The Anthropology of Afro-Latin America and the Caribbean: Diasporic Dimensions

Author(s): Kevin A. Yelvington

Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 30 (2001), pp. 227-260
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 Annu. Rev. Anthropol.2001. 30:227-60
Copyright() 2001 by AnnualReviews. All rightsreserved

THE ANTHROPOLOGYOF AFRO-LATINAMERICA

AND THECARIBBEAN:Diasporic Dimensions

KevinA. Yelvington
Departmentof Anthropology,Universityof SouthFlorida, Tampa,Florida 33620-8100;
e-mail: yelvingt@chumal.cas.usf.edu

Key Words African diaspora, blackness, history of anthropology, "race,"

ethnicity, nationalism, creolization
* Abstract The contributions of a number of First and Third World scholars to
the development of the anthropology of the African diaspora in Latin America and
the Caribbean have been elided from the core of the discipline as practiced in North
America and Europe. As such, the anthropology of the African diaspora in the
Americas can be traced to the paradigmaticdebate on the origins of New World black
cultures between Euro-American anthropologist Melville J. Herskovits and African
American sociologist E. Franklin Frazier. The former argued for the existence of
African culturalcontinuities, the latterfor New Worldculture creations in the context of
discrimination and deprivation characteristicof the experiences of peoples of African
descent, in light of slavery, colonialism, and postcolonial contexts. As a result, subse-
quent positions have been defined by oppositions in every subdisciplinary specializa-
tion and area of interest. Creolization models try to obviate this bifurcation, and newer
dialogical theoretical perspectives build upon such models by attempting to combine
revisionist historiography with social/cultural constructionist approaches to identity,
especially aroundthe concept of blackness understoodin the context of culturalidentity
politics.

INTRODUCTION:THE PRESENCEOF
THEANTHROPOLOGICAL PAST
The current anthropological concern with processes of globalization, dispersion,
migration, and transnationalism, citizenship; with colonialism, the historical devel-
opment of cultures, cultural hybridity, cultural politics and the politics of culture,
difference and disjuncture; with resistance, structure and agency can be presented
as "new," "cutting edge," or "hot topics" only by eliding and implicitly dismiss-
ing foundational scholarship on the anthropology of the African diaspora in the
Americas, such as that of W.E.B. Du Bois (1868-1963), St. Clair Drake (1911-
1990), Zora Neale Hurston (1903-1960), Katherine Dunham (b. 1909), Jean Price-
Mars (1876-1969), R6mulo Lachataiere (1909-1952), or Arthur A. Schomburg

0084-6570/01/1021-0227$14.00 227
228 YELVINGTON

(1874-1938), to name only a few. The Haitian anthropologistAnt6norFirmin

(1850-1911), whose writings on "race"[Firmin2000 (1885)] precededthose of
FranzBoas and were in directoppositionto contemporaneousracisttheoristslike
Gobineau,placed himself and his work squarelywithin a frameworkof diasporal
exchanges but can nowherebe seen as an anthropologicalancestor.Furthermore,
recentworksfroma numberof disciplinesaimedat definingdiasporaandelaborat-
ing andjustifyingits use as a theoreticalconceptdo so froma parochialperspective
thatrelegatesthe Africandiasporain the New Worldto the statusof a case study.
Althoughthis is not the forumto write or right such a history,whetherrevisionist
or redemptionist,nor a place to cite chaptersand ignoredverse of anthropology's
forgottenfounders,a mention of this vanquishedscholarshipis in orderhere to
understandthe following remarkson the history of the study of the African di-
asporain Latin America and the Caribbean,allowing us to pause long enough to
wonder aloud what connection exists between the fact that these scholarsthem-
selves were of Africandescent and the minorrole they played in anthropological
canon-making(see for example Baker 1998; Drake 1980, 1990; Fluehr-Lobban
2000; Harrison1992; and the chaptersin Harrison& Harrison1999).
The anthropologyof the Africandiasporain LatinAmericaand the Caribbean
was bornout of the elision of these scholarsandtheirscholarshipandcontinuesto
be shapedby its paradigmaticformationas an anthropologicalspecializationdating
back to the 1930s. In the debatebegun then, the opposing sides were exemplified
by the workof Euro-AmericananthropologistMelville J. Herskovits(1895-1963)
and African-Americansociologist E. FranklinFrazier(1894-1962). Theirdebate
has in many ways continuedto define the terms of referencefor the production
of anthropologicalknowledge (YelvingtonForthcominga). With the publication
of The Myth of the Negro Past (1941), Herskovitsis credited with legitimating
the study of black cultureswithin anthropology.He aimed at explodingracistde-
pictions of New Worldblacks by maintainingthe Boasian conceptualseparation
of "race"and culture.He did so by utilizing a numberof tropes and conceptual
devices in orderto tracewhathe saw as "Africanisms"(see Cole 1985) in religion,
language, the family, and other culturalforms and institutionstransportedto the
New Worldwith the slaves from whathe called the WestAfrican-Congo"cultural
area."While in his early work on African Americans(e.g., Herskovits 1925) he
emphasizedthe process of assimilationto Americanculture,by 1930 Herskovits
was defininghis projectas thatof "TheNegroin the New World"(Herskovits1930;
cf. Jackson 1986). After early physical anthropologicalwork on African Ameri-
cans, he carriedout ethnographicfieldworkon this researchproblemwith his wife
andcollaboratorFrancesS. Herskovits(1897-1972) in Suriname,Dahomey,Haiti,
Trinidad,and Brazil (Baron 1994, Gershenhor 2000, Simpson 1973, Yelvington
Forthcomingb).
Some of the concepts Herskovitsemployed have explicitly or unintentionally
in differentguises become part of the perspectivesof subsequentgenerationsof
anthropologistsof the Africandiasporain the Americas,including"culturaltenac-
ity," "retentions,""reinterpretation," and "syncretism,"all underthe overarching
 AMERICA
AFRO-LATIN ANDTHECARIBBEAN 229

rubric of "acculturation."For Herskovits, even improvisationwas an African

trait, and "psychologicalresilience" he saw as a "deep-rootedAfrican tradition
of adaptation"(Herskovits1948; cf. Apter 1991). Herskovits'sposition was a log-
ical extension of Boasian historical and culturalparticularism.He combined an
advocacy of anthropologyas a dispassionate scientific mode of inquiry with a
radical culturalrelativism.His thought was also (in)formedby the patronageof
Americanfolklorist Elsie Clews Parsons(1875-1941), whose work exemplified
a similar quest for ultimate origins, as well as by his relations with those pio-
neering Latin American and Caribbeananthropologistsand ethnologists whose
study of the "Africanpresence"in their societies predatedHerskovits'sinterest.
Their studies were congruentwith his approach,occurringwithin the context of
diverse local nationalistprojects (distinct from Herskovits's)that were aimed at
showing the black element in nationalculture and the black contributionto the
nation, and that suggested public policies relatingto blackness (see, among oth-
ers, Bastide 1974; Coronil 1995; Correa1998,2000; Davis 1992;Fernandes1958;
Iznaga1989;Moore 1994;Morse 1996;Palmie2001; Peirano1981;Shannon1996;
Simpson 1973;YelvingtonForthcomingb). ThesepioneersincludedArthurRamos
(1903-1949) in Brazil and Ferando OrtizFemrandez(1881-1969) in Cuba [both
followers of the BrazilianRaymundoNina Rodrigues(1862-1906)], Price-Mars
in Haiti, and Gonzalo Aguirre Beltran (1908-1996) in Mexico. This "intellec-
tual social formation"engaged in setting the field's parameters;Herskovitsand
Ramos,for example,workedto exclude the workof AmericananthropologistRuth
Landes (1908-1991), whose take on Afro-Brazildiverged somewhat from their
own (Landes 1947; cf. Cole 1994, 1995, Healey 1998, Landes 1970, Yelvington
Forthcomingb).
Herskovitsfelt that the disparagingof "the Negro past" and culturalheritage
on the partof the dominantsociety sustainedracismandthe oppressionof African
Americans. In order to reverse this, he provided evidence for what he saw as
Africanismsin New WorldNegro culturethatreachedback beyond, and endured
through,the ignominy of slavery. These Africanisms were seen as survivals of
Africanculturesthat existed in more or less transmutedvariantsin the Americas
existing beneath the surface culturalforms blacks had adapted.He believed he
could chart the intensity of Africanisms, and specifically their origin in African
"nations"or ethnicities(Herskovits1933), versusotherculturallegacies in various
institutionsand practicesacross the societies of the Americas(see Table 1).
Frazier(e.g., 1939), the Chicago School sociologist, utilized a more structural
approachand arguedthatAfricanslaves in the United Stateswere dispossessed of
their culturesin the enslavementprocess and were best viewed as disadvantaged
Americans.Placing his work in oppositionto Herskovits,Fraziermaintainedthat
"asregardsthe Negro family,thereis no reliableevidence thatAfricanculturehas
had any influence on its development"(1939, p. 12). For him, "probablynever
before in history has a people been so nearly completely strippedof its social
heritageas the Negroes who were broughtto America."They had, "throughforce
of circumstances,"to "acquirea new language,adoptnew habitsof labor,andtake
TABLE 1 Herskovits's"Scale of Intensityof New WorldAfricanisms"l

Social Non-kinship
Technology Economics organization institutions Religion Magic
Guiana(bush)2 b b a a a a
Guiana c c b c a a
(Paramaribo)
Haiti (peasant) c b b c a a
Haiti (urban) e d c c b b
Brazil d d b d a a
(Bahia-Redife)
Brazil e e c d a a
(PortoAlegre)
Brazil c c b e c b
(Maranhao-rural)
Brazil e d c e a b
(Maranhao-urban)
Cuba e d c b a a
Jamaica(Maroons) c c b b b a
Jamaica e c b b a a
(MorantBay)
Jamaica(general) e c d d b b
Honduras c c b b b a
(Black Caribs)3
Trinidad e d c b a a
(Portof Spain)
Trinidad(Toco) e d c c c b
Mexico (Guerrero) d e b b c b
Colombia(Choc6) d d c c c b
VirginIslands e d c d e b
U.S. c c c d c b
(GullahIslands)
U.S. (ruralSouth) d e c d c b
U.S. (urbanNorth) e e c d c b

'Only the greatestdegree of retentionis indicatedfor each group.a: very African,b: quite African,c: somewhatAfrican,d: a little Afric
2Thederivationsof the listings given in Table 1 are as follows:
Guiana,Brazil (Bahia and southernBrazil), Trinidad,and Haiti; field researchand variouspublishedworks bearingon the Negro people
Brazil (north-urbanand rural);unpublishedreportsof fieldworkby OctavioEduardoin Maranh5o.
Jamaica;first-handcontactwith the Maroonsand otherJamaicanNegroes, thoughwithoutopportunityfor detailedfield research;andfor t
by MarthaBeckwith.
Cuba, variousworksby E Ortiz,particularlyhis Los negrosbrujos,and on R. Lachataier6'sManualde santeria.
VirginIslands, the monographby A.A. Campbellentitled, "St Thomas Negroes-a study of PersonalityandCulture"(Psychological M
field materialsof J.C. Trevor.
GullahIslands, field-workby W.R. Bascom, some restultsof which have been reportedin a paperentitled, "AcculturationAmong the G
1941,pp. 43-50).
UnitedStates, manyworks, from which materialsof Africanderivationhave been abstractedand summarizedin my own work, The Myt
3CaribIndianinfluencesare strongin this culture.
Source:Herskovits1966: 53, 61.
232 YELVINGTON

over,howeverimperfectly,the folkways of the Americanenvironment."Thus, "of

the habitsand customs as well as the hopes and fears thatcharacterizedthe life of
their forebearsin Africa, nothingremains"(1939, pp. 21-22).
The contrastingperspectivesof HerskovitsandFrazierhave in a largepartdic-
tatedthe approachesof subsequentresearchersin all fields of the anthropologyof
the Africandiasporain the Americas (see the discussions in Abrahams& Szwed
1983, Whitten& Szwed 1970, YelvingtonForthcominga). These successorspro-
duced more correctly,perhaps,overdrawnidealizationsof their work. A debate
in the pages of the AmericanSociological Review over the black family in Brazil
indicates well their differentapproaches(Frazier1942, 1943; Herskovits 1943).
But Frazieradheredto a Herskovitsianview of acculturation(Frazier 1957, pp.
243-46): CitingHerskovits,he was willing to admitthatAfricansurvivalsexisted
in the CaribbeanandLatinAmerica,especially in religion (Frazier1939, pp. 5-6),
and he attributedthe uniquenessof the United States in this regard(Frazier1939,
pp. 7-8, 1957, p. 336) to the contrastingeffects of the differingslave regimes. On
the otherhand,Herskovitsneverdiminishedthe powerof the enslavementprocess
in "strippingfromthe aboriginalAfricanculture"their"largerinstitutions,leaving
the moreintimateelementsin the organizationof living"(Herskovits& Herskovits
1947, p. 7). Nevertheless,today scholarstend to be identified(even if they do not
explicitly self-identify)with one of two competingcamps:the neo-Herskovitsians
versus "creationist"or "creolization"theorists. These latter emphasize cultural
creativity,culturalblending and borrowing,culturaladaptationsto local circum-
stances, and ethnogeneticprocesses.
In termsof a politics of reception,Frazier'sviews have fallen from anthropol-
ogy's purview.Although Herskovits'snotions of Africanismswere for the most
partrejectedby African-Americanintellectualsin the pre-Civil Rights era, today
Herskovits'sworkcontinuesto loom largeandmanyanthropologistsof theAfrican
diasporain the Americasare liable to locate themselves within this tradition.Par-
tisansmay allow themselvesa broadcanvasin artor philosophy(Thompson1983,
cf. S. Price, Forthcoming)or they may confine themselves to a single practiceor
institution,such as family land in the Caribbean(e.g. Carnegie1987a, cf. Besson
1987). A search for "pre-contact"culture in contexts that assume "contact"by
definition fits, after all, anthropology'ssearch for the pristine (Trouillot 1992).
Thus,the anthropologyof Afro-LatinAmericaandthe Caribbeanis an exampleof
whatBourdieumightcall a "field"(champ),andis a discreteandintegratedactivity
with its own "logic,"withinwhich the impositionof one group'sset of taxonomies
resultsin the productionof a "naturalorder"thattendsto upholdcertainstructured
"waysof seeing."Furthermore,the relationshipbetweenthe anthropologyandthe
anthropologists'personalquestionsof identityis crucial(Frank2001, Yelvington
2000). Scott rightly insists that "a critical anthropologyof the African diaspora
has to be constitutedthrougha close attentionto the historyof its own categories
andto the extentto which it assumestheirtransparency" (1999, p. 108). But this is
rarelyacknowledgedas such by anthropologistsof the African diasporain Latin
Americaand the Caribbean.This is because few workinganthropologistsare also
 AFRO-LATINAMERICAAND THE CARIBBEAN 233

historians of anthropology.Fewer still are anthropologistswho attemptovertly

and explicitly to place themselves and their theoreticalapproachwithin specific
traditions.One notableexception is Harrison(Harrison1992, Harrison& Nonini
1992), a Caribbeanistwho sets her approachin relationto Du Bois's anthropol-
ogy in calling for an anthropologyof the African diaspora(Harrison1988) and
advocatinganthropologyas a tool of liberation(Harrison1991).
The foregoingis not merelyhistoricalbackgroundto the anthropologicalstudy
of the African diasporain Latin America and the Caribbean;ratherit signals the
extent to which this anthropologycontinues to be framedby these foundational
paradigmsand politics (Szwed 1972). With this in mind, I provide an admittedly
narrowfocus in whatfollows, concentratingon the social andculturalanthropology
of Afro-LatinAmerica and the Caribbeaninasmuchas this scholarshipengages
the concept of diasporaor shows how Afro-Americansare conscious of being in
diaspora;my review has a bias towardrecent work. This unfortunatelyleaves out
a numberof importantstudies of black communitiesin the Americassouth of the
Rio Grande.To compensate,I attemptto make this review interdisciplinaryin the
sense thatI refer(albeittoo briefly)to workfromotherdisciplinesthatis eitheran-
thropologicalin orientationor speaksdirectlyto questionsthathave been pursued
by social and culturalanthropologists-namely, the work of ethnomusicologists,
historians,linguists, culturaltheorists,and writersand literarycritics.

GEOGRAPHIES OF BLACKNESS:DELINEATING DIASPORA

Even thoughDu Bois (e.g., 1939), Drake(e.g., 1982), and othersoperatedwithin

what can be called a diasporic frame of reference, their marginalizationmeant
thatthe Africandiasporain LatinAmericaand the Caribbeanhas been definedin
varioustheoreticalterms and not always explicitly as "diaspora."More than four
decades ago, when commentingon the Herskovits-Frazierdebate, the Jamaican
anthropologistM.G. Smith (1921-1993) called for an approachthat combined
social and culturalperspectives(1957). Perhapsthe best exemplificationof this
is the widely cited work of Mintz & Price (1992 [1976]), who, takingup directly
the question of survivals versus culturalcreation, argue "it is less the unity of
West (and Central)Africa as a broadculturearea"than "the levels at which one
would have to seek confirmationof this postulatedunity,"adding: "An African
culturalheritage,widely sharedby the people importedinto any new colony, will
have to be definedin less concreteterms,by focusing more on values, and less on
socioculturalforms, and even by attemptingto identify unconscious 'grammati-
cal' principles,which may underlieand shapebehavioralresponse"(1992, pp. 9-
10). These principles are "basic assumptionsabout social relations"and "basic
assumptionsand expectationsaboutthe way the world functionsphenomenologi-
cally."They posit that "certaincommon orientationsto reality may tend to focus
the attentionof individualsfrom West and CentralAfrican cultures upon simi-
lar kinds of events, even though the ways for handling these events may seem
234 YELVINGTON

quite diversein formalterms,"suggestingthat"thecomparativestudyof people's

attitudesand expectationsabout socioculturalchange... might reveal interesting
underlyingconsistencies"(1992, p. 10). While Mintz& Priceadmitthatthese "un-
derlyingprincipleswill prove difficultto uncover,"they point to scholarshipthat
attempts"to define the perceived similaritiesin African (and African-American)
song style, graphicart,motorhabits,and so forth,"assertingthat"if the perceived
similaritiesare real, there must exist underlyingprinciples (which will often be
unconscious)that are amenableto identification,description,and confirmation."
Thus, "in consideringAfrican-Americanculturalcontinuities,it may well be that
the more formal elements stressed by Herskovits exerted less influence on the
nascent institutionsof newly enslaved and transportedAfricans than did their
commonbasic assumptionsaboutsocial relationsor the workingsof the universe"
(1992, p. 11).
Drawing on work on the history of the slave trade,Mintz & Price emphasize
the ethnicheterogeneityof New Worldslave populations,which, perhapscounter-
intuitively,they see as an invitationto inter-Africansyncretismand an interactive
creolizationprocess thatbeganin the firstmomentsof the creationof New World
slave societies. They dispute the approachthat infers historical connection be-
tween a single, specific culturein West Africa and one in the New Worldbased
on putativesimilarities(such as lexical items), arguingthat,besides being at odds
with historical data, such a model is committed to a view of culture as an un-
differentiatedwhole: "Giventhe social setting of early New Worldcolonies, the
encountersbetween Africans from a score or more differentsocieties with each
other, and with their Europeanoverlords,cannot be interpretedin terms of two
(or even many different) 'bodies' of belief and value, each coherent, function-
ing, and intact. The Africans who reached the New World did not compose, at
the outset, groups. In fact, in most cases, it might even be more accurateto view
them as crowds, and very heterogeneouscrowds at that."The slaves could only
become communities"by processes of culturalchange":"Whatthe slaves unde-
niably shared at the outset was their enslavement;all-or nearly all-else had
to be created by them"(1992, p. 18). This being the main thrustof their model,
Mintz & Price are careful to point to differences in slave regimes and relative
concentrationor dispersalof slaves belonging to the same ethnic/culturalgroup
as historicalquestions;they do not disputethe influenceof later-arrivingAfrican
ethnicgroupson the directionof a particularlocale's Afro-Americanculture.They
point to "immenselyimportantcontinuitiesof many kinds with ancestralciviliza-
tions; and [they]must addthatthe historyof Afro-Americais markedby renewals
of identificationon manyoccasions."They say they "recognizethatmany aspects
of African-Americanadaptivenessmay themselves be in some importantsense
Africanin origin"(1992, pp. 94, 95).
The influence of the model has been wide, stimulatingwork in the "culture
of slavery"(e.g., Palmie, 1995a) and on play and popularculture (e.g., Burton
1997). Price & Price, for example, drawing on their extensive work on Afro-
American arts, followed up this more programmaticstatement with a tour de
 AFRO-LATINAMERICAAND THE CARIBBEAN 235

force on Saramaka(Surinamemaroon)aesthetics (1999). Citing the model with

approval,Trouillot(1998, p. 9) cautions against theories that "seize creolization
as a totality,thus one level too removedfrom the concretecircumstancesfaced by
the individualsengaged in the process"and insists that the "historicalconditions
of culturalproduction"become "a fundamentaland necessary part"of analyses.
Maurer(1997) also criticizes notions of creolizationand hybriditythat rest upon
metaphorsof biological reproductionand genetic recombination.R. Price has
stronglyurged anthropologiststo take accountof parallelwork by contemporary
Caribbeanwriterssuch as KamauBrathwaite,Maryse Cond6,EdouardGlissant,
George Lamming,and Derek Walcott(1998). These writersactively engage with
and often criticize the anthropology(Scott 1999). The Martinicanplaywrightand
culturalcritic Glissantwrites:
One of the most terribleimplicationsof the ethnographicapproachis the in-
sistence on fixing the object of scrutinyin static time, therebyremoving the
tanglednatureof lived experienceandpromotingthe idea of uncontaminated
survival.This is how those generalizedprojectionsof a series of events that
obscurethe networkof real links become established.The history of a trans-
plantedpopulation,but one which elsewherebecomes anotherpeople, allows
us to resist generalizationand the limitationsit imposes. Relationship(at the
same time link and linked, act and speech) [needs to be] emphasized over
whatin appearancecould be conceived as a governingprinciple,the so-called
universal'controllingforce' (1989, p. 14).
On the otherhand, Price & Price (1997) show how some intellectualsemphasize
"creolism"(creolite) as partof elite ethnic and class politics.
The Mintz and Price creolizationmodel comes out of and has inspired (both
for and against) work in Afro-LatinAmerican and Caribbeanlanguages. Con-
frontedwith extreme,even bewildering,linguisticheterogeneityin the region (see
Table 2), linguists and linguistically orientedanthropologistshave poured a sig-
nificant amount of effort into investigationsof creoles, pidgins (Jourdan1991),
andthe developmentof African-influencedlanguagesin the New World(e.g., Perl
& Schwegler 1998). There is little agreementon the very categories of analysis
(see e.g., Schieffelin & Doucet 1994 on Haitiankreyol).Mintz (1971) warnedas
early as a 1968 conference on pidgins and creoles held at the University of the
West Indies in Jamaicathat the characteristicshape of a languagecannotbe seen
outside of its sociological context and the processes of historical change. Still,
investigationsare often couched in terms of locating "Africanisms"(Mufwene
1993). The continuityversuscreativitydebateis alive here too. This body of work
has also imbibedall of the controversiesassociatedwith the study of pidgins and
creoles generally, e.g., differentiatingbetween pidgins and creoles themselves,
monogenesis versus polygenesis debates, (African) substrataversus (European)
superstrataversus universalisthypotheses of creole genesis (the latter of which
includes Bickerton'scontroversial"bioprogramhypothesis,"and the applicabil-
ity of pidginization-creolization-decreolizationcreole continuummodels), andthe
236 YELVINGTON

TABLE 2 Caribbeanlanguage situations

Multilingual: Trinidadhas standardand nonstandardforms of English, a

French-basedcreole, nonstandardSpanish,Bhojpuri,Urdu, and Yoruba.
Surinamehas Dutch, Sranan,Saramaccan,Ndjuka,Javanese,and Hindi.
Bilingual: St. Lucia, Dominica, and Grenadahave standardand nonstandard
forms of English and a French-basedcreole. The NetherlandsAntilles has
Dutch and Papiamentu(with English and Spanishwidely used).
Diglossia: In Haiti and the FrenchWest Indies, Frenchand a French-based
creole exist but are kept relativelyseparate.
Continuum: Guyana,Antigua,Jamaica,Montserrat,and St. Kitts have
differentgradedlevels of languagebeginningwith a polarvarietycommonly
called "creole"or "patois"andmoving throughintermediatelevels to a
standardnormof English at the otherpole.
Monolingual: Barbados,Cuba,the DominicanRepublic,and PuertoRico
have a standardand a nonstandardform of Europeanlanguages (English
in the firstcase, Spanishin the others).
Source:Alleyne 1985:166.

New or the Old World as the site of creole genesis (Jourdan 1991; cf. McWhorter
1997). Maroon societies are often the privileged site of investigations (e.g.,
Schwegler 1996; cf. Price 1975). A common problem occurs when linguists try
to extend their model to "culture at large." Most models between the either/or
poles (and polemics) have given way to those that in one way or another try to
account for an interaction of influences (Jourdan 1991). Speech acts as both play
and expressive culture incorporating ambiguity and indirection are located in a
common Afro-American culture, whether conceived in retentionist or creationist
terms (Abrahams 1983; cf. Wilson 1973). But many anthropologists have chosen
to focus on issues of identity, language use, and language choice (Mentore 1993,
Schnepel 1993), and on language use in religious practices (Bilby 1983), including
Rastafarianism (Homiak 1995, Pulis 1993).
A number of recent treatments of the African diaspora in the New World (e.g.,
Martinez Montiel 1992, Rahier 1999a), especially by historians and historically
oriented scholars (e.g., Byfield 2000, Conniff & Davis 1994, Hine & McLeod
1999, Jalloh & Maizlish 1996, Okpewho et al 1999, but see the earlier work in
Harris 1982 and Crahan & Knight 1979), have surmounted the necessary but not
sufficient procedure of documenting rather mechanically the origins and destina-
tions of the slaves and the dispersals of peoples of African descent in the region
that received roughly 90% of all enslaved Africans landed in the Americas (cf.
Mintz 1974, pp. 1-32). New syntheses by historians of the slave trade emphasize
the provenience, direction, and ethnic identities of enslaved Africans (e.g., Eltis
2000, Eltis & Richardson 1997, Lovejoy 2000a,b; see Table 3). Many new studies
in this vein challenge the Mintz & Price model by affirming the power of various
 AFRO-LATINAMERICAAND THE CARIBBEAN 237

African "nations"/ethnicities(variously defined) to shape particularNew World

slave societies (e.g., Thornton1992, Palmer1995, cf. Scott 1999). In promotingan
"Africa-centred" focus, Lovejoy (2000b, pp. 16, 17) arguesthatMintz and Price's
model results in a "depersonalized"view of slaves, and he chargesthat their vi-
sion "telescopes"and representsa "hypostatization"of the creolizationprocess.
Eltis (2000, p. 245), however,finds their idea that enslaved Africans on the mid-
dle passage were a "crowd"ratherthan a culturalgrouping to be "overdrawn"
because of data that indicate the nonrandomarrivalsof Africans in the Ameri-
cas. Both Lovejoy and Eltis misrepresentthe Mintz & Price model in the process.
Anthropologistsacceptingcolonial data on slave ethnicities as unproblematicdo
so by making unwarrantedassumptionsabout the natureof colonial knowledge
(Scott 1999). The most illuminatingstudieson the Americasin this genrearethose
dealing with specific times and contexts, such as Thorton's on African soldiers
and ideologies in the HaitianRevolution (1991, 1993). In contrast,historiansof
the Americas such as Berlin (1998), Morgan(1998), and Palmie (1995a) tend to
affirmthe model by pointing,dependingon the historicaland regionalcontext, to
materialshowing inter-Africancreolization,resident-forcedimmigrantcreoliza-
tion, re-Africanization,recreolization,and the invention of traditionat work in
the creationof ethnic/nationallabels and identities in the Americas. On this last
score they have received backing from Africanisthistorians(Law 1997). Similar
divisions exist in the archaeologyof the Africandiasporain the region (see Orser
1998).
Attempts at conceptualizingthe diaspora come from many directions these
days. But the work of majorculturalstudies theorists such as Hall (1990, 1999)
and Gilroy (1993, cf. Helmreich 1993, Scott 1999) not so much obviates as com-
plicates anthropologicalconcerns. They both make importantpoints against the
racial and culturalessentializing of blackness and tout a perspectiveon cultural
hybridity.The diasporaexperienceis defined"notby essence or purity,but by the
recognitionof a necessaryheterogeneityand diversity;by a conception of 'iden-
tity' which lives with and through,not despite, difference;by hybridity.Diaspora
identities are those which are constantlyproducingand reproducingthemselves
anew,throughtransformationand difference ..." (Hall 1990, p. 235). The lack of
politics in the notion of hybridityis never discussed. "Africa,"Hall maintains,is
never unmediated,unchanged,nor completely recoverablefor Caribbeanpeople
andby extensionblacksin the diaspora.It becomes a sortof base for this hybridity,
giving it a singular,recognizableform: "Africa,the signified which could not be
representeddirectly in slavery,remainedand remainsthe unspoken,unspeakable
'presence'in Caribbeanculture.It is 'hiding' behindevery verbalinflection,every
narrativetwist of Caribbeanculturallife. It is the secret code with which every
Westerntext was 're-read.'It is the ground-bassof every rhythmandbodily move-
ment. This was-is-the 'Africa' that 'is alive and well in the diaspora"'(1990,
p. 230). Gilroy,too, opposes essentialismbut tends to assume the formationof a
black diaspora.The "Black Atlantic"is a singular,albeit "hybrid,"culturalform
now "continuallycrisscrossedby the movementsof black people" (1993, p. 16),
TABLE 3 Estimatesof regionaldistributionof slave exportsto Americafrom Africa, 1662-1867

Sierra Gold Bight of Bight of West Central

Decade Senegambia Leone Coast Benin Biafra Africa

1662-1670 3,232 12,174 23,021 34,471 9,695

1671-1680 5,842 20,597 22,753 24,021 15,794
1681-1690 10,834 15,333 71,733 21,625 32,760
1691-1700 13,376 17,407 103,313 12,115 30,072
1700-1709 22,230 34,560 31,650 138,590 23,130 109,780
1710-1719 36,260 6,380 37,540 138,690 51,410 132,590
1720-1729 52,530 9,120 65,110 150,280 59,990 179,620
1730-1739 57,210 29,470 74,460 135,220 62,260 240,890
1740-1749 35,000 43,350 83,620 97,830 76,790 214,470
1750-1759 30,100 83,860 52,780 86,620 106,100 222,430
1760-1769 27,590 178,360 69,650 98,390 142,640 266,570
1770-1779 24,400 132,220 54,370 111,550 160,400 234,880
1780-1789 15,240 74,190 57,650 121,080 225,360 300,340
1790-1799 18,320 70,510 73,960 74,600 181,740 340,110
1800-1809 18,000 63,970 44,150 75,750 123,000 280,900
1811-1815 19,300 4,200 34,600 33,100 111,800
1816-1820 48,400 9,000 59,200 60,600 151,100
1821-1825 22,700 4,000 44,200 60,600 128,400
1826-1830 26,700 4,900 70,500 66,700 164,400
1831-1835 27,400 1,100 37,700 71,900 102,800
1836-1840 35,300 5,700 50,400 40,800 193,500
1841-1845 19,100 200 45,300 4,400 112,900
1846-1850 14,700 700 53,400 7,700 197,000
1851-1855 10,300 300 8,900 2,900 22,600
1856-1860 3,100 300 14,000 4,400 88,200
1861-1865 2,700 0 2,600 0 41,200
1866-1867 0 0 400 0 3,000
Total 599,864 756,390 710,451 1,870,620 1,658,152 3,927,801
Source:Klein 1999:208-9.
240 YELVINGTON

typified by their common "desire to transcendboth the structuresof the nation

state and the constraintsof ethnicity and nationalpaticularity"(1993, p. 19). But
his examples are drawnfrom Anglophone societies and with these specifics are
made to standas "the"Black Atlantic.WhereasHall, in the end, representsdias-
porausing familiarmetaphorsof contagion(Browning 1998), Gilroy disappoints
anthropologistsby his inattentionto the "politicsof politics" (Williams 1995).
Drawingfromthe historians,culturaltheorists,and others,andengaging in de-
velopmentswithin their own discipline, some anthropologistsnow seek to move
beyondculturalistapproachesto diasporaand beyonda mechanicalandessential-
ized notion of culture in which culture becomes a reified, thing-like entity that
may be "possessed,""maintained,"or "lost,""decays,"or is "resistant"in the face
of "culturecontact."These anthropologistsseek to combineprioranthropological
preoccupationswith a concernwith the constitutivepracticesof discourseandrep-
resentationsof blackness and diaspora.In addition,creolization, antisyncretism
(Palmie, 1995b), and local constructionsof Africancultural"purity"and "authen-
ticity"come in for analysis.If Africanismsarefound,anthropologistsask, by what
mechanism(s)aretheytransmitted?Forthe Frenchethnographerof Afro-America,
Roger Bastide (1898-1974), the mechanismwas "memory"(Bastide 1978). And
what are Africanismsin the firstplace? The idea seemed deceptivelyessentializ-
ing anda hypostatizationof cultureto many.Sometimesglossed as "presence"(de
Friedemann1993; MartinezMontiel 1993, 1995), "vestiges"(Pollak-Eltz 1972),
or the idea of an "Africanelement,""Africanbackground,"or "Africanheritage"in
New Worldculture,it is not (andperhapscannotbe) preciselydefined.As Whitten
& Torresimpatientlywrite, "anthropologicalunderstandingof black culturesand
traditionsin the New Worldhas often bogged down in debatesabouthow to scale
AfricanismsagainstEuropeanisms"(1992, p. 22). These same authorsdevelopthe
concepts of "blackness"and "blackculture"that are placed within the context of
powerrelations(Whitten& Torres1998, p. 4). Blackness,understoodas a kind of
ethnicity("race"andculture)arisingfromcultural"identitypolitics"(Hale 1997),
is for Rahierpartof processes of creolization:"Theseprocesses broughtcultural
fragmentsfromvariousorigins,as well as originalcreations,to mingle in particular
ways, to be reshapedwithin varioustime-spacecontexts, and to become singular
culturaltraditionsassociatedwith blackness"(1999b, p. 290). But othersprefera
more existentialdefinitionof blackness(Bastide 1974, p. 122).
If anthropologicalmodels of creolizationderivefromlinguistics,thatdiscipline
also providesa new metaphorfor the anthropologyof diaspora-that of dialogue.
Dialogism in anthropologyhas come to signify concern with language and with
representationand authority/authorship in ethnographictexts, but there is no in-
herentreason it should be limited to these issues. The concept of dialogue as can
be applied to the anthropologyof diasporadoes not imply an equality among
participantsin the process. It entails, rather,multipartyinteractionsof material,
ideational, and discursive phenomena, among others, in complex relationships
characterizedmore often thannot by an unequaldistributionof power;a dialogue
not betweenfixedobjects,buta processof mutualinfluenceandconditioningthatis
 AFRO-LATIN
AMERICA
ANDTHECARIBBEAN 241

itself alreadypartof an ongoing dialogic process where"rhetoricsof self-making"

(pace Battaglia1995) play a crucialrole. Recentdevelopmentsincludethe workof
Matory (1999a,b), whose dialogic approachto the emergence of Yoriba/Nago-
derivedreligion andidentityin Brazilis basedon the premisethatAfricais histori-
cally "coeval"with the culturesof the Americas,ratherthanrepresentativeof some
past or base line. This implies a centralrole for African agency: "Both African
agency andAfricanculturehave been importantin the makingof Africandiaspora
culture,but, more surprisingly,the Africandiasporahas at times played a critical
role in the makingof its own alleged African 'base line' as well" (1999a, p. 74). In
the case at hand,he demonstratesthe reciprocalinfluencesbetween northeastern
Brazil and late-nineteenthcenturycolonial Lagos, Nigeria. He effectively argues
that a mobile, educated class, transnationaland culturallyhybrid, moving back
and forth across the Atlantic, createdand propagated"Yoriba"culturein Brazil
thatgets representedas "pureAfrican"culturallyand, at times, racially.He argues
that, in turn, this process is related to and derivativeof the cultural-nationalist
"Lagosianrenaissance"of the 1890s, itself the result not only of local colonial
ethnic and class relationsbut of the influenceof Afro-Brazilian"returnees."
Whethera dialogic approachis a "thirdway"or a kind of epistemicbreakis not
yet clear (YelvingtonForthcominga), but it is compatiblewith creolizationmod-
els of cultureand language as well as with Skinner's(1982) "dialectic"between
diasporasand homelands. The dialogic concept is consistent with an approach
to African cultural"continuities"as the process, "wherebysocioculturespersist
while undergoingchange and even 'transformation,"'where continuityis defined
as "a syntheticphenomenonwith the propertyof appearingflexible and adaptive
undersome conditionsandpersistentand self-replicatingunderothers,"manifest-
ing "both traditionand change at all times" (Smith 1982, p. 127). It is also an
amenableoverlay to the empirical,historicalwork on back-and-forthmovements
between AfricanandNew Worldsocieties thatcomplementGilroy'snotion of the
Black Atlantic(Sarracino1988, Turner1942, Verger1968), andeven an overlayto
such activityat a more symbolic level involvingthe negotiationsover "blackness"
and "race"between Afro-Americansand Africans (Yelvington 1999). There are
now a numberof theoristsof diasporawhose approachescould be broadlycalled
dialogic. Gordon's importantrecent work (1998, Gordon & Anderson 1999) is
an example.Throughpersonalpoliticalengagementthrough/withethnography,he
exploresthe contradictoryculturalconstructionsof "race,"color, andnationon the
Nicaraguan-Caribbean coast, showinghow Creoles see themselvesas partof "dis-
paratediasporas,"unexpectedlynegotiatingandnaturalizingculturalpracticesand
ideas thatconstitutewhat he calls "Creolecommon sense," neitherautomatically
norincontrovertiblyacceptingracializednotionsof blackness.Gordon& Anderson
(1999) distinguish between diasporaas a conceptual tool referringto a specific
group of people and diasporaas a term to denote a kind of identity formation;
they call for increasedethnographicattentionto processes of diasporicidentifica-
tion (to the extent they exist). The idea of investigatingthe "borders"of diaspora
(Clifford 1994) is relevanthere. Withinthe broadconfines of this approach,then,
242 YELVINGTON

is a commitmentto a social/culturalconstructionismcenteredaroundinvestigating
local manifestationsof blacknessin light of their articulationswith historicaland
globalizing processes, with process, negotiation,and conflict in culture-making,
which is often characterizedby conflict,all groundedin world-systemperspectives
and historicalparticularities.

IDENTITY PLAYS:"RACE,"ETHNICITY, CLASS, GENDER,

AND NATION/TRANSNATION

The anthropologicalimaginationis formednot only by disciplinarydoctrineand

institutionallogics but by national(izing)processes of "race,"ethnicity, class,
gender,andnation/transnation. In his 1974 review of the statusof Afro-American
researchin LatinAmerica,Bastidecomplainedthatwhile "entireaspectsof African
civilization have been preservedin Latin America so clearly that no concept of
'reinterpretation'is needed to discover them,"it was neverthelessmore difficult
to do researchin South America than in North America because "miscegenation
continues to occur" and because miscegenation'sculturaltwin, syncretism,has
workedto the point where"culturalidentityshifts fromblacks and mulattosto the
nation as a whole," so that "one will find Africanculturaltraitsin whites as well
as Europeanculturaltraitsin the descendantsof Africans."He asked:"How can
one establisha science if its very objectcannotbe clearlydefined?"(1974, p. 111)
What Bastide was lamentingwas for Europeansand North Americansa diffuse
and uncertainnotion of blackness, not only with regardto what was supposedly
happening"on the ground"but also withinnationalistdiscourseandits interaction
with ethnography.Anthropologistswho focus on identity within diasporahave
turnedto these problems,at some times representingtheir subjects' conceptions
of diaspora,at otherspromulgatingtheir own criteriafor diasporaldefinitionand
inclusion. A brief surveyfollows.

Blackness versus Mestizaje

Defining the subject of anthropologicalinquiry has hinged on accepted ethno-
logical definitions.The picturein this region appearscomplicated.ColonialLatin
AmericanandCaribbeanconceptsof "race"andhence blacknessaredefinedunder
the rubricof mestizaje(metissage in French),meaning miscegenationor "race"-
mixing as well as a culturalblending. Colonial knowledge deployed elaborate
systems and nomenclaturesfor the "racial"resultsof such mixing, which, fastfor-
wardingto say the twenty-firstcentury,standmostly in contrastto NorthAtlantic
ideas. Black and white "races,"however, are thought of as polar opposites in
both systems. Mestizaje is a foundationaltheme in the cultureof the Americas,
coupled with the ideology of blanqueamiento("whitening"),and has been and is
used to project differentkinds of putative"nonracial"nationalismsthat in gen-
eralparadoxicallymakeclaims for an all-inclusive"mixed-race"nationalidentity,
 AFRO-LATIN
AMERICA
ANDTHECARIBBEAN 243

hail the virtuesof the miscegenationprocess, while at the same time entailingthe
hegemonic valorizationof whiteness.
This discourse is a way to talk about society "improving"through mixture,
diluting,as it were, black andIndianelements (e.g., Graham1990, Harrison1995,
Stutzman 1981, Torres 1998, Wade 1993, 1997, Yelvington 1997). Blackness is
stigmatized,and a plethoraof "racial"termsleads identificationaway from black-
ness towardswhiteness, renderingblacks invisible andblacknessa shiftingentity,
hardto pin down from emic or etic perspectives(Godreau2000). But at the same
time "blackculture,"renderedas folkloric, becomes a topic of investigationby
local ethnographers,with the effect of chartingthe disappearanceof particular
black culturaltraitsand narratingand domesticatingblack (popularcultural)con-
tributionsto the nation. A complementarydiscourse is one of contributionsto
the nation. With the colonial orderturnedupon its head in the late colonial and
postcolonial setting, there is the constructionof ethnic and culturaldifference to
proveandjustify contribution,authenticity,andcitizenship,often throughcultural
performance(Guss 2000, Segal 1993, Williams 1991); here "Africa"often serves
in a symbolic system of the requisitedistinction.
Perhapsthe best knowndiscourseof nationalismis the Brazilianvariant,known
as "racialdemocracy,"promotedby Braziliansociologist/socialhistorianGilberto
Freyre(1900-1987), a studentof Boas at ColumbiaUniversity(see e.g., de Arauijo
1994, Needell 1995). This discoursehas had an effect on anthropology.Frazier's
work in Brazil came at a time when AfricanAmericanswere debatingBrazil as a
"racialparadise."Frazier,too, proclaimedthat"Brazilhas no race problem."
In the postwar context, UNESCO believed the myth enough to sponsor two
teams under the direction of Swiss anthropologistAlfred Metraux(1902-1963)
to try to verify racial democracy'sexistence (Bastide 1974, pp. 113-14, Fontaine
1980, pp. 123-24, Maio 2001). Subsequently,anthropologistshave documented
the operationof "fluid"racial systems (e.g., Harris 1970, Sanjek 1973). Harris
(1970) in Brazilused a set of 72 drawingson cardsto solicit "racial"identifications
across class, gender,and region;he obtained492 differentcategorizations,many
of which are not translatable,and showed that there was large disagreementon
the categoriesthemselves (Figure 1). Anthropologistsworkingin this realmhave
set out (as have scholarsfrom other disciplines) directly to debunkthe myth and
simultaneouslyaccount for its existence within the context of racial formations
(Goldstein 1999, Sheriff 2000, Twine 1998; cf. Ferreirada Silva 1998, Fry 2000,
Segato 1998). On the otherhand,Bourdieuand Wacquant(1999) want to see this
debunkingas a kind of U.S. culturalimperialism,claiming that U.S. scholarsare
simplyimportingtheirown conceptsof "race,"which areill-fittingin the Brazilian
context(cf. Fry 2000, Healey 2000, andthe numerousreactionsin Theory,Culture
& Society 17(1) 2000). Blackness is a prominenttheme in Latin Americansocial
movements(Alvarezet al 1998), and scholarsnow investigatethe growthof new
black consciousness/socialmovementsin the region and their articulationwith a
globalizing blackness (Gomes da Cunha 1998, Gruesoet al 1998, Sansone 1997;
cf. Mintz 1984).
244 YELVINGTON

Anthropologistscontinue to find blackness (see Table 4) in "black places"

like Bahia, Brazil, where scores of Ph.D. studentshave gone to look for African
survivals;Bahia parallelsvarious locales such as the Pacific coast of Colombia,
Cuba, and Haiti, and Ponce, Puerto Rico, which serve functions analogous to
those of the Sea Islandsof South Carolinaand Georgiafor NorthAmericanAfro-
Americanists.Godreau(1999) deals with this in a sensitiveway regardingher own
researchin Ponce. But anthropologistsmay ask, Wheredoes thatleave contempo-
rary"mixed"groupsandidentitiessuch as "Spanish"in Trinidad(Khan1993), the
Garifunapeople of CentralAmerica (Gonzalez 1988), or Afro-Mexicans(Lewis
2000)? Some anthropologistsdraw on the perspectiveof "ethnogenesis,"or the
process of a people coming into being and into thinkingof themselvesas a group.

O~~~~~~~~~~~i.
6I
=1
-b
a b

(d

Figure 1 Drawingsused to elicit responseson "race"in Brazil.Source:Harris1970,

pp. 3-4. Used with permission of the Journal of Anthropological Research.
 AMERICA
AFRO-LATIN ANDTHECARIBBEAN 245

Thatis, they focus on concepts of people(hood)in contrastto traitsor elements of

culture(Whitten 1996). Bilby (1996) for example uses the concept to show how
maroons in Jamaicaand the Guianas,the cultures seen as "more African"than
others, are the result of a rapidcreationof new societies out of multiple (African
ethnic and New Worldsituational)pasts. R. Price's powerful work on Suriname
maroonhistoricalconsciousnessand self-definition(1983, 1990; cf. Scott 1991) is
the best-knownexample across disciplines. Price (1998) now extends this vision
to a Martiniquethat is at once thoroughlycreolized, subject to French assimi-
lationist policies, and, in a nostalgist mood, engaged in "pastifying"the social
relations of the present. The past proves to be a dynamic resource for identity,
seen in the considerableeffortthrowninto the commemoratingof slaveryin some
nationalcontexts(Thomas1999);elsewherethe pastis "silenced"(Trouillot1995).

Jo

a b .-

c d f

Figure 1 (Continued)
246 YELVINGTON

TABLE 4 Populationsof Africandescent in the Americas

Population (thousands) Percent of Total

Country Minimum Maximum Minimum Maximum

Brazil 9,477 53,097 5.9 33.0

United States 29,986 29,986 12.1 12.1
Colombia 4,886 7,329 14.0 21.0
Haiti 6,500 6,900 94.0 100.0
Cuba 3,559 6,510 33.9 62.0
DominicanRepublic 847 6,468 11.0 84.0
Jamaica 1,976 2,376 76.0 91.4
Peru 1,356 2,192 6.0 9.7
Venezuela 1,935 2,150 9.0 10.0
Panama 35 1,837 14.0 73.5
Ecuador 573 1,147 5.0 10.0
Nicaragua 387 559 9.0 13.0
Trinidadand Tobago 480 516 40.0 43.0
Mexico 474 474 0.5 0.5
Guyana 222 321 29.4 42.6
Guadeloupe 292 292 87.0 87.0
Honduras 112 280 2.0 5.0
Canada 260 260 1.0 1.0
Barbados 205 245 80.0 95.8
Bahamas 194 223 72.0 85.0
Bolivia 158 158 2.0 2.0
Paraguay 156 156 3.5 3.5
Suriname 146 151 39.8 41.0
St. Lucia 121 121 90.3 90.3
Belize 92 112 46.9 57.0
St. Vincentand the Grenadines 94 105 84.5 95.0
Antiguaand Barbuda 85 85 97.9 97.9
Grenada 72 81 75.0 84.0
Costa Rica 66 66 2.0 2.0
FrenchGuiana 37 58 42.4 66.0
Bermuda 38 39 61.0 61.3
Uruguay 38 38 1.2 1.2
Guatemala * *

Chile * *

El Salvador**** ****

Argentina 0 ** 0 *
Total 64,859 124,332 9.0 17.2

*
=presence of blacks acknowledgedbut no official figuresgiven; ** = no figuresavailable.
Source:Monge Oviedo 1992:19.
 AFRO-LATINAMERICAAND THE CARIBBEAN 247

The Positionalityof Blackness

Two decades ago, Fontaine (1980) issued a clarion call for political-economic
and class perspectiveson Afro-LatinAmerica. It is probablyfair to say that this
call-beckoning the explicit formulationof relationshipsbetween diaspora and
class-has been largely unheededby anthropologists.The full potentialof an ap-
proachwithinanthropologythatconsidersdifferentialinsertionof communitiesof
blacks into the global political economy in relationto transnationalculturalflows,
including constructionsof diaspora,remains a chimera.The role of class in the
identificationwith and commitmentto blackness is not to be underestimated.In
one studyconductedin Cartagena,Colombia(Solauinet al 1987), 120 adultsfrom
four social classes were asked to identify the "race"of individualsdepictedin 22
photographs.This exercise elicited the usualplethoraof "racial"identifiers.When
the respondentswent on to describethemselves, only among the upperclass was
there a majorityof self-reportedblancos (whites). No blancos were found in the
lower class, nor were negros (blacks) found in the upperclass; among this class
darkerindividualsreferredto themselves as morenos (browns), which has dark
and light implications. Hardly any respondentspositively identified with black-
ness used negro when referringto themselves, nor used terms denoting African
ancestry.Indeed,negro is not generallya polite termwhen used to describeothers
in Latin America;as a self-appellationit, as well as designationswith "Afro-"as
a prefix, have grown in popularityin black intellectualcircles, however.Such is
the situationunderblanqueamiento:Fewer and fewer people remainon the side
of the continuumthat receives the most discrimination,thus affirmingwhiteness
as the ideal. Macro work has sought to describe the "position"of blacks within
nationalstructuresof racism,documentingthe black presencebut also "invisibil-
ity," discrimination,and human rights violations, as well as the advent of new
black social movements,which sometimes exist in cooperationwith Amerindian
groups (MinorityRights Group 1995). Sometimes anthropologistsare called on
to justify claims to culturaldistinction and heritage.The work of Jaime Arocha
and the late Nina S. de Friedemannwas importantfor the passing in Colombia
of a 1993 law based on the 1991 constitutionthat gave recognitionto the ethnic
status of Afro-Colombiansand identifiedtheir territorialand culturalrights (see
e.g. Arocha 1998, de Friedemann& Arocha 1995).

GenderedLogics
Anthropologyhas shownthe centralplace of genderedlogics anddistinctionsin all
aspectsof an Afro-Americansociety; S. Price's(1993) richlytexturedethnography
of the Saramakais an importantexample. Historicalanthropologyhas sought to
documentthe social andlegal conditionsfor "miscegenation"in relationsof power
between white men and black women (Martfnez-Alier1989). The articulationof
gender ideologies and genderedpractices with the central institutionof kinship
(and kinship-building)has preoccupiedethnographersseeking to chartdiasporal
connections and similarities. Herskovits had, as might be imagined, postulated
248 YELVINGTON

thatwhat were regardedas significant(andnotorious,dependingon politicalposi-

tioning) featuresof Afro-Americanfamily and kinship systems-female-headed
households,extendedfamilies, and high ratesof "illegitimacy"-were reinterpre-
tationsof Africanpatterns.By contrast,M.G. Smith (1962), like Frazier,located
the origins of the system in the slaveryperiod, while R.T. Smith (e.g. 1988) has
been concernedwith the determiningrole of class differences.To an extent, then,
diasporavis-a-vis genderand kinshipwas mappedin slaveryand lower-class sta-
tus. Ratherthan in slaveryper se, Stolcke locates the presentfamily and kinship
forms in "the interplayof the colour-class hierarchy,family ideals, and gender
ideology" (1992, p. 140).
On the otherhand,the prevalenceof Afro-Caribbeanwomen as marketeerswith
economic autonomy(a phenomenondocumentedduringslavery)is hypothesized
by Mintz & Price (1992, pp. 77-80) to be the result of certain African notions
of the separatenessof male and female roles reinforcedin the plantationcontext.
Women'svisibility andinfluencein Afro-Americanreligious cults has been noted
(Brown 1991, Burdick 1998, Silverstein 1979, Wedenoja1989; cf. Steady 1981),
andthe intersectionsof genderandblacknessareprominentthemesin the literature
(e.g., Bolles 1996, McClaurin1996). There is an emerging interest in issues of
sexuality,beauty,and aestheticswithin mestizaje/nationalism(Rahier 1998), and
the definitionof blackness from the "outside"as a commodity in the context of
sex tourism(Fernmndez1999). Black masculinityis now being theorizedby Latin
AmericanistsandCaribbeanists,as arethe links betweenblackhomosexualityand
transnationalismto the extentthatnot only a "globalgay"but a "globalblack gay"
identityis articulated(Murray2000; cf. Sweet 1996).

Transcendental Blackness, Diaspora, and Nation/Transnation

Blackness is often seen to transcendnation-states(andhistory)from Africa to the
New Worldin the form of African-derivedand Afro-Christianreligions such as
santeria in Cuba,vodou in Haiti, and candombleand umbandain Brazil and their
adherentsin NorthAmerica-all of which have received an enormousamountof
attentionfrom anthropologists.Substantialagreementexists between the Afro-
genetic and creation/creolizationtheorists in that area of culture demarcatedas
"religion"on the existence of "Africanisms,"howeverconceived, as a subjectof
inquiry.Herskovitsmaintainedthat "it is in that general field of culturewe may
denominateas supernaturalsanctionsthatpeoples of Africandescentmanifestthe
widest rangeof Africanisms,and the purest"(1948, p. 3). Recall thateven Frazier
was willing to admit"Africanisms"in religion (see 1957, p. 279).
General descriptions of Afro-Americanreligious cults (e.g. Murphy 1994,
Simpson 1978, cf. Glazier 2001) as well as case studies emphasize continu-
ities (but cf. Besson & Chevannes 1996, Thoden van Velzen & van Wetering
1988). Some prominentthemes include spirit possession (Wafer 1991; cf. Zane
1999), tranceandalteredstatesof consciousness(Bourguignon1973), healing and
medicinalknowledgeandpractices(Laguerre1980, Littlewood1993, Voeks 1997,
 AFRO-LATIN ANDTHECARIBBEAN
AMERICA 249

Wedenoja1989), syncretism(de Heusch 1989, Houk 1995), butantisyncretismtoo

(Palmie 1995b). Anthropologistshave chartedthe movement of a single institu-
tion or deity from Africa to the New World(Barnes 1997, Brandon1993), as well
as black interactionwith established (and new, evangelical) religions (Burdick
1993, 1999) and, in contrast,the "African"influence on the forms of Christian
worship (Austin-Broos 1997, Kopytoff 1987). The role of colonial and postcolo-
nial politics in the histories of African-derivedreligions is an emerging theme
(Chevannes1994, 1995, Harding2000, Pulis 1999a, van Dijk 1993), andreligion-
as-resistance,certainlya Herskovitsiantheme, is exploredas well (Besson 1995,
Chevannes1994). Even when the global spreadand popularizationof Caribbean
religion such as Rastafarianismis discussed, it is (still) sometimes conceived in
termsof "formalanddirectcontinuities"fromAfricancultures(Savishinsky1998).
The theme of flight is prominentin Afro-Americanconsciousness and spiritu-
ality (McDaniel 1990); at the same time anthropologistshave mappedout Afro-
Americanreligious dispersal (Greenfield 1994, Segato 1996). The efflorescence
of identity in migrationsituations(Purcell 1993) is often tied to constructionsof
religiousdiaspora(Brown 1991; Pulis 1999b).Along these migrationroutescome
public performances(Bettelheim 1979, Green 1999; cf. Scher 1999) and music
(Duany 1994; Wade 2000) where the "Africa"(and thus diasporaconsciousness)
theme is prominent,for example in Bahian carnival groups (Agier 2000) and
"black music" performersin Colombia (Wade 2000). Here, ethnomusicologists
have made especially creativecontributions(Austerlitz 1997, Averill 1997, Fryer
2000, Guilbault1993, Moore 1997, Pacini Hernmndez1995). The religious mean-
ings andmooringsinherentin these formsof popularpublicculturearealso traced
(Bettelheim 1979; cf. Bilby 1999).
The notion of transcendenceis also entailedin questionsof how nationaliden-
tities are imagined in light of the diasporaexperience. Hall (1999, p. 2) asks of
Caribbeannationalimaginations:"Wheredo theirboundariesbegin andend, when
regionally each is culturallyand historicallyso closely relatedto its neighbours,
and so many live thousandsof miles from 'home'? How do we imagine theirrela-
tion to 'home', the natureof their 'belongingness'?"Anthropologistshave shown
these imaginationsto be mediatedby migrationroutes, social networks, family
ideologies, nationalidentities,and transnationalcreationsof blacknesswithin di-
aspora(Olwig 1993) and affectedby articulationwith U.S. blacknessand African
Americanidentities(Duany 1998, Foner1998, Greenbaum2001, Ho 1991, Stepick
1998).

CONCLUSION

Thatthe anthropologyof the Africandiasporain LatinAmericaandthe Caribbean

has been elided from the core of the discipline is somewhat ironic in that many
of the staple theoretical concepts in cultural anthropologyin the past, such as
acculturation,assimilation,and syncretism,in partderivedfrom its practitioners,
250 YELVINGTON

such as Herskovitsand his followers. The resultis that"new"perspectivesin con-

temporaryanthropologicaltheory such as the globalizationof cultures,hybridity,
transnationalism,colonialism,andpolitical economy,which have alwaysbeen the
concerns of Afro-Americanists,can only be presentedas "new"in and through
this elision. Yet this exile was a two-way street.Afro-Americanistshave imbibed
anthropology'sconcern for the pristineand exotic even while working in ethno-
graphicand historicalcontexts where such a stance was an unlikely one-while
at the same time not historicizingthis concern.In otherwords, anthropologistsof
the Africandiasporain the New Worldneitherdid nor do, by and large,relatean-
thropologicalways of knowingaboutthe Africandiasporato the conditionsof the
productionand receptionof thatknowledge. To the extent that this anthropology
has consciously or unconsciouslyaligneditself with eitherside of the Herskovits-
Frazierdebate,it has sufferedfrom a kind of "paradigmparalysis,"not only with
respect to the positionings (political as well as anthropological),but also with a
view of cultureas an undifferentiatedwhole with firm discernableborders.Ap-
proaches,such as the creolizationmodel, laying claim to obviatingthe debatehave
been used to providethe foundationfor newer perspectivesand tools takenfrom
currentinterestsin the discipline as a whole (and from other disciplines). Some
of the most interestingnewer directions are chartednot by a hyper-relativistic,
hyper-reflexivepostmodernismthateschews a commitmentto truth-value,but are
ones thatattemptto steerpathsthroughmaterialisticdeterminismandculturalpro-
ductionand throughethnographyandrevisionisthistoriography.In so doing, they
have perhaps replaced for good prior explanandasuch as African "survivals,"
"retentions,"and the like with new ones such as the concept of "blackness,"
understoodless as a kind of ontology and more as a kind of cultural identity
politics.
This raisesa new set of issues, politicalas well as epistemological.To the extent
that an older anthropologyhas been drawnon by disempoweredcommunitiesof
blacksin the New Worldto justify theirplace withinnationalizingprocesses,andto
the extent to which what have come to be classified as "essentialist"self-concepts
lend themselves to effective "strategicessentialism,"then this new anthropology
has some hardchoices to make. The controversiessurroundingprocessuralviews
of culture,the "inventionof tradition"perspective,andthose alignedperspectives
that emphasize cultural hybridity,vis-a-vis the political effects of this kind of
anthropologicaldiscourse on disempowered,subjectpeoples, is one of the most
contentiousand compelling issues at presentin the discipline. Portraying"black
culture"not as entailing some stable heritageinheritedfrom the past but as made
and remadeunderspecific historicalconditions,or choosing to emphasizechoice
and agency,means thatthereis always the possibility thatblack claims to cultural
authenticityanddistinctivenessmightbe subvertedandwith thema whole seriesof
rightsin highly politicallydivisive andcontentioussituations.Ironically,however,
even to searchfor Africanismsmeansto show how much Africanculturehas been
lost. These issues are rarely explicitly discussed within the anthropologyof the
African diasporain LatinAmerica and the Caribbean,despite some of the major
 AFRO-LATINAMERICAAND THE CARIBBEAN 251

argumentscoming fromLatinAmericanistanthropologists(Briggs 1996, Jackson

1989; cf. Hale 1997). Perhapswhen the innovativenatureanduniqueopportunities
presentedby Afro-Americananthropologyare fully realized the debate will be
moved forward.The pictureis extremely complicated,and there is no reason to
believe it will not remainso for some time to come.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank Faye V. Harrisonfor her encouragementand support,for
suggesting the focus on the diasporic dimensions of the anthropologyof Afro-
Latin America and the Caribbean,and for her comments on an earlier draft of
what I've written here. I thank J. Lorand Matory for his advice and pertinent
suggestions on sources and perspective.I also thankKennethM. Bilby, John D.
French,IsarP. Godreau,and RichardPrice, for theircommentson an earlierdraft
of the article, Claire Insel for her editorial prowess and her patience, and Paul
Eugen Camp for his technical assistance. And I would like to thank BarbaraC.
Cruz for all of her ayuda y apoyo.

Visit the Annual Reviewshome page at www.AnnualReviews.org

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