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To cite this article: Peter Scholten & Frans van Nispen (2015) Policy Analysis and the Migration
Crisis: Introduction, Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice, 17:1, 1-9,
DOI: 10.1080/13876988.2015.1006408
Besides taking policy as its object of analysis, policy analysis has always played a role in
policy processes itself. In this respect, Lasswell (1970) already dened the role of policy
analysis as producing knowledge of policy as well as knowledge for policy. The role of
policy analysis in policymaking was often described in terms of the problem-solving
model, such as Wildavskys (1979) speaking truth to power. However, as Radin already
observed, policy analysis nowadays can play a broad variety of roles in policymaking, as
a eld with multiple languages, values, and forms and the analyst has multiple indivi-
duals and groups as clients (Radin 2013: 4950). Policy analysis also clearly played a
role in the legitimization of government institutions, knowledge can add persuasion and
authority to policy stories or discourses, and knowledge can provide ammunition to the
processes of powering that continue to go hand in hand with processes of puzzling (see
also van Nispen and Scholten 2014).
This special issue focuses on the role of policy analysis in situations of crisis, mostly
referring to contested or wicked policy problems (Rittel and Webber 1973; Schn and
Rein 1994) where not only the solution, but also the basic denition or framing of the
policy problem itself is at stake.1 More specically, this special issue deals with the role of
policy analysis regarding the perceived migration crisis as not only one of the central
challenges or social questions of these times throughout Europe, but also a crisis in
which the role of policy research in general and policy analysis in particular has come to
be at stake (see also Florence and Martiniello 2005; Scholten and Timmermans 2010).
Whereas policy research traditionally played a key role in the framing of this wicked
policy problem, its role has become highly contested in the context of the erce
politicization of immigration, for instance. However, as the contributions in this issue
will show, this does not mean that the role of policy analysis has become less important.
Peter Scholten is Associate Professor Public Policy & Politics at Erasmus University Rotterdam. He is
co-director of IMISCOE, a European network in the eld of International Migration, Integration and Social
Cohesion. He has published in various journals and has published Framing Immigrant Integration in 2011
(published by AUP), and co-edited Integrating Immigrants in Europe (published by Springer in 2015).
Frans van Nispen is Associate Professor of Public Administration at Erasmus University Rotterdam, the
Netherlands. He has published in various journals, primarily on issues at the interface of policy analysis and
public budgeting in the European context. He served as co-editor (with Peter Scholten) of Policy Analysis in the
Netherlands: Institutionalisation and Performance, recently published by the Policy Press (2014).
Correspondence Address: Peter Scholten, Department of Social Sciences, Erasmus University Rotterdam,
Rotterdam, The Netherlands. Email: p.w.a.scholten@fsw.eur.nl
2015 The Editor, Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice
2 P. Scholten and F. van Nispen
A lot has been written about the developments of policy analysis as well as leadership
in times of crisis and crisis management (Boin et al. 2005), but the relation is still very
much a tabula rasa.2 The special issue constitutes a rst effort to ll that gap. A couple of
years ago APPAM dedicated its annual research conference to the challenges of assessing
effectiveness and efciency in an age of scarcity, but migration was not among the topics.
Besides, and even more importantly, scarcity is just one of the many variables that may
explain the migration crisis.
As argued previously by Thrnhardt in this journal, countries are competing for less and
for more immigration at the same time. On the one hand, they chase the brightest
specialists and the richest investors. On the other hand, they would like to keep out
those who constitute a potential burden or danger (Thrnhardt 2004: 93). As immigration
literally and guratively does not stop at the borders of countries, a national approach
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A Migration Crisis?
Much later than immigration countries like Canada and the US, Europe has now also
become a continent of immigration. Besides migration from the former colonies of
some of Europes past empires, Europe has also received large numbers of labor migrants,
asylum migrants and family migrants (family reunication with migrants, or new family
formation). As a result, European countries, and in particular large cities, have become
super-diverse (Vertovec and Wessendorf 2010), sometimes with immigrant populations
that comprise about 50 per cent of the city population (for instance in Berlin, London,
Policy Analysis and the Migration Crisis 3
Paris, Rotterdam and Amsterdam. At rst, immigration was directed primarily at (the
cities in) countries in the north-west of Europe. However, since the 1990s and 2000s,
Southern European as well as East European countries have witnessed rising levels of
immigration as well.
This increase of immigration and diversication of European societies has not gone
unchallenged. In fact, especially since the early 2000s, immigration and integration have
become ercely contested and politicized issues in many European countries, especially in
the more traditional immigration countries in the north-west of Europe. Although it must
be argued that immigration levels have remained at roughly the same levels as in the
1990s, and the socio-economic position of many migrants appears to have ameliorated
rather than worsened, the 2000s saw a surge of politicization, a backlash against multi-
culturalism and a rise of anti-immigrant sentiments, and in some countries even anti-
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immigrant parties. Partially, this was triggered by international events like the 9/11
terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, the 2004 Madrid bombings and the 2005
London bombings. More broadly, there was a growing sense of urgency in Europe that
strategies to cope with migration and diversity had failed. In 2011, the leaders of the three
largest European countries (Sarkzozy, Merkel and Cameron) all denounced multicultur-
alism as a failure.
This politicization contributed to the perception of a European migration crisis. This
crisis is often dened in a broad sense, involving concerns about levels and types of
immigration as well as concerns about the integration of migrant groups and categories.
What precisely constitutes the migration crisis, and what would have changed compared
to earlier periods, often remains rather vague and abstract. However, the narrative of a
crisis has become particularly powerful in many European countries. As Vertovec and
Wessendorf (2010) show, the perception of a crisis was one of the key drivers behind
the backlash against multiculturalism throughout Europe. In addition, in various countries,
like the Netherlands, France and the UK, the narrative of a migration crisis became linked
to rising Euroscepticism: many of the immigration policies that were now blamed for the
crisis had in fact been Europeanized over preceding decades. The sovereign debt crisis in
Europe also appears to have contributed to this perception of a migration crisis, amongst
other things by affecting attitudes toward migration and by its impact on the social
position of migrants as well as natives (see also Bevelander and Petersson 2014). As
such, the gradual recovery of the economy and, consequently, the solution of the sover-
eign debt crisis may have a mitigating effect on the rationale for migration and ultimately
the dissolution of the migration crisis.
Parallel to the development of migration and integration policies in Europe over the
past decades, migration research has evolved rapidly as a research eld as well. Some
even speak of a co-evolution of migration research and migration policies
(Scholten 2009). Indeed, scholars like Favell (2003) and Thrnhardt and Bommes
(2010) have shown that research on migration and integration in Europe has developed
a strong policy orientation in Europe over the last decades. This orientation has clearly
contributed to the growth of migration as a research eld, and in particular to the
establishment of many boundary organizations on the nexus of research and policy in
this eld. Some of these boundary organizations, like the BAMF in Germany, the High
Council for Integration in France or the Institute for Social Research in the Netherlands,
continue to play a key role in policy as well as research to this day. Recently, similar
boundary organizations have started to emerge on the EU level as well, such as the
4 P. Scholten and F. van Nispen
Migration Policy Institute Europe and the Migration Policy Group. As such, the
development of migration research clearly reected the broader proliferation of policy
analysis that we have witnessed over the past decades in many other policy areas as well.
The perceived migration crisis has put the close relationship between research and
policy to the test. On the one hand, the politicization of migration and integration
challenged the traditional model of policy research being involved in instrumental pro-
blem solving (Scholten et al. forthcoming). In some countries, like the Netherlands,
France and the UK, the policy involvement of research even became a stake in the
politicization of migration, sometimes blaming researchers for their past involvement in
multiculturalist policies. In the Netherlands in particular, the policy involvement of
research was interpreted as a threat to political primacy and as undermining responsive-
ness of politicization to the voice from the street. On the other hand, researchers were
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increasingly disenchanted with the (mostly national) policy orientation of research that
had constrained the academic and theoretical development of the eld. Wimmer and Glick
Schiller (2002) speak in this respect of methodological nationalism that would have
sustained national models of integration (see also Thrnhardt and Bommes 2010;
Bertossi 2011).
itself. In fact, recognizing this co-production of knowledge is a key step beyond the
traditional model of speaking truth to power as it may imply a politicization of
science next to the scientication of politics (Weingart 1999; Hoppe 2010).
The rst concept refers to the process of knowledge production. As argued by
scholars like Gieryn (1999) and Jasanoff (1995), researchpolicy relations can affect the
process of knowledge production. Beyond the recognition that there often is a competition
in contested areas between knowledge claims, this involves a recognition that knowledge
production is in itself also to some extent a context-dependent process. For instance, there
may be specic cultures of knowledge production within specic institutional settings,
such as illustrated by the notion of national models of integration that was described
above. Also, specic knowledge claims can be encouraged in very specic ways, such as
via funding schemes or providing authority to specic knowledge producers via specic
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dialogue structures.
Secondly, the notion of dialogue structures refers to formal or informal congura-
tions of researchpolicy relations, or the researchpolicy nexus. Scholars like Wagner
(1991), Hoppe (2005) and Scholten (2011) have shown that there are very different ways
of conguring the researchpolicy nexus. For instance, dialogue structures can sometimes
be strongly institutionalized, which has frequently been done in countries like the
Netherlands and Germany (Wagner 1991). However, in many countries the research
policy nexus is often less institutionalized, involving multiple boundary organizations
playing different roles. For instance, the UK habit of establishing high-level expert
committees on politically contested topics is an example of a less institutionalized form
of a dialogue structure.
Last, we can expect different dialogue structures to have different implications in terms
of knowledge utilization. Traditional models of knowledge utilization often distinguish
between the technocratic model where scientists take over the roles of policymakers and
the enlightenment model where the impact of research on policy is mostly indirect
Weiss (1977) denes this as the knowledge creep. The problem-solving model made a
revival recently due to the call for more evidence-based policy which stands, as such, in
contrast to opinion-based policy which relies heavily on either selective use of evidence
or on untested views of individuals or groups, often inspired by ideological stand
points, prejudices or speculative conjecture (Davies 2004: 3). In order to generate value
for money effectiveness and efciency interventions should be tested in advance. It
should be noted though that a policy that is proven to have effect in a clinical trial
experimental setting is not necessarily effective in reality. Consequently, many scholars
and practitioners remain sceptical about the merits of evidence-based policymaking (van
Twist et al. 2014). In addition, one could point to congurations that are characterized by
a stronger political primacy, such as bureaucratic models of dialogue structures where
policy analysts merely provide data (facts) to policymakers, or engineering models
where policymakers strategically pick-and-choose from the available stock of data and
research, and research often provides a form of policy ammunition (Weiss 1977).
Knowledge can be utilized in very different ways, especially in contested policy areas
like migration. For instance, neo-institutionalists have very convincingly shown how
research can help legitimate policy institutions or substantiated specic policy discourses
(see also Boswell 2009). Speaking to the broader argumentative turn in policy analysis
(Fischer and Forester 1999), this shows the importance of studying more symbolic forms
of knowledge utilization. Argumentative policy analysis is not only limited to the
6 P. Scholten and F. van Nispen
production of arguments, as Hoppe noted, but extends to the symbolism and rhetoric of
policy. No longer is there a search for objective information, assuming that such is at all
possible, but the pursuit is now on achieving inter-subjective agreement between all
stakeholders which bring their own often biased and partial information to the table. In
such a setting information is competing for prominence. A policy analyst functions as a
catalyst (van Nispen and Klaassen 1995) or as a facilitator to assist citizens in their
efforts to examine their own interests and to make their own decisions (Fischer 1998: 142;
van Nispen 2003). The main objective of a policy analyst is to create the conditions for
public debate.
vertical Europeanization in the eld of migration, which is thus also reected in the
eld of migration. Whereas the European Union originally facilitated benchmarking and
policy learning between countries, it now increasingly mobilizes expertise to frame
migrant integration as a problem of Europe and, thus, to legitimize EU involvement.
The ndings lead to the remarkable conclusion that precisely because of the politicization
of the migration crisis on the national level, the EU mobilized specic types of research
as part of a political strategy to achieve specic policy objectives in the context of
politicization and crisis. It indicates that comparative policy research can pave the way
for true policy learning and even policy convergence in an international context.
The fourth paper, by Entzinger and Scholten The Interplay of Knowledge Production
and Policymaking: A Comparative Analysis of Research and Policymaking on Migrant
Integration in Germany and the Netherlands focuses on the relation between policy
setting and knowledge production, in particular on how the politicization of migrant
integration in two countries (Germany and the Netherlands) has altered the interplay
between knowledge production and policymaking. The analysis shows that the interaction
between both worlds not just affects policymaking, but also knowledge production. The
ndings indicate that the chances for the monopolization of specic knowledge claims (or
a paradigm) are greater in a depoliticized setting, whereas a fragmentation of knowledge
claims and knowledge conicts is more likely to occur in politicized settings. However,
the type of knowledge varies per setting: instrumental forms of research prevail in a
depoliticized setting, whereas more conceptual types of policy research appear to dom-
inate in a politicized setting. The setting also has consequences for the pattern of boundary
work. In a more politicized setting, distance is required between both worlds so as to keep
up academic authority and political primacy alike.
So, what can we learn from the papers in terms of boundary work at the interface of
migration policy and migration research? We would like to make a few points. First, we
feature a convergence of the policy frame to a similar point as many European countries
are nowadays pursuing assimilation in response to the migration crisis, which is partly due
to the shift from the horizontal to a more vertical mode of European governance. Note that
the same applies to other domains. Second, as a crisis constitutes a highly politicized
setting, expert knowledge is increasingly contested by commons knowledge
(Lievrouw 2011) or laymens knowledge (Fischer 2000) and fact free politics due
to the rise of populist groups in society. Third, the utilization of knowledge happens to be
more symbolic either substantiating or legitimizing in a politicized setting than
8 P. Scholten and F. van Nispen
instrumental (i.e. for problem solving). What are the consequences for the role of the
policy analyst? In a highly politicized setting s/he serves more as a catalyst, facilitating a
dialogue among competing interests and pieces of information, rather than as an analyst,
generating policy-relevant information.
Notes
1. The special issue is the outcome of the 4th ICPA Comparative Research Symposium on Policy Analysis at
Times of Crisis (Rotterdam, 2224 November 2013), organized by the editors of this special issue, which
dealt with the role of policy analysis in various perceived crises in Europe, including the nancial,
ecological and welfare state crises.
2. The clear exception obviously being risk analysis as a mode of policy analysis and disaster management.
3. The papers were collected in the context of the DIAMINT project on ScienceSociety Dialogues on Migrant
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Integration in Europe, which is funded by the VolksWagenStiftung. For more information, see http://www.
diamint.eu.
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