMelbourne:

Ihavebeenengagedtobemarriedforsixmonthsandwishtovisitmyfianctomakearrangementsfor
thewedding.

WecouldnotcometoadecisioninourletterswhetheritwouldbewiserformyfianctocometoSydney
tolivehere,orformetogotoMelbourne.Ihopeyouwillrealisethatitisofverygreatimportanceforus
totalkthatmatteroverpersonally.

IhaveaDeveloping&PrintingBusinesshereandIamdoingquitewell.Thereforewebothwillhaveto
considerthatproblemverythoroughly...

Myreasonsforaskingfortheaboveare,thatIcanarrangeformybusinesstobecarriedonatthistime.
Myaccountant,MrF.Brady,12O'ConnelStreet,Sydney,haskindlyundertakentodomyworkduringmy
absence.

Idohope,youwillbeabletograntmethispermission.61

Ernas application was refused. However, there were some officers who did sympathize with Erna,

stating that they interviewed her and she was very distressed that she could not see her fiance to

discuss the issue. One officer stated that 'her explanation re marriage was satisfactory, but have

advisedhertotrytomakesomedecisionwithfiancbypostalservice.Advisedherthatifnodecision

60
MemorandumtoMPIsection,19November1940.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyGerman
borninAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
61
Copy of letter from Erna Furnbergto Police Headquarters in Sydney, 24 August1942.SeeFurnberg, Erna (naturalised
Britishsubject)[formerlyGermanborninAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 290

wasreached,tosubmitafurtherapplicationstatingherdifficulties'.62Onemonthlater,approvalwas

giventoErnatotraveltoMelbourne;however,therewasoutrageexpressedinregardstothisdecision

by an anonymous member of the community for the reason that they could not use Ernas services

because she was on holiday: 'Do you think it is fair to allow Miss E. Fernberg a Refugee Austrian

PhotographertotraveltoMELBOURNE[sic]thisweekandonaholidaywhenbusinesswasrefusedto

deservingAustraliansforurgentbusiness'.63

Figure98:ErnaFurnberg

ErnaFURNBERGNationality:German
ArrivedSydneyperKZM25Mar1939[Box
61].SP11/5FURNBERG,ERNA,NAA,Sydney.

By1943,nowmarried,Ernawasforcedtodisposeofherequipmentexceptforhercameraandlefther

business to work as a freelance photographer. In February, Erna called authorities to obtain an

extensiononherapplicationpermitforacamerabecauseatthetimeshewasinadentalmechanics

62
Report,31August1942.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyGermanborninAustria][Box200].
C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
63
LetterwrittentoMinisterofDefence,nodate.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyGermanborn
inAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 291

course while alsoworkinginfreelance photography. Authoritieswrotethatshe'painteda pictureof

beingdeprivedofherlivingandleftstarvingbutitisapparentthatshewishestopickheremployment

and particularly to remain in employment in the photographic business which at the present time is

particularly remunerative'.64 At that time, only twelve enemy aliens possessed permits for use of

photographicapparatus.AuthoritiesconcludedthatErnawasnotallowedtouseacameraandthatall

equipmentbesubmittedtotheNationalService.Itwasnotuntil1944thatErnawastransferredfrom

enemyalientorefugeestatus.Itisnotknownwhetherherequipmentwasreturned.65

Anotherexampleofhowstrictauthoritieswereregardingthe useof cameraswas highlighted inthe

case of German Jewishborn Eleanore Liefmann. Eleanore was born in Offenbach, Germany in 1909

andlivedwithherhusbandatDoubleBayduringthewar.On20November1940Eleanorewroteto

authoritiesaskingforpermissiontousehercamera.Authoritiesrespondedbyclaimingthatdespitethe

fact there is nothing recorded against her of an adverse nature, it is recommended that the

applicationforpermissiontoretainacameraberefused'.66NineteenyearoldyearoldGermanIrma

MerkelbachwasalsoaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations.ShearrivedinAustraliainNovember

1938 and lived in Mt Pritchard, south west of Sydney, and helped her father make bags. A search

warrantwasexecutedatherhomewhereauthoritiesfoundIrmainthepossessionofacamerawhich

64
LetterfromDeputyDirectorSecuritytoSecurityService,2February1943.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)
[formerlyGermanborninAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
65
LetterfromDeputyDirectorSecuritytoSecurityService,2February1943.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)
[formerlyGermanborninAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
66
Response freom Authorities to Eleanore Liefmann, 29 November 1940. See Liefmann, Eleanore (German naturalised
Britishsubject)[Box104].C123/3772,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 292

had been given to her by her grandmother ten years earlier. Authorities confiscated the camera,

however,noprosecutionwasrecommendedandIrmawasnotfined.67

Afterthewarhadended,manywomencontinuedtobesubjectedtotheAliensControlRegulations.

For example, Else Fuhrmann who was born in Germany in November 1891 and arrived in Australia

November1929,wrotealetteron6August1945totheDeputyDirectorofSecurityaskingpermission

to use her wireless. The Deputy Director responded that it was fine for Else to use it as long as she

altersthevalvesinthewirelesssoshehasalimitedamountofaccesstofrequencyinthearea.68

ThirtyfouryearoldSelmaFinkensteinwasasinglewomanworkingasadomesticservantandlivedin

Darlinghurst during the war. Selma was described by authorities as of only medium intelligence,

ratherchildishinmannerandisparticular[particularly]hardworkingandthrifty.69InOctober1940,

Selmawrotetoauthoritiesaskingwhethertheywouldreturnheraddressbookandthattheaddress

bookhadthephonenumberandaddressesoffriendsthatshewouldliketomeetwith.Itisunknown

fromherfilewhetherauthoritiesreturnedthisbook.70

67
ReporttoOfficerinChargeofPolice,Liverpool,8October1941.Merkelbach,Irma[German][Box240].C123/8054,NAA,
Sydney.
68
Response from Deputy Director of Security to Else Fuhrmann, 21 August 1945. See Fuhrmann, Else Martha Louisa
(German)[Box167].C123/5806,NAA,Sydney.
69
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeFinkenstein,Selma(German)[Box75].
C123/3037,NAA,Sydney.
70
Copy of letter from Selma Finkenstein to authorities, 16 october 1940. See Finkenstein, Selma (German) [Box 75].
C123/3037,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 293

German Hertha Lindenberg was born in 1902 and lived in Bondi with her husband during the war.

Hertharanaboardinghouseanditwasstatedonherquestionnairethat:

We are of the opinion that at the present we can see no reason to put any restriction on the
movements of this alien. Owing to her running a boarding house she has no time to commit any
subversive act. She is quite willing and ready to answer questions, and the boarder, Mr Brown is
continually on the watch for any subversive utterances or actions. Mr Brown states that he would
immediatelyinformtheauthoritiesifanythingcameunderhisnotice.71

HerthahadtoobtainpermissiontouseanelectrictorchwhilstvisitingherhusbandAlfredinmilitary

hospital.Hewaseventuallydischargedfromthe2ndAustraliaEmploymentCompanyinJune1943.72

Figure99:SelmaFinkenstein Figure100:HerthaLindenberg

SelmaKATZMANN[neeFINKENSTEIN] HerthaLINDENBERGNationality:Stateless,
Nationality:GermanArrivedSydneyperMAIN formerlyGermanArrivedSydneyperTASMAN
on20May1939[Box94]].SP11/5KATZMANN, on22Feb1939[Box112].SP11/5LINDENBERG,
SELMA,NAA,Sydney. HERTHA,NAA,Sydney.

71
Questionnaire completed by the MPI Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney. See Lindenberg, Hertha (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box157].C123/5413,NAA,Sydney.
72
LetterfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityNSW,TaylortoHertha, 5 September 1942. SeeLindenberg,Hertha (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box157].C123/5413,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 294

SuspiciousMinds

ThereweremanyAustralianresidentswhoreportedtheirGermanJewishneighborstotheauthorities

reflecting on the hysteria of the wartime conditions. There were a number of incidents in the files

concerning GermanJewish women who were suspected of being spies. Ilse Rosenthal was born in

Germany in April 1891, arrived in Sydney July 1938 and resided in harborside Vaucluse. Ilses

professionfocused on the Germanlanguage and philosophy. Ilse was a student of Albert Einstein at

BerlinUniversitygraduatingwithaPhDinphilosophy,Greekandphysics.73Sheworkedasalecturerat

SydneyUniversityandtaughtataprivateschoolatHopewoodHouse,DarlingPoint.Authoritieswere

concernedthatifIlsehappenedtocomeacrossGermaninformationregardingthewarshewouldbe

abletotranslatetheinformationandpassitontothewrongpeople.Ilsessecuritydossiercontaineda

pamphlet on the schedule of her lectures on modern science that was distributed to university

students.Thissuggeststhatauthoritiesweredeeplyconcernedwithherpositionasalecturerwhich

gavehertheopportunitytoinfluenceothersifshechosetodoso.74Nothingadversewaseventually

foundbutitwasnotedthatIlseshusbandwasemployedinsomeverysecretworkconnectedwith

munitions,workthatwas giventohimbyCommonwealthGovernmentauthoritieswhensomething

brokedownandnoonecouldbefoundtofixtheproblemonaSunday.75

73
A.Smith,EncyclopediaofAustralianScienceRosenthalSchneider,Ilse(18911990).16March2001.
[http://www.eoas.info/biogs/P003165b.htm].Accessed:17March2012.
74
Pamphlet on schedule of Dr Ilse Rosenthals lectures, September 1941. See Rosenthal nee Schneider, Ilse (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box112].C123/4020,NAA,Sydney.
75
Unknownauthor,Memorandum,12May1941.SeeRosenthalneeSchneider,Ilse(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)
[Box112].C123/4020,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 295

Figure101:IlseRosenthal

IlseROSENTHAL[neeSCHNEIDER]
Nationality:GermanArrivedSydneyper
AORANGIon01Jul1938[Box166].SP11/5
ROSENTHAL,ILSE,NAA,Sydney.

Ilses case study also shows how communication with people in other countries during the war was

extremelydifficult,andwasespeciallyfrustratingforJewishrefugees.On28April1940,Ilsewroteto

theControllerGeneralofCustomsinCanberra,E.Abbott,askingwhethershewouldbeabletohelp

herbrother,whohadfledtoHolland,toretrievehisbelongingsthatwereinGermany.Ilsewrote:

TheonlypossibilitytogethisbelongingsoutofGermanyandtoHollandwouldbe,ashewrotetome,to
sendtheBillofLadingwhichishereinSydneybacktoHollandtohim.HehasaskedmetoforwardthisBill
toGermanyinorderto[collect]histhings,thelastofallhispropertythatwaslefttohim.Ashewasnot
allowedtotakemoneywithhim,hecannotbuynewthingsinHolland.Iwouldlovetohelphimingetting
his things, and, therefore, I am applying for the permission to send the Bill of Lading to my brother in
Holland. As I fear that this last property of my brother might be confiscated by the Nazis, I should be
76
extremelygratefulifthepermissionwouldbegrantedtomeassoonaspossible.

Mr Abbott responded almost three months later, stating that Holland is now occupied by Germany

and communication with enemy territory is prohibited under the Trading with the Enemy ActThe

delay in replying to your letter has been caused by the rapidly changing European situation and is

76
LetterfromDr.IsleRosenthaltoControllerGeneralofCustomsinCanberra,E.Abbott,28April,1940.[Dr.IsleRosenthal
SchneidercommunicationwithbrotherinHolland.1940/w/7242,A1539].A1539/1940/W/7242,NAA,Canberra.
P a g e | 296

regretted.77ItisnotclearfromIlsesdossierwhetherornotshewasabletoobtainpermissionlateron

toassistwithherbrothersrequest.

SurveillancewasalsoplacedonJulieSaraFischerwhowasborninPosen,Germanyon21January1912

andarrivedinAustraliaon5October1939.Duringthewar,JuliewaslivingwithherhusbandinTumbi

Umbi,asmalltownnearWyongonthecentralcoastofNewSouthWales,wheresheworkedasacook.

On4August1941,astatementagainstJuliewasmadebyKateSmith,proprietorofaboardinghousein

Woollahra:

About5p.m.on30thJuly,1941,IsaidtoMrsFischer,whoappearedtobeatthetimeleavingherroomtogo
toanotheraddress,Areyouleaving now,MrsFischer, asifyouare,Iwant youtosignmybook.Iatthe
timehadmyalienregisterinmyhand.MrsFischerreplied,No,Iwillbackinaboutanhourstime.Isaid,
Areyousleepingheretonight?Shereplied,Idontknow,wemaybebecauseIdontknowwhetherthe
flatwillbereadyforme,asthepeopleonlyleftthatday.About1hourlater,MrsFischerdidnotreturnto
myplace,andIwentintotheroomwhichsheandherhusbandhadvacated,andsawtheattachednoteon
thetable,togetherwiththekeysoftheroom.IthenreportedthemattertoPaddingtonPoliceStation.
78

KateSmithhadrequestedMrsFischertofurnishherintendednewaddressinthebookwhichsheat

thetimehadinherhand.MrsFischerrefusedtomakethenecessaryentryinthebook,andstatedthat

shemaybereturningtosleepatthataddress,astheflatwhereshewasgoingmaynotbereadyfor

77
Copy of letter from Controller General of Customs in Canberra, E. Abbott to Dr Isle Rosenthal, 11 July 1940. [Dr. Isle
RosenthalSchneider communication with brother in Holland. 1940/w/7242, A1539]. A1539/ 1940/W/7242, NAA,
Canberra.
78
Statement made by Kate Smith, proprietor of residential Woollahra, 4 August 1941. See Fischer, Jula Sara (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box92].C123/3462,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 297

herShethenleftanddidnotreturn.79Katesaid,Yes,Iwroteit,butIamverysorryifIdidanything

wrong.80

Figure102:JulieSaraFisher

JuliaSaraFISCHERNationality:German
EmbarkedBataviaperNIEUWHOLLAND[Box
56].SP11/5FISCHER,JULIASARA,NAA,
Sydney.

AnonymousletterswrittentoauthoritiesregardingsuspectGermanJewishrefugeeswerearecurrent

theme. Anna Gertrud Wendorf was sixty two years old, lived in Elizabeth Bay with her family and

stayed at home most of the time during the war. On 23 November 1940, suspicious neighbours

reported that they noticed signaling at night coming from Annas apartment. One month later

authorities conducted surveillance of Annas apartment and saw no signaling and heard no further

complaints. A detective and sergeant refrained from interviewing Anna and continued to watch her

home.81

79
Memofrom Constable ClaudePryor toInspectorGillam, 22 August1941.SeeFischer,Jula Sara(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box92].C123/3462,NAA,Sydney.
80
Memofrom Constable ClaudePryor toInspectorGillam, 22 August1941.SeeFischer,Jula Sara(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box92].C123/3462,NAA,Sydney.
81
Report to Inspector Wilson, MPI section, 23 December 1940. See WENDORF, Anna Gertrude and Gertrude Johanna
[SecurityService,NewSouthWales,dossier][Box13].C123/2921,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 298

ThirtyfiveyearoldGermanJewishSinnaRotensteinwasalsoplacedunderscrutinybasedonthefact

that she was a typist. Sinna was born in Russia and was classified as a German national when she

arrivedinAustraliainMay1939becauseofherGermanparents.Sinnawassingle,livedatNeutralBay

and worked as a domestic servant. Anonymous persons became suspicious of Sinna because her

brother was interned, she spoke German and her neighbours regularly heard Sinna using a

typewriter.82 In August 1940, authorities interviewed Sinna and found out that her brother was

internedatOrangeandthatshehadnotseenhimsincebecauseshecouldnotgetsufficienttimeoffto

travelandthatshecouldnotaffordthecostoftraveling.Authoritieswrote:

Regarding the amount of typing done...she is hopeful of some day obtaining employment as a
stenographerand forthatreason practicesonthetypewriteroneveryopportunity,whichalsohelpsto
improve her knowledge of English. The number of conversations she would have over the telephone
whenshewouldspeakinGermanwhilstemployedatSlingo's,shemaintainswerewithherbrotherwho
was then in Grime's garage at King's Cross, giving her reasons for speaking German that she found it
easiertomakeherselfunderstood.83

Sinnaassuredauthoritiesthatsheoccupiedherselfalldaywithhouseholddutiesfrom7amto8pmand

thatattheendofthedayshewastootiredtogooutandshewouldstayinherroom.Shealsostated

thatshehadnofriendsandthatshehadeveryFridayoffwheresheusuallywenttotheCitytohavea

look around at the shops or attend a picture show.84 It became common for women to prove to

authorities that they were not involved in espionage, with strategies such as emphasizing that they

werelonelyandhadnofriendstobecomelesssuspiciousandavoidofficialharassment.

82
Letter from Major to Eastern Command, 20 June 1940. See Rotenstein, Sinna (German) [Box 149]. C123/5124, NAA,
Sydney.
83
ReporttoinspectorKeefe,8August1940.SeeRotenstein,Sinna(German)[Box149].C123/5124,NAA,Sydney.
84
ReporttoinspectorKeefe,8August1940.SeeRotenstein,Sinna(German)[Box149].C123/5124,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 299

Otherwomenwerefortunatethatauthoritiesdidnotdependonthemeaninglessassertionsmadeby

suspiciousmembersofthecommunity.ForexampleGermanJewishbornRosemarieSaraMeyerwas

16yearsoldwhensheregistered.ShelivedinDoubleBayandwasadressmakerduringthewar.On19

January1942,aletterwaswrittentoauthoritiesbyAustralianbornFrancisMcGuinnes:

ThereareforeignersnextdoortomyAunt'splacewhoholdmeetingseveryweekthereareseveralcars
parked outside the place, the blinds are always pulled down when they arrive, and you can hear them
talking in a foreign language as though they are sending messages, my Aunt's are watching them and
whentheyfindanythingdefinitetheywillinformthemilitary.85

Authoritiesconcludedthatthissourcecanonlyberegardedasanunreliableperson,wholittleorno

reliancecanbeplacedupon'.86

Figure103:RosemarieSara
Meyer

RosemarieSaraMEYERNationality:German
ArrivedSydneyperNIEUWHOLLANDon05Oct

1939[Box129].SP11/5MEYER,ROSEMARIE
SARA,NAA,Sydney.

BloodyrefoGohomewhereyoucamefrom:YvonneKraemerandIlonaBalog

ThereweremanyGermanJewishrefugeewomenwhofledNazipersecutioninordertostartanewlife

in Australia. However, the Aliens Control Regulations in their new host country disrupted their new

85
MemorandumregardingstatementmadebyFrancisMcGuinnes,19January1942.SeeMeyer,RosemarieSara(German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box89].C123/3401,NAA,Sydney.
86
MemorandumregardingstatementmadebyFrancisMcGuinnes,19January1942.SeeMeyer,RosemarieSara(German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box89].C123/3401,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 300

beginning. Yvonne Kraemer and her family were an example of GermanJewish refugees who fell

victimtowartimehysteriaandlegislation.YvonnesparentswereJohannAlfredKraemerandMargot

Kramer(neeOppenheimer).87WhilelivinginGermany,herfather,Johann,wasanengineerbutcould

not establish his own air conditioning (central heating) business nor could her mother, who had

completedallofherqualificationsindentistry,practiceasadentist.Margotsmainaspirationwasto

become a doctor. However, this was considered not to be ladylike and she was discouraged by her

father.88

Accordingly,YvonnesparentsdecidedtoleaveGermany,particularlywhentheyhadrealizedtheNazis

weretighteningtheirgripoverthecountry.Ononeoccasion,herfatherJohannansweredthedoorto

his apartment in Frankfurt to find an SS officer who was looking for a Hans Kraemer. Hans was a

commonshortnameformanynamedJohann.ItwassoonrealizedbybothJohannandtheSSofficer

thattherewasanotherHansKraemerintheblockofapartmentsandtheSSofficerleftinpursuitof

him.AsYvonneremembersthatswhentheyrealizeditwastimetogetgoing.89Fortunatelyforthe

Kraemers,theyhadleftbeforetheywerecalledupbytheSS.90

A few years after they had married, the Kraemers decided to move to America. However, because

JohannwasborninStrasbourg,acountrywhichwastakenoverbytheFrench,theAmericanschose

87
SomeofthereasonswhyherparentsemigratedwerebecausebeingGermanJewishandlivinginGermanyduringthe
1930swasextremelydifficult.
88
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
89
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
90
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 301

nottoaccepttheKraemersandinstead,theycametoAustraliawheretheyhadrelatives.91Yvonnes

grandparentsonherfathersside,DanielandKlaraKraemer,hadlosteverythingduringtheFirstWorld

War and the depression, including a tobacconist kiosk that they owned in a hotel in Strasbourg.

Yvonnes father assisted their migration to Australia in July 1939 and they lived with their son and

daughterinlaw.Yvonnesmaternalgrandparents,decidedtostayinGermanybecausetheyhadalot

of money invested in properties there which under the laws that applied at the time, would be

confiscated if they were sold. What the Kreamers were not expecting upon their arrival to Australia

was the discrimination they experienced that was brought on by the war and cemented by the

introductionoftheAliensControlRegulations.92

Figure104:Yvonnesgrandmother,KlaraKraemer,
September1939

MargotKRAEMERNationality:GermanArrived
SydneyperMSMAGDEBURGon17Oct1938[Box
102].SP11/5KRAEMER,MARGOT,NAA,Sydney.

91
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
92
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 302

Figure105:Yvonnesmother,Margot Figure 106: Yvonnesfather,JohannAlfred


Kraemer,September1939 Kraemer,September1939


KlaraKraemer[GermanarrivedSydneyper JohannAlfredKraemer.SP11/5
RMSORAMA,18July1939.Box96].SP11/2 GERMAN/KRAEMERK,NAA,Sydney
GERMAN/KRAEMERK,NAA,Sydney

AftertheirarrivalinAustraliainOctober1938,theKraemersmovedtoWaverley,aneasternsuburbof

Sydney and began looking for work. However, Yvonnes father was unable to find work and in early

1939,thefamilymovedtoMayfield,nearNewcastle,whereJohannwashiredasadraftsmanforthe

steelworks company called the Broken Hill Propriety Limited (BHP). It was unexplained how Johann

wasevenpermittedtoworkforthesteelworksproductioncompanyinNewcastle,especiallyashewas

classified as an enemy alien. Despite her qualifications, Yvonnes mother was unable to practice

dentistry because her qualifications were not recognized in Australia and there was no university in
P a g e | 303

Newcastle at the time for her to consider gaining local registration. Yvonne was born in 1940 and

YvonnesgrandparentshadarrivedinAustraliatolivewiththefamily.93

According to Yvonne, one of the main problems with being an enemy alien was that they were not

allowedtoownacameraandtakephotos.Thisisthereasonwhythereareveryfewphotographsof

herchildhood.Herfatherhadacamerabutwasnotallowedtokeepit.Hesoldittohisfriendandit

was returned after the war had ended. There was, however, one photograph that Yvonne has

managedtofindandshehasprovidedmewithacopy.ThephotographshowsYvonneasaoneyear

oldchildsittingwithhergrandparentsDanielandKlaraKraemer.Yvonnecanalsorecollecttheweekly

tripssheandherfamilymadetothelocalpolicestationonValenciaStreetinMayfieldtoregisterand

report to their ARO. During the war, her family had no car and since there was no public transport,

theyhadtowalk2.5kilometerseveryweek.Thefamilyeventuallyestablishedsomerapportwiththe

ARO, Sergeant Gleeson. Sergeant Gleeson was well liked and friendly with the family. Yvonne

remembered sitting on the police desk and being given a lollie by the Sergeant. Unfortunately,

sometimeduringthe war,SergeantGleesonwastransferredandahorriblemanwho wasnowhere

nearaspleasanttoenemyalienstookover.94

DuringherweeklytripstothePoliceStation,YvonnesawaBaptistchurchorhallandbecamescaredof

this building because she was told that she was not allowed to go in there and that they were only

allowed in synagogues. One day, while supplied with cardboard and crayons by her father, Yvonne

93
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
94
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 304

drew the Baptist church, with a heading BBC, which, in Yvonnes eyes, stood for the scary Berlin

BaptistChurch.95Whenher parentssawthedrawingtheywerecurioustoknow howtheir daughter

knew about the British Broadcasting Commission (BBC). Almost immediately, the drawing was

destroyed,herparentsscaredthatsomeonewouldseeitandreporttheincidenttoauthorities.96


Figure107: Enemy
AliensDanieland
KlaraKraemerwith
Aussie
granddaughter
Yvonne,1942.

AnotherproblemwithbeinganenemyalienthataffectedYvonneduringthewarwasthatshewasnot

allowed to speak German with her family in public spaces. However, Yvonnes parents knew English

verywellandadoptedtheEnglishlanguageintheirhomeduringthewar.TheonlytimeGermanwas

spokeninthehomewastocommunicatewithhergrandparentswhoknewverylittleEnglish.Yvonne

was told by her mother that whenever they went shopping she must not talk to my grandmother

95
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
96
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 305

whenwewereout.97ShewastoldthisbecauseYvonnesmotherknewthatifherdaughterwantedto

speaktograndmaitwouldbeinGerman,whichcouldleadtopeoplesuspectingthemasbeingGerman

spies.Littledidherparentsknowthatbecauseofthis,Yvonneexperiencedanidentitycrisisasshewas

growingupinAustralia.YvonnetoldmethatIdidntknowwhy[shewastoldtonotspeakGerman]

and because of that, that sort of affected me psychologically for many years even as I grew up and

grewolder.Inevereversaidmuch.Iwasaveryshychild.98

Perhaps the most memorable case concerned German Jewishborn Ilona Balog. Ilonas family left

Germanyinthelate1930sandlivedinEnglandforafewyearsbeforearrivinginAustralia.TheBalog

family settled on Balfour Road in Rose Bay, an eastern suburb ofSydney. However, theirarrival was

made difficult by the Commonwealth Government. TheBalogfamily was requested to pay a landing

fee of 2,200 in addition to having a guarantor, which at the time was a considerable amount of

money.Inaddition,SuzanneRutlandwrotethatwhilethegovernmentwassympathetictotheplight

oftheJewishrefugees,thereceptionaccordedbytheAustralianpublic,bothJewishandnonJewish,

wasonthewholecoldandaloofand,insomecases,evenhostile.99AccordingtoSuzanneD.Rutland,

the Commonwealth discreetly discouraged their entry by creating difficulties with the language

test.100

97
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
98
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
99
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.29.
100
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.29.
P a g e | 306

Nevertheless,theBalogfamilywasgratefulforlivinginAustralia,escapingthehorrificconditionsthat

Jews endured in Germany and the constant fear of bombing in England. While they settled, Ilonas

father Georg Balog established a clothing manufacturing company in Sydney while her mother

Mathildaremainedahousewife.

Aschildren,IlonaandheryoungersisterperceivedtheirjourneytoAustraliaasagreatadventure.They

werehappytoleaveEuropeandwereinnocentlyexpectingbeautifulweatherandkangarooshopping

aroundonthestreets.IlonaandhersisterwerekeptbusybymeetingupwithotherJewishrefugeesin

their area. They formed a youth group, attended the synagogue regularly for social gatherings and

becameinvolvedinmakingcamouflagenettingthroughavoluntaryorganizationwhichcontributedto

thewareffort.SomeoftheactivitiesthatIlonatookpartinincludedknittingsockstosendtosoldiers

fightingoverseasandwaitressingattheAmericanRestandRecreationcentrelocatedinKingsCross.101

The culture shock was experienced similarly by Yvonne and Ilona Balog. Refugees are most often

perceivedaspooranduneducated;however,GermanJewishwhofledNaziGermanywerepartofan

influential class who were stripped of their German citizenship.102 This was certainly the case for

Yvonne and Ilonas familes. Yvonnes parents came from a large town in Germany where there was

morevarietyoffoodandnumerouswaysofentertainingyourself.103LivinginaplacelikeNewcastle,

and coming from a GermanJewish background, Yvonne was very much aware of any difference.104

101
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
102
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.29.
103
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
104
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 307

She was quiet and withdrawn as a child; forever conscious of being different; and she felt my

parentsaccentwassomethingIfeltIdidntwantmyschoolfriendstoknowabout.105Ilonaexplained

that her mother experienced a culture shock and believed that Australia was quite backward

regardingfamilylife.WhilelivinginGermany,Mathildawasusedtohavingahousemaidandneverhad

todoherownhouseworkwhichwasconsideredtobebelowherstandard.106

Duetofinancialdifficulties,Ilonaleftschool,abandoningheraspirationsofbecomingadoctorinorder

toworkasamessengergirlforalawfirminthecity.Ilonareceived9shillingsperweekandsavedup

for a deposit on a piano which she still owns today. While she was working, Ilona also attended

BusinessCollegeintheevenings.Herworkasamessengergirlwasshortlivedandshelaterworkedfor

the Jewish Welfare Society (JWS). However, shortly after this, her father was called to work for the

Employment Company when he turned forty five years old, and Ilona left the JWS to work for her

fatherscompany.107IlonasfatherstayedintheEmploymentCompanyforafewweeksandwasable

toreturnhomeafterhewasrejectedbyauthoritiesduetoillhealth.

WhileIlonawasworkingasamessenger,resentmentwasexpressedtowardherbyhercolleagues.It

hasbecomewellknownthatduringthedepressionyearsthegovernmentbelievedthattherewere

too many Australians out of work to permit entry to foreigners.108 This led to many migrants being

subjecttohostilitiesexpressedbytheAustralianpublic.Whenaskedwhethershehadexperiencedany

105
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
106
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
107
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
108
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.30.
P a g e | 308

discrimination, Ilona referred to an incident that occurred on the way into the city one day when

someonecalledouttoherBloodyrefoGohomewhereyoucamefrom!109Ilonawasawarethatshe

was perceived as different in many ways. She said We were just different and people didnt

understand.110 She knew she dressed differently and spoke English in a different way, so the

discrimination experienced was justified in her eyes because in reality, she saw herself as different.

Despite these reactions, Ilona was more surprised to find that racism also came from established

membersoftheJewishcommunitywhowereafraidthattheinfluxofrefugeeswouldencourageanti

Semitism.111

AtsixteenyearsofageuponentryinAustralia,Ilonawasrequiredtoregisteratthelocalpolicestation

inRoseBayasanenemyalienandreporttotheAROonceaweek.Ilonaremembersvisitingthepolice

onaweeklybasisandcommentedonhowfriendlythepolicestaffwere.Infact,Ilonaremarkedathow

she looked forward to seeing the police officers and at times, was flirtatious with them. She also

remembershavingasarcasticattitudeandthatshewascalledintothepolicestationbecausesomeone

hadaccusedherofbeingaspy.Thepolicequestionedherwithoutrevealingwhohadfiledthereport

herinbutwere quicktorealizethattherewasnocredibilitytothestoryandshewasfreeto leave.

Despitethefalseaccusations,Ilonabelievedthatduetothewarsituation,itwaseasyforarealspyto

pretend that they were Jewish, so again, it was justified. Ilona claimed this kind of suspicion was

109
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
110
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
111
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
P a g e | 309

understandable because in those days Australia was veryisolated and anything strange that they

didntknowtheylookedatwithsuspicion.112

After our interview, I was curious to find out more about Ilonas incident with the police. Ilona was

nevertoldaboutwhoreportedhertothepolice.However,afewmonthslater,afterdiscoveringher

NAAfilewhichhadneverbeforebeenexamined,IreturnedtointerviewIlonaonceagainandshowed

her the NAA file along with dossiers concerning her parents. Ilona was intrigued about what the

authorities had written. I read aloud the two statements made against her. Both statements were

madebycoworkerswhoknewherwhileshewasworkingasamessenger.DorisPolsonmadethefirst

statementon3December1941:

AboutonemonthagowhilstIwashavinglunchinthecompanyofIlonaBalog,IheardMissDavidsonsayto
her,whodoyou wanttoseewith[win]thiswar?BalogrepliedOhGermany, ofcourse!MissDavidson
reprimandedherbysaying,youdbetternotsaythathere,oryoullgetputout.
Onanotheroccasion,MissBalogwasatmydesknearthetelephoneandshewasidlydrawingswastikason
thepad.Isaidtoherwhatareyoudoingthere?sheappearedstartledandsaidoh,nothing.Isaid,the
UnionJackwouldbemoreinyourline.BalogoncepassedtheremarkthattheGermansoldierswerevery
welldisciplinedandexcellentfighters.IdoknowthatBalogwascommunicatingwithasailorintheBritish
Navy,whomshemetontheboatcomingouttoAustralia.Ihavereadoneofthelettersfromthissailorto
IlonaBalog.113

Onthesameday,HeatherDavidsonstated:

IknewMissIlonaBalog.Shewasemployedforaboutsixweeksbyourfirmandleftaboutafortnightago.
Whilsthavinglunchaboutamonthago,IsaidtoIlonaBalog,whodoyouwanttoseewinthiswar?she
said, oh, Germany, of course! I said youd better not say that here, or youll get put out. By her
demeanour,IamsuspiciousthathersympathiesliewithGermany,asacountrybutperhapsnotwiththe
leadersofthatcountry.ItwasnoticeablethatsheneveratanytimevoicedherfeelingsasbeingagainstNazi
Germany.114

112
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
113
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 3rd December, 1941. See See Balog,
Ilona[Hungarian[borninGermany]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box524].C123/17270,NAA,Sydney.
114
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,3rdDecember,1941.SeeBalog,Ilona
[Hungarian[borninGermany]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box524].C123/17270,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 310

Ialsoreadaloudtheconclusionsthatauthoritieshadmadeaboutthesituation:

Shewassofrankandopenaboutthematterthatweareoftheopinionthatshewassoindignantatsucha
sillyquestionbeingputtoherthatshemadetheremarkfullyintendingtheanswertobebitinglysarcastic
andjustassillyasthequestion.
115

When asked about how she felt about this incident, she responded by saying that she couldnt

rememberthewomenwhomadethe statements becauseshewasnotworkingatthe firm forlong.

Ilona was grateful that the police were actually friendly and recognized her sarcasm. She said

Unfortunately,Imsobloodysarcastic.116Ilonacontinuedwithherpositiveresponsebysayingthat

shecouldunderstandwhytheyweresuspiciousbecauseAustralianscouldnotdealwithforeigners.117

This view was popular among the GermanJewish refugees who had settled before the outbreak of

war. Reverend Katz believed that most were grateful that they were safe despite the mistreatment

Jewishrefugeesreceivedduringthewar

Theseregulationswerecarriedoutunderacertainwarpsychosisandwereunderstandabletous.Whatwe
foundunjustandunnecessarywastheregulationwhichmadeusenemyaliensAfterall,wefromGermany
and Austria were refugees from Hitlerite persecution and had been declared stateless by our former
Government;weopposedFascismandNazism.Onlyamadmancouldhavewishedtoventurehostileaction
againsthisnewcountry.
118

115
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 8 Janurary, 1942. See Balog, Ilona
[Hungarian[borninGermany]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box524].C123/17270,NAA,Sydney.
116
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
117
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
118
Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring,p.37.
P a g e | 311


Figure108:Ilonasmother,Mathilde
Figure 109:Ilonasfather,GeorgeBalog
Balog

GeorgeBALOG,SP11/5BALOG,G,NAA,
MathildeBALOGSP11/5BALOG,M,
Sydney.
NAA,Sydney.

Figure110:Ilonasmother,Mathilde
Balog

IlonaBALOGNationality:Hungarian
EmbarkedLiverpoolperSTRATHMORE
[Box9].SP11/5BALOG,ILONA,NAA,
Sydney.
P a g e | 312

Conclusion

Withtheevidencepresentedinthischapter,itisclearthattheCommonwealthGovernmentwaswell

awarethatmajorityofGermanJewishwomenwhomigratedtoAustraliajustbeforetheoutbreakof

war were fleeing Nazi persecution. Given the wartime hysteria that existed and the lack of

organizationwithinthebureaucraticsystemsimplemented,manywomenwereunfairlysubjecttothe

AliensControlRegulationsdespitebeingrefugeesasdefinedbytheLeagueofNations.Inasimilarway,

the bureaucratic processes that failed GermanJewish women was also extended to Australianborn

womenmarriedtoItaliannationals.Mostwomenwereshockedtofindoutthatuponmarriagethey

hadlosttheirBritishstatusundertheNationalityAct1920(Cth).Clearly,Australianwomenmarriedto

Italiansweredeniedtheircivilianliberties,thefinalchaptershowshowtheAliensControlRegulations

impactedontheirlives.
P a g e | 313

ChapterSeven:

TheWivesofEnemyAliens


MuchofthelegislationwithregardtoenemyaliensmayappeartobesevereonAustralianbornwomen
who are married to them [enemy aliens] but this is not the fault of the GovernmentMany difficulties
wouldhavebeenavoidedifthesewomenhadavailedthemselvesofthelaw,whichhasbeenfoughtfor
by women in the past, enabling them to reestablish themselves as Australian subjects after their
marriage.1

(FederalMinisterforHealth,MrH.V.C.Thorby,1940)


On27August1941,IsabellaVenutiansweredthefrontdoorandfoundtwomeninuniformstanding

before her. I am Sergeant Jones said one, and this is Constable Doolan, we are from Police

Headquarters.SergeantJonesaskedIsabellawhathernationalitywasandIsabellarepliedByvirtueof

my marriage I am an Italian, my husband is an Italian. She also told the Sergeant that she had

registered as an alien and claimed Italian nationality. The Sergeant then asked her if she had the

necessary permission under the National Security (Aliens Control) Regulations 1939 (Cth) to retain

possessionofacamera.HerresponsewasNoandthatshedidnotknowthatitwasnecessarytohave

anypermission.Inresponsetothis,SergeantJonesapparentlystatedtoIsabellathathewasgoingto

takepossessionofthecameraandreportthefactstopolice.Hestatedthatinallprobabilitiesyouwill

beprosecutedforabreachoftheRegulations.AsthepolicemenleftthehomeIsabellapleadedIam

morethansorryifIhavedoneanythingwrongIdonotwanttobreakthelaw.2

1
WivesofAliens.TheSydneyMorningHerald,31July1940,p.7.
2
Report written by Sergeant Leonard John Jones. See Venuti, Isabelle (Italian naturalized British subject) [Box 78].
C123/13111,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Sydney.
P a g e | 314

NotonlydidtheAliensControlRegulationshaveadirecteffectonthelivesofItalianbornwomenliving

inNewSouthWalesduringtheSecondWordWar,theAliensControlRegulationsalsoaffectedthelives

of women who had become Italian upon marriage. These Australian women lost their British

nationality as a result of being married to an Italian. This meant they too were subjected to the

Commonwealth Governments wartime legislation. The majority of these women were Australian

born,butasaresultoftheirmarriagetoanalien,theyexperiencedthediscriminationbroughtonby

the Aliens Control Regulations. Many of their husbands were born in Italy, and arrived in Australia

throughoutthe1920sand1930s.InordertoretaintheirBritishnationality,thesewomenhadtoprove

totheCommonwealthInvestigationBranch(CIB)inCanberrathattheyhadnosympathytowardsany

of the enemy countries who were at war with the Allied forces during the Second World War,

especially theirhusbandshomeland.Therehasbeen verylittleresearch carried outon womenwho

fallintothiscategory,andtheirstoriesandexperiencesraisemanyissuesregardingthetreatmentof

aliens and enemy aliens during the Second World War, as well as citizenship and womens status in

Australia during the early twentieth century. The previous chapters in this dissertation focus on

ethnicity, appearance and heritage, however, this chapter provides an insight into Australian society

andhowAustralianbornwomenwereaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations.

Of the eight seven dossiers of Australianborn women that were examined for this thesis, Table five

showstheagegroupsofAustralianwomenmarriedtoItaliannationalswhoregisteredasenemyaliens

inNewSouthWalesduringtheSecondWorldWar.

P a g e | 315

AGE NUMBEROFWOMEN
UNDER20 13
2029 41
3039 17
4049 10
5059 5
OVER60 1

Table5:AgesofeightsevenAustralianbornwomenlivinginNewSouthWalesduringtheSecondWorldWar.

ThemajorityofwomenwhowereaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulationswereintheagegroupsof

twentytotwentynineandthirtytothirtynine.Onlythreewomenwereundertheageoftwenty,the

youngest being Joyce Mary Lindo,who was born in Canberra and was sixteen years of age with one

childwhensheregisteredasanenemyalien.3NewZealandbornKateSchianowastheeldestatsixty

nine years old. Schiano was required to register despite the fact that her husband had deserted her

priortothewar.4

From the eighty seven files that were examined, eight three women were married, and only three

divorceswererecorded.Thepatternsofmarriagewereveryconservativebefore1921,however,aswe

will see, there were many women willing to discuss their marital troubles to authorities and divorce

3
Questionnaire completed by the MPI Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 2 August 1940. Lindo nee Bartley, Joyce
Mary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
4
Questionnaire completed by the MPI Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 7 August 1940. Schiano, Kate (Italian by
marriageborninNewZealand)[Box147].C123/15071,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 316

rates continued to increase slightly.5 Statistics do show however, that divorce was temporarily

increasedduringthewar.6In1933,numberofdivorcesrecordedwas1954.Thisnumberincreasedto

7213in1945.Itwasnotuntilthe1960sthatdivorcebecamemuchmorebroadlyacceptable.7

Although they were restricted to a much lesser extent in comparison to their Italian and German

Jewishcounterparts,AustralianwomenwerenonethelessstilladverselyaffectedbytheAliensControl

Regulations.Fromtheseeightsevenfiles,onlytwelveofthesewomenwereinpaidworkduringthe

warandthirtytwowomenhadworkedbeforetheyweremarried.Thissuggeststhatthemajorityof

these women were from a working class background. These women were possibly from the upper

strataoftheworkingclassbeingabletoleavetheworkforceaftermarriage.Mostresidedinruralin

areasbeforetheymarriedanItaliannationalandlatersettledintheinnerareasofSydney.Veryfew

women resided on farms, with most women living in the inner areas of Sydney. The majority of the

questionnaire forms emphasized the fact that women were not employed, and authorities made it

clearbystatingthattheiroccupationinvolvedhomedutiesordomesticduties.

MostofdossiersexaminedrevealedthatwomenwhowereItalianbymarriagewereunawarethatthey

had to register as aliens. Most women believed they were still of Australian/British nationality, and

wereunawareoflosingtheirnationalityuponmarriage.HannahWilmoreMartinuzzi,whowasbornin

Gunning,wasoneofmanywhowereunawarethattheywererequiredtoregister.Hannahwasborn

5
P. F. McDonald, Marriage in Australia: Age at first Marriage and Proportions Marrying, 18601971. Canberra: The
AustralianNationalUniversity,p.1975,p.164.
6
Vamplew,Australians:HistoricalStatistics,47and43.
7
Vamplew,Australians:HistoricalStatistics,47and43.
P a g e | 317

on5 October1898,andduringthewar,livedatKingsford,Sydney.HerhusbandSantoMartinuzziwas

anItaliansubjectwhohadlivedinAustraliaforsixtyyears.BothHannahandherhusbandwereunder

theimpressionthathewasnaturalizedpriortotheirmarriage.DespiteHannahsBritishnationalityand

herhusbandssixtyyearsoflivinginAustralia,itwasconcludedbyauthoritiesthatshehadmarriedan

unnaturalizedsubjectmeaningthathernationalityhadchangedtoItalian.8Hannah,therefore,hadto

comply with the Aliens Control Regulations and register. It was not until April 1944 that Hannah

regainedherBritishnationality.9

8
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,17August1940.SeeMartinuzzi,Hannah
Wilmore(borninNSW[formerly]ItalianbymarriagenaturalizedBritishsubject)Box188.C123/16449.NAA,Sydney.
9
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,17August1940.SeeMartinuzzi,Hannah
Wilmore(borninNSW[formerly]ItalianbymarriagenaturalizedBritishsubject)Box188.C123/16449.NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 318


Figure110:
HannahWilmore
Matinuzzi


HannahWilmore
Martinuzzi[WWII
naturalizedalien]

[box40].SP11/5
Martinuzzi/Hanna
h,NAA,Sydney.


P a g e | 319

Some police officers were also unaware that these women were required to register as aliens. Alice

DuiliowasborninBallarat,Victoria,on4July1911.Duringthewar,AlicelivedinEasternSydneyand

tookcareofherthreechildren.On13January1941,Aliceregisteredasanenemyalienandstatedto

authoritiesthatthereasonwhyshedidnotregisterearlierwasbecauseshewasadvisedbyauthorities

therewasnoneedforhertodoso.10Similarly,EthelIsabelaDoriawas23yearsoldandwasbornin

Mackay, Queensland. During the war, Ethel also lived in Eastern Sydney and looked after her son,

Robertwhowas2yearsold.HermarriagetoItalianNazzarenoDoriameantthatshehadtoregisteras

an enemy alien. However, it was stated on her questionnaire that although she was married to an

Italian,shewasvery

ProBritish, and although she states she did not register as an alien until the 25th September 1940, she
statesthatitwasnotherfaultaswhenshewasresidingatWollongongsheaccompaniedherhusbandto
thePoliceStationthere,whenthenoticeswerefirstissuedforalienstoregisterbutwasinformedbythe
Sergeanttherethatitwasnotcompulsoryforhertoregister,andsincehasnotbotheredtodoso.
11

Some Australian women married to Italian men adopted what was described as a hostile attitude

whenforcedbyauthoritiestoregisterasaliens.Mostwomenbecameangrywhentheyfoundoutthat

theyhadlosttheirBritishnationality.Authoritiesmadenoteofthishostilityandwomenwhofailedto

complywiththeAliensControlRegulationswereeventuallyprosecuted.Forexample,becauseofher

marriage to Italian Giuseppe Raffaele, 29 year old Australianborn Catherine Mildred Raffaele was

consideredtobeanenemyalien.EventhoughtheAliensControlRegulationswerepointedouttoher

byConstableK.R.C.Maynard,Catherinerefusedtoregister.AccordingtotheConstable,Catherinestill

10
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney13January1941.SeeDuilio[neeRevell],
Alice(Italianbymarriage)[naturalizedBritishsubject]Box188.C123/111750,NAA,Sydney.
11
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney25 September1940.RefertoDoria[nee
Graham],Alice(Italianbymarriage)[naturalisedBritishsubjectborninAustralia][Box362].C123/19736,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 320

consideredherselftobeanAustralianandthatduringtheinterviewingandregistering,MrsRaffaele

adoptedahostileattitude.12On20January1941,Catherinefinallyrelentedandregistered.However,

it was stated afterwards by the Constable that there was no need to prosecute Catherine: Mrs

RaffaeleandherhusbandareontheFoodReliefatpresentandunderthecircumstancesIamofthe

opinionthatnogoodpurposewouldbecautionedandit[was]pointedouttoherthatshouldsheagain

commit a breach of the Regulations, Court action will be taken against her.13 Catherine applied to

regainherBritishnationalityandbecameanaturalizedBritishsubjecton6May1941.14

Figure 111: Catherine


MildredRaffaele

CatherineMildredRaffaele
[WWIInaturalizedalien]
[box51].SP11/5
Raffaele/Catherine,NAA,
Sydney.

12
Report from Constable K.R.C. Maynard to Commissioner of Police, ARO in Sydney, 24 December 1940. C123/1 11819,
NAA, Sydney. See Raffaele, Catherine Mildred (Australianborn Italian by marriage naturalised British subject) [Box
364].C123/111819,NAA,Sydney.
13
Report from Constable K.R.C. Maynard to Commissioner of Police, ARO in Sydney, 24 December 1940. C123/1 11819,
NAA, Sydney. See Raffaele, Catherine Mildred (Australianborn Italian by marriage naturalised British subject) [Box
364].C123/111819,NAA,Sydney.
14
W.S. Chennoweth, Custodian Records, 19 October 1944. C123/1 11819, Sydney. See Raffaele, Catherine Mildred
(AustralianbornItalianbymarriagenaturalisedBritishsubject)[Box364].C123/111819,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 321

Australianborn Jeanne Rosa was also unaware that she had to register as an enemy alien. It was

reportedthatJeannestatedthatherhusbandmadeinquiriesaboutherregistrationlastyear[1939]

butdidntgetanysatisfactionandshedidntbotheraboutitanyfurther.Thisalienadoptedarather

hostileattitudeanddidnotreportuntilwarnedbythePolicetodoso.15On30August1945,Jeanne

was fined 1 with 8/ costs.16 It was found out that there was nothing adverse on the character of

JeanneandnoobjectionwasraisedagainstJeanne.

Figure112:JeanneRosa

JeanneRosa[WWIInaturalizedalien][box
51].SP11/5Raffaele/Catherine,NAA,
Sydney.

15
MemorandumfromSergeantB.BeggtoInspectorE.B.Caban,28June1940.SeeRosa,JeanneneeAllardyce(Australia
bornItalianbymarriage)[box57].C123/12666,NAA,Sydney.
16
Five years later, Jeanne made an application for consent to purchase land in Downing St, Epping. It was reported by
Inspector D. A. Alexander to authorities if he could be informed as to whether anything was known by his Department
againstthecharacteroftheapplicant.ThefilewasthenreferredtoSecurityServicefornotificationofSecurityobjectionor
otherwiseandforwardedbythatservicetohim.SeeMemorandumfromInspectorD.A.Alexander,13August1941.See
Rosa,JeanneneeAllardyce(AustraliabornItalianbymarriage)[box57].C123/12666,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 322

However,itwasnotedthatshewasanactivememberoftheCommunistPartyofAustralia(CPA).17Itis

possiblethatJeannewasvictimizedbythepoliticaloppressionthatwasalsoexercisedagainsttheCPA.

With the fall of France in 1940, the CPA was banned by the Menzies Government. Later, after the

SovietUnionenteredthewaronthesideoftheAlliesinJune1941,theAustralianLaborGovernment

liftedtheban.18

EvenAustralianwomenwhosemarriageshadfailedwereexpectedtoregister.Fromthe85filesthat

were examined, there were six cases where women reported to authorities that their husband had

deserted them. These women were also unaware that they were required to register as aliens. For

example, Helen Alice Margaret Cappadona was born in Tasmania and lived in Surry Hills during the

Second World War.19 Helen claimed that her husband Francesco Cappadona had left her fourteen

yearsago.ShewasundertheimpressionthathehadbecomeanaturalizedBritishsubject.Authorities

stated that they were of the opinion that she was a victim of circumstances. She parted from her

husbandand has had no connections with him or other Italians since that time.20 On 30 October

1940,Helenwrotetoauthorities

DearSir,

IamwritingyouthisletterinquiringwhyIhavebeenregisteredasanenemyalien.IwasborninMelton,
MowbrayTasmania.My parentswereborninIrelandandmyhusbandwasborninItalyandI havenot
livedwithhimforfourteenyears.IhadmyhusbandatthemaintenanceCourtandthecasewasdismissed
astherewasnojurisdictioninN.S.W.Thepolicehaveinformedmemyhusbandbecamenaturalisedasa

17
MemorandumfromConstableNo.4247toS.O.I.BureauPoliceHeadquartersinSydney,15May1945.SeeRosa,Jeanne
neeAllardyce(AustraliabornItalianbymarriage)[box57].C123/12666,NAA,Sydney.
18
J.Beaumontetal.,(eds),AustraliasWar193945.St.Leonards:Allen&Unwin,1996,p.95.
19
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 26 September 1940. See Cappadona
[neeMcGrath],HelenaAliceMargaret(borninTasmaniaItalianbymarriage)[Box297].C123/19801,NAA,Sydney.
20
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 26 September 1940. See Cappadona
[neeMcGrath],HelenaAliceMargaret(borninTasmaniaItalianbymarriage)[Box297].C123/19801,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 323

single man. I was registered as an enemy alien on the 24th September, 1940, two days before Election
Day.IfinditimpossibletoobtainworkasthepolicetoldmeImusttakethenameIhavebeenregistered
21
under,andIamnowalmostdestitute.

ManywomenwereclearlyvictimizedbecauseoftheirItalianname.Despiteherpleatoberegardedas

aBritishsubject,HelenwasreferredtotheNationalityAct1920(Cth)andwastoldbyauthoritiesto

applythroughtheCIBinordertoregainherBritishnationality.On4December1940,Helenregained

herBritishstatus,butbecauseshehadbeenmarriedtoanItalian,Helenwasrequiredtopayafeeof

tenshillings.22

ThirtyoneyearoldWinifredGazzineLenehanlivedinSydneywithhertwochildrenduringthewar.

InJuly1942,authoritiesconfiscatedawirelessthatsheowned.ConstableWilliamMuirheadDickson

approachedWinifredaboutthewireless.Winifredstated,Yes,IknowthatItaliansarenotallowedto

havewirelessreceivingsets,butIamanAustralian[.]IhavetwochildrenborninSydney.Iamonly

marriedtoanItalian.23TheConstabletookpossessionofherwirelessandreportedthatWinifredhad

been living apart from her husband Gino Gazzi since May 1941. Even though they were separated,

Winifredshusbandsupportedherandtheirchildrenbycontributingmoney.

21
Copy of a letter from Helen Alico Margaret Cappadonia to Hon. E.J. Ward, 30 October 1940. See Cappadona [nee
McGrath],HelenaAliceMargaret(borninTasmaniaItalianbymarriage)[Box297].C123/19801,NAA,Sydney.
22
ReportonInterviewwithHelenAlicoMargaretCappadoniabyOfficerBrady,25November1940.SeeCappadona[nee
McGrath],HelenaAliceMargaret(borninTasmaniaItalianbymarriage)[Box297].C123/19801,NAA,Sydney.
23
ReportfromConstableWilliamMuirheadDickson,30July1942.C123/12451,Sydney.SeeGazzi,Winifred(Australian
bornItalianbymarriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 324

Figure113:WinifredGazzi

WinifredGazzi[WWII
naturalizedalien][box23].
SP11/5Gazzi/Winifred,
NAA,Sydney.

However, the authorities later discovered that Winifred and Gino were never legitimately married.24

Winifred stated to authorities that she decided to register as an alien in order to safeguard her

character,andforthesakeofherchildren.Thiswasdespitethefactthatherhusbandhaddeserted

her. Gino was interviewed on 14 August 1942 and made the following statement in regards to

Winifredsregistrationasanalien:

InowdefinitelystatethatIhavenevergonethroughtheformofmarriagewithWinifredLenehanwhois
nowknownasMrsGazzi.IlivedonandoffwithMissWinifredLeehanasmanandwifeforthe12years
andtherearetwochildrenoftheunionThechildrenwereregisteredinthenameofGazziandIsigned
the papers for that purposethe purpose of protecting her name and not to throw a slur upon my
childrenI am very sorry for my past actions and did not intend to do anything unlawful, or supply
misleadinginformation.MissLenehanregisteredasanalienbutIdidnotcauseoraskhertoregisteras
such, thatactionwas solely her ownconcern.I considermyself morallythe husband of [Miss] Lenehan
25
andadmitbeingthefatherofherchildren.

24
MemorandumfromConstableW.M.DicksontoInspectorWatkins,30July1942.SeeGazzi,Winifred(Australianborn
Italianbymarriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
25
StatementwrittenbyConstablesGardnerandDickson,14August1942.SeeGazzi,Winifred(AustralianbornItalianby
marriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 325

Winifredwasalsointerviewedonthesameday.ShestatedthatshemetGinoin1928andwhen:

thewarbrokeout,ontheadviceoffriendswhodidnotknowthatIwasonlylivingwithGazzi,Iregistered
atRegentSt,PoliceStationasanItalianAlien,beingissuedwithCertificateNo.29417.Thisactiononmy
partwasdonesolelytopreventpeoplefromascertainingthatIwasnotmarriedtoGazzi.Evenmyown
relationsdonotknowthatIamnotamarriedwoman.
26

Figure 114: GinoGazzi



GinoGazzi[WWIInaturalizedalien][box
23].SP11/5Gazzi/Gino,NAA,Sydney

WinifredsstatementclearlyhighlightsissuesthatdealwithmoralityanddecencyduringtheSecond

WorldWar.Winifredchosetoregisterasanenemyalienratherthanallowpeopletoknowthatshe

wasnevermarriedtothefatherofhertwochildren.Winifredfurtherstatedthatshefelttooashamed

totelltheofficerswhentheyhadtakenpossessionofherwireless.27Therewasanincreaseindivorce

26
StatementwrittenbyConstablesGardnerandDickson,14August1942.SeeGazzi,Winifred(AustralianbornItalianby
marriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
27
StatementwrittenbyConstablesGardnerandDickson,14August1942.SeeGazzi,Winifred(AustralianbornItalianby
marriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 326

rates during the war and although the war saw more social tolerance of divorce, the reputation of

being an divorced mother clearly influenced Winfreds decision to register as an enemy alien rather

thanallowingothersknowthatshewasandivorcedmother.Asaresult,bothGinoandWinifredwere

finedforsupplyingfalseandmisleadinginformation.28Authoritiesdid,however,returnthewireless

settoWinifred.29

RussianbornTaseaGuigniarrivedinAustraliainOctober1916aspartoftheGonzalesOperaCompany.

Tasea was a dresser and her husband Ivon Nosmolov was a carpenter. The Company dissolved two

years later and Ivon died a year after their second son was born in 1919. In November 1920, she

married Italian Giulie Giacomo Giugni. However, after thirteen years of marriage, Tasea left Giulie

because he was a loafer and a drunk who could not hold down a job.30 During the war, Tasea was

requiredtoregisterasanenemyalieneventhoughherhusbandhadleftherin1925.Itwasstatedon

herquestionnairethat

SheisactuallyawhiteRussianhavingleftRussiabeforetheCommunistregime,sheisverymildinher
demeanor,shehasnoItaliansympathieshavingnotseenherItalianhusbandforthepast15years.Sheis
greatlyinfluencedbyhertwosons,bothofwhomregardthemselvesasAustraliansandareparticularly
sensitiveastotheirforeignnameandaremakingrepresentationtotheCommonwealthgovernmentfora
31
legalchangeofname.

28
Memorandum from Constable Dickson to Inspector Watkins, 17 August 1942. See Gazzi, Winifred (Australianborn
Italianbymarriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
29
Report from Police Commissioner, 15 September 1942. See Gazzi, Winifred (Australianborn Italian by marriage)
[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
30
Report to Inspector Keefe, 29 July 1940. See Junee, Tasia alias Guigno Tasea (Italian) [Box 76]. C123/1 3061, NAA,
Sydney.
31
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 23 July 1940. See Junee, Tasia alias
GuignoTasea(Italian)[Box76].C123/13061,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 327

Inordertochangetheirname,TaseaandhertwosonswererequiredtocomplywithClause26(1)and

(2) of the Aliens Control Regulations. Enemy aliens were required to inform the nearest Aliens

RegistrationOfficer(ARO)andanoticewastobecompleted,induplicateproducinginpersontothe

[ARO]suchnoticeandthecertificateofhisregistrationasanalien.32

During the war, many of these women were placed in a difficult position and experienced anxiety,

depression,distressanduncertainty.TheenforcementoftheAliensControlRegulationssimplymade

their experiences worse. One of the youngest woman who was subjected to the Aliens Control

Regulations was Joyce Mary Lindo. When she registered as an enemy alien, Joyce Mary was sixteen

years old. She was born in Canberra and lived with her husband John Lindo and her son in Sydney

duringthewar.Althoughherhusbanddidnotleaveher,Joycewasworriedabouthimandthevarious

troubleshewasinwithauthorities.Afterbeingmarriedforafewmonths,Joycewrotealettertothe

authorities,claimingthatshenoticedaterribledifferenceinherhusband.33Shewrote:

OnedaylastweekIfrightenedhimbysayingIwouldleaveifhedidnottellmewhathistroubleswere.
Hetriedtoexplain,butsaidthatIcouldnotunderstand,forwhathehadmustbekeptasecretuntilhes

32
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmadeunder
Commonwealth Acts During the Year 1939. Also Prerogative Orders, etc., with Tables and Index. L. F. Johnston,
CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939,p.413.NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule
no.88of1939,Regulation26(1)declaredthatanalienshallnotforanypurposeassumeoruse,orpurporttoassumeor
use, or continue the assumption or use of, any name other than that by which he was ordinarily known on the date on
whichtheseRegulationscomeintoforceunlesshehas,inaccordancewiththeseRegulations,previouslynotifiedthealiens
registration officer nearest to his place of abode that it is his intention so to do. [National Security (Aliens Control)
Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmadeunderCommonwealthActsDuringtheYear
1939.AlsoPrerogativeOrders,etc.,withTablesandIndex.L.F.Johnston,CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,
1939,p.413,p.413].
33
CopyofletterfromJoyceMaryLindotoCommissionerofPolice,W.J.Mackay,July1940.SeeLindoneeBartley,Joyce
Mary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 328

sureofwhathesdoingI[dont]knowwhathemeansbyit,buthe[seems]sosureofwhathehasinmind
hesaidifhehadthemoneyandfriendsheshouldbeabletoshowtotheworldhisinvention,moreover
andfortheconsiderabletimehesbeeninAustraliaheisveryshy,andhatesaskingforastrangershelp.
Imterriblyupsetaboutthewholematter,becausetheDoctorordered[him]awayforacoupleofdaysI
amsufferingfromanervousbreakdown,andwithGodswishnextmonthshallbeamother.Ihopeyou
understand and forgive me for writing confidentially but I pray and feel sure you will grant me this
favour.I am an Australianborn in Canberra and quite realize the Countrys danger [but] we love each
otherandofcourseI[dont]writetoyouwiththeintentiontoharmhimJustnowIfeellikedrowning
34
myselfImthatupsetpleasedonotlethimknowIwrotetoyouIwantitkeptsecretfromhim.

ItwaslaterfoundoutbyauthoritiesthatJohnLindohadideasforinventionsthatwerefancifuland

ridiculous.35Itwasnotedbyauthoritiesthathehadnomechanicalknowledgeorexperienceandthat

hehadpromisedtomakedrawingsoftheinventions,however,whenthepolicecalledtwoweekslater,

John claimed he had no time to do them. Authorities concluded that they are satisfied that he is a

humbugandfurthernoticeneednotbetakenofhim.36

Further inquiries showed that John Lindo had trouble with the Bankruptcy Authorities in 1934, and

serveduptothreemonthsintheDebtorsPrisonattheStatePenitentiary.Itwasstatedinaninterview

conductedwithLindothathehadinthepasttoldhiswifetalesaboutallhismoneyhewastomake

outofhisinventionsandalsokepthistruefinancialpositionfromher,andnowwhenitislikelythat

34
CopyofletterfromJoyceMaryLindotoCommissionerofPolice,W.J.Mackay,July1940.SeeLindoneeBartley,Joyce
Mary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
35
CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26 July1940.SeeLindo
neeBartley,JoyceMary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.Oneoftheseideas
wastosuspendanaeroplanebyuseofgasinflated[balloons],sometwelveorfourteenmilesintheair,wheretheycould
remainwithoutusingfuel.Anotherwastofixafinewiretoabulletandfireitatsomeenemyobject,therebyoneendof
thewirewouldremainintherifleandtheothertotheobjecthitbythebullet.CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.
ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26July1940.SeeLindoneeBartley,JoyceMary(Italianbymarriage
Australianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
36
CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26 July1940.SeeLindo
neeBartley,JoyceMary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 329

she may learn of his imprisonment regarding his bankruptcy, together with the fear that he may be

interned,heisaworriedman.37Duetohismentalinstability,authoritiesbelievedthatthattherewas

noneedtorestricthismovementsanyfurther.38

Figure115:JohnLindo Figure 116:JoyceMaryLindo



JohnLindo[naturalizedalien][box37].SP11/5 JoyceMaryLindo[WWIInaturalisedalien][box
Lindo/John,NAA,Sydney. 37].SP11/5Lindo/Joyce,NAA,Sydney.

Whileherhusbandwasinterned,31yearoldDorisEdithMayGremmoneWeingaertnerwasforced

toliveonthecharityofothers.DoriswasborninEnglandandarrivedinAustraliain1927.Shelivedin

RandwickwithhertwochildrenwhileherhusbandwasinternedatOrange.Itwasnotedbyauthorities

thatDoriswascomfortablyoffbeforeherhusbandwasinterned,butnowhastoliveonthecharityof

37
CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26 July1940.SeeLindo
neeBartley,JoyceMary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
38
CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26 July1940.SeeLindo
neeBartley,JoyceMary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 330

otherssincehisinternment.39InSeptember1940,Doriswascaughtbyauthoritiessmugglinglettersto

herhusbandinhiscamp.Doristoldauthoritiesthatshehadapproachedanumberofpeopletohelp

her post the letters to her husband, including a wool buyer residing in Melbourne, Mr Sheppard.40

Dorisshusband,GiovanniGremmo,wasapersonalfriendofMrSheppard,andhewroteamessageto

hiswife,advisinghertoaskMrSheppardforfinancialhelp.HealsoexpressedhisfrustrationoverDoris

usingotherstosendherlettersandnotsendingthelettersherself.41

Doris followed her husbands instructions and wrote a letter to Mr Sheppard which asked for his

financialhelp.Indoingso,DorisreferredtoherselfasGretaandherhusbandasNino:

Ihatehavingtowritetoyoulikethis,butNinosaidifeverIwasintroubletowritetoyou.Ifeelifanyone
canhelpyoucan.HehasbeeninternedandsofarIhavebeenabletokeepgoingwiththelittlemoneywe
havesavedbutfinditimpossibletogoonanylonger.
Ihavethelittlegirlyousawwhoisnowaged31/2andoneweekagohadmyseconddaughter.IfIhadnot
my two babiesto think of I could get work. Iam sureyou, asa father, cansee howhandicappedI am.
NinobeinginanItalianfirmisnotallowedtodrawanysalaryuntilthewarisfinishedandnoallowanceis
madetomybabiesormyself.
Forgivemeforwritinglikethisbutinwartimewhenonehasbabiestothinkofandfindsonessocalled
friends slipping away it is very hard. As you know Ninos people are in Italy and all my people are in
Englandsoitisimpossibletoobtainhelpthere.AndIfeelsoveryalone.Alsothequestionofnationality
hasarisenandIfindIamconsiderednotEnglishbutanItalian,and,anenemy.Ihavetriedallwaystoget
helpthroughtheGovernmentbuttheanswerisalwaysthesameWhyshouldtheyhelpanenemy.I
42
wouldbeawfullygratefulifyoucouldhelpme.

39
Report from Sergeant Samuel J. Sharp & G. Waldock, 12 September 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
40
Report from Sergeant Samuel J. Sharp & G. Waldock, 12 September 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
41
Army Department, R. Lister, Statutory Declaration, 5 November 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
42
Report from Sergeant Samuel J. Sharp and G. Waldock, 12 September 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 331

Clearly, Doris and her children could not survive whilst her husband was interned. Doris resented

havingtoaskMrSheppardforfinancialhelpandexpressedherfrustrationwiththediscriminationthat

shewasexperiencing.

Figure117:DorisGremmo Figure 118: GiovanniGremmo



DorisGremmo[WWIInaturalizedaliens][box GiovanniGremmo[WWIInaturalizedalien][box
25].SP11/5Gremmo/Doris,NAA,Sydney. 25].SP11/5Gremmo/Giovanni,NAA,Sydney.

TheletteralsodemonstratedthatitwasdifficultforGiovannitowithdrawmoneytohelpsupporthis

familybecauseofhisItaliannationality.ThiswasduetothecontroltheCommonwealthGovernment

hadoverpropertyheldormanagedbypersons,firms,orcompaniesintheCommonwealthonbehalf

of enemy subjects. The Aliens ControlRegulations covered any legal orequitable rights in or arising

outofrealorpersonalproperty;balancesordepositsatbanks;dividends,interest,orshareofprofits;
P a g e | 332

anddebtsduetoenemysubjects.43InSeptember1939,theAssistantTreasurerPercyClaudeSpender

stated that the property subject to the regulations would not be confiscated, but would merely be

controlledbytheCommonwealthuntilthepresentwarterminated.44

Despite their friendship, Mr Sheppard ignored Doriss appeal. Doris then asked her friends, Mrs

HearnshawandMrsClarkson,however,theyalsorefusedandclaimedtheyweretooBritishtostoop

tosuchactions.45ItalianbornMrsBotterodidhowever,helpDorissmugglethelettersintocamp.Asa

result,authoritiesrequestedthatit

Would be advisable to change this womans address, away from Mrs Bottero, and also to restrict her
futuremovements,andwewouldrespectfullysuggestthatifGremmoorBotterobeallowedtointerview
46
visitorsatthecamp,thesevisitorsshouldbekeptunderstrictwatchastoactivitiesinthatcamp.

OtherwomenwhoweredependantonwelfareassistanceincludedMarieTeresaSaraDeGeorgene

PattersonandDahliaMargheritaBuete.Mariewasthirtyyearsoldwhensheregisteredasanalien.She

livedinHarrisParkwithherhusbandandthreechildren.Itwasnotedbyauthoritiesthatduringher

interview she answered all questions in a straight forward matter and had well respected parents.

BecauseMariewasinpoorcircumstancesandwasinreceiptoffoodrelief,authoritiesbelievedthere

was no need to further restrict her movements from a national security point of view.47 Dahlia

MargheritawasalsothirtyyearsoldwhensheregisteredandlivedatEastwoodduringthewarwith

43
EnemyPropertyinAustralia:RegulationsforControl.SydneyMorningHerald,28September1939,p.10.
44
EnemyPropertyinAustralia:RegulationsforControl.SydneyMorningHerald,28September1939,p.10.
45
Report from Sergeant Samuel J. Sharp & G. Waldock, 12 September 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
46
Censorship report Copy of letter from Doris Edith May Gremmo to Giovanni Gremmo, 28 September 1940. See
Gremmo,DorisEdithMay(Italianbymarriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
47
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,19August1940.SeeDeGeorge(nee
Paterson),MarieTeresaSara(ItalianbymarriageborninNSW[Australia][Box193].C123/16579,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 333

hertwochildren.Itwasstatedbyauthoritiesthattherewasnoneedtorestricthermovementsany

further because she also received welfare assistance and was in the process of obtaining a divorce

afterherhusbandGiuseppeBuetewasdeportedafterbeingfoundguiltyofblackmail.48

Italian Salvatore Mineo had left his Australianborn wife Gladys Mineo for eighteen months when

authorities made enquiries into Japanese callers frequently meeting at her house. When authorities

interviewedfortytwoyearoldGladysMineo,residentofBlayney,acountrytowninthecentralwest,

theyfoundoutthatherhusbandleftherfornoapparentreason.Becausehefailedtosupporthiswife

andchildren,therewasawarrantforhisarrest.49GladysclaimedthatshehadnoItaliansresidingwith

herandthatshebarelyhadsufficientaccommodationforherfamilywhichconsistedoffivechildren.

Regarding the Japanese callers, Gladys stated that no people of that colour should be permitted to

enter her home and could not think why such allegations should be preferred against her and her

family.50Authoritiesconcludedthattherewasnothinginthehomethatindicatedtothemthatthere

was any anti British feelings or movements and that there was no need for the matter to be

investigatedanyfurther.51

48
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 21 August 1940. See Buete, Dahlia
Margherita[naturalisedBritishsubjectformerly[Italianbymarriage][Box247].C123/18290,NAA,Sydney.
49
Report from Constable and Detective Sergeant to Inspector 2nd Class Wilson from MPI section, 3 January 1941. See
Mineo[alsoknownasMiner],Gladys(borninAustraliaItalianbymarriage)[Box359].
50
Report from Constable and Detective Sergeant to Inspector 2nd Class Wilson from MPI section, 3 January 1941. See
Mineo[alsoknownasMiner],Gladys(borninAustraliaItalianbymarriage)[Box359].
51
Report from Constable and Detective Sergeant to Inspector 2nd Class Wilson from MPI section, 3 January 1941. See
Mineo[alsoknownasMiner],Gladys(borninAustraliaItalianbymarriage)[Box359].
P a g e | 334

AustralianWomenwhowereItalianbymarriageduringtheSecondWorldWaralsofounditdifficultto

findajob.AnexampleofthiswasfoundinthedossierofAustralianbornElizabethFagioli.Elizabeth

lived in Turramurra during the war and prior to her marriage to Italian Mario Fagioli, was a self

employedmusician.AftertheirmarriageinEngland,Elizabethandherhusbandwhowasfortyseven

yearsoldandaCaptaininthe6thAlpiniRegimentoftheItalianArmy,wenttoresideinMilan,Italy.

Whenheretired,MariobecametheItalianrepresentativeforaBritishfirmknownasFilmaOilBurners

Ltd.ElizabethandhermotherarrivedatFremantleandtravelledtoliveinSydneyinApril1940.She

informedauthoritiesthatifshehadknownthatItalywasgoingtoenterthewarshewouldnothave

leftherhusbandinItaly,asshefeltthatitwasherdutytobewithhimatthetime.52

Figure 119: ElizabethFagioli



ElizabethFagiolinee

Griffith[WWIInaturalized
alien][box19].SP11/5
Fagioli/Elizabeth,NAA,
Sydney.

On6July1940,ElizabethmadeadeclarationunderSection18AoftheNationalityActmaintainingher

Britishnationality.Fourteendayslater,ElizabethmadeanapplicationforapositionintheAustralian

52
CopyofareportwrittenbySergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PratttoInspectorKeefe,23July1940.SeeFagioli,
ElizabethWinifred[BorninAustraliaItalianbymarriage][Box279].C123/19269,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 335

Broadcasting Commission (ABC) as a reader and translator in Italian.53 However, under the National

Security Act 1939 broadcasting stations were prohibited places for any enemy alien. Despite an

outstanding reference that was written on her behalf by her solicitor, W.W.R. Swinson, Elizabeths

application to workforthe ABC asa reader and translator in Italian was rejected. Authorities stated

that:

AsfaraswecanascertainMrsFagioliisanexcellenttypeofperson,buthavinginmindthefactthatsheis
happily married to a man who is an enemy alien and possibly an Officer in an Army at present at War
against the British Empire, we consider grave consideration should be given to her application before
appointing her to a position that may enable her to acquire knowledge of interest to her adopted
54
country.

Australianborn women who became Italian by marriage were also affected by the Prohibited

PossessionsOrder.SimilartoItalianbornwomen,theyhadtoapplytothePostMasterGeneralfora

permittopossessawirelessapparatusofanykind.ItalianAnteoFrarewasmarriedtoAustralianborn

MayRosettaandthoughtthatbecausehewasmarriedtoanAustralian,hewasexemptfromAliens

ControlRegulationsimposeduponenemyaliens.InJuly1942,Anteowasinterviewedathishomein

Sydney,whereawirelessreceiverwasfoundinhispossession.Anteoclaimedthathegave15tohis

53
CopyofareportwrittenbySergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PratttoInspectorKeefe,23July1940.SeeFagioli,
ElizabethWinifred[BorninAustraliaItalianbymarriage][Box279].C123/19269,NAA,Sydney.
54
Copy of a report written by Sergeant E.R. Shaw and Constable L.W. Pratt to Inspector 1st Class Keefe. See Fagioli,
Elizabeth Winifred [Born in Australia Italian by marriage] [Box 279]. C123/1 9269, NAA, Sydney. Documents regarding
Elizabeths sister, Nola Fagioli, were also found in Elizabeths dossier. A statement was made by Lady Mackay, wife of
LieutenantGeneralIvanMackay,againstNola.LadyMackaymetNolaatagatheringatMrsSwinsonshouseandwasvery
upsetwhenshefoundoutthatNolashusbandMarcoFagioliwasservingwiththeItalianarmy.Mackaywasalsotroubled
bysomeofthecommentsmadebyNola,particularlywhensheclaimedthatAustraliashouldnotbefightingtheItaliansand
how Italy had no intention in getting involved in the war. See statement made by Lady Mackay, 4 June 1941 in Fagioli,
ElizabethWinifred[BorninAustraliaItalianbymarriage][Box279].C123/19269,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 336

wifeaboutfiveyearsagotopurchase itbecause hedidnotunderstandmuchaboutit.55 Constable

GardneraskedwhetheritwaslicensedinhisnameandAnteorepliedIdontknow,Ileftthattomy

wifeassheisaBritishsubject.GardnerthenaskedDoyouswitchitonandoff.Anteosresponsewas

No,Ineverinterferewithitasitisonlyusedforthechildren.56Nevertheless,thewirelesswasfound

inhispossessionandConstableGardnertoldAnteothathewouldreportthematterandclaimedhe

wouldbeprosecuted.57

ConstableGardneralsointerviewedMayRosettaandaskedherwhethershehasevertunedintoany

broadcasts.MayRosettatoldtheConstable,Wellitisnogoodofmetellinglies,wedouseitevery

night. The children listen to storiesit is entirely my fault, and I will have to put up with the

consequences:.58TheConstabletookpossessionofthewirelessandclaimedthatitispossiblethata

prosecutionwillfollow. 59NoprosecutionwasimposedonMayRosetta.Authoritiessuggestedthatif

sheandherhusbanddesiredtohavethewirelessreturned,anapplicationformforwrittenpermission

wasrequiredtobesenttotheSeniorRadioInspectorinSydney.60

55
StatementwrittenbyConstableJosephJohnGardnertoM.P.I.PoliceHeadquarters,Sydney,14July1942.SeeFrare,May
Rosetta(ItalianbymarriageborninNSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
56
StatementwrittenbyConstableJosephJohnGardnertoM.P.I.PoliceHeadquarters,Sydney,14July1942.SeeFrare,May
Rosetta(ItalianbymarriageborninNSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
57
StatementwrittenbyConstableJosephJohnGardnertoM.P.I.PoliceHeadquarters,Sydney,14July1942.SeeFrare,May
Rosetta(ItalianbymarriageborninNSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
58
ReportfromConstabletoInspectorWatkins,9September1942.SeeFrare,MayRosetta(Italianbymarriagebornin
NSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
59
ReportfromConstabletoInspectorWatkins,9September1942.SeeFrare,MayRosetta(Italianbymarriagebornin
NSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
60
CopyofletterfromDeputyDirectorofSecuritytoMayRosettaFrare,18October1943.SeeFrare,MayRosetta(Italian
bymarriageborninNSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 337

Australian women who returned from Italy after June 1940 found themselves to be victims of

circumstance.AsnotedinChapterOneofthisthesis,theNationalityActstatedthatAustralianwomen

married to a foreigner lost their British nationality. This meant that Australian wives of Italian

nationalsfoundthattheyhadconflictingidentities.61ForexamplePatriciaVolterrawasborninSydney

on1October1907.DuringthewarPatricialivedatDarlingPointandstayedathome,lookingafterher

onlychildSaraVolterra,whowasborninLondon.PatriciawasmarriedtoItalianGualtieroVolterrain

1928,andwasrequiredtoregisterasanalien.PatriciametGualtieroinItalywhilststudyingpiano.At

the age of thirteen, Gualtiero passed musical examinations that entitled him to the diploma of

ProfessorofMusic.Whenhewastwenty,GualtierotraveledEuropeandperformedinmusicalrecitals

beforehereturnedtoliveinItaly.AsGualtierowasofItalianJewishorigin,hewassubjectedtomany

indignities by the fascists in Italy.62 Finding his position intolerable, Gualtiero took his wife and

daughter with him to live in Paris and then moved to Switzerland. Patricias father, T.H. Kelly made

representations to the Prime Minister of Australia and obtained a permit for their entry into

Australia.63

61
R.Pesman,ChapterOne:AustraliansinItaly:TheLongViewinB.Kent,R.PesmanandC.Troup,ed,AustraliansinItaly:
ContemporaryLivesandImpressions.Clayton:MonashUniversityPress,2010.
62
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
63
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 338

Figure120: Patriciaand
GualtieroVolterra.

AustralianWifeof
VisitingPainist.The

Argus,29July1946,p.6.

GualtieroandPatriciacametoAustraliawiththeintentionofabandoningthediscriminativeattitudes

that they had experienced overseas. However, both experienced these attitudes living in Sydney.64

Patriciasparents,MrandMrsT.H.KellywerewellknowninSydney.Patriciasfather,ThomasHerbert

Kelly was a Lieutenant Colonel in charge of the Intelligence Branch during the Great War and was

consideredtobeawelltodobusinessmaninthecity.65ThomasKellywasknowledgeableaboutmusic

anditshistory,playingviolinorviolaintheSydneyAmateurOrchestralSociety.Hewasalsowellawell

educatedlinguistandamemberoftheDanteAligheriArtandLiterarySocitywhichpromotesItalian

cultureandlanguage.66PatriciasmotherEthelKnightKellyneeMollisonwasawellknownactressand

64
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
65
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,19November1940..SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
66
M. Rutledge, Australian Dictionary of Biography Kelly, Thomas Herbert (1875-1948).
[http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/kelly-thomas-herbert-6924]. 11 November 2011.
P a g e | 339

authorduringthelatenineteenthcentury.TheKellyfamilyheldanumberofsocialgatheringswhich

attracted the medias attention. It was also well known by the public that Patricia had married an

Italian.Asaresult,theKellyfamilyreceivedanumberofanonymouslettersandphonecallsregarding

GualtieroandotherItalianslivinginSydney.AustralianresidentJimDonaldwroteacolumnwhichwas

published in the Truth Sydney newspaper on 12 January 1941. He wrote that towards the end of

November1940,1100enemyaliens

wereadmittedtoAustralia.MostoftheItalians,andmanyoftheGermansofthisquota,arestillatliberty.
Yet we read that the Advisory War Council met on Thursday to discuss TRACKING DOWN SPIES. It is to
laugh.EverymanAdolfandAntonioonthatrefugeerollcallshouldbeunderlockandkey.Aye,evenunto
theDagohusbandofthedaughterofoneofourleadingsocialites.Butsuchthingsarenotdone.Wepity
ourpooraliensweshouldimprisonem.67

Donald was clearly disappointed with the publicity Gualtiero was receiving during the war for his

concerts.


Figure121:Gualtieroand
PatriciaVolterrawiththeir
daughterSara.TheVolterra
familywasconstantlyinthe
mediawhichcausedpublic
discontent.

ArrivedfromItalyYesterday.
SydneyMorningHerald.23
December1939,p,4.

67
MemorandumwithnewspapercuttingregardingPatriciaVolterrafromEasternCommand,SeargaentGeorgeH.Hawkins,
nodate.SeeVolterra [nee Kelly], Patricia (Italian [by marriage - born in Australia]) [Box 202]. C123/6839, NAA, Sydney.
P a g e | 340

More public discontenttowards the Kelly family camefrom Elizabeth Bay resident, Mrs D.V. Russell,

who telephoned authorities in November 1940 saying that she resented the fact that Gualtiero was

stillmixinginsociety,andthatiftheinvestigatingofficersweretoringhershewouldperhapsbeable

togivethemsomeinformation.68AfterinvestigatorsquestionedMrsRussell,itwasrevealedthatshe

couldnotprovideanyusefulinformationregardingherclaim.Authoritiesreportedthatshe

statedthatshehadnevermetthemanVolterrabuthadseenhimwalkingaboutthestreets,andknowing
thathewasanItalianandthathehasonlybeeninAustraliaforashorttimeshewasopinionthatheshould
beinternedaswellasalltheotherItalians.Shefurtherstatedthatshehadneverheardhimsayanything
whichwassubversiveanddoesnotknowwhetherheisamemberoftheFascistPartyorlikeorganisation.69

AuthoritieswrotethatsincehisarrivalinDecember1939,Gualtierohad

notdoneanyclassofwork,buthasbeenmaintainedbyhisfatherinlaw[Gualtiero]statesthatheoften
walks to Kings Cross for the purpose of doing some shopping and attending his dentist, but
discontinuationofhiswalkswasthathismotherinlawhadreceivedseverallettersandononeoccasiona
70
telephonecallinformingherthathersoninlawshouldbeinternedwiththerestofItalians.

PatriciaandherfamilywerealsosubjectedtotheAliensControlRegulations.InJanuary1941,Patricia

wrotealettertotheCommissionerofPoliceinSydney,askingfortherenewalofherdriverslicence.

Patricia claimed that she wished to renew her licence was for the purpose of driving her mother

because they did not have a chauffeur. 71 In December 1941, Patricia wrote once again to the

Commissioner, claiming that she needed the licence to evacuate her daughter in the case of an

68
MemorandumaddressedtoInspectorKeefe,MPIsection,20November1940.ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.
SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
69
MemorandumaddressedtoInspectorKeefe,MPIsection,20November1940.ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.
SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
70
MemorandumaddressedtoInspectorKeefe,MPIsection,20November1940.ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.
SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
71
LetterfromPatriciaVolterratotheCommissionerofPoliceinSydney,3January1941.SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia
(ItalianbymarriageborninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 341

emergencyandherfather,whowasunwell.Despiteherplea,theCommissionerrefusedtherenewal

ofPatriciasdrivinglicence.72

In January 1941, Patricias father wrote to the MPI authorities asking them if they could renew his

daughters driving licence. Thomas Kelly wrote that they did not employ a chauffeur and that his

daughter was helpful to his wife in driving her about in their motor car. He wrote that his wife was

busily employed in many charitable and war work activities and made special note that he was a

retiredLieutenantColonelintheCommonwealthMilitaryForcesandduringthelastwar,hewasthe

officerinChargeoftheIntelligenceSectionoftheGeneralStaff2ndMilitaryDistrict.73Patriciasfather

alsowrote,

IamadirectoroftheBankofNewSouthWales,aDirectorofTooth&Co.Ltd.,ManagingDirectorofThe
Sydney Smelting Company. I have been an Alderman of the City of Sydney and of the Municipilatity of
Woolahra. I am known personally to the Prime Minister and the State Premier and also to the District
Commandant,Lieut.GeneralMiles.74

Despite the status of her father, authorities nonetheless refused the renewal of Patricias licence.75

However, her fathers own rather suspicious activities in the years preceding the Second World war

mayhavealsohadsomebearingonhisdaughterstreatment.ThomasKellywasnotonlyaprominent

businessman,butalsoamemberoftheInstituteofPublicAffairs(IPA)whichwas wellknownforits

72
LetterfromPatriciatoSecretaryE.J.Baldwin,14December1941.SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia(Italianbymarriage
borninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839,NAA,Sydney.
73
CopyofLetterfromT.H.KellytoOfficerinCharge,M.I.P,Sydney,22January1941.SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia
(ItalianbymarriageborninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839.NAA,Sydney.
74
CopyofLetterfromT.H.KellytoOfficerinCharge,M.I.P,Sydney,22January1941.SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia
(ItalianbymarriageborninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839.NAA,Sydney.
75
SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia(ItalianbymarriageborninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 342

fascist tendencies before the war broke out. According to Shane Cahill, Kelly was also a regular

confidantofvisitingJapanesenavalsquadrons.76

Figure122:FilbertoQuaglia Figure123: GiovannaQuaglia



FilbertoQuaglia[Italianarrived GiovannaQuaglia[WWIInaturalizedalien][box
AustraliaperROMOLO,c.1939.Box151]. 51].SP11/5Quaglia/Giovanna,NAA,Sydney

While there were women who were clearly victimized by the Aliens Control Regulations, there were

others who sympathized with the fascist cause and were, arguably, a risk to national security. Jean

Quagliaisoneexample.JeanwasborninSydneyandduringthewarlivedatKirribilliwithherhusband

and two children. Jeans husband, Filberto Quaglia, was one of the leading members of the Fascist

PartyinNewSouthWalesandwasinterned.Jeanstruggledtosupportherchildrenbutcontinuedto

support her husbands fascist cause. This was especially evident in a letter that Jean had written to

76
S. Cahill, The Fascist Mob. Overland 189, Summer 2007. [http://overland.org.au/previousissues/issue189/feature
shanecahill/].November2010.SeealsoD.Cottle,TheBrisbaneLine:Anepisodeincapitalhistory.Leicestershire:Upfront,
2002.
P a g e | 343

familyfriends,MrandMrsCosta.On7January1942,JeanthankedMrandMrsCostafortheirfinancial

aid,butalsowroteLetushopethatthisyearwillfindeveryonehappierandmayGodjudgewhich

sidemaywinformeIwillalwaysbeloyaltomyhusband.77

Jeans loyalty to her husband was also evident when she applied to retain her British nationality in

October1945.Therewasnosecurityobjectionraised,butauthoritiesmadereferencetolettersthat

they had intercepted in regards to her husband. It was stated in a memorandum to the Acting

InspectoroftheCIBinSydneytokeepinmind thatFilberto wasoneoftheleadingmembersofthe

FascistPartyinthestateofNewSouthWales.BeforethewarhadbrokenoutinApril1939,Filberto

wrotetotheSecretaryoftheFascioinSydney,andreferredtohiswifeJean,whomhebelievedwould

helpthefascistcauseifitwasrequiredofhertodoso:

Iunderstandthatasyousay,mywifeandchildrenwillhavenothingtofear,materially,heretheywould
be certain of good nourishment and of personal safety; but my wife does not intend to renounce her
Italiannationalityeveninthecaseofwarandwishestofollowmyfortunes,thatisbecomeinternedifthe
Italiansareinterned.ItmaybethatonaccountofthelargenumbersofItaliansinthiscontinent,therewill
benoadequatemeansofinterningthem,andtherepercussionsinthesugarindustrywouldbeverygrave
inthecaseofQueensland.However,iftheinternmentweredisagreeable,finallythesentinelswouldhold
usprisonersbuttheywouldspareusthedailyragingsandhumiliationswhichweshouldhavetosuffer
beingfreeandincontactwithanexasperatedand hostilepublicSowhilethinkingthatforthesakeof
theirsafetyandnourishment,thechildrenwouldbebetterhere,Ithink,perhapsegoisticallythatonthe
wholewewouldfeelmuchmoreinplaceinItaly,becauseIwouldhavethesatisfactionofdoingmyduty
asOfficerintheNavy,mywifewoulddohersasaRedCrossLady,whilethechildrenwoulddofairlywell
78
andsafewithmysisterinthecountry.

77
CopyofletterfromJeanQuagliatoMr&MrsI.Costa,7January1942.SeeQuaglia,Jean[alsoknownasJean](naturalised
British subject) [formerly Italian by marriage born in Australia] [Box 253]. C123/1 8492, National Archives of Australia
(NAA),Sydney.
78
ReportfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityforNewSouthWalestoActingInspector,CommonwealthInvestigationBranch,
Sydney,8October1945.ItwasalsonotedinthememorandumthatbothJeanandFilbertosenttheirweddingringstothe
ItalianGeneralConsulatthetimeofAbyssinianWar.SeeQuaglia,Jean[alsoknownasJean](naturalisedBritishsubject)
[formerlyItalianbymarriageborninAustralia][Box253].C123/18492,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 344

Although Jean was loyal to her husband, she claimed that she would always be loyal to her native

country.Inresponsetohisletter,Jeanwrote:

You will notice that I do not use the fascist year any more; as it is true what we read, our King has
abolishedit,andasmyfirstloyaltyhasalwaysbeentotheKing,Iobey,evenifitispainfulonethingat
79
leastIcandowellisthatofobeying

Jeans story is a good example of why the Aliens Control Regulations were implemented during the

war. Those who sympathized with the fascist cause were clearly considered to be a threat to the

nations security, especially when it was considered by authorities that it was further possible that

fascist men who were interned could rely on well organized womens groups to perform their

intelligencework.80

Another example of a woman who was loyal to her husband was Katheleen Taranto. Kathleen was

borninNarromineon14November1905andresidedonClevelandSt,MooreParkinSydney.Shetook

careofherdaughterwhilstherhusbandwasinternedatOrange.Itwasstatedonherregistrationform

that she did not associate with anyone except for her two friends and that she was known to

surrounding shop keepers, who do not like her personally, but can say nothing against her as being

AntiBritish.81 Because she failed to register as an alien, authorities claimed that supervision of

Kathleenwasnecessary.Whenansweringquestion43onherregistrationform,authoritieswrote:

79
SeeQuaglia,Jean[alsoknownasJean](naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyItalianbymarriageborninAustralia][Box
253].C123/18492,NAA,Sydney.
80
Confidential report addressed to Army Headquarters, Victoria Barracks, Melbourne, Internment of Women. Elena
Giovenale,21November1941.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
81
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 22 July 1940. See Taranto, Kathleen
(Italian)[Box94].C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 345

This woman stated to us that she knew a lot of Italians who should have been interned instead of her
husband.SherefusedtogiveusthenamesoftheseItalians.Shefurtherstatedthatshewouldsellthe
shop and also reside near [her] husbandShe seems to be in full sympathy with her husband, and
admittedthatshemixedfreelywiththeItaliancommunity.WewouldsaythatalthoughAustralianborn,
82
shehasdecidedItaliansympathies,andshouldbekeptundersupervision.

On8October1940,aletterpostedbyKathleentoherhusbandAnthonyTaranto,wasinterceptedby

authorities:

I suppose you [were] disappointed that we could not go to Orange but believe me dearthat it was no
faultofours.Ithinkitisdreadfulthewaywearetreatedinthiscountry[.]TheytalkofBritishrightsbut
they have none when I dont get [justice!] You poor thing cant expect any. I dont know why we was
[were]stoppedfromgoingintoseeyou.Theysaiditwasan[on]accountofawomanfoundinthecamp
withyoumen.Whatashamethattheofficershavewomengoingtoseethematalltimes.Iamsurethat
it was one of their friends & must have been AustralianThe Queen Mary goes out this week about
Thursdaygoes with one of the boys on it and he said [things] [are] very bad on the other side[,] well
dearthat[is]theirbrawl[,]notoursIsupposewhenthingsstartintheEastthatisthetimeyoupeople
will get it, me included.I had a visit from the police todayWell dearcheer up. I will never give up
hope.
83

Figure 124:Kathleen
Taranto

KathleenTaranto[Italian
bymarriagebornin
Australia.Box155].SP11/2
Italian/TarantoK,NAA,
Sydney.

82
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 22 July 1940. See Taranto, Kathleen
(Italian)[Box94].C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
83
LetterfromKathleenTarantotoherhusbandAnthonyTaranto,8October1940.SeeTaranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box94].
C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 346

Twenty days later, a Detective Sergeant requested that Constable Hollis interview Mrs Taranto and

obtain,ifpossible,anadmissionastowhethersheisthewriteroftheattachedletter,alsoifshestill

upholds the sentiments expressed therein.84 On the same day, a report based on an interview with

Kathleenwassubmitted.ItstatedthatKathleenapologizedforwritingtheletterandclaimedthatshe

wroteitbecauseshewasveryannoyedthattheinterneeswiveswhohadvisitedOrangetheprevious

Sunday were only allowed to speak to their husbands through a wire fence.85 When questioned

regardingthestatementIwishtheywouldinternme,Kathleenexplainedthatitwasexpensiveforher

to visit her husband at Orange and that she would have been better off to be interned with her

husband. Authorities concluded that she very much regrets having [made] the statement that a

womanhadbeenfoundinthecampwiththemen,andthatOfficershavewomengoingtoseethemat

alltimes;asherhusbandhadsinceinformedherthattherewasnotruthwhateverintheallegations.86

There was an order issued against Taranto that required authorities to keep her under constant

surveillance and to let this letter pass.87 However, another letter was intercepted by authorities,

whichledthemtobelieveshewasathreattonationalsecurity.Asaresult,Tarantowasnotallowedto

becomenaturalized.88ItisnotclearfromthefilesifandwhenKathleenwasgrantednaturalization.

84
MemorandumfromDetectiveSergeanttoConstableHollis,28October1940.SeeTaranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box94].
C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
85
Memorandumfrom ConstablestoInspectorKeefe,28October1940.See Taranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box 94]. C123/1
3518,NAA,Sydney.
86
Memorandumfrom ConstablestoInspectorKeefe,28October1940.See Taranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box 94]. C123/1
3518,NAA,Sydney.
87
Notewrittenbyauthorities,nodate.SeeTaranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box94].C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
88
CopyofletterfromIntelligenceSection,EasternCommand,G.H.NewmantoKathleenTaranto,8April1942.SeeTaranto,
Kathleen(Italian)[Box94].C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 347


Figure125:

KathleenTaranto
under
surveillance.

Taranto

Kathleen(Italian)
[Box94].C123/1
3518,NAA,
Sydney.


P a g e | 348

Comparatively,ItalianwomenwhowereinbreachoftheAliensControlRegulationswererequiredto

pay a higher fine than women who were Italian by marriage. For example, sixty one year old

Mareaninna Palise lived in Australia for twenty seven years and was fined 3.0.0 8/ after failing to

register as an alien during the war.89 On the other hand, twenty six year old Australian born Jeanne

Rosa ne Allardyce, married to Italian Renato Rosa, was unaware that she had lost her British

nationality,andfailedtoregister.Asaresult,Jeannewasrequiredtopayamuchlesserfineof18/in

court costs.90 There were also cases of Australian born women who were in breach of the Aliens

ControlRegulations,butwerenotrequiredtopayafine.Forexample,asmentionedearlier,Catherine

MildredRaffaelefailedtoregisterasanalienandwasissuedwithawarningtocomplywiththeAliens

ControlRegulations.91Inadditiontotheseclaims,Italianwomenwhodesiredtobecomeanaturalized

Britishsubjectwererequiredtopayaprescribedfeeof5.However,inthecaseofawomanwhowas

aBritishsubjectpriortohermarriagetoanalien,apaymentofonly5swasrequired.92

89
Copy of letter from Deputy Crown Solicitor George A. Watson to Crown Solicitor, 3 July 1942. See Palise, Mareannina
(Italian)[box69].C123/12919,NAA,Sydney.
90
MemorandumfromConstableB,BeggtoInspectorofPolice,SergeantE.B.Caban,28June1940.SeeRosa,Jeannenee
Allardyce(AustralianbornItalianbymarriage)[box57].C123/12666,NAA,Sydney.
91
W.S. Chennoweth, Custodian Records, 19 October 1944. C123/1 11819, Sydney. See Raffaele, Catherine Mildred
(AustralianbornItalianbymarriagenaturalisedBritishsubject)[Box364].C123/111819,NAA,Sydney.
92
Official year book of the Commonwealth of Australia, no. 32.1939. Prepared under the instructions from the right
HonorableTreasurer.,D.Phil.,Ph.D.,CommonwealthStatiscian.L.FJohnson,p.405.
P a g e | 349

Figure126:MareaninnaPalise

Palise,Mareannina(Italian).SP11/2Italian,NAA,
Sydney.

Another example that illustrated the different ways in which Italian women were subjected to

authoritative measures involved the case study of Italian Marta De Palma. As was noted in Chapter

One,MartawasinbreachoftheAliensControlRegulationsafterauthoritiesfoundherwirelesssetin

thepossessionofanotherItalian.Despitethefactthatthewirelesssetwasdisconnectedandthevalve

wasmissing,Martawasfined2and9/courtcostsandauthoritiestookpossessionofthewireless.In

1944,Martaaskedforthereturnofherwireless,yetauthoritiesrefusedtoreturnthesetdespitethe

factthatItalysurrenderedoverayearandahalfearlierinJuly1943.93However,thisiscontrarytothe

wirelessthatwasreturnedtoWinifredGazzi.AsnotedinChapterSeven,thewirelessthatwastaken

awaybyauthoritiesinJuly1942,andwasreturnedtoWinifredtwomonthslaterdespitethefactthat

shewasfinedformisleadingauthoritiesabouthermaritalstatus.94Itwasobviousthatinsomecases

Italian born women were discriminated against by authorities in comparison to women who were

Italian by marriage. It was possible that authorities perceived Australian born women, as the title of

thischaptersuggests,asvictimsofcircumstance.
93
CopyofletterwrittenbyDirectorofPostsandTelegraphsinSydney,JackMalonetoMartaDePalma,2January1945.See
Ciccolella,MartaorDePalma,Marta(Italian)[Box84].C123/13279,NAA,Sydney.
94
Report from Police Commissioner, 15 September 1942. See Gazzi, Winifred (Australian born Italian by marriage)
[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 350

Conclusion

Inmanyways,theAliensControlRegulationshadanegativeimpactonthelivesofthesewomenunder

considerationinthischapter.BeingmarriedtoanItalian,Australia/Britishbornwomenweresubjected

to the restrictions of the Aliens Control Regulations introduced by the Commonwealth Government

during the Second World War. The majority of these women were unaware that they had lost their

Britishnationalityonmarriage,andthattheytoowereclassifiedasaliensandenemyaliens.Itisclear

fromtheevidencepresentedinthischapterthattherewasconfusionoverthenationalityandstatusof

these women, and that it was only during the war that these questions were raised. Not only were

these women forced to register as aliens and enemy aliens, but society was unsympathetic towards

their predicament. Most women who became Italian on marriage found it difficult to cope on their

own, especially when they had to look after their familieswhile theirmen were interned during the

war. Most case studies presented show that authorities aimed at applying the law equally and that

justiceappearedtobeapplied.ThiswasespeciallyevidentregardingthecaseofPatriciaVolterra,who,

despiteherhighlyculturedandinfluentialbackground,wasaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations

asaresultofhermarriagetoVolterra.Therisktonationalsecuritycontinuedtobeaprimaryconcern

for the Commonwealth Government. Women who expressed antiBritish views or sympathy for any

Italians living in their community were kept under constant surveillance by the Commonwealth

Governmentauthorities.Itwasnotuntilthemajorityofthesewomenbecamenaturalizedcitizensthat

theywereconsideredtobeexemptfromtherestrictionsoftheAliensControlRegulations.
P a g e | 351

Conclusion

Inthestruggleforfreedomwemaylosefreedom;oureffortstopreservelifemaycause
ustolosethethingsthatmakelifeworthliving.1

(LaborPolitician,MauriceBlackburn)

ThisthesisprovidesananalysisofhowtheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)

affected the lives of German, Italian, Japanese and Australianborn women classified as enemy

aliensduringtheSecondWorldWar.IthighlightsthesubjectivenatureoftheRegulationsandhow

womenwereimpactedbythelegislationinvariousways.Thisthesisisthefirststudytoprovidea

historical analysis of these women who have been neglected in account of Australias wartime

experience.Itpresentsdetailedaccountsof750womenbasedonarchivaldocumentsheldatthe

NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),majorityofwhichhadneverbeforebeenexamined.

The conclusions drawn from this thesis demonstrate that the Aliens Control Regulations were

overbearing,fundamentallyunjustandlargelyunnecessary.ThisconcurswithLamideysargument

that the Aliens Control Regulations were carried out without due regard to humanity and social

justice.2AlthoughthemainobjectiveoftheAliensControlRegulationswastoensurethataliens,

residentinAustralia,enemyandotherwise,couldinnowaybecomeadangertothecountrynor

impedetheprogressofthewareitherindividuallyorinassociationwithothers,thereweremany

civilianslivinginAustraliawhosufferedunnecessarilyunderthelegislation.3

1
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 8 September 1939, 180, (Maurice
Blackburn).
2
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946.Sydney:N.Lamidey,1974,p.1.
3
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
P a g e | 352

ThelegislationwascreatedatthepeakofAustraliaswartimesecuritymeasures,carryingwithit

theobjectiveofrestrictingonesindividuallibertyiftherewasanyrealdangerthattheindividual

willactinawaythatprejudicesthewareffort.4Over50,000nonBritishmigrantswereclassifiedas

aliensandsubjectedtotheAliensControlRegulations.AswitnessedinChapterOne,thefactthat

the National Security Bill 1939 (Cth) was debated extensively during Parliament highlighted the

government was well aware of the risk to civil liberties involved, in particular, the impact that it

wouldhaveonminoritygroupslivinginAustralia.

Itwasnotuntil1941,ninemonthsintothewarthatthegovernmentformedanationalcorporate

bodytodealwiththethreatofunnaturalizedalienswhowereperceivedastheenemywithin.The

womenunderstudywerecaughtupinthewarhysteriaatthetimeandsubjecttodiscrimination

andracismbroughtonbythewar.AsevidencedinChapterTwo,theAustralianpubliccondemned

Italys entry into the war and expressed their resentment against Italians living within the

community. Consequently, Italian passengers on board Italian motor vessels Remo and Romolo,

who were returning to their homeland, were among the first to be imprisoned for sailing in

AustralianwatersasMussolinideclaredwarontheAlliedforces.

The most extreme form of restriction enacted was Clause 20 Aliens Control Regulations, which

recommended the internment of enemy aliens considered to be a threat to national security.

AlthoughthemainobjectiveofthisClausefocusedonthepoliticallyactiveEuropeanmaleenemy

alien,therewerecasesofwomenwhowereaffiliatedwithpoliticalorganizationsandsobecame

the potential targets of internment policies. Chapter Three highlighted the complex issues

surrounding the registration process and internment policy among women who wereeither first,

4
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.4.
P a g e | 353

second,orthirdgenerationAustraliansofGermandescentandAustralianborn,allofwhomwere

conserving German culture and openly expressing their support for the rise of Nazi Germany.

Interestingly, the treatment that many women received from authorities during the war differed

immensely. For example, Manda Gertrude Thiele was interned for openly expressing her pro

German views. On the other hand, Pauline Stark, who was leader of the womens Nazi Party in

Australia,wasonlyplacedundercertainrestrictions.Manyshowhowlocalauthoritiesinterpreted

andappliedtheAliensControlRegulationsdifferently.

LifeforItalianwomeninAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWarwasoftendifficultandwasfurther

complicated by the introduction of the Aliens Control Regulations. We saw in Chapter Four how

manywereleftontheirowntolookafterthefamilybusinessorthefarm,whilealsotakingcareof

theextendedfamily.ItwasevenharderforwomenwhomigratedtoAustraliafromItaly.Notbeing

abletospeakorunderstandtheEnglishlanguagemadeitdifficultforthesewomentoassimilate

into Australian society. There were cases of Italian women suspected of working as spies for the

enemy and were reported to authorities by suspicious neighbours. Clearly, the war placed these

womeninadifficultpositionwheremanyexperienceddistressanduncertainty.Theenactmentand

subsequentenforcementoftheAliensControlRegulationsmadethesituationworse.

WhiletheinternmentRegulationdidnotapplylargelytoItalianwomen,itwastheotherfeaturesof

the Aliens Control Regulations, such as the regular reporting to the local Police Station, general

treatmentbyauthoritiesandtheindirecteffectsofinternmentthataffectedthemduringthewar.

Itwasclearthattheinternmentmeasurewasintroducedforsecurityreasons.However,fromthe

evidencepresented,thereseemstobeanunderlyingissueconcerningraceandfearoftheother

thatishighlightedthroughoutsomecasestudies,especiallythoseconcerningItalianandAustralian
P a g e | 354

born women of Japanese descent. Although most German and Italian women were not largely

affected by the internment measure, this was not the case for Japanese living in Australia. The

Japanese threat of imminent invasion in December 1941 highlighted xenophobic policies

introduced by the government. All Japanese, including women and children, were interned after

Japan attacked Pearl Harbour. As evidenced in Chapter Five, the internment policy against all

Japanesewaspurelybasedonrace.TheAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentinthischapter

were interned based on their Japanese appearance and should never have been affected by the

AliensControlRegulations.

Other victims of circumstance included German Jewish refugee women. Not only were German

Jewish refugee women wrongfully classified by authorities as enemy aliens, their situation was

madeworsewhenthemajorityoftheirhusbandsandmalerelativeswereinternedorconscripted

by the Allied Works Council during the war. Despite their refugee status, these women had to

enduretherestrictionsimposeduponenemyaliensthroughoutthewar.Over6,500refugeeswere

affected by the Aliens Control Regulations and later reclassified as refugee aliens. Chapter Six

highlightsthewomenwhowereaffectedbythebureaucraticfailures.

TheAliensControlRegulationsalsoaffectedthelivesofAustraliabornwomenwholosttheirBritish

statusasaresultotheirmarriagetoanItaliannational.TheirnationalitychangedtoItalian,which

meant they too were subject to the government legislation. The complexity of the issue on the

nationalityandstatusofthesewomenisevidentinanumberofcasestudiesexaminedinChapter

Seven, particularly women who were unaware they were required to register as an alien. Not

unexpectedly,Australianwomenatfirstadoptedahostileattitudetowardsauthorities.However,
P a g e | 355

later on, the majority of these women regained their British status through the Nationality Act

19201936.

Thisthesishasprovidedstoriesandexperienceswhichraisemanyissuesreflectingthetreatmentof

German, Italian, Japanese and Australianborn women subject to the Aliens Control Regulations.

VerylittleresearchhasbeenundertakenonhowtheAliensControlRegulationsaffectedthelivesof

migrantwomenandAustralianbornwomenduringtheSecondWorldWar.Theaimofthisthesisis

to present a voice for these women, and concentrate on their experience of the war hysteria,

isolation,racismandvictimizationthatexistedduringthewar.

These stories also reflect issues that are relevant to contemporary society. Events such as the

Cronulla riots and the Tampa crisis show how discrimination continues to exist towards minority

groups within Australia. Also, the heightened security fears after the 9/11 attack led to the

introduction of terror laws in Australia that included a telephone hotline to dob in suspicious

behavioramethodthatprovedtobenotsodifferenttothestatementsmadebytheAustralian

publictopoliceduringtheSecondWorldWaragainsttheiralienneighbours.Thefearandconcern

from all parts of Australian society is reminiscent of the Aliens Control Regulations that was

experienced over seventy years ago. Once again, based on their heritage and ethnicity, innocent

womenwillbecaughtupinthegovernmentslegislation.

P a g e | 371

Bibliography

1.PRIMARYSOURCES:

GovernmentPapers

CensusoftheCommonwealthofAustralia,30June1933.Canberra:L.F.Johnston,Commonwealth
GovernmentPrinter,1933.

Commonwealth,HansardSecondReadingSpeech,HouseofRepresentatives,7and8September
1939.

National Security (Aliens Control) Regulations, Statutory Rules 1939, No. 88. (m) taken out of
Statutory rules made under Commonwealth Acts During the Year 1939. Also Prerogative Orders,
etc.,withTablesandIndex.L.F.Johnston,CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939.

NewSouthWalesParliamentaryDebates(SecondSeries.)Session19381940.SecondSessionofthe
ThirtySecondParliament.Sydney,GovernmentPrinter:ThomasHenryTennant,1940.

New SouthWales Parliamentary Debates (Second Series.) Session 19401941. Third Sessionof the
ThirtySecondParliament.Sydney,GovernmentPrinter:ThomasHenryTennant,1941.

StatutoryRulesmadeunderCommonwealthActsduringtheyear1939.Canberra:Governmentof
Australia,1939.

TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,inportionof
the first session of the eighth parliament of the Commonwealth. Albert J. Mulleti, Government
PrinteroftheStateofVictoria,1920,

War Book of the Commonwealth of Australia: Coordination of Departmental Action on the


OccurrenceofStrainedRelationsandontheOutbreakofWar.Melbourne:DepartmentofDefence,
P a g e | 372

July,1939.Part1:PrecautionaryStage,ChapterXII.ControlofAliensandPassengerTraffic,May,
1939.

RelevantLegislations

ManpowerRegulations1942(Cth)
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)
NationalSecurity(AliensService)Regulations1943(Cth)
NationalSecurityAct1939(Cth)
NationalityAct1920(Cth)
NationalityandCitizenshipAct1948(Cth)
ProhibitedPossessionsOrder1940(Cth)
QueenslandCurfewOrder1942(Cth)
RegistrationAct1939(Cth)

Interviews

Balog,Ilona.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
Black,Josie.Correspondence.4November2008.
Kraemer,Yvonne.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
Merenda,Francesca.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
Tommaso,Gina.Correspondence.10April2009.

NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA)Files:

C123/1WorldWarIIsecurityinvestigationdossiers,singlenumberseries,
24Oct193823Jun1948,Sydney.

C320/1 Investigationfiles(PersonsandOrganisations),singlenumberwithalphabetical
prefix,1Jan192131Dec1946,Sydney.

C320/P1 NSWSecurityServicefileRequestsbyexinterneesthatwivesandfamiliesbe
allowedtoresideintheStatewheretheyareemployedbytheAlliedWorksCouncil
[8pages].C320,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 373

SP11/2Applicationsforregistration(aliensregistrationfiles)(FormsA1,B1andC),
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ItaliansinSouthAustralia:TheFirstHundredYears.Proceedings:theFirstConferenceontheImpact
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Noi donne ItaloAustraliane : documenti del primo congresso dell' Associazione donne Italo
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UnpublishedThesis

TurnerGraham,Emily.NeverforgetthatyouareaGerman:DieBrcke,DeutschtumandNational
SocialisminAustralia.UniversityofMelbourne:unpublishedthesis,2006.