CHAPTER - III

POLITICAL IDEAS OF J.P.

 35

I P. AND MAHATMA GANDHI:

J.P. had little re g a rd for M ah atm a G andhi and his th eo rie s o f

non-violence. Even then, M ahatma Gandhi adm ired J.P s s e lf sacrifice. Some

o f the statements o f G andhi reflect his good character. J.P. w as arrested in

J amshedpur in M arch 1940 by the British G overnm ent. O ne charges o f trying

to impede the production o f munitions and other supplies for the w ar he w as

Produced in D .C s court at Singbum w here he pleaded guilty and m ade a

statement in the court justifying his action. J.P. sent a copy o f statem ent to

M ahatma Gandhi reacted to his arrest in the Harijan (dated 16/03/1940) and

also published J.P s statem ent in his weekly. In the estim ate o f Gandhiji he

was an authority on socialism and not an ordinary worker. Being an authority

on socialism he was a fine fisherty. W hat he did not know o f w estern socialism

nobody ebb in India. His capacity for suffering w as tireless. H e m ust not be

arrested without proving the violence. J.P. him self said in the court that his

patriotism and open thinking has been penalised by the British.

He had no notice against the government. He wanted to end imperialism

and Nazism. The then India regarded both British Imperialism and G erm an

Nazism as enemies and evils. Both sides w ere prom pted by selfish ends o f

conquest and domination, exploitation and oppression. W hat he w anted w as

the victory o f freedom and democracy. Gandhiji treated his statem ent as a

kind o f intense hum anitarianism . His epic escape from H azaribagh Jail tried

to attain the altitude o f the youths to the spirit o f the last fight for freedom

during the Quite India m ovem ent won h ero s fame during 1942 and he

organised the struggle for freedom. He and his friends sealed the high Prison

walls and escaped in to the dark night through M arch and forest. He again

imprisoned. In 1946, he w as released, M ahatm a Gandhi proposed his name

for the presidentship o f the congress but it w as not relished by the working
committee.
 36

j P s wife Prabhapati w as a G andhian although his husband believed

to another party. They had no children. It is even said that Prabhapati w as

responsible for convesting, J.P. in to a G andhian. A fter the death o f G andhiji

becam e a Gandhian to the backbone through his em phasis on th e m oral and

spiritual base o f D em ocracy. If N ehru w as the political heir to G andhiji.

Jayaprakashji w as G andhijis moral and spiritual heir/successor. H is w ork as

a Gandhian is to be bound in Proper places in the body o f this thesis. M ahatm a

treated Prabhapati as his ow n daughter w hen she w as in the A shram at

A hm edabad. W hen J.P. w ent to U.S.A. for studies. Thiei m arriage w as done

according to Vedic rites in O ctober 19201.

Summing up J .P s life w as devoted to search for ushering ju st a social

order where there is peace and prosperity. He m ade experim ents with M arxist

ideology, Dem ocratic socialism , sarvodaya, reform ation o f d ead dacoits and

hostile Nagas and also w ith Janata Government. He could not find the befitting

reply. In appearance he seem s to be inconsistent, enigm atic and Visionary

removed from the realities o f practical life. He w orked on a higher place

which is beyond and above the com prehension o f the com m on people. But

in reality the common p eople did not understand him. He w as a perfect soul

beyond the know ledge o f ordinary m ortal.

J.P. AND M A R X IS M :

J.P. began his life as a M arxist and found in Nehru a K indred Spirit.

Gandhiji w as a reform ist rather than a R evolutionary in his observation. He

w as not satisfied with G andhijis technique o f non-violence and social theories. ,

H ow ever Gandhiji adm ired him and his sense o f Sacrifice for the Nation. J.P.

w as an ideological opponent. He did not like the policy o f the com m unist

party o f India and com m unism since freedom o f thought and action or what
 37

matter most. The regimentation that stalinist communism imposed went against

him grain. So, he form ed the C ongress Socialist Party w hich N ehrus

welcom ed as a progressive opposition in the Parliam ent and not as a

conservative one. He is o f the opinion that socialism can be achieved through

Democracy. In 1953 a communist was elected to the Lok Sabha from Bengal.

The soviet delegate in U.N. General Assembly in New York said that India is

the only country where communism can come to power through Ballot Box.

The attitude o f M arxist in India during World War II teased him. He felt that

the World War II was an imperialist w ar for culmination and exploitation

while the Marxist reversed the gear and called, it the peoples war. However,

natures play is subtle, the Imperialists and M arxists fought together against

Germany and Japan. He threw him self with all his heart in to the movement

and accepted Gandhijis call Do or Die .

The division o f the World in to tw o hostile camps o f communism and

capitalism with former Soviet Russia and U.S.A. drew his attention. He holds

that if freedom is allowed in communist D ictatorship in m atter o f expressing

discus without any fear o f reprisals, the people would throne out communism

and not re-establish capitalism, but proceed to construct Democratic socialism.

Neither Marx nor his followers in Russia can do justice to the average Peasants

m economic relations. Twenty millions o f peasant families w ere compelled

to go at the risk o f clater or banishment to Siberia, enter two lakhs o f collective

forms. A small minority with power cocreed such a vast m ajority o f people
in such total manner during the regime o f Lenin.
 38

Dialectical M aterialism is the Philosophical base o f com m unism . The

com m unist takes this doctrine very seriously though this is not the case with

top layer. In their b elief M axian Philosophy sanections/cnjoins every m eans

for their end. However, there is no such w arrant in M axism , th at D ialectical

M aterialism being the faith o f human fulfillment can be equated w ith a religion

o f a Totalitarian date. The feeling o f being an instrum ent for a noble cause

w ould disappear, his self assurance w ould not arise.

The monolithic structure o f com m unist dictatorship w ould be cracked.

There was the doubt that freedom is curtailed in com m unist heart in and out

o f Russia. Some m odification is necessaiy for resurrection o f D ialectical

M aterialism and gives a new interpretation. J.P. is deadly against production

o f vast literature under party line. They are full o f distortion o f facts. H e does

not like the silencing o f critics under the dictatorship. No one will dare criticise

it left deviation, right deviation, revisionism , counter revolutionary

are bad enough in com m unist circles. C om m unist thought has becom e

arroicated with single leadership, unchallengeable authority. A t one tim e,

stalin was invarably right and other deviationists w ere crushed and silenced.

When M arxism is free from the fathers o f stalinism , the w orld will know the

exact degree o f its distortion in M arxists Russia. Khruchev and later communist
i

had broken with stalinism and later developm ents leads to the spliting o f

Soviet Russia within eighty years o f its structure. J.P. acted as an apostle o f

peace, com passion, love, non-violence, hum an dignity and freedom .

It m ust be added in feam ess to com m unism that it is the liberating

force o f underdeveloped countries and decolonism . For an underdeveloped

country the com m unist experim ent is inevitable in its progress. Further more

M arx like Vivekananda, M ahatam a G andhi and J.P. w orked selflessly to the
 39

cause o f teeming millions m ore particularly the lowest and the lost the Davidra

Narayanas. They w ere the redeem ers and great human beings in the history

o f mankind. He was a M arxist turned in to a socialist Dem ocrat. A s a M arxist

in earlier times he had view ed Sardar Patel as a reactionary and called him a

capitalist. Later he w rote articles in 1977 w here in he acknow ledged Sarda s

service to the integration o f previously states. H e further com plem ented Sardar

for the advice he gave to N ehru on Tibet. O ne many think th at it is J .P s

inconsistency. It is a kind o f courage o f a high order to recount ones w rong

notions2.

INFLUENCE OF GANDHI A N D M .N. R O Y :

Jayaprakash N arayan, the staunch votary o f B hoodan m ovem ent and

partyless dem ocracy w as considerably influenced by M .N . Roy w hich

expounding his new philosophy. He referred to the significant and seminal

contribution o f the M .N. Roy to the body o f thought with which I am dealingly.

So, his philosophy o f Radical Humanism has influenced and is likely to

influence still m ore the D em ocratic socialism m ovem ent in India. But,

politically lie w as started as a revolutionary and last ended as a liberal

Humanist. During his early days o f political life, he w as a staunch critic o f

Gandhiji3.

As a student, J.P. w as staying in A m erica since 1922 to 1929 then he

came in contact with East European intellectuals and turned to M arxism. At

W isco n sin , he cam e in to co n ta ct w ith a stran g e g ro u p o f stu d en ts

p a rtic u la rly A m erican s, P olish, G erm an , R u ssian , D utch and French

students. He tried to understand the im plications o f M arxism. At M adison,

W isconsin, the home o f La Follette progressivism then that in the company

o f Jew ish and European bom fellow students I drank deep at the fountain o f
 40

M arxism . At the sam e tim e, he w as deeply influenced by the Pungent

w ritings o f M .N. Roy. W hen he w as staying in W isconsin, he w rote the tw o
books o f M.N. Roy and com pleted his conversion to M arxism w ere the
Aftermath almost o f N on-cooperation and India in Transition4.

The influence o f R o y s writings w as so far-reaching that he becam e

alm ost converted to M arxism . J.P. N arayan w as much im pressed by the
M arxian philosophy o f revolution while under the spell o f M arxism . It seem ed
to him a surer and q u ick er road to th e freedom o f a co u n try and the
em ancipation o f its m asses than G andhis technique o f civil disobedience
and non-cooperation. He realised th at M arxism stood for equality and
brotherhood the qualities without w hich freedom had no meaning. W hile
under the influence o f M arxism, he appeared to believed that M arx provided
socialism with a program m e and a philosophy m ore rooted in the objective
facts that it en co u n tered than any o th e r alte rn a tiv e o f w h ich w e had

know ledge5.

As J.P. w as very greatly influenced by M .N . Roy in his youth tim es.

During their youth both J.P. and M .N. R oy w as protagonist o f M arxian,
socialism and believed that socialism could be brought about only through
re v o lu tio n ary m eth o d . A t th a t tim e th e y w e re c ritiq u e o f G a n d h ian
philosophy o f N on-violence and Trusteeship. A fter practising in Soviet Russia
both came into under the influence o f G andhism 6. J.P. m ade a lot o f friends
when he was at the W isconsin U niversity and those friends w ere not only the
American but also R ussian, Poles, G erm ans, D utchm en and the french. One
o f the his m ost closes friend nam ed Avron Landy a m em ber o f underground
Com m unist Cell at the U niversity. J.P. p articip ated at the C ell m eeting
occasionally. Landly, one o f his class friend introduced him before the
audience like M anual G a m e z s a M arxist born lead er o f the A m erican
Com m unist Party and influenced that he w as studied M arx, Engels, Lenin
and l'rostsky. M ore and above he read everything that M arx had written in
English, including the volum es o f the D as C apital .
 41

j P d ig e s te d th a t w h o le Books o f R o y s A fte rm a th of
Non-cooperation and India in Transition . Thus he regards very greatly
for M .N. R oys writings7. But in the thirties, he had favoured the Unite
Popular Front with the Com m unists, although he denounced the Popular
Front with them and thereafter, he becam e one o f the forem ost critics o f the
authoritarian reg im en tatio n o f R u ssia C om m unism in M arch 1940 at
R am garh8. As having o f very near w ith G andhiji physically as well as
mentally and having studied M arxism very deeply, he acquired love for
D em ocratic Socialism . So, he w an ted to w here in so cia lism through
dem ocratic means. He preferred to devote him self to S arvodaya and the
achievem ent o f G andhian ideals through the m ission o f V inoba B have.
Because o f influence o f K arl-M arxs thinking, he w edded to the ideal o f
reconstruction o f society and as influence o f Gandhiji and he also upheld
moral values9.

Like Gandhi, Vinoba and Jayaprakash also very strongly believed that
human freedom could be fully and wholly realized only in a stateless society.
Although he w as not sure w hether the state w ould ev er w ith er aw ay
co m p letely . A M a rx is t, he n e v e r b e c a m e a p r o ta g o n is t to R u s s ia
Communism and had deep moral revulsion against the atrocities o f R ussia
Bolshevik p a rty 10. M arx, G andhi an d J.P. all w ere u ltim ately for th e
extinction o f the state as a coercive apparatus but their ideas differed in
detail.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1- For details vide, G andhi Vigyan. Special issue o f J.P. January (1980")
P.P. - 5-8. 7 --------
2. Dr. M. Kirti Singh, Philosophical im port o f Gandhism , Delhi! (1992)
Chapter on quite India M ovement.
3- Dr. Vishnoo B hagaw an. Indian Political Thinkers, P. - 373.
R.C. Gupta, J .P from M arxism to Total Revolution N ew Deihi-
ii 0029 (1981 u r T r ------------------ ---------------------
5 R.C. Gupta. Ibid, P .P .-5 1 -5 2 .
6 R.C. Gupta, Ibid. P. - 54.
7 D.K. Bajwa, Jayaprakash N aravan and Indian Politics, D eep and Deen
Publication. N ew Delhi - 110027 (1987), P. - 25.
8 D.K. Baiwa, Infra. P. - 35.
9- V P Verma, M odem Indian Political Thought. Part - V Section Three
Agra - 3 (1961V P. - 517. -1---------
l0 ' Kunw ar Singh, History o f Social Thought, Chanter - 3 7 , Pralfadmn
Kendra. Lucknow - 1 1 6 0 2 0 (1991) P - 47S -----------
U. Ibid, P. - 168.
 42

T P AS A SOCT A IJS T TH INKER A N D CO N G R ESSM E N ! :

Jayaprakash N arayan was the founder o f the socialist movem ent as

well as a staunch socialist. As already said, J.P. was a M arxist in the initial

stages. He looked to M arxism for the solution o f problem s, relating to

national self determ ination and socio-econom ics advancem ent. Jayaprakash

narayan was a man who propounded both a Socialist and a N ationalist .

He tried his best to win over both the com m unists and the congressm en for

making a broad expansion o f socialist front to fight im perialism 1.

For nearly twenty-four years, from 1930 to 1954 Jayaprakash N arayan

w orked as a socialist. He had been the forem ost leader, Propagandist and

spokesman o f Indian socialism M ahatm a G andhi had accepted him to be the

greatest Indian authority on socialism. M ahatm a w as the greatest hum anist;

Nehru was the w orlds great statesm an, Reform er like N arayan D atta G uru
i
helped the G andhian program m e o f social evils. He not only took the

initiative in the formation o f the Indian Socialist Party in 1934 but also show ed

a rem arkable genius in popularizing the party and its program m e. In 1934,

Jayaprakash Narayan realized the socialism could be the real basis o f Indias

freedom. In a resolution subm itted to the Rangrah, congress o f 1940, he

advocated collective ow nership and control o f all large-scale and heavy

production. He m o v ed th a t sta te sh o u ld n atio n alize h e a v y tra n sp o rt,

shipping, M ining and the heavy industries. As such, his earlier socialism

showed an im pact o f the id eas o f Am erican and British socialist. N arayan

considered socialism a com plete theory o f socio-econom ics reconstruction.

It is m ust m ore than a theory o f personal ethics . Repudiating the

idea o f biological inequality o f man, J.P. as a socialist and econom ic spheres

was a function o f the disproportionate control o f the m eans o f production.

 43

So, he therefore, urged that society had to provide that kind o f arrangem ent

w here the economic impedim ents that hindered the pow er and faculties o f

men w ere to be rem oved. As such, he stood for socialist and economic

equality in life as against a psychological standardization. A ccording to him,

socialism is a theory and technique o f w id esp read planing. Its aim is

Harmonious and w ell-balanced growth o f the whole o f society2.

As a socialist, he believed in the urgency o f econom ic problem s o f the

country and he th erefo re stressed th e n eed for solving th e econom ic

problem first. To him there is no apparent inevitable connection between

econom ic causation and cultural reality. H ence, Jayaprash N arayan pleaded

for the eager m aintenance o f the conditions that w ere indispensable for the

realization o f equality o f opportunities. Thus econom ic m inim um is a prim e

pre-condition for the resp len d en ce o f the fruit o f c u ltu re . E ven as a

socialist, he w as not opposed to dom inant values o f Indian culture. Indian

culture has exalted the ideal o f the em ancipation o f the individual from the

thraldom o f the lower ego and acquisitiveness. To him sharing has been one

o f the most dominant ideals o f Indian culture and hence it is ridiculous to

condemn socialism as an im portation from the west. To him socialism w as

always a way o f life, but it represented a set o f values to w hich he ow ed

allegiance voluntarily and which he tried to put into practice in his lifetime.

It is becam e quite clear to him that socialism , ordinarily w e meant that

co u ld not ta k e m an k in d to the su b lin e g o a ls o f fre e d o m , equality,

brotherhood and peace. A ccording to European thinkers, socialism could be

established on the ruins o f capitalism, after its being nature. W hile in Asia

industrial capitalist developm ent was in its infamy and Asian countries w ere

over whiningly rural and agrarian community.

 44

J.P. w as persuaded to believe at Budha G aya sarvodaya samelan in

1953 that unless socialism w as transform ed in to sarvodaya the beacon-light

o f freedom, equality and brotherhood w ould remained beyond its reach.

Hence, J.P. felt it w as difficult to learn anything or take any guidance from

their experiences. The communists have no doubt been successful in the

sense o f capturing pow er precisely in background and rural communities,

such as Russia and China. But the socialism that they have built up in a far

cry from the brotherhood o f the equal and the free which to me is the essence

o f true socialism3. As a socialist, a political leader and as a thinker J.P. has

been merciless in denouncing the dark and dismal deeds o f national and

international communism. Narayan has constantly tressed the elimination o f

the re stra in ts, b o th m ech an ical and so c ia l th at h a m p e r a g ric u ltu ra l

productivity. This rural realism o f his socialist ideology is o f profound

significance from the stand point o f the evolution o f his political philosophy.

According to J.P. N arayan, the principal features o f com m unism are

as given (1) The N ationalization o f industry, (2) C om m erce and Banking,

(3) The Collectivization o f Agriculture. But at the political and institutional

levels com m unism sp e lls the doom o f civil lib erties an d fo rb id s th e

i
formation o f any challenging rival political association and its total control

o f the national econom y and education lead to the ascendancy o f a powerful

controlling bureaucratic elite. Hence in the absence o f feedback responses

from the side o f the people, communism may be stated to be a case o f

arrested revolution . J.P. condem ned the neglect o f values in the stalinism

which had perversely transform ed socialism in to a crass M achiavellian

code o f conduct utterly devoid o f any sense o f right or w rong, good or evil .

He held bureaucratic centralization, lack o f econom ic dem ocracy and w ant

of popular control over econom ic processes as being responsible for the

em ergence o f Russian state capitalism 4.
 45

In 1935 J .P. founded the socialist party and in 1940 he denounced the

communists. In 1942 he participated in our revolutionary movement. In 1946

he planned a mass revolution, in our m odem time society, he is a socialist o f

the first order. He w as tried to aw aken the youth o f India by telling them to

remember the role which they played during Quit India M ovem ent and gave

them a call to re-unit them selves to perform that constructive duty. He has

tried to shake the present dem ocracy from its very foundations. His system

of decentralization and Panchayati Raj and that the adopting dem ocracy in its

new form, if properly adopted, can bring a new outlook in India. In 1953, he

initiated talks with Jaw ahar Lai N ehru regarding increased cooperation

between the congress and the socialists. In 1954, he resigned from socialist

party and then b e ca m e a Jeev an D ani in V inoba B h a v e s B hoodan

Movement.

Jayaprakash N arayan was under M arxian influence for a considerably

long time but gradually he began to realize that the system did not guarantee

individual liberty. W ith the passage o f time he began to lose faith in M arxism

but wanted to introduce socialist philosophy in congress organization. A s a

Jeevan Dani since then he is devoted to the cause o f B hoodan M ovem ent and

is struggling to establish a sarvodaya society5. Jayaprakash N arayan w anted

to study the w orking o f socialist theory to acquired better understanding. For

that he w as advised by the M arxists o f A m erica to visit Russia. But his plan

for visit to Russia could not m aterialize due to sudden illness o f his mother.

In 1934 Jayaprakash Narayan formed the congress socialist party for forcing

the congress to adopt radical programme. By 1945 it because clear to the-

socialists within the congress that the leadership o f the party was eager for

power. Therefore in 1947 it was decided to work separately. From 1948 to

1951 Jayaprakash and Lohia w o rked hard to build the socialist party.
 46

The defeat o f the socialists in 1952 disillusioned Jayaprakash about the party

polities. In 1957, J.P. left the socialists party and to joined the sarvodaya

movement under the guidance o f Vinobha Bhave. W hile keeping contact

with the socialist movem ent in the world. Jayaprakash decided to give m ore

time Bhoodan work and other noble courses. In this connection, J.P. founded

India, Pakistan conciliatory group in 1962 and w orked successfully in

bringing about the cease fire in N agaland in 1964. J.P. felt that M arxism

offered a solution for Indias social political and econom ic problems. The

passion o f M arx for social and econom ics justice particularly im pressed

Jayaprakash Narayan.

Jayaprakash Narayan had not forgotten Gandhiji, but as a M arxist he

did not accept everything o f G andhijis polities and his strategy for action.

He was committed to M arxist belief in violence, class-conflict and expansion

o f state pow er to impose socialism. So the only course open to him w as to be

in the congress party and work for socialist ideas. Negatively, his desire and

expectations the com m unists in India w ere w orking under the guidance o f

the communist International. Hence it w as clear to Jayaprakash that the

socialist movement could not be carried under the com m unist party6.

As a great cham pion o f human freedom , Jayaprakash considered

centralization o f p o litical and econom ic authority as a dangerous for

establishing socialism . Jayaprakash thus w rote M arx conceived o f the

socialist revolution as a historical p ro cess to be brought about by the

p io letaiia te w hich w ould naturally constitute the great m ajority o f the '

population of a fully industrialized bourgeois nation.

 47

Jayaprakash w rote The socialist movement in India m ust evolve its

own picture o f socialism in the light o f M arxist . Laying down the objectives

o f socialism, Jayaprakash said The objectives to socialism are elimination

o f exploitation and poverty, provision o f equal opportunities to all for

self-development, full developm ent of the material and moral resouices o f

society and utilization o f these resources in accordance with the needs and

wishes o f society as a whole rather than in accordance with the dictated o f

p ro fit; equitable appointm ent o f national wealth and social, educational and

other services between all who labour and serve the s o c ie ty ............................

A system o f social organizations that serves these ends is a socialist society .

Giving a picture o f socialist India o f his views Jayaprakash said My picture

o f socialist India is the picture o f an econom ic and political democracy. In

this democracy man will neither be slave o f capitalism nor o f a party or the

state. Man will be free. He will have to serve society w hich will provide him

with employment and the means o f livelihood, but within limits he will be

free to choose his vocation and station in life. He will be free to express his

opinions and there will be opportunities for him to rise to his full moral
stature7.

Jayaprakash N arayan w as eager to lay-down specific aim o f the

socialist m ovem ent in India as a guide for the socialist party. This w as

necessary as some leaders o f the socialist party with orthodox b elief in

Marxism did not like change in Jayaprakashs ideas on socialism. Jayaprakash

N arayan said at the M adras session o f the party in 1950 socialism is not

m erely a n ti-c a p ita lism , nor statism . N a tio n a liz a tio n o f in d u stry and

collectivization o f agriculture are im portant aspects o f socialist economy,

but in them selves they are not socialism . The aim o f socialist m ovem ent, he

said, w ere not m ere overthrew o f capitalist order and establishm ent o f a
 48

party dictatorship, but the creation of a society o f free and equal people, a

society based on certain values of human and social life, values which could

never be sacrificed in the name of theory of the party line. According to him

a socialist state m ust aspire to certain basic v a lu e s ; a decentralized state w as

essential to make socialism realistic from the political point o f view s ,

nationalizations o f industry was not enough ; decentralization o f econom ic

pow er w as necessary ; peaceful dem ocratic m eans must be used to achieve

the aim o f a socialist society8. As a result o f the defeat o f the - From M arxism

to socialist party in the general elections which w as held in the January 1952.

S ocialist lead ersh ip w a s lossing its nu m erical stren g th , its influence

politically and its elan psychologically9.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Gandhi Vigyan, special issue o f Jayaprakash N arayan Vol. 3 No. 2 a

publication o f A cadem ic o f G andhian study, H ydrabad (1980), P-9.

2. R.C. G upta, T he G reat P o litical T h in k e rs , L ak sh m i N aray an

Agarwal. Educational Publishers - A gra - 3 (1963), P.P. - 169-170.

3. Ibid P a g e -P P . - 1 7 2 - 73.

4. V P. Varma, M odem India Political Thought, A gra - 3 (1963), P-526.

5- Dn H.R. M ukhi (e) (1992), M odem Indian Political Thought. Nai

Sarak Delhi - 11006 ( \ 992), P -150.

6. D R. Bali, M odem Indian Political Thought. A gra, PP - 238-241

7. Ibid P-243.

8. Ibid P-245.

9' R am ch an d ra G u p ta, J.P. From M arxism to Total R ev o lu tio n .

Sterling Publication, N ew Delhi f l981). P-150.

 49

FOUNDING OF PRA JA - SOCIA LIST PARTY :

N eh ru w as, n o t so sin c e re in ad o p tin g and im p lem en tin g th e

objectives o f socialism as Jayaprakash N arayan was and hence there w as no

chance for them to agree to each o th ers view points. J.P. offered Nehru a 14

point program m e a s a b asis for c o -o p e ra tio n , the la tte r sh o w ed his

helplessness to accept his suggestion and im plem ent his proposals. In fact,

Jayaprakash Narayan felt dissatisfied w ith N ehrus, approach to the national

problems and his way o f working. Socialist party w as defeated in the general

elections, due to the virtue o f unsuccessful in the general elections, the

socialist leadership was losing its num erical strength, its influence politically

and its elan psychologically. On the other hand, due to the m isunderstanding

within the Congress Party, some o f the senior Congressm en had come out o f

the congress and formed the Kisan M azd o o r Praja party (K.M.P.P.) in 1951

with Acharya J.B. Kripalini as its leader. U nder these circumstances, there

was a negotiation betw een Jayaprakash N arayan and Kripalini and other

disillusioned leaders o f the K.M .P.P. in 1952 for a m erger o f socialist

party - party with K.M .P.P. with a view to increasing their parliam entary

geographic strength.

The m erger o f the socialist party with K.M.P.P. to form the P raja

Socialist Party (P S.P .) in 1952 w as m ade possible though an agreem ent to

deal with the principle and to keep ideology out o f the merger talks. Through

merger, they hoped to create a party w hose combine strength could achieve

the opposition status w hich neither could satisfactorily attain done. T he

(K.M.P.P.) w as interested in practical parliamentary activity an d G andhian .

village co n stru ctiv e w ork, thereby com plem enting the s o c ia lis t p arty

leadership s inteiest in urban trade union, intellectual and agitation activities.

Significantly, K.M.P.P. members were given most of the chairm anships and
 50

honorary presiding officers in the new party (P .S .P ) w hile the form er

socialist party leaders retained control o f the provincial party secretaryships.

N ational and provincial executive com m ittee - p o sitio n s, as also the

jo in t-n atio n al sec retariat positions w ere shared equitably. But such a

cohesion and dem arcation o f fields betw een K.M.P.P. and socialist party

w orking under the banner o f P.S.P., did not prove effective at all1.

The poor perform ance o f the party, m ade the socialist leadership think

about the causes o f its failures. The party cam e to the conclusion that unless

socialist forces com bined together it w ould be difficult for any single party

to give a tough opposition to the congress. It was also realised that in the

ab sen ce o f a co m b in ed so cia list forum , w ith stro n g fo u n d atio n s the

communists with again ground in the country. The socialists now turned

their face to Kisan M azdoor Praja Party (K.M .P.P.) which had been founded

by Acharya Kripalini and P C . Joshi. Ultim ately in 1952 both the parties

decided to merge them selves and a new socialist party w hich know n as

(P.S.P.) Praja Socialist Party.

The Praja Socialist Party (P.S.P.) had officially taken place yet it w as

found that the w orking o f the newly founded party was not sm oothly done.

The party w as soon faced with internal differences. On the one hand w ere

members w ho had leavings tow ards com munism while on the other hand

were many m em bers w ho had love for G andhian philosophy and ideology.

D ue to ex trem e an d o p p o site th in k in g ab o u t the u se o f v io len t and

nonviolent m eans for achieving ends, the w orking o f the party becam e ,

difficult and in 1953 the party decided at Allahabad that it should m ade

electoral adjustm ents with other socialist parties to avoid there cornered

contests. In the G aya session o f 1955, the party decided not to have any
 51

electoral adjustm ents with the congress party, Com m unists and H indhu

Sectarian Parties. In 1955 at the Avadi session, the Indian N ational Congress

decided to adopt socialist programme. It decided to have socialist ownership

o f m eans o f production, equitable distribution o f w ealth and to provide

equality o f opportunity to all. This program m e appealed A shok M ehata and

J.P. w hereas Dr. Ram M anohar L ohia and M adhu Lim aya thought that

resolution was a pious thinking and they opposed the idea o f co-operating

with the congress. From 1956 to 1964, the socialists rem ained divided the

Praja Socialist Party and Socialist Party o f India2.

In O ctober 1959, the Praja Socialist Party adopted following 12 point

programmge for the abolition and its items w ere

D Acenn o f agricultural production.

2) Encouragem ent for increased agricultural production.

3) M aximum ceiling for holding lands.

4) Fixed prices for agricultural products.

5) Reduction o f unemployment.

6) Raising o f living standard for the B ackw ard society.

7) Separation o f judiciary from the excentive.

8) Set up o f anti-corruption.

9) D ecentralisation o f adm inistration etc.

The Praja Socialist Party stressed on dem ocratic decentralisation and

its party also favoured socialist ownership o f properly and not trusteeship.

Due to formation o f P.S.P. in 1952, Dr. Lohia pleaded for deep incorporation

o f Gandhian ideas in socialist thought. But Lohia w as against the idea o f a co

- oparetion betw een P.S.P. and the congress on policy m atter but on the

contrary, J.P. and A shoka M ehta w ere in favour o f having an alliance with
 52

the congress. Dr. Lohia, as a counter balance to it presented his eauMiStam

theory and he asserted. Actually, Lohia did not like P.S.P. to have an alliance

with the congress on policy matters3.

DR. BHAGAWAN P A S S VIEWS O N SOCIALISM A N D J.P.

Dr. Bhagvan D as w as one o f the pioneers o f the Indian socialist

thoughts. His fundam ental basic thoughts deal with the Indian social life the

theory o f Karma, Caste system, Varna system and Several etc. H e was also o f

the view that the Caste system should could not be determ ined by birth but

by the functions and the jobs. In other w ords, he was upholding the ancient

concept o f Ashram Vyavatha. He w as one o f those thinkers w ho upheld the

social structure prescribed by M anu. H e recognized the change in M anus

social system because o f the change o f tim e and other social econom ic

conditions but by and large he thought social system put forw ard by M anu

was useful even in the modern conditions. Dr. Bhagwan D as on the basis o f

Manu, presented a com prehensive com m entary on man and his functions. In

short, it may be said that Dr. Bhagwan D as presented the old w ine in the new

bottle. He laid stress on the application o f value o f ancient India to the

modem thought4.

Dr. Bhagw an D as w as an advocate o f Verna Vyavastha. A ccording to

him, caste should not be determ ined on the basis o f the function and the role

an individual has to play in the society. H e likes Gandhiji believed in A shram

Vyavastha, not in its degenerated from but in its original and healthy form.

A ccording to Gandhiji, he was the greatest Satyagralii who kept him self ,

aw ay from the attraction o f the world in all respects. He w as one o f the

greatest educationalists and believe in higher ideals o f vedic religion.

 53

Dt. Bhagvan D as believed in m orality in public life and personal

behaviour. That is why he did not agree to the condition o f the landlord to

condone the outstanding house tax and w ater tax in order to get his hpuse for

the hostel o f k ash i-V idyapath. Dr. B hagw an D as w as a p h ilo so p h er

a d m in istra to r, w h o w a n te d to run a d m in istra tio n a c c o rd in g to h is

philosophical ideals and views. He knew that philosophy w as the best m ethod

o f finding the truth. H e m ain tained th at philosophy w as not only an

intellectual exercise or m ental gym nastics but it w as m ethod for solving the

problems o f life. A ccording to him, M anu had provided the best possible

social philosophy for the problems o f life. So, he w anted to run the social

structure and organization according to the view s o f M anu. Bhagvan Das

wanted com plete freedom to be the ideal o f the country. H e w as not prepared

to accept the interpretation o f sarvodaya and put his view s before congress

leaders. He discussed his view s with G andhiji also but the people w ould not

liked (be wanted) his views.

But at the last m om ent, when the congress adopted the resolution for

complete freedom, the truth o f his ideas cam e to light w hat he w as as a

G yanvibhuties H e d ev o ted his life to the w elfare o f the society. In

recognition services for the people, he w as aw arded the tittle o f Bharal

Ratna in the year o f D ecem ber 19985.

J.R have ridiculed the G andhijis the theory o f truteeship and his

vision o f R am arajaya w here o f interests o f both princes and paupers w ould

be protected. He w ent to the extent o f characterizing G andhism as being in *

an serious bog o f tim id econom ic analysis, good intentions and infection

m o ra liz in g . He re g a rd e d G an d h ism as b ein g w e ll-in te n tio n e d an d

 54

ineffective but dangerous in its blind to pressing economic issues

being deceptive for the masses. In this book, he also candidly proclaimed

that the ancient Indian social philosophy could not afford any concrete

insight for the solution o f the complex problems of an industrial capitalist

society. He condemned the Brahmin class for persistent opposition to social

reform .

Dr. Bhagwan D as w anted to review the traditional stratification scheme

o f four fold Vamas and A shram as as categorized by M anu. But N arayan

regarded Vasishtha-Manu, Yanjanavalkya schem e as fossilized and incapable

o f solving the com plicated problem s o f ram pant econom ic exploitation.

Bhagwan Das w ished to have four basic divisions or guilds in society nam ely

- (1) o f the learned (2) o f the executive (3) o f the w ealth-m aking and (4) o f

the labouring professions.

N arayan rightly felt th at the distinction betw een the learned and

executive professions could not be m aintained in the tangled com plexities o f

the present day w orld w here executive positions do required specialized

competence. He also stated that the clerical and m anipulative cadres o f the

lower executive personal could be grouped with the labouring professions.

Further m ore, N arayan w as opposed to the sem i-philosophical subjective

m a c h in e ry fo r im p le m e n tin g th is id e a l sc h e m e o f f o u rf o ld s o c ia l

stratification. Although Bhagvan Das prescribed w as the speculative technic

o f the propaganda w ork o f the m issionaries o f Brahm a w ho had received

training in the esoteric m ethod o f Yogic contem plation and abstraction. To, ,

J.P. N arayan, a votary at the shrine o f m aterialistic delictual ideology, this

w as too tam e introspective and passive a m ethod to resolved the involved

and intricate problem s o f an exploitationist society. J.P. show ed im patience

 55

with Bhagvan D ass ideas although he gave credit to him for having given

serious thought to providing an Indian solution to m odem problem s. He

c o n c lu d e d by s y in g th a t D a s h a d m is u n d e r s to o d . S o m e o f th e

fundamental-tenets o f historical m aterialism and J.P. N arayan, in full M arxist

fevour harped on the m aterialistic basis o f all spiritual thoughts. It need not

to be over em p h asized th at th ere h as been a m ajor and fundam ental

transition in the philosophical and sociological notions o f J.P. Narayan as

formulated in why socialism and tow ards struggle6.

B h a g w a n D a s s sc h e m e s o f a n c ie n t s o c ia lis m a n d s o c ia l

reconstruction are a plea for the revival o f the functional four-guild system

advocated in the ancient Hindu books. He w ants to substitute classlessness

by vocational classes. Thus Bhagvan D as claim s to have given us the social

philosophy o f functional organismic Hindu socialism. But m odem hum anity

has gone much farther than M anu in its quest o f social ju stice and equality.

On the other hand the m odem intellectual w ould not agree to abide by the

pronouncem ents o f the scriptures and the ancient patriarchs. A ccording to

Bhagvan Das plea for reform o f caste system o f the vedie ideals o f Vamas are

also similarly analogues o f D ayananda and V ivekananda anachronistic. But,

against the m odem craze for accum ulation and speculation he w anted that

property should be u sed for righteous purpose. B hagw an D as strongly

recom m ended for favour o f the renaissance o f the Hindu ideals o f simplicity

and control o f the appetites.

Although, B hagvan Das w as an exponent o f the revival o f the old

Varna system as ancient socialism but m ust not be concluded with the

iniquities perpetrated in the m odem caste system 7. Dr. Bhagvan Das w rote

The traditional ancient Indian a n s w e r ....... is that the state is for M an, the
 56

Government is set up by the people, by society, to maintain law and order as

its constituents function and to promote general welfare as its mim strant

function, and that its constituent function is subservient to its m im strant

function . According to ancient Indian thought the individual had freedom

o f philosophical o p inions but the overw helm ing dom inance o f so cial

structure lift him slender opportunities for the exercise o f freedom in social

and political matters. But if the individual has to be accorded primary, it has

to be also at economic, political and social levels. Because o f this reasons,

the ancient socialism o f Dr. Bhagvan Das has nothing to offer and deeply

influenced by the Augustinian conception o f the kingdom o f G od on earth8.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. R.C. G upta, J.P. From M arxism to T otal R e v o lu tio n , S terlin g

Publication,New Delhi - 110029 (1981), P.P. -7 6 -7 7 .

2. Dr. H .R . M u k h i. M o d e rn In d ia n P o litic a l T h o u g h t, S .B .D .

Publications. Nai Sarak. Delhi - 110006 (1992). P. - 206.

3. Ibid P.P. - 77-78.

4- K unw ar Singh (K. Singh), H istory o f Social T hought. Prakashan

K endra Publications, Lucknow - 226020 (1991). P.P. - 370-371

5. Ibid, PP.. 410-41 i .

6- Dr. V.P Varma, M odem Indian Political Thought. Agra - 3 (1961). PP.
-5 1 9 .

7. Ibid, P .- 1 2 .

8- Blmgawan D as, Indian Culture, Indian Congress for Cultural F reedom .

(Bom bay), K anada Press (1951). P.P. -1 1 3 -1 9 ; P. - 1H

 57

A COMPARATIVE, s t u d y of ' p and M A RX ISM

Com paratively, M arx and J.P. both are - C ontrad .cto ry w ays o f

aspects in the sem e that former is mostly based on w ays o f violation, type

and the latter is to conquer the hearts o f all by BhaktiW non-violence.

S in c e th e a c h ie v e m e n t o f in d e p e n d e n c e J.P . f e e ls th a t h is

interpretation o f M arxism w as the correct one even though the Indian

communist party w ere disappointing to him. A ccording to him Communism

leads to state capitalism; Socialism leads to Parliam entary-Politics based on

Com prises and deals among insensitive bureaucracies . The goals o f justice

and equality are lip service o f every Politician. A t least ,the people are

abandoned1.

Socialism, on the other hand, could not produce goods. If a nation

will feed state can solve the problem o f hunger and poverty, they minimise

the significance individual as but a cog in machine for voting and polling.

The state is the result o f ordinary Political Proposes. Popular initiative and

activity will be elim inated in such a position. He further contains that ruling

congress Party talk o f G handhi from its position o f pow er at the center as a

concession.

His ideology assum es o f two (2) principles- (i) Loss o f individualistic

in the socialist progress o f various Political parties (ii) m oral and spiritual

assent which people attach to the Secular law s and institutions m akes this

law s and institutions functional in society . He w as against com m unal

ihetoric o f Jansangh and R.S.S. He did find satisfaction in Ghandian teach

ing concerning Sarvodaya
 58

ETHICAL M O V EM EN T S:
J.P s movements are essentially ethical Revolutions happen , he once

told M inoo M asini, N either Lenin , nor G handhi , nor M ao m ade a

Revolution; they m erely gave a direction to the revolution and controlled it .

Throughout his life he has been a leader in search o f revolution. In his life

revolution is eluding him although he w as in search o f it. In his career he has

been after more than one revolution. A fter his return from U .S.A . he plunged

him self towards the Socialist revolution. His final break with com m unism

came after G handhis death. Again he opted for the revolution- a beautiful

revolution different from the revolutions m ade by law 2.

By early 7 0 s J.P. w as read y to ab an d o n B h o o d an and p assiv e

resistance for a m ore m ilitant path. Real pow er lays in the hands o f the police

and army and the landlords. The m ovem ent under J.P. in B ihar began to be

infiltrated by opp o rtu n istic po liticians for w hom to p p lin g the co n g ress

governm ent m eant h o w ev er rem ained in the hands o f the m id d le-class

students rather than w orkers and peasants. T he court verdict unseating prim e

m inister Indira G handhi prom pted the governm ent to arre st all lead ers
including J.P. and declare a state o f em ergency. He touched as the beautiful
4revolution as the earlier society is not sufficient. Vinova could not approve
o f the political contest o f J.P. m ovem ent in Bihar. W hen volunteer o f a s e lf
styled Indira brigade fired upon a procession o f J.P s supporters in Patna on
5th June 1974 V inobas sole com m ent w as I leave it to G od for his verdict.
J.P. did not subscribe to such com m ent. The A nusasan P arva o f M aharastra

is link to the lifting o f em ergency in V inobas opinion. This sums up the

difference betw een V inoba and J.P . J.P. could not fit the concurrence o f

V inoba in the struggle he had launched. Like G handhiji, he adv o cated ,

spiritualization o f politics and ethical socialism . Ethics first and politics/

Econom ics afterw ards to develope better people im plies b etter w orld and
good politics.
 59

But in Gandhijis lifetime his commitment to nonviolence was not

total. Year after Gandhijis death the disenchastment of J.P. with communism
was complete. Every where in the colonies, the communists kept themselves
aloof from the national movements wanting for the road to clear by others.
It warranted his back-away from communism and the freedom fighters. For
his freedom is something more than the expression/expulsion of the British
free India to me meant socialist India and Swaraj mean the rule of the poor
and down trodden. The famous K arachi declaration was vague and
inadequate. He was instrumental for the emergence of the congress socialist
party with such life minded persons like Dr. ram Manohar Lohia, M.R.
Massani, Achyut Patwardhan, Ashok Mehta, and Acharya Narendra Deva.
Unfortunately there was gati/jati to keep open for the communists to come in
and forgives, a united front if so needed. Such type of unity led disastrous
consequence for the congress socialist party3.

In 1956 Narayan raised his voice against soviet intervention of

Hungary Four Years, later when the Chinese forces over on Tibet, he came
toward a champion o f the people o f Tibet and its Spirituals Head - the Dalai
Lama. In 1971 he mobilized public opinion for the people o f Bangladesh
against Pakistan. He w as P resident o f the A ll-India R ailw aym ens
Federation, All India posts and Telegraphs Employees Federation. He was
one of the member o f Naga Peach Millennium in the early Sixties. The
failure o f the communist regime in the former U.S.S.R. which demonstrates
the Marxist failures is being realized by the world. In this context, the sarvodaya
ideology or revolution based on nonviolence will stand in good stead for the
suffering humanity. Marxism being a liberator of the suffering and workers
downtrodden played a great role in counter acting the capitalist influence. It
is not without its merits at the rising stage of an underdeveloped society. The '
intellectual of the world feel inclined to prefer J.P s socialism and sarvodaya
to the violent type o f Revolution associated with names o f Marx, Lenin and
Stalin4.
 60

Socialism is a theory and technique o f w ide spread learning. It aims at

h arm o n io u s and b a la n c e d d ev elo p m en t o f the to tal a s p e c t o f m an.

According to J.P. socialization o f the m eans o f production is ihe means ot

building socialism. It is impossible by the economic exploitation o f the means.

He pleaded for reduction o f land revenue the limitation o f expenditure and

nationalization o f societies the control o f exploitation o f m asses can be

achieved if the people can control the political and econom ic destiny. In

1934 J.P. fill that socialism could be the basis o f Indias freedom . It urged

collective ownership, control o f all large scale production nationalization o f

heavy transport, shipping, mining and heavy industries.

In his opinion there is no real opposite betw een socialism and values

o f Indian culture truth, B eauty and good will. Em ancipation o f the individual

does not mean the im m ersion o f petty satisfaction o f the n arro w self. Its love

function has been an essential; part o f Indian culture.

M arxian approach is quite different from this. J.P. w ho stood for

village recognitions, self su fficie n cy .....................................reform s. He holds

cooperative fanning, land belonging to the cultivator. He denounced the

individualistic organization o f agriculture. For him there is a close relation

between culture and econom ic problem. Cultural creativism is an im possible

c o n c e p tio n w h a t th e s a tis f a c tio n o f b a s ic e c o n o m ic n e e d s . J.P .

conceptualized a w orld community. It can do justice to the suppress sections

o f Asian and African people in the contest o f devatation o f militarism. The

world after the cold w ar is still developed in to different pow er blocks. The

purpose o f an individual in s u c h ...............................role o f w orld community.

A psychological revolution is a necessity for biopolarising the p o w er

structures.
 61

J.P s. concepts o f revolution w as not based on concrete facts as w as

M arxs concepts. Therefore it w as idealist in character. T h ats w hy it facts in

its objective meaning thereby it fails. H e w as an idealist. It did not take into

consideration the basic problem s for the persons for which it w as launched,

started. J.P. therefore appeared to start from idealistic plane. So higher

idealistic not in directed his whole revolutionary thinking.

J.P. did not have a clear conception o f hum an nature. He fails to

analyses the real essen ce, ch aracteristics o f hum an nature. He h im self

regarded M ind Soul is idealistic aspects o f man as conceptual his nature.

T hats why his analysis o f revolution is not synthetic, objective and logical.

J.P. concept o f revolution was not synthetic, not based on concrete facts as

was M arxs concept. Therefore it w as idealist in character. M a rx s concepts

o f revolution is concept o f alienation, not a m aterialist in potential. In the

philosophical sense M arx s conception that m atter alone is reality because

Marx concern is with living concrete hum an being but not a m aterialistic

tradition5.

Jayaprakashji believed in violent m ethods o f revolution at first. B ut

since 1974, diis w as not the only occasion w hen Indiraji had hit below the

belt. A ccording to M arx, human nature is consists o f physical being and

species being. Physical being is lim ited existence and sp ecies being is

unlimited existence. M arx opens that man as species being transcends his

physical, limited being and acquire and realizes the true humanity. M arx

revolution is for man real concrete, hum an being. The man for which M arx 's

analysis concern is the m an as we find in capitalism . This man is alienated,

separated from ( I ) The own achieving (2) The product o f his achieving (3)

The fellow being (4) The species nature.

 (2

'Die above separated alienated man is nothing but dejected, exploited,

p r o le ta r ia t o f c a p ita lis m . T h u s th e c a p ita lis m w h ic h is c a u s e o f

dcnumanization, alienation, exploitation, objectitical is a irrational system s.

Therefore prophescal that an era o f change must start after class struggle

betw een w orker and capitalist get thereafter. As class becam e start the

revolution begun. Revolution tries to upside down the capitalist systems. It

tries to put man into his real place i.e. his existence as man not as an object,

dead etc.. M arx philosophy has hitherto interpreted the w orld question is

how ever to change it revolution helps in being the change6.

M arx faith in co m p u lsio n and h im s e lf in tro d u c e d the seen o f

revolution any socialism or com m unism very clearly in the dem ocratic

socialism . His socialism lays g reat stress on econom ic rights. M arxist

philosophy arouses as the spiritual w eapon o f the w orking classes in its

struggle against the bourgeo groups. M arx w ho he is the founder o f scientific

communism, dialectical and his to real m aterialism as well as the leader and

the teacher o f the w orld proletariat groups. So he regarded as the father o f

the scientific socialism . M arx very extrem ely supported to m ost consistently

revolutionaiy dem ocratic ideas both in theory and practical. His starting point

o f spiritual evolution w as H e g e ls philosophy. M arx for the first tim e

disclosed the historic role o f the proletariat and arrived at the conclusion o f

the inevitability o f the social revolution and the need o f uniting the w orking

classes m ovem ent with a scientific w orld out look. M arxist philosophy is the

m ost adequate m ethod o f cognition and transform ation o f the world. From

the context o f the view o f M arxists, the developm ent o f practice and science

in 19th to 20th cen tu ries have co nvincingly proved the su p erio rity o f

M arxism over all form s o f idealism and m etaphysical m aterialism . M a rx s

teaching as the only form o f the theoretical experience o f the w orking class

in terests w as stech ed in the fight against all sorts o f unscientific, anti

proletariats and petty-bourgeoises currents7.
 63

M a r x s a c tiv itie s are c h a r a c te r iz e d by p a r tis a n s h ip and

irre co n c ilab ility w ith any digress in from scien tific th eo iy . B eing a

revolutionary in science, M arx took place an active part in the liberation

struggle o f the proletariate. D uring the revolution period o f 1848-49 in

Germ any he was at the fore-front o f the political struggle. In 1872 he w as

exile to England and spended that time in w riting o f pum phlate and treatises

on socialism and introduced the publication o f Das capital . A ccording to

him economic conditions determ ine being m ust eat and drink and obtain

shelter and clothing before they can pursue politics, science, religion and art.

Thus the stage o f advancem ent o f the production, distribution and exchange

o f goods and the organization o f society resulting there form determ ine in

the final analysis the political, social and cultural developm ents. M arx w as

the chief propounder o f political and econom ic theory w ho produces alike

the theory o f the inevitable course o f social developm ent. H e resolutely

defended the proletarian i.e. common people stands in his capacity as ch ie f

editor o f the New R heisische Zieting which he founded.

A fter dissolving the com m unist league in 1852, he continued his

activities in the proletarian m ovem ent w orking for the creation o f the first

International. He w as active in his organization, followed closely the progress

o f the revolutionary m ovem ent in all countries and to the very last day o f his

life w as in the think o f c o n tem p o rary ev en ts. T his a ffo rd e d him the

indispensable m aterial for the developm ent o f his theory. T he experience o f

the b o u rg eo is re v o lu tio n o f the 1848-49 in E u ro p e w a s o f the g reat

im portance for the developm ent by M arx o f the theory o f socialist revolution

and class struggle o f the idea o f dictatorship o f the proletariat the tactics o f

the p ro letariate in the b ourgeoise revolution, the need for w orker and
peasant alliance.
 64

The creation o f M arx political econom ic system laid the scientific

basis for communism but the philosophical im portance o f capital and o f the

extensive preparatory manuscripts o f 1857-59 and 1861-63 is unequaled. In

these w orks M arx co m prehensively d eveloped the m ajo r asp ects and

principles o f M arxist philosophy the dialectical m ethod the principles o f

unity o f dialectics, logics and the theory o f the knowledge and applied them

in a brilliant form to the study o f the capitalist system o f econom ic relations.

As a man o f atheistic, millions o f exploited w orkers revere him as G od but

the remaining common people w ho inhabitance in the w orld hated him and

all those who use language and principles. But to the capitalists, he is SATAN

incarnate. For his highness achievem ents o f these, M arx is called truly the

father o f Scientific Socialism 8.

But Jayaprakash narayan like all young revolution arrives, w ere very

much attracted tow ards M arxism , but w hen the Indian com m unists becam e

subservient to M oscow and denounced G andhiji as a L ackey o f Indian

Bourgeoisie . Jayaprakashji had a rude shock o f life and servered all his

connections with the com m unist thinking or the com m unist party.

In the beginning, the m em bers o f the com m unist party o f India also

the m em bers o f the congress socialist party but later on they had to leave it

b ecause J.P. and his co lleag u es thought that they w ere d isru p tin g the

m ovem ent that had to leave it because J.P. and his colleagues thought that

they w ere disrupting the m ovem ent that had been built up under the banner

o f C ongress socialist party, This thing also m ade him averse to collusion

with the com m unists. B ecause o f his know ledge o f Indian life, influence o f

G andhian ideology and the Indian w ay o f thinking, J.P. also realized that

M arxism or the concept o f the W estern socialism could not be applied to the
Indian conditions.
 65

O n acco u n t of, J.P. and h is c o lle a g u e s d e v e lo p e d th e id ea o f

dem ocratic socialism . Basically, J.P. w as a dem ocratic socialist and a firm

believer in individual liberty. J.P. w anted to change the Indian society and
u sh er in a new social order based on dem ocracy and w elfare o f all the hum an
beings. Because o f influence o f Karl M arxs thinking, he w eaved to the ideal

o f reconstruction o f society.

On the other hand, J.P. has suggested that the com m unity and society

should be reconstructed. M orality, Spiritual values and individual liberty

shall form the basis o f the reconstructed society o f his concept and also he

realized that in the present set up som etim es the minority rules the majority.
J.P. him self not satisfied with the w orking o f the political parties. So, he
supported partyless dem ocracy . Jayaprakash N arayan did not believe in
state ownership o f the m eans o f production, distribution, exchange and

.planning. He wanted replacem ent o f R ajniti by Loknit and the polities by

service.

As a M arxist, Jaya Prakash N arayan never becam e a protagonist o f

Russian communism. H e had a deep m oral revolution against the atrocities

o f Russian Bolshevik party. J.P. him self did not like the dictatorial regim e in
Soviet- R ussian. A cco rd in g to him (J.P.) m entioned th at s e lf p erso n al
practical experience that in a society w here it w as possible for the people by
d em o cratic m ean s to b rin g ab o u t so cial ch an g e it w o u ld be c o u n te r
rev o lu tio n ary to re so rt th e v io len ce, J.P. re je c te d th e th e o ry o f the
dictatorship o f a bureaucratic O ligarchy . Jaya Prakash N arayan felt that,
M arxism offered a solution for In d ia s social p olitical an d econom ic

problem s. The passion o f M arx for social and econom ic ju stic e particularly
im pressed Jaya Prakash. Actually, J.P. him self w anted to study the Working
o f socialist theory to acquired better understanding. For that he w as advised
by the M arxists o f A m erica to visit R ussia but could not m aterialize due to
sudden illness o f his m other9.
 ((>

As a Marxist J.P. did not accept every thing o f G andhijis politics and

his strategy for action. He was committed to M arxist belief in violence class

conflict and expansion o f state power to impose socialism. Jayaprakash thus

wrote Marx conceived o f the socialist revolution as a historical process to

be brought about by the proletariate which would naturally constitute the

great majority o f the population o f a fully industrialized bourgeois nation .

M arx had V isu a liz e d th a t th e p ro le ta ria t w o u ld o v e rth ro w n .

Capitalism and Colonialism shall be challenged by t h e ................... people.

While the second hypothesis proved correct, the first did not. The working

classes were influenced by com parative prosperity and social security; after

having driven as cattle from their lands and occupations. During the last 80

(eighty) years, the social security in the developed countries co-opted the
working class in to the Capitalist system. The M arxist contention that the

middle classes will join the proletariat has been contradicted by history. The
sections o f skilled w orkers are part o f the low er middle class. There is a big
service sector and along with the independent professions. The Soviet

system calling itse lf M arxist C rum bled like the play cards since it had

suppressed solidarity, freedom and equality, the core o f M arxist values10.

The 21st Century Presents a Paradox for M arxist. J .P s vision is not

realized on account o f corruption and pow er politics. H undred thousands o f

persons protested against the m achinations o f the group o f Eight (G. 8) eight

developed countries and attem pted to finish exploitation. A com parative

austerity in living, an ethical code o f behaviour which gives opportunity o f

equality to all sections will have to be adopted centralization o f political and

econom ic pow er will not sites by the hum anitys craving. Violence can be

d efea ted only by n o n -v io len ce and n o n -co o p eratio n . T hat req u ires a

revolution to create a moral and m aterial force. Gandhiji and J.P. seek to
prom ote the sense in these anger m ethods.
 67

d e c e n t r a l iz a t io n o f p o l it ic a l p o w e r .
The concept o f decentralization is the basis of the social and political

thought o f the Jayaprakash Narayan. Jayaprakash N arayan concepts o f

decentralization is base on Gandhian thought. This decentralization is not

lim ite d to p o litic a l f ie ld b u t g o e s to e c o n o m ic f ie ld as m ain ly .

Decentralization o f J.P. is mainly based on the concept o f Sarvodaya He

advocates establishing o f Panchayat R aj, Village Panchayat , Block

Panchayats etc. The existing system o f the community d e v e l o p m e n t ^ the

Panchayat Raj system has not been approved by Jayaprakash because o f this

he has seen their failure and corruption bred by these institutions. The basic

thing is that Jay ap ra k ash N arayan w an ted w as the involvem ent and

p a rtic ip a tio n o f th e p e o p le . H o w e v e r, J.P. h im s e lf s u p p o rte d th e

establishment o f the institutions o f Panchayat Raj system and their working.

He wanted their w orking to be free from the influence o f the political parties.

To him, these institutions should be guided by a Non-political autonom ous

body headed by a person who does not belong to the civil service.

Jayaprakash N arayan believes in decentralization o f political as well

as econom ic pow er. A cco rd in g to him centralizatio n o f p olitical and

economic pow er leads to Shrinkage o f democracy. Thinking o f Jayaprakashji

even today, is basically a socialist. So, his socialism is based on dem ocracy

and peaceful means. Jayaprakash N arayan treated the G ram Sabhas as the

basic units o f the decentralized political system and w ants the m em bers o f

the Vidhan Sabha and Lok Sabha. Because o f this, he also suggested an

elaborate procedure. The political system that J.P. has advocated also

requires a new econom ic system base on decentralization and power. He

w ants replacem ent o f large scale industries by cottage industries and w ants

village units to be self-sufficient. He w ants imbalances betw een production

and consumption and employment to be avoided11.
 6H

In this regard o f decentralization, J.P. says that in his ow n w ords - A

decentralized econom y must aim at relating full utilization o f local and

regional sources, human and material, to be satisfaction o f local and regional

means. For this, regional surveying and planning would be necessary. This

w ould further assum e that for production and consum ption o f different

com m odities, different areas would serve as econom ic units, so that there

might be some industries that are village industries, som e that are block area

industries, others that are district, state or union industries.

This does not m ean, however, that surplus from one area could not be

exchanged for surpluses o f other areas, but it does mean that by and large,

for each type o f industries the area concerned could be the G eographical

Z o n e w ithin w h ich it w o u ld o p e r a te . H is id ea o f a d e c e n tr a liz e d

self-sufficient community life is based on ancient Indian Thought . N ow

his idea o f individual freedom has com e to acquire higher plagues than his

previous conviction about state ow nership12.

J.P. think som e o f us are inclined to m ake the m istake that by m erely

setting up decentralized industries; Khadi and other Village industries. We

have made full preparations for non- violence. He holds that if the econom y

is decentralized, there is less Violence; there is less concentration o f w ealth

and less scope for exploitation o f man by m an 13.

 PART1LESS DEM OCRACY
J.P. him self realised that it benifits a powerful section o f the society. It

had bred Corruption favoritism, Partisan spirit and many other evils. He and

his fallow Baba Vinaba Bhabe had critisised against the pow er and funtionmg

o f the parliam entaiy democracy. A ccording to him dem ocracy can be the

G overnm ent o f the p eople and for the people only, if people and the

Government continues to be indirect and continuous contact. So, to him ,

the party system has failed to bring about such a close contact and Candidates

should be selected not by parties but by peoples themselves. He though that

the party incourages pow er politics which lead to all sorts o f corruption and

the ideal o f village community has been created, there w ould be a greater

possibility o f having a partiless dem ocracy for favour o f this context, he

deeply wanted to replacem ent o f Rajnity by Loknity and the Politics by

Services. Actually, he w anted the m inisters and the m em bers o f cabinet to

be selected not on party lines but on the basis o f m arit , talent and the

requinnent o f the country. He vary strongly idea o f a partyless dem ocracy

that thus talk o f ideals, seem s to be quite attractive but so far it has neither

been sent into practice nor does it have basic clarity. The lauded discursive

of panchayat system o f N epal and the Basic D em ocracy o f Pakistan w ere

have to failed by J.P. Narayan. But it cannot be said w hether a Partiless

democracy is really feasible at the state andthe National level. If at all it can

be sucesfull, it has to be proceeded by radical reformation and restructuring

o f the political system 14.

His ideas o f partyless dem ocracy as drew attention o f present political

set-up has degenerated democracy. It has m ade the institution o f Governm ent

of the people, for the people, by the people a mere force. The system

encourages party politics and divides the nation. So, he therefore feels that
 70

the whole system should be changed. There should be a partyless democracy.

H e mainly suggested that these should be in each Village a G ram M andal or

a conference consisting o f elected representatives, o f the village one at least

from each family. He has suggested, our cabinat should not be form ed on the

basis o f party system but on the contrary there should be partyless cabinats

which should enlist capable and intelligent persons lrom all political parties .

J.P. hardly remains representativeof the people whom he claim s to represent.

In his own words, as he m ention that the party system reduces the people to

the position o f sheep w hose only function o f soveringnty w ould be to choose

periodically shepherds w ho whould look after their w elfare . His tour o f

some foreign Countries like England, France,Germany, Sw itzerland, Holland,

Denmark, Belgium, Norway, Sw eeden, A ustria, Italy, G reecc, Poland and

Yugoslavia convinced him o f fulility o f party system. An appraisal o f P eoples

Committees in Yugoslavia convinced him to prepare a thesis reconstruction

o f India polity in 1959. So, this let him to envolve the concept o f partyless

democracy. J.P. introduced four w ays o f Partyless D em ocracy as under the

following - (a) In the villages people will nom inate their representatives by

consensus. They will form a Panchayat or G ram M andal. (b) A Sarvodaya

Samai free from party politics will be established. Such a Sam aj will com prise

dedicated w orkers w ho will be w holly and solely devoted to the m ovement.

(c) AJ1 the existing parties will be invited to cooperate and w ork unitedly for

Sarvodaya. W hen through the co ncerted effect o f all p a rtie s, all round

revolution is com plete and Sarvodaya is realised, all this parties will vanish.

(d) N eutralisation o f the parties in the lagislatures is to take place before the

ach iev em en t o f goal o f p arty less dem ocracy. To him E lection through ,

consensus particularly o f provincial and the central Panchayats is not feasible.

But at last stage he him self suggested that he is not opposed to party system

as such view s but he opposed to partisan spirit in the p arties10.

 71
k

notes and references

I r i i ,-H tn me hv Padmn Shri Dr. M. Kirti ^ I discursed it with

him.
2. Vide supra chapter I foot note 1.
3 See foot note 14 o f chapter VI in connection w ith the rise o f Janata

Governm ent and after.

4 The point is accepted by all intellectuals w hen they discussed the
issues of the fall o f communism in U .S.S.R . in learned gathering, held

from time to time.

5 Vide the philosophical ideology o f M arxism inU .S .S .R ., D ictionary
o f p h v lo so p h v fed ) by I F rolov. P u b lish ers M o sc o w (E n g lish
Translation) 1984.
6. Loc, cit.
7. Loc, cit.
8. V.P. Varmas articles Gandhi and M arkx, Indian Journal o f Political
Science June, 1954.
9. Inference from the Biography o f J.P. N arayan, Published in M anipur,
Imphal (1976).
JO. Eye w ithness acount. This m ove against G-8 has been discussed in
many foruners and study circle sponsered by academ ic and social
organisation in India.
U- Kunwar Singh (K. Singh), M .A., History o f Social Thought, Prakashan
Kendra, Lucknow - 226020 (1991), C hapter - 37. P. - 427.
12. Ibid, P. - 4 2 8 .

13 Verender G rover, Political Thinkers o f M odem India - 8, Jayaprakash

N arayan, D eep and D eep Publications F -1 5 9 , R aiouri G arden. N ew
D e lh i-1 1 0 0 2 7 (1991). P .-1 3 8 .
14 K. Singh, History o f Socialist Thought. Lukhnow. 1991. P - 428
15 Dr. H.R. M ukhi, M orden Indian Political Thought, D elhi-(1992) P-
148.

16. Vishnoo Bhagaw an, Indian Political Thinkers, New Delhi-( 1996) P.P.-
566-568.