PURE WATER FOR THIRSTY MUSLIMS

A STUDY OF MUSTAFA 'ALl OF

GALLIPOLIS KiJNHij L-AHBAR

h\

IAN SCHMIDT

H FT HOSIERS IN ST II IT T
LEUVEN
1I
 PUBLICATIES VAN HET OOSTERS INSTITUUT

onder redactie van

J.T.P. de BRUIJN, E. van DONZEL, B. FLEMMING, C. NIJLAND
en J.J. WITKAM

III

PURE WATER FOR THIRSTY MUSLIMS

A STUDY OF MUSTAFA 'ALT OF GALLIPOLIS

KUNHU L-AH BAR

The Oosters Instituut (Oriental Institute) is a foundation established in The Netherlands since
1927 in order to promote studies on Islamic civilization. The publication of the present series was
made possible through a bequest by the late Mr. J.C. van Beusekom to the Institute.
PURE WATER FOR THIRSTY MUSLIMS
A STUDY OF MUSTAFA ALI OF
GALLIPOLIS KVNHV L-AHBAR

by

JAN, SCHMIDT

HET OOSTERS INSTITUUT

LEIDEN
1991
 Copyright 1991 by
Het Oosters Instituut
Witte Singel 24
Postbus 9515
2300 RA Leiden, Nederland

CIP-GEOEVENS KONINKLIJKE BIBLIOTHEEK, DEN HAAG

Schmidt, Joannes

Pure water for thirsty muslims: a study of Mustafa 'All of Gallipoli's Kiinhii 1-ahbar / by Jan Schmidt.
Leiden: Het Oosters Instituut. (Publicaties van het Oosters Instituut: 3)
Met index, lit. opg.
ISBN 90-72865-02-2
NUGI 641/647
Trefw.: 'All of Gallipolis, Mustafa Kiinhii 1-ahbar / Turkse letterkunde: geschiedenis.
ii'

I
PREFACE

For almost ten years I have been, off and on, occupied with the work of the
great Ottoman poet, scholar and historian Mustafa 'All of Gallipoli. My
research concerning this impressive, if somewhat acrimonious, personality of
Turkish literature for such he undoubtedly was brought me into contact
with many people and surroundings hitherto unknown to me. Despite its
occasional and inevitable episodes of difficulties and frustration, this exciting
period of travel and study alternating with reflection and writing has given
me great pleasure and offered me an intellectual (and aesthetic) experience
few of us, I realize, are privileged to have. It introduced me, in the first place,
to many libraries both in Europe and the Middle East, particularly during the
four years from 1985-1989 when research concerning Mustafa 'All was my
chief occupation. Their often unbelievably rich collections gave me even more
impetus to explore the fascinating world of 16th-century Ottoman letters. The
final result of that period is this study.
I would not have been able to complete this study without the cooperation
<of a number of people and institutes, in the Netherlands and elsewhere. The
^government of the Turkish Republic kindly gave me permission to work in a
number of that countrys rich manuscript libraries (mentioned in my second
Appendix below). The staffs of the Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi and the
ipniversite Kiitiiphanesi (Istanbul) kindly provided me with microfilms of
important texts. No special government permission is required for research in
European institutes; nevertheless, the staffs of the relevant libraries on that
continent (also mentioned in Appendix II) were more than helpful in assisting
me with my research. This was particularly true of the Leiden University
Library which functioned during all those years as my home base .
Microfilms were readily provided by the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kultur-
besitz (Berlin), the British Library (London), the Bibliotheque Nationale
(Paris), the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek (Vienna), and the Royal
^Library (Stockholm). A request for microfilm materials from the collection of
the Dar al-kutub (Cairo) was honoured thanks to the indefatigable efforts of
Jan Just Witkam, Keeper of the Oriental Manuscripts of the Leiden Univer^
[sity Library, and the Dutch Institute in Cairo. Help was also kindly provided
by friends and colleagues who were ready to discuss the subject or provide
help in other respects. I mention in particular Barbara Flemming and Cornell
H. Fleischer, who from the beginning encouraged my research and helped me
Jwith important advice and information. I further mention Hans de Bruijn,
[Aldo Gallotta, Sander de Groot, Mustafa Isen, Remke Kruk, Metin Kunt,
VI PREFACE

Kees Nijland, Ruud Peters, Gudrun Schubert, the late Klaus Schwarz,
Wheeler M. Thackston, and Christine Woodhead. My English with its
chronic anomalies was corrected by Ethel Portnoy. I am grateful to the
Oosters Instituut in Leiden for accepting this work for publication in their
series.

The Hague, May 1991

 CONTENTS
LIST OF A B B R E V IA T IO N S........................................................................xiii
NOTE ON T R A N S C R IP T IO N .................................................................... XV

INTRODUCTION ................................................................................. 1
g e n e r a l REMARKS ........................................................................ 1
THE AUTHOR .............................................................................. 1
^B) THE KUNHU L - A H B A R ............................................................. 2
(a) Scope and contents...................................................................... 2
K f (b) D a tin g ........................................................................................... 3
(C) THE SCHOLARLY RECEPTION OF THE ESSENCE, 'ALI
| EDITIONS AND S T U D I E S ......................................................... 4
(P) SCHOLARLY JUDGM ENT OF THE ESSENCE . . . . 12
J (a) 'Alls qualities as a historian......................................................... 12
(b) 'Alls qualities as a sty list.............................................................. 18
(c) C o n c l u s io n .................................................................................. 19

CHAPTER ONE: SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE

VOICE OF THE A U T H O R .................................................................. 21
Preliminary r e m a r k s ................................................................................21
1(1) S O U R C E S .................................................................................................22
11 (A) The source lists of the in tro d u c tio n s ................................................. 22
(B) Sources quoted in the Essence ...................................................22
(a) Literary sources............................................................................ 23
(1) The literary sources of the first three pillars . . . . 23
(2) The literary sources of the fourth p i l l a r ............................ 39
(3) P o e t r y ..................................................................................... 45
(4) Literary sources: 'All's own w o rk s ...................................... 46
T (5) Official letters, documents and archival material . . 52
(6) Epigraphic m aterial........................................................... 54
k (b) Oral in f o r m a t io n ................................................................... 54
KII) SOURCE C R I T I C I S M .................................................................... 58
p (A)'Alls statements on the use of s o u r c e s .............................................58
b1 (B) 'Alls use of sources in p rac tic e ...................................................... 59
(a) Selection by a v a ila b ility ........................................................ 59
(b) Selection by explicit c r i t i c i s m .....................................................62
(1) Selection by qualification of s o u r c e s ..................................62
(2) Selection by criteria of plausibility...................................... 66
(i) The criterion of experience and common sense . . 66
(ii) The criterion of acceptedk n o w le d g e ..............................68
(iii) The criterion of accepted views and theories . . 70
VIII CONTENS

(3) Emendation by more recent m a te r ia l......................... 73

(c) Absence of explicit selection................................................... 73
(1) First example: the creation of the w o r l d ..................... 74
(2) Second example: Ottoman gen ealo g y .......................... 76
(d) The adaptation of s o u r c e s .................................................. 77
(1) Unchanged a d o p t i o n .................................................... 77
(2) E la b o r a tio n .................................................................... 79
(3) A bridgem ent.................................................................... 83
(III) THE VOICE OF THE A U T H O R ................................................. 84
(a) Personal statements and c o m m e n t s ......................................... 85
(1) Formalistic: on the Essence and its structure . . . . 85
(2) Topical: historical ju d g e m e n t .............................................. 86
(b) Asides meant to furnish old traditions with modern materials,
and historical c o m p a ris o n s ......................................................... 87
(c) Personal observations and autobiographical fragments . . . 93
(1) Personal o b se rv a tio n s.................................................... 93
(2) A u to b io g ra p h y ............................................................... 96
(IV) C O N C L U SIO N .........................................................................................105

CHAPTER TWO: WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN

OF HISTORY .................................................................................. I ll
Preliminary r e m a r k s .............................................................................. I ll
(I) 'ALTS WORLD P IC T U R E ....................................................................112
(A) The religious framework of human h is to r y .................................... 113
(B) Science and m a g i c ............................................................................. 116
(a) Enchantm ent..................................................................................119
(b) Divination and g e o m a n c y ........................................................ 119
(c) Astrology and n u m e ro lo g y ........................................................ 120
(d) Tefa ill and evil o m e n s ............................................................. 125
(e) Interpretation of d re a m s ............................................................. 127
(C) The u n iv e rse ........................................................................................128
(II) THE PATTERN OF H I S T O R Y ..........................................................132
(A) The ideal p o lity ...................................................................................132
(B) The development of h is to r y .............................................................. 135
(a) C h ro n o lo g y ..................................................................................136
(b) The genealogical-ethnic a f f i li a t i o n s ......................................... 138
(c) The patterns of h i s t o r y ............................................................. 144
(d) The pattern of Ottoman h i s t o r y .............................................. 151
(1) The bad behaviour of s u l t a n s .......................................... 153
(2) The disruption of Ottoman administration and
s o c ie ty ....................................................................................155
(i) Bad m o r a l s .................................................................. 155
 CONTENS IX

(ii) Harmful institutional c h a n g e s .....................................156

(iii) The decline in quality of o ffic ia ls............................... 156
(iv) The irresponsible behaviour of important indivi
dual s ta t e s m e n .................................................................... 159
(v) The consequences for society at la rg e .......................... 163
(e) The role of Islam and the Ottoman Empire in the world
and its h i s t o r y ............................................................................ 166
(1) Information about the world outside Islam and the
Ottoman E m p i r e ...................................................... 166
(i) G e o g r a p h y ............................................................167
(ii) R e l ig i o n ......................................................................... 169
(2) Non-Islamic h i s t o r y ......................................................... 172
(i) The Ancient World and B y z a n t i u m .......................... 173
(ii) Non-Islamic history in pre-Ottoman times . . . 177
(iii) The Ottoman Empire and its historical relations
with foreign powers ......................................................... 179
(1) Ottoman-centrism and universalistclaims . . . 179
(2) The European powers and the Porte: identity . . 180
(3) The European powers and the Porte: conflicts . . 184
(4) Foreign states as mirrors for the ideal polity . . 186
(5) Conflicts with Islamic s ta te s ..................................188
(III)CONCLUSION: WAS 'A L l AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE
OR SCIENTIFIC H IS T O R IA N ? ................................................. 191
(A ) 'AIT: an exceptional critic of the Ottoman present?. . . . 192
(B ) 'AIT: a scientific h i s t o r i a n ? .................................................. 194
(C ) 'AIT: a truthful and objective h is to ria n ? ..............................200
(a) Fact and f a n c y .................................................................... 200
(b) Contemporary Ottoman d e c a y ...........................................201
(c) Contemporary personalities................................................202
(d) E p i lo g u e .............................................................................. 206

CHAPTER THREE: THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE . . . 209

( Preliminary r e m a r k s ...................................................................... 209
(I) 'ALTS STATEMENTS ON THEMES, STYLE AND PUBLIC,
AND THEIR V A L U E .................................................................209
(A) Themes, style and p u b lic ........................................................209
; (B) The public, an e x c u r s u s ........................................................... 214
! (a) Scholarly o p in io n s ....................................................................... 214
i (b) Private study and public en te rta in m e n t................................... 215
(c) S u m m a ry .............................................................................218
(II) THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE
ESSENCE ...................................................................................... 219
X CONTENS

(A) Structure, subjects and th e m e s .........................................................219

(B) Language and sty le ............................................................................. 220
(1) Levels of e la b o ra tio n .................................................................. 220
(2) P o e t r y ........................................................................................... 222
(3) Style, style levels and personal s t y l e .........................................225
(i) The prefatorial essay: the metaphors of pen, ink, wri
ting, inspiration and se lfp ity ............................................... 227
(ii) Warfare: facts, propagandistic boasting and human
s u f f e r i n g .............................................................................. 230
(iii) T o w n s c a p e s ......................................................................... 240
(iv) Court ceremony: the display of luxury, patronage and
p o w e r ....................................................................................241
(v) Social s a t i r e ......................................................................... 246
(vi) Biography: careers, character, mores, eulogy and
in v e c t iv e .............................................................................. 249
(a) Scope, content an developm ent.................................... 250
(b) Historical data and literary elaboration . . . . 256
(1) F e a t u r e s ......................................................................... 256
(2) Socio-historical d a t a .................................................... 257
(3) Aspects of cultural h i s t o r y ..........................................262
(4) Health, character and b e h a v io u r ............................... 263
(5) Judgement: eulogy and in v e c tiv e ............................... 270
(III) C O N C L U SIO N ..................................................................................... 273

E P IL O G U E .................................................................................................279

APPENDIX I: THE CONTENTS OF THE KVNHV L-AHBAR . . 283

Preliminary r e m a r k s .............................................................................. 283
Summary of the c o n te n ts .........................................................................284
First p i l l a r ....................................................................................... 284
Second p illa r ....................................................................................... 295
Third p i l l a r ....................................................................................... 297
Fourth p i ll a r ....................................................................................... 300
A survey of the biographies of the fourth p i l l a r ..........................348

APPENDIX II: THE MANUSCRIPTS AND TEXTUAL HISTORY

OF THE KVNHV L -A H B A R ....................................................................... 363
Preliminary r e m a r k s .............................................................................. 363
(A) A DESCRIPTION OF THE M A N U S C R I P T S ............................... 364
(a) First p i l l a r ........................................................................................365
(b) Second p illa r ....................................................................................... 369
(c) Combined first and second p illa r s ................................................... 369
 CONTENS XI

(d) Third p i l l a r ..................................................................................... 371

' (e) Combined first, second and third p illa rs .................................... 373
(f) Combined second and third p i l l a r s .............................................. 374
(g) Combined first and second parts of the fourth pillar . . . . 375
(h) First part of the fourth p i l l a r ....................................................384
(i) Second part of the fourth p i l l a r ................................................... 392
(j) Combined first, second and fourth p i l l a r s ....................................401
(k) Combined first and fourth p i l l a r s ................................................... 402
(B) ASPECTS OF THE TEXTUAL H I S T O R Y ...................................402
(a) The chronology of the M S S ............................................................. 402
(b) Canon and v a r i a n t s ........................................................................403
(c) C o p y i s t s ............................................................................................ 407
(d) Private owners and lib ra rie s............................................................. 408
(e) Users and r e a d e r s ............................................................................. 414

APPENDIX III: ALl'S FURSA TNAM E AND THE LEIDEN MS

OR. 1043 ...................................................................................................... 417

B IB LIO G RA PH Y ........................................................................................... 419

I N D E X ...........................................................................................................431

i
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

A-2 MS MK A 68
AB Nihal Atsiz, Ali Bibliografyasi
AOH Acta Orientalia Hungarica
b. bin, ibn (son of)
BIOE Cornell H. Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire.
The Historian Mustafa Ali (1541-1600)
B MS SB Hs. or. quart 1090
BI Bayezld I
B II Bayezld II
BL British Library, London
BN Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris
BR Bibliotheca Reale, Turin
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
CB 'AIT, Cami'ii l-buhur der mecalis-i sur
CCO Catalogus Codicum Orientalium Bibliothecae Academiae
Lugduno Batavae
CK 'AIT, Cami'ii l-kemalat
DK Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Cairo
DNB Dictionary of National Biography
El1 Encyclopaedia of Islam, First Edition
El2 Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition
FH 'AIT, Fusul-i hall u 'akdft usiil-i harp u nakd
FN 'AIT, Fursatname
GAL Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur
GAS Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums
GOD Joseph von Hammer, Geschichte der Osmanischen Dichtkunst
GOR Joseph von Hammer, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches
GOW Franz Babinger, Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke
HA 'AIT, Hulasatii l-ahval
HK 'AIT, Halatii l-Kahire mine l-adati z-zahire
HOP E.J.W. Gibb, A History of Ottoman Poetry
I-I5 MS SK It) Tiirkpe 5958
1-42 MS SK Halet Efendi 598
1-43 MS TKS III. Ahmed 3083
IA Islam Ansiklopedisi
INAL Mahmud Kemal IbniilemTn (Inal), Introduction to Menakib-i hiinerveran
I Oniversite Kiitiiphanesi, Istanbul
KA 'AIT, Kiinhii l-ahbar
KM 'AIT, Kavaidii l-mecalis
KZ Katib Qelebi, Kashf az-zuniin
L MS UB Or. 288
MI Mehmed I
M II Mehmed II
M III Mehmed III
XIV LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

MA 'AIT Mahasinii l-adab

MH, 'AIT, Menakib-i hunerveran
MK Mill? Kutuphane, Ankara
MKI Millet Kutuphanesi, Istanbul
MN 'AIT, Meva idu n-nejais f t kava idi l-mecalis
MS(S) Manuscript(s)
MU I Murad I
MU II Murad II
MU III Murad III
NB Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna
NH 'AIT, Nevadirii l-hikem
NN 'AIT, Nusretname
NO Nuruosmaniye Kutuphanesi, Istanbul
NS 'AIT, Nushatu s-selatin
OA Osmanh Araftirmalan
P MS BN S. 1028
SI Selim I
SII Selim II
SB Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin
SK Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, Istanbul
SO Mehmed Sureyya, Sicill-i 'Osmam
STOREY C.A. Storey, Persian Literature: A Bio-bibliographical Survey
su Suleyman
TA tnonujTurk Ansiklopedisi
TED Tarih Enstit'iisu Dergisi
TKS Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi Kutuphanesi, Istanbul
TN Tefrifatname
TTY Istanbul kutuphaneleri tarih-cografya yazmalar katalogu I. Tiirkfe tarih
yazmalan
TYK F.E. Karatay, Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi Kutuphanesi yazmalar katalogu
UB Universiteitsbibliotheek, Leiden
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft
 NOTE ON TRANSCRIPTION

Although this study deals primarily with a work written in Ottoman Turkish,
it also, because of that works universal nature, covers aspects of the history
and culture of the Islamic world in general, and, consequently, of its other
two dominant languages: Arabic and Persian. Transcriptions of words,
sentences, names, book titles and so forth may therefore either be from the
Arabic, Persian or Ottoman Turkish, or even have a mixed character.
Although the transcription systems used here overlap in some respects, I have
on the whole differentiated between the languages for the sake of recognizabi-
lity.
The following table gives the possible Latin transliterations for the original
Arabic characters:

letter general Arabic Persian Turkish

0, , a
b
i P
o t
ft th th s
j j c

ch 9

h
C
kh kh h
c
!>* khwa ho
3 d
3 dh dh z
J r
j z
ft zh
J j
cT s
lT sh sh
U* s
d d z
\> t
H z

L
t gh gh g
XVI NOTE ON TRANSCRIPTION

letter general Arabic Persian Turkish

J q q k
1 k k, g k, g, n
J 1
f m
j n
) w, u w, 6, u o, 6, u
u, u
0 h h h, a, e
L y, l y, i, y, i.
a a i, i, a
 INTRODUCTION

GENERAL REMARKS

The subject of this study is the Kiinhii l-ahbar, Essence of Histories

(henceforward referred to as Essence), written by Mustafa b. Ahmed b.
'Abdullah, known by his pen-name 'All . This voluminous world history
has from its first appearance caught the attention of scholars and has been
much quoted by them. A first attempt to describe its contents and the motives
which guided its author has been made by Cornell H. Fleischer1. Yet the
Essence has never been the subject of systematic study, let alone of a
critical edition.
The following book aims to undertake such a systematic study. It has six
purposes: (1) to determine the place of the work in current debates among
historians of the Ottoman Empire; (2) to analyze the authors historiographi
cal methods; (3) to give a description o f'A lls world-view; (4) to describe the
contents and style of the book; (5) to describe the extant MSS; and (6) to
give a survey of its textual history.

(A) T he author

All was born in 1541 in Gallipoli and died in 1600 in Jidda. In between lay a
busy and productive life as scholar, poet and bureaucrat, which is amply
documented in his 50-odd works of prose and poetry which have come down
to us.
His official functions, most of which he regarded as far beneath his
capacities, were, after he had finished his medrese education in Istanbul, those
of secretary at the court of Prince Selim in Konya and Kutahya (1561-1562);
secretary to the beglerbegi (governor-general) later the serdar (commander) of
the Yemen campaign, Lala Mustafa Paa in Aleppo, Damascus and Cairo
(1562-1568); secretary to sancakbegi (district governor) Ferhad Beg in Klis
and Banyaluka (1570-1577); secretary to, again, Lala Mustafa Paa, now
serdar of the Shirwan campaign (1578); Umar defterdari (registrar of military
fiefs) of Aleppo (1578-1583, but remaining with the army in the Caucasus and
eastern Anatolia until the winter of 1580); mal defterdari (finance director) of
Erzurum (1584-1585); defterdar of Baghdad (1585); defterdar of Rum (Sivas)

1 Cornell H. Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, The Historian
Mustafa Ali (1541-1600) (Princeton, 1986; hereafter BIOE), especially 234-245.
2 INTRODUCTION

(1588-1589); yeniferi katibi (secretary of the Janissary corps) (1592); defter

emini (registrar of the imperial lands) (1592-1593); again yeniferi katibi (1594-
1595) ; sancakbegi of Amasya and mal defterdari of Rum (1595-1596);
sancakbegi of Kayseri (1596); sancakbegi and emin (trustee) of Jidda (1599-
1600)2.
'All was unemployed when he began to write the Kiinhii l-ahbar in 1592.
The work was not commissioned nor was it written for anyone, although the
author toyed with the idea of dedicating it to Sultan Mehmed III, and
perhaps also to the Grand viziers Ibrahim Paa (in office April-October 1596)
and Qigalazade Yusuf Sinan Paa (in office October-November/ December
1596) 3.

(B) T he KUNHU L-AHBAR

(a) Scope and contents

The Essence is a voluminous work consisting, roughly, of 1000 manuscript
folios. In it the title itself clearly reflects the authors intentions 'All
wished to present a digest of universal history, thereby continuing, if not, as
the author claimed, bringing to perfection, a genre practised for 600 years by
Islamic historians. In an early stage of writing, he conceived a four-fold
division of the work. The resulting four volumes were called pillars (riikn,
pi. erkari).
The first pillar was to describe history from the creation until the time of
the Prophet, the second the history of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties,
the third the history of the Turkish and Tatar dynasties, and the fourth the
history of the Ottomans. The four pillars were to be provided with biogra
phies and the first pillar would contain essays on geography and ethnology4.
This scheme was not completely executed. The contents as divided into
four pillars and found in MSS are the following: (1) the first pillar describes
the history of the prophets from Adam up to the departure of Yusuf as
well as that of the ancient dynasties, and is preceded by lengthy introductory
sections (mukaddime5), containing the authors preface, and digressions on
cosmogony, geography, ethnology and historiography; (2) the second pillar
deals with the history of the prophets, from the departure of Y usuf up to

2 BIOE, 222-224.
3 Ibidem, 162, 165 (n. 73), 169, 236.
4 Kiinhii l-ahbar (hereafter KA), 5 vols. (Istanbul, 1277-84) I, 13-16; cf. for the contents of the
first pillar, KA I, 75. I will refer to the number of the pillars in parenthesis, i.e.: KA(I), KA(II)
etc. If no number is indicated, the unedited part of the fourth pillar is meant. For a detailed
survey of contents, and division into pillars and volumes of the printed edition, see Appendix I,
below.
5 KA I, 48.
 INTRODUCTION 3

the history of 'Isa, the history of Muhammad, the biographies of his

companions and important personalities of the first centuries of the Islamic
era, the history of the twelve Imams and the Persian and Ptolemy dynasties;
(3) the third pillar is devoted to the history of a great many Islamic dynasties
including those of the Umayyads and Abbasids; (4) the fourth pillar contains
the history of the Ottomans up to the Egri campaign of 1596 during the reign
of Mehmed III; the volume is furnished with lengthy biographical chapters
and is preceded by introductory sections, containing praise of the dynasty, an
authors preface and short paragraphs on the origin of the Ottoman popula
tion, ethnology and the status of rulers.
The work as we have it is not complete: there does not seem to exist a
complete version of the biographies of the second pillar6; the rest of the same
pillar is only provisorily ordered7; the treatment of the Islamic dynasties in
the third pillar is highly unequal in length and detail as well as incomplete;
the fourth pillar lacks the chapter of biographies for the reign of Murad III to
which nevertheless references are m ade8. Another aspect that might point to
an unfinished redaction by the author is the occurrence of repetitions in the
text: the story on the king and prophet Iskandar (Alexander), for instance,
occurs thrice in both the first and second pillars9.

(b) Dating
The writing history of the Essence may be reconstructed from data
occurring in the history itself and in other works by the author. 'All
apparently began writing the work in the winter of 1592 (the date of Friday,
Rebi'u i-ahir 14, 1000, in the beginning of December (Kanun-i evvel) is
mentioned in the general introduction10). 'All wrote that he worked for eight,
elsewhere for ten years11, on the book, constantly revising it and making
additions (ta'likat)12. In the work itself we find datings, not in any logical
order, of the years between 1000/1592-93 and the year of his death, 1008/

6 KA III, 250-348.
7 KA III, 429-440
8 Cf., e.g., KA (IV), the reign of Murad III (hereafter MU III), 53rd unnumbered chapter
(event ) (53*), MS SB Hs. or. quart 1090 (hereafter B, cf. Appendix II, below, no. 35), 590b,
where the poet Nev'I is mentioned whose biography will be mentioned under the 'ulema- below .
9 Cf. below, Chapter Three and Appendix II.
10 KA I, 5; this is an impossibility, cf. BIOE, 140 (n. 92), 245.
11 KA I, 259; and KA I, 7; these were rather estimations than statements post facto, written
in respectively 1006/1597-98 and 1002/1593-94.
12 Meva id-i nejais f t kava idi l-mecalis, ed. by M. Cavid Baysun (Istanbul, 1956; hereafter
MN), 7; cf. for this technical term: Franz Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach o f Muslim
Scholarship (Rome, 1947), 7.
 4 INTRODUCTION

1599-160013. Accomplishing this formidable task of writing and elaboration,

'AIT complained, kept him from other work14.
There are indications that 'All continued his labours after his departure
from Istanbul to Cairo (in July 1599)15. 'All had earlier (in 1595) requested
the defterdarlik (the office of finance director) of Egypt with the express
purpose of having access to the bookmarkets of Cairo the which would
benefit his work on the Essence 16. One late redaction of, probably, the
fourth pillar, which has apparently been lost, seems to have been seen in
Cairo after July 159917. We find also passages in works written by 'All after
July 1599 which were literally copied from the Essence 18. This would in
any case point to the probability that 'All took a copy, or copies, with him to
Cairo, and later, Jidda, whether or not he was satisfied with the works state
of completion 19.

(C) T h e s c h o l a r l y r e c e p t io n o f t h e e s s e n c e , ' a l i e d it io n s a n d st u d ie s

In a way, the history of Essence scholarship is not only the story of one
work, but of Ottoman studies in general.
The Essence was from its appearance extensively used as a source by
Ottoman historians, among them Petjevi (or, correctly: Pe?uyl, 1575-

13 Cf. BIOE, 245 (n. 22); I found also the following hicn years, not mentioned by Fleischer:
1000: KA (IV)/ the reign o f Selim II (hereafter S II), third event (numbered by the author) (3), B,
446a-447a; 1000 or later: KA (IV)/ the reign o f Suleyman (hereafter SU)/ the chapter of poets
(poets)/ 33rd biography (33), B, 402b; 1002: KA I, 36; KA IV-1, 97; KA IV-3, 16; KA IV-3, 23,
25; KA IV-3, 61; 1004: KA IV-3, 16; KA (IV)/ the reign of Mehmed II (hereafter M II)/ part e
(e):3*. B, 122a; 1004 or later: KA V, 61; 1005 or later: KA IV-1', 184; KA V, 58-61; KA/ M II/
shaykhs/ 7, B, 163b; 1006: KA I, 244; KA I, 259; KA I, 261; KA/ M II/ e:3, B, 118b, 119b;
KA/ MU III/ 34, B, 569a; 1007: KA (III), MS 10 Turk?e 5958 (hereafter 1-15; cf. Appendix II,
below, no. 23), 355b; KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 3, B, 358b.
14 In the introduction to MN, written at the end of 1599 (1008), 'All wrote that he had not
been able to write the work (i.e. MN) earlier, although Hoca Sa'deddln had already requested
him in 1006 to write it, because during the years from 1001 to 1008 he had been busy writing the
Essence as well as all kinds of other essays, MN, 6-7; cf. BIOE, 101.
15 But cf. BIOE, 181.
16 Cf. KA (IV)/ the reign of Mehmed III (hereafter M III)/ 2*, B, 598a; Andreas Tietze,
Mustafa 'Alls Description o f Cairo o f 1599 (Vienna, 1975), Introduction, 7; BIOE, 153.
11 The French orientalist Sylvestre de Sacy reported that he had come across a MS,
regrettably not further specified, in which a biography of a certain Shaykh MuhyTddTn b. Hoca
Fethallah occurred which had been taken from the Essence ; in it 'All wrote that he had spoken
with the man in Cairo when he was on his way to Jidda, cf. Note sur la langue Balaiban, in:
Journal Asiatique I (1822), 141-143.
18 E.g. the passage on the carrier-pigeons of Qutayba occurring both in KA IV/ the reign of
SelTm I (hereafter S I)/ 11, B, 249a-b, and Halatii l-Kahire mine l-adati z- zahire (of 1599; hereafter
HK), ed. and trans. Andreas Tietze, Description o f Cairo, 51-52/130; cf. also Chapter One, below.
19 BIOE, 181.
 INTRODUCTION 5

ca.1650)20, Solakzade (d. 1657)21, Huseyn b. Ca'fer Hezarfenn (d. 1691-

92)22, Na'Tma (1655-1716)23, and later historians such as Mustafa Nun Paa
(d. 1890)24. Katib Qelebi (1609-1658) did not use the work for his Ottoman
history25, but quoted from it in his Diisturu l-'amel IT islahi l-halel26.
Although the first MS of the Essence had reached the West by the
middle of the 17th century27, the attention of modern, Western scholarship
was only drawn to 'Alls work in the following, 18th century. In 1733 the first
work of 'All, Fusiil-i hall u 'akd f t usul-i harf u nakd (The Seasons of
Sovereignty on the Principles of Critical Expenditure), a historical essay
closely related to the Essence 28, was translated by the French jeune de
langues, Thomas Rocques. The orientalist and interprete a la Bibliotheque du
Roi, A.L.M. Petis de la Croix (1698-1744), saw the result in January 1735 and
noted that it was well done29. The translation was never printed and does not
seem to have been noticed by scholars of the time.
The Moldavian Voyvoda (Prince) Dimitrie Cantemir (1673-1723) appa
rently was the first orientalist although technically he was an Ottoman
subject, he had received a thorough Western education who used a part of
the fourth, Ottoman, pillar of the Essence for his history of the Ottoman
Empire. It was written in Latin; English and French translations were
published in, respectively London and Paris in 1734-35 and 174330.
In the 18th and early 19th centuries, MSS of the Essence reached
Sweden, and in 1822, not unexpectedly, the fourth volume of the history was
for the first and last time rendered, albeit in an abbreviated fashion, in

20 lbniilemln Mahmud Kemal (Inal), Introduction to 'Alfs Menakib-i hiinerveran (Istanbul,

1926; hereafter INAL), 10-11, 34-35, 55.
21 Cf. V. L. Menage, Edirneli Riihiye atfedilen Osmanli tarihinden iki par?a , in: Ismail
Hakki Uzunfarfilrya Armagan (Ankara, 1976), 311-333, 311 (n. 2).
22 Cf. H. Wurm, Der osmanische Historiker Huseyn Ga'fer, genannl Herzarfenn, und die
Istanbuler Gesellschaft in der 2. Halfte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Hamburg, 1970), 94.
23 Cf. INAL, 54; Lewis V. Thomas, A Study o f Naima (ed. Norman Itzkowitz, New York,
1972), 144.
24 Cf. his Netayicu l-vukuat, 2 vols., trans. Ne$et Qagatay (Ankara, 1979), I, 130.
25 Cf. Bekir Kiitukoglu, Katib (felebi "Fezlekesinin" Kaynaklan (Istanbul, 1974), 18.
26 Cf. Orhan aik Gokyay, Katib (felebi: yafami, kifiligi ve yapitlanndan segmeler (Ankara,
1982), 245.
21 For details of a text-historical nature, see Appendix II, below.
28 I adopt Fleischers translation of the title (BIOE, 177). The contents of the work and its
relation to the Essence are discussed in Chapters One and Two, below.
29 Cf. MS BN Traduction 23 (E. Blochet, Catalogue des manuscrits turcs, 2 vols. (Paris,
1932), II, 76, no. 858), remarks on the title page. Four other Ottoman works were translated by
Roques, cf. ibidem, index, 310.
30 For practical reasons I quote from the French translation: Demetrius Cantimir, Histoire de
/'Empire Othoman, trans. M. de Jonquieres, 2 vols. (Paris, 1743), I, 120, 191 (n. 12); see also:
J. von Hammer, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, 10 Vols. (Pest, 1827-35; hereafter GOR), I,
xxxviii. Curiously, the circulation in Turkish public libraries of a modem translation with the title
Osmanli Imperatorlugu'nun Yiikselif ve (fokii$ Tarihi, published in 1978 or 1979 (not seen), was
suppressed until December 1989, cf. Cumhuriyet, December 29, 1989, p. 12.
 6 INTRODUCTION

a European language, Swedish, by the Orientalist M. Norberg (1747-1826). It

appeared in a series called Turkiska rikets annaler (I, 148-238) in Christian-
stad in 182231.
More profound use of a more complete text of the fourth pillar was made
by the Austrian Joseph von Hammer, later Freiherr von Hammer-Purgstall
(1774-1856), author of the celebrated ten-volume Geschichte des Osmanischen
Reiches (Pest, 1827-35). He does not seem to have known Norbergs trans
lation. Hammer also he was the first to do so supplied his history with a
short survey of 'AlTs life and a list of eighteen of his works32.
From the first to the fifth volumes of the Geschichte, covering the origins of
the Ottoman Empire up to the death of Sinan Pa$a (in April 1596)33, we find
an increasing number of quotations from the Essence (Hammer quoted
also from other historical works by All). While in the earlier parts the
Essence was only sparsely quoted, in the fifth volume it is frequently, albeit
selectively used, most densely so in the description of the Safavid campaign of
1579-15803435, the so-called Beglerbegi incident of 15893s, and the last two
years covered by the Essence , 1594-1596, in which the campaigns of and
conflicts between Ferhad and .Sinan Pa$a are dominating themes36. This is
not surprising: for these events the Essence indeed is a primary source,
containing material not occurring in other histories of the period, as
Hammer, applying modern methods of source criticism37, fully realized.
Hammers method and manner of quoting from the Essence was followed
by later historians, such as, notably, tsmail Hami Dani$mend in his Izahli
Osmanli tarihi kronolojisi38. The Essence was also explored as a source for
Hammers four-volume history of Ottoman poetry39.
The next important step making 'AlTs Essence more accessible, was the
appearance of a part of the work in print. The edition contained five volumes,
numbering 1,647 pages in all, and came out between the middle of Zu l-ka 'de
1277 (May/June 1861)40 and, probably, 1284 (1867-68)41. It was published

31 Quoted in Franz Babinger, Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke (Leipzig,
1927; hereafter GOW), 413.
32 It was based on data from 'A lfs Menfe-i in$a, cf. GOR IX, 651-654; also in Hammers
Geschichte der Osmanischen Dichtkunst, 4 vols. (Pest, 1836-38; hereafter GOD), III, 119-120.
33 GOR, V, 258.
34 Ibidem, 59-82.
35 Ibidem, 193-195.
38 Ibidem, 243-258.
37 Explicit examples of comparisons between the Essence and other sources are, e.g., found
in GOR, V, 88, 106.
38 5 Vols., 2nd edition, Istanbul, 1971-1972, Vol. 1-3, passim.
39 GOD, Vol. I-III, passim; 'All and his work is discussed in GOD, III, 115-123.
40 This date is mentioned in KA I, 328.
41 This year, regarding the third volume, is mentioned by M. Belin, Bibliographic Ottomane
ou notice des livres Turcs imprimes a Constantinople, durant les annees 1284 et 1285 de l'hegire,
in; Journal Asialique, 6/XIV (1869), 65-95, 76.
 INTRODUCTION 7

by the Takvimhane-i 'amire, which had been issuing the official Ottoman
gazette, Takvim-i vakayi', since 1831. The project was supervised by a certain
Mehmed Leblb42. The set was expensive each volume cost 24 piasters43,
apparently not much less than the average manuscript44, but unequal in
quality, and, apart from being an uncritical edition in the manner of 19th-
century Middle Eastern publications, also incomplete: the fifth volume breaks
off in the fourth pillar after the second version of the third building of the
Hagia Sophia described under the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror. The
greatest part of the Ottoman volume, covering some 500 to 600 folios in most
MSS, thus remained (and still remains) inaccessible to a broad public. The
incompleteness of the edition was perhaps inspired by motives of propriety:
in the part on the regulations of palace personnel in the same chapter devoted
to the Conquerors reign there occurs an aside about the career of Mustafa
Aga, with a graphic description of the latters supposed sexual excesses45.
The partial publication of the Essence was followed thirty years later (in
1316/1898-99) by the, equally uncritical, printed edition of 'AHs historical
essay Heft meclis, The Seven Scenes 46.
During these and the following decades, 'All and his works were given
some attention in biographical and encyclopedic works, both in the Empire,
where the long-standing tradition of the biographical dictionary (tezkire) was
continued well into the 20th century, and in the West. We find short articles
about 'All in works such as Cemaleddln Mehmed Karslizades Ayine-i
zurafa of 184347, emseddln Sami Frajerfs Kamusu l-a'lam of 1889-9848
and Bursah Mehmed Tahirs 'Osmanli mu ellifleri of 1914-2449. The German
scholar Karl Siissheim (1878-1947), an avid collector of 'All manuscripts,
following in the steps of Hammer, wrote a biography of the author in 1913
for the first volume of the Encyclopaedia o f Islam50. Thanks to his knowledge
of Istanbul MSS (some of which were for the first time mentioned) and of
data from recently-published European MS catalogues, Siissheim was able to
give a fuller picture of 'All's life and oeuvre than Hammer. (He also disproved
Hammers disbelief in 'All's statement that the latter had written more than

Cf. KA I, 328.
43 Belin, Bibliographic , 77.
44 Cf. Appendix II, below.
45 In KA/ M 11/ e:3*, B, 121 b -122a; quoted at length in Chapter Three, below.
48 Istanbul, 1316/1898-99; I adopted Fleischers translation of the title (cf BIOE, 58); the
work and its relation to the Essence is discussed in Chapter Two, below.
47 (Istanbul), 13-15.
49 6 Vols. (Istanbul), IV, 3050; the author seems to have confused the Essence with 'AlTs
Ziibdetii t-tevarih.
49 3 Vols. (Istanbul), III, 12-19; the Essence is discussed in 18-19; the article consists mainly
of quotations from 'A lfs Menakib-i hiinerverarr, a separate essay on 'Ali and Katib Qelebi of
1322/1906 by the same author is mentioned in GOW, 408.
50 E l1 (German edition), I, 295-296.
8 INTRODUCTION

30 works). The articles reputation may be measured by the fact that it was
adopted nearly unaltered in the second edition of the Encyclopaedia*1.
By the turn of the century, the reputation of the Essence had been
established. The history was used by such scholars as E.J.W. Gibb (1857-
1904) who extensively quoted from the poets biographies of the fourth pillar
for his celebrated History o f Ottoman Poetry (6 volumes, London, 1900-
1909), and Neclb 'Asim (Yaziksiz, 1861-1935), one of the major figures active
in the Society for Ottoman History, Tarih-i 'osmani enciimeni, and described
as the first real Turkologist in Turkey 52, who quoted from the printed
edition in his study on early Ottoman historians53. It would lead too far here
to try to follow the reception of the Essence by this and following
generations of scholars, but it would perhaps not be an exaggeration to state
that hardly an articletor monograph on aspects of, particularly 16th-century
Ottoman history and literature, has been published since, that has not made
use of the Essence .
A third major landmark in the field of 'All studies, after Hammers history
and the printed edition of the Essence, was the lengthy essay on the author
and his works by which ibniilemln Mahmud Kemal (Inal, 1870-1957), one of
the last great Ottoman scholars of the traditional school, introduced his
edition of 'AlTs biographical treatise on calligraphers and painters, Menakib-i
hunerveran (The Artists Exploits), of 192654. The detailed biography was
furnished with ample quotations (mostly, alas, without or with imprecise
references) from many Istanbul MSS of 'A lfs works with which the scholar,
as none before him, was completely familiar. The bibliographical part for the
first time discussed the contents of 48 of 'AlTs works, extant or non-extant55,
and a separate paragraph is devoted to the nature of 'AlTs personality56.
Unfortunately, little of the material for the first time presented by Inal was
used by Franz Babinger (1891-1967) for his handbook of Ottoman historio
graphy, Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke, published in the
following year, 1927. The work has the merit, though, of furnishing short
descriptions of sixteen of 'AlTs works of historical relevance with an enume
ration of, particularly, European MSS57.
The work of Inal was continued in 1968 by Hiiseyin Nihal Atsiz (d. 1975)
in his somewhat carelessly executed new bibliography of, now 55, of 'AlTs
31 El2, I (I960), 380-381.
32 Bernard Lewis, The Emergence o f Modern Turkey (London, 1961), 348, quoted in Martin
Strohmeier, Seldschukische Geschichte und tiirkische Geschichtswissenschaft. Die Seldschuken im
Urteil moderner tiirkischer Historiker (Berlin, 1984), 84 (n. 1).
33 Osmanli tarih-niivisleri ve miiverrihleri , in: Tarih-i 'Osmani enciimeni mecmuasi, I
(1910), 41-52.
34 INAL, 3-133. I adopted Fleischers translation o f the title (cf. BIOE, 105).
33 INAL, 51-55.
315 Ibidem, 103-131.
37 GOW, 126-128.
 INTRODUCTION 9

works (the short biography and description of works was largely based on
Inals finds it also contains a similar digression on 'AlFs personality58)
furnished with lists of Istanbul M SS59. Added to the bibliography in an
Appendix was a (rather careless) translation into modern Turkish of the
last chapter of the Essence , relating the events of the reign of Sultan
Mehmed III, based on three Istanbul MSS60.
Knowledge of 'AlFs works was further increased by new editions. The
Menakib was followed in 1956 by a facsimile-edition of one of 'AlFs last
works, a moralistic precis of contemporary s^fiety, Meva id.it n-nefais ft
kava idi l-mecalis, The Tables of Delicacies l he Etiquette of Salons,
known from only three not very accessible MS. by the Turkish scholar
Cavid Baysun61. The edition had been preceded b, a short characterization
of the work by the same scholar in 195062. John R? Walsh described and
edited a petition of the author of 1584, appended to the Scottish Library copy
of 'AlFs numerological treatise Cdmi'ii l-kemalat, Gatherer of Perfec
tions 63, in which he requested the post of defterdar of Aleppo64. Eleazer
Birnbaum pointed to the exact dating of 'AlFs first poetical work, Mihr u
mah, Sun and Moon 65. Abdiilkadir Karahan was able to throw light on a
hitherto undiscovered work, a series of (Persian) naztres (parallel poems) to
gazels (sonnets) of Hafiz, Majma al-bahrayn, The Confluence of the Two
Seas 66*.Irene Melikoff discussed 'AlFs history of the Danishmendids, Mirka-
tii l-cihads The Ascending Stair of Holy War, in her La Geste de Melik
Dani$mend61.
From the 1970s, 'All studies were greatly stimulated by the scholarly
exertions of Andreas Tietze. In 1973, he for the first time analysed 'AlFs prose
style with the help of examples from five of 'AlFs works68. The article was

58 Ali bibliyografyasi (Istanbul, 1968; hereafter AB), 6-10.

58 Ibidem, 22-28, where 38 MSS are mentioned; Atsiz failed to list the Istanbul University
MSS, the existence of which had been pointed to by INAL, 53.
60 AB, 52-112; it lacks a final paragraph (KA/ M III/ 25*) where 'AH excessively praises
Qigalazade Yusuf Sinan Pa$a, ibidem, 109-110.
61 Cf. p. 00, above; I adopted Fleischers translation of the title (cf. BIOE, 179, 181).
62 Miiverrih Alinin Mevaid iin-nefais fi kava'id il-mecalisi hakkinda , in: Tarih Dergisi 2/
1 (1950), 389-400.
63 The work is discussed in Chapter Two, below. I adopted Fleischers translation of the title
(cf. BIOE, 111).
64 Miiverrih Alinin bir istidanamesi , in: Turkiyat Mecmuasi XIII (1958), 131-140; cf.
Christine Woodhead, John R. Walsh, in: OA VII-VIII (1988), 1-9, 2.
65 The Date of 'AlTs Turkish Mesnevi Mihr u Mah, in: Bulletin o f the School o f Oriental
and African Studies (hereafter BSOAS) 23 (1960), 138-139.
44 Alinin bilinmeyen bir Eseri: Mecmau l-bahreyn, in: V. Turk Tarih Kongresi, Tebligler
(Ankara, 1960), 329-340; I adopted Fleischers translation of the title (cf. BIOE, 141).
47 La Geste de Melik Dani$mend, 2 vols. (Paris, 1960), I, 62-63, 74-76; I adopted Fleischers
translation of the title, BIOE, 133; the work and its relation to the Essence is discussed in
Chapter Two, below.
48 Mustafa 'All of Gallipoli's Prose Style , in: Archivum Ollomanicum 5 (1973), 297-319.
 10 INTRODUCTION

followed by exemplary editions, furnished with full transcriptions and trans

lations, of 'Alls Halatu IrKahire mine U'adati z-zahire, The Conditions of
Cairo Concerning Her Actual Customs 69, the long poem Hulasatu kahval,
Summary of Circumstances 70, and Nushatu s-selatin, Counsel for Sul
tans 71. The editions have been used in a great number of recent studies72.
During the same period, Atsiz Appendix , was followed this points to
a renewed interest for the author among the educated in Turkey itself by
other translations into modern Turkish. The M evaid was translated by Cemil
Yener and Orhan aik Gokyay in, repectively, 1975 and 197873, the Mena-
kib was translated by Mujgan Cunbur in 198274, and Mustafa Isen did the
same for the biographies of some Yugoslavian poets occurring in the
fourth pillar of the Essence in 198375. He also for the first time analysed
and edited the poets biographies of that pillar as a whole, using a number of
MSS kept in Turkish libraries; in separate articles he shortly described this
part of 'Alls work, in particular its sources76.
A breakthrough in 'All studies was Cornell H. Fleischers first full-length
biography of 'All mentioned above. It was based on an intensive reading of
the authors works and relate^ sources, and profited from the considerable
progress and new insights of Ottoman scholarship since the days of Inal77.
Apart from his purely biographical chapters, Fleischer also discusses some
aspects of 16th-century Ottoman society as seen through 'AlFs eyes: the role
of dynastic law (kaniin), the workings of the state bureaucracy and its
disruption, as well as 'Alls views on Ottoman history and historiograpical

69 Cf. p. 4 (n. 16), above; I adopted Fleischers translation of the title (cf. BIOE, 182).
70 The Poet as Critique of Society: A 16th-Century Ottoman Poem, in: Turcica 9/1 (1977),
120-160; Postscript, in: Turcica II (1979), 205-209; I adopted Fleischers translation of the title
(cf. BIOE, 134 (n. 75)).
71 Mustafa A lls Counsel fo r Sultans o f 1581, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1978, 1982; hereafter NS).
Tietze also wrote an essay titled Mustafa 'All on Luxury and the Status Symbols of Ottoman
Gentlemen (Naples, 1982), in: Stadia Turcologica Memoriae Alexii Bombaci Dicata (Naples,
1982), 577-90.
72 To give a few examples: the Description is quoted in Ralph S. Hattox, Coffee and Coffee
houses: The Origin o f a Social Beverage in the Medieval Near East (Seattle, 1985); The Poet, is
quoted in Erika Glassen, Huzur: Tragheit, Seelenruhe, soziale Harmonie. Zur osmanischen
Mentalitatsgeschichte, in: Tiirkische Miszellen. Festschrift Robert Anhegger (Istanbul, 1987),
151; the Counsel is used in Klaus Rohrborn, Mustafa Ali und die osmanische Promemorien-
Literatur bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts, in: ZDMG I37/I (1987), 34-43.
73 Mevaidii'n-nefa is f t kavaidil-mecalis (Istanbul, 1975) and Gorgii ve loplum kurallari
iizerinde ziyafel sofralan, 2 vols. (Istanbul, 1978).
74 Hallallarm ve kitap sanalftlarm deslanlart (Istanbul, 1982).
75 Kiinhiil-Ahbara gore bugiinkii Yugoslavya simrlan iginde dogan sairler, in: Qevren
X/38 (1983), 43-65.
76 Mustafa Isen, Kunhiil-ahbarin tezkire kismi. Inceleme-Metin (Diss. Atatiirk University,
Erzurum, 1979); Edebiyat tarihi agismdan Kiinhiil-ahbarin onemi, in: Ege Vniversitesi
Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Turk Dili ve Edebiyalt Aralirmalan Dergisi (TDEAD) II (1983), 49-57; and
Kiinhiil-ahbarin sairlerle ilgili kisimlann kaynaklan, in: TDEAD III (1984), 87-120.
77 Cf. p. I and n. I, above.
 INTRODUCTION 11

methods. The work will undoubtedly remain the leading authority for 'All
studies for many years to come; my own study could hardly have been
written without it. In an article written at about the same time, Fleischer
pointed to parallels between the lives and historiographical work of 'All and
the 14th-century Maghribian scholar Ibn Khaldun78. He also for the first
time gave a more detailed description of'A lps collection of essays, Nevadirii l-
hikem, Curious Bits of Wisdom 79.
Meanwhile the continuous activity of cataloguing as well as new research
has brought to light both more MSS of the Essence than had been known
by Babinger and Atsiz80 and works of 'All that had been considered lost. In
Germany, Manfred Gotz and Hanna Sohrweide discovered MSS of, subse
quently, 'Alps description of the Shirwan campaign of 1580-81, Fursatname,
The Book of Opportunity 81, and his first prose-work, the moralistic
treatise Emsu l-kuliib, The Hearts Familiar 82. Ten years later, Rana von
Mende published an edition of the Fursatname83 while Hanna Sohrweide
dedicated a separate essay to the Ems which threw some new light on 'AlPs
biography84. Fleischer discovered a MS of 'Alps second Divan, Ldyihatii l-
hakika, Intimations of Truth, in the Egyptian State Library in Cairo85.
During my reading of the fourth pillar in the Leiden M S86, I discovered the
only full surviving version of the authors preface87. Preparing this study, I

18 Royal Authority, Dynastic Cyclism, and Ibn Khaldunism in Sixteenth-Century Ottoman

Letters , in: Journal o f Asian and African Studies 18/3-4 (1983), 198-220.
78 Mustafa 'Alls Curious Bits of Wisdom' , in: Festschrift Andreas Tietze, WZKM (1986),
103-109.
80 The MSS SB Hs. or. oct. 1063 (cf. Appendix II, below, B-3, no. 21); SB Hs. or. quart 1090
(B-5 , no. 35); SB Hs. or. oct. 932 (B-8, no. 79), first described by Barbara Flemming, Verzeichnis
der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland (hereafter VOHD) XIII/1, Tiirkische Handr
schriften I (Wiesbaden, 1968), 18-19, nos. 25, 26; 21, no. 29; MS SB Hs. or. 8364 (B-4, no. 33), by
Klaus Schwarz, Die Sammlung tiirkischer Handschriften in der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer
Kulturbesitz , in: Acta Orientalia Hungarica (hereafter AOH) 37 (1983), 111-120, 118, no. 10;
and MS BR Or. 6 (T-I, no. 67), by A. Gallotta, I manoscritti turchi della bibliotheca reale di
Torino , in: Sludi in onore di Francesco Gabrieli nel suo ollanlesimo compleanno, ed. Renato
Traini (Rome, 1984), 349-372, 351-352, no. 6.
81 Manfred Gotz, VOHD XIII/4, Tiirkische Handschriften IV (Wiesbaden, 1979), 214-218, no.
227; the work and its relation to the Essence is discussed in Chapter One, below.
82 Hanna Sohrweide, VOHD XIII/5, Tiirkische Handschriften V (Wiesbaden, 1981), 260-261,
no. 279; I adopted Fleischers translation of the title (cf. BIOE, 43).
83 Rana von Mende, Mustafa 'Alts Fursal-ndme. Edition und Bearbeilung einer Quelle zur
Geschichte des persischen Feldzugs unter Sinan Pasa 1580-1581 (Berlin, 1989).
84 Das Ents el-Quliib, ein verschollenes Werk des Historikers Mustafa 'All, in: VIII, Turk
Tarih Kongresi (Ankara, II-I5 Ekim 1976). Kongreye sunulan bildiriler, 3 vols. (Ankara, 1981), II,
983-991.
85 BIOE, 13 (n.2.), 90.
8<s Cf. Appendix II, below, MS L-l (no. 47).
81 Mustafa 'A lts Kiinhii 'l-ahbdr and Its Preface According to the Leiden Manuscript
(Istanbul,1987).
(I take the occasion here to list some recent essays of a bio- and bibliographical nature, which I
have not been able to see: Bekir Kiitiikoglu, Mustafa Ali Efendi , in: Kiifiik Tiirk-Islam
 12 INTRODUCTION

made a first attempt at describing the textual history of the Essence based
on Cairo and Istanbul MSS of the w ork88.

(D) S c h o l a r l y ju d g e m e n t o f t h e ess e n c e

(a) 'Alls qualities as historian

The Essence has generally been regarded as one of the greatest Ottoman
histories, although it has at the same time been recognized, mostly by
Ottomans and Turks, that the work should be approached with caution,
because the author seemed to have distorted the truth through lack of
accuracy, critical thinking, or even for selfish motives at specific points in the
text.
The Essence was not mentioned, indeed not yet known, by the biogra
phers and historians of 'AlTs own generation. The author himself, though,
was already a well-known literary figure in his time, particularly famous
for his great learning. From his youthful days in Gallipoli, he had been
acquainted with a great and varying number of scholars and litterateurs,
corresponded and exchanged, often acrimonious, verse with them89, fre
quented and himself held literary salons and tried to make himself conspi
cuous in court circles. His contemporary, the historian Mustafa SelanikI (d.
in or shortly after 1600) followed his career in short entries in his history, not
for the prestige of his postings which were too low to be normally included in
histories, but for the fame of his learning90. Hasan elebi (d. 1604), the son
of 'AlTs literary mentor Kinahzade 'All Qelebi (d. 1572), wrote already
during his life a first, highly laudatory literary biography of 'All in his
Tezkire91. 'Ahdl (d. 1593), who met 'All in Baghdad in 158592, also included
in his Giilfen-i $u'ara, Rosegarden of Poets, a short, less eulogizing,

Ansiklopedisi, Istanbul, 1974, I, 81-84 a second article by the same scholar, Ah Mustafa
Efendi , in: Tiirkiye Diycmel Vakfi Ansiklopedisi II (1989), does not add new information to our
knowledge on 'All and his work ; Mehmed eker, Gelibolulu Mustafa 'Alinin eserlennin yeni
bir tasnifi ve Mevaidii n-Nefais fi Kavaidi 1-Mecalis adli eseri, in: Islam Medeniyeti, 1979,
81-90 (cf. Turkologischer Anzeiger, 7.394); by the same author: All hakkinda yazilmi mustakil
biyografik eserler ve pah$malar, in: Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Arafttrma Dergisi (1980), 197-205 (cf.
8.2005); and Mustafa Isen, Gelibolulu Mustafa Ali (Ankara, 1988), cf. Turk Kiilturii 312 (1989),
251-252. Some older articles, which I could not further trace, occur in Agah Sirri Levend, Turk
Edebiyati Tarihi I (Girif) (Ankara, 1973), 391.)
66 Some Remarks on the Textual History of a Famous Late Sixteenth-Century World
History: the Case of Mustafa Alls Kiinhii l-ahbar, in: Manuscripts o f the Middle East 3 (1988),
69-78.
65 Cf. INAL, 119, 123-124; BIOE, 145-147; cf. also for testimony occurring in the Essence,
Chapter One, below.
90 Cf. BIOE, 130.
51 Tezkiretii $-$uard, ed. Ibrahim Kutluk, 2 vols. (Ankara, 1978, 1981), II, 591-595; BIOE, 43,
116.
92 BIOE, 43, 116; cf. also Chapter One, below.
 INTRODUCTION 13

biography of our author. Although 'All was considered preeminent among

his contemporaries in the Arab sciences and knowledge of the Persian
language, the grace o f his intellect was not free from illusions 93.
Although the Essence was used by many Ottoman historians of fol
lowing generations, they hardly ever, if they ventured an opinion at all,
judged the work positively. Later tezkire writers seemed to have ignored the
work completely94.
PeQevI, the first historian to quote from the Essence, was very disapproving.
In his history, he challenged a statement by 'All that Ferhad Paa, as
governor of Buda, had, during the Habsburg war, denied his begs access to
the customary Divan-gathering, convened to receive the Habsburg envoy. He
could know, because he himself had been present there95. Pe^evFs unpublished
notes written in the margins of his own copy of the fourth pillar of the
Essence contain a devastating critique of 'AlFs method as a falsifier of
history. In the same event of the history quoted above, which deals with
the Buda revolt of 1591 directed against the same Ferhad Paa, 'All accused
the pasha of having provoked the uprising himself by disregarding petitions
of his begs, haughtily avoiding their company, and forbidding them entry to
the Divan in question. In the margin Pegevt called 'All a liar and ungrateful
toward his former patron ('All had served under Ferhad Paa in Bosnia
during the years 1570-1575). Perhaps Pe?evi was not unbiased here, as Ferhad
Paa was his uncle96. Elsewhere, in the margin to the highly offensive letters
exchanged between Sinan Paa and the King (Rudolf II, 1576-1612) in the
autumn of 159397, Pe?evi noted that they were the product of 'Alls fancy:
Even if his son (i.e. o f the King) had written a letter from Buda, it would
not have had such contents. He ('All) just deliberately defamed [the reputa
tion of] the deceased Sinan Paa! 98 This made tnal remark that if Pe?evFs
accusations were true, they would, regrettably, impair the value of the
Essence 99.
Pe?evFs criticism may have been the reason for Katib (^elebis judgement in
his bibliographical survey that the quality of the Essence is uneven: in it

93 Quoted by INAL, 64-65.

94 Ibidem.
45 Tarih, 2 vols (Istanbul, 1281-83), II, 134; quoted by INAL 10-11 (n. 4); this criticism
referred to KA/ MU III/ 37.
46 INAL, 10; the MS is identified by INAL as Darii 1-fiiniin 1317 (INAL, ibidem); according
to Bekir Kiitiikoglu this MS is identical with MS 10 Ttirk^e 5959 (1-20, no. 45, in Appendix II,
below), communication by Cornell Fleischer to the author, July 1987; cf. BIOE, 54, (n. 29); I
have so far been unable to trace these margins in this, or any other MS o f the Oniversite
collection.
47 In KA/ MU III/ 41*.
98 INAL, 55.
99 Ibidem.
 14 INTRODUCTION

[one finds] the meager and the fat, the juicy and the dry 100. Na'Tma did not
say more than that he found the work acceptable and respectable 101.
The supposed great qualities were for the first time discovered by
modern, European orientalists. The history was found to be exceptionally
truthful and impartial. Cantemir praised 'AIT for his amour de la verite and
leloignement de la flatterie , especially in his judgement of Christians,
quentre tous les auteurs de sa nation je nen vois aucun, qui parle des
affaires des Chretiens avec tant de retenue et de moderation 102. A similar
statement was made by Hammer. 'AIT was said to be ein wahrheitsliebender,
wiewohl nicht immer kritischer Kopf, welcher die Geschichte des Reiches
nicht von Amtswegen und nach Erfordemiss der Zeitumstande, sondem aus
Liebe zur Sache mit Fleiss und Freymiithigkeit, besonders gegen die Christen
unparteyisch geschrieben 103. Describing 'AlFs death, to be more deplored
from a historiographical point of view than that of his contemporary Sa'ded-
dTn (d. 1599), Hammer wrote: Mit Schmerzen trennen wir uns von diesem,
in seiner Art einzigen Wahrheitsmunde osmanischer Geschichte (wenn [er]
auch nicht immer mit gehoriger chronologischer Kritik, doch immer mit
Geist und Gemiith schrieb) unserem bisherigen treuen Begleiter... 104 Ham
mers ideas were perpetuated in Turkey through J.J. Hellerts translation into
French105, and later by Mehmed 'Atas translation of the French version into
Turkish106. (The reputation of the Geschichte may be measured by the fact
that it has often been quoted by Turkish scholars as if it were a primary
source, not necessarily of lesser value than a work as the Essence itself.)
By the early decades of the 20th century, orientalists had convinced
themselves that the Essence, particularly its latter parts, was a history of
exceptional qualities.
Siissheim judged the Essence, together with the work of Miineccimbai
(d. 1702), to be the most important general history written by Ottomans.
Partially repeating Cantemir and Hammer, he again pointed to 'AlTs truth
fulness and impartiality: Was besonders angenehm beriihrt, ist die Wahr-
heitsliebe, mit der er den Handlungen seiner Souverane entgegentritt, und der

100 Kashf az-zunun, ed. G. Fliigel, Haggi Khalifa, Lexicon bibliographicum et encyclopedicum a
Mustafa ben Abdallah, Katib Jelebi dicto etc., 7 vols (Leipzig, 1835-58; hereafter KZ), V, 260;
quoted by INAL, 55.
101 Quoted by INAL, 54.
102 Histoire I, 191 (n. 12), 120.
103 GOR I, xxxviii.
104 GOR IV, 308; cf. also, ibidem, 259; quoted by INAL from the Turkish translation, 53-54;
'Al?s impartiality as historiographer was contrasted with his sycophancy as poet: Aali benutzte
die Poesie als Marktgeherin zur Erschacherung von Amtern, sie rachte sich dafiir an ihm durch
Verweigerung ihrer Gunst..., GOD III, 121.
105 18 Vols. (Paris, 1835-43), cf. GOW, 401.
106 9 Vols. (Istanbul, 1330-35/1911-12 - 1916-17), cf. GOW, 401.
 INTRODUCTION 15

sympathische Ton, in welchem er von Andersglaubigen spricht. 107 Babinger

wrote in the same spirit: Seine unbedingte Wahrheitsliebe und Zuverlassig-
keit zeichnen seine literarischen Leistungen vor vielen seiner schreibenden
Zeitgenossen vorteilhaft aus... 108 The Ottoman history is ausfuhrlich und
gewissenhaft behandelt, mit besonderer Umstandlichkeit und bemerkens-
wertem Freimut... 109 But this praise is only reserved for the third and
fourth pillars. Sussheim wrote: Die Zuverlassigkeit des iiber vorislamische
Geschichte aufgespeicherten Materials steht auch bei 'All nicht hoher als
sonst in muhammedanischen Werken. Der Wert liegt in den beiden letzten
Teilen 110. Babinger, echoing Sussheim, also pointed to the value of the third
and, particularly, the fourth volumes: Besonders seine umfangreiche osma-
nische Geschichte... ist eine Fundgrube fur die Geschichtsforschung, also
because 'AIT partially used sources that have disappeared since111. Mostly,
indeed, the earlier pillars of the Essence are completely disregarded. Franz
Taeschner studied 'Alls geographical chapters from the first pillar for his
survey of Ottoman geographical literature, but found 'All's erste[n] Ver-
such... eine zusammenhangende Darstellung der alten Geographic zu bieten
too concise and disappointing. So konnen wir nicht viel aus 'Alls Abriss
lernen , he concluded. Neither did it apparently influence later works of the
genre112.
Inal was also convinced of the great value of the history, especially of,
again, the contemporary part, but he warned that one should not judge a
scholar writing three and a half centuries before by the standards of ones
own age which has seen so much progress113. His description of 'All's
morals is not altogether flattering for our author 'AIT is pictured as a
great, but also somewhat tiring, querulous man, who seemed primarily
interested in fostering his own career. At some points he also had doubts
about 'Alps veracity, e.g., although the author complains about his poverty in
the general introduction to the Essence, it is clear from other sources,
including the same work, that he must have been quite rich114. His works in
general were inspired by mixed motives: to complain about his bad luck and
obtain the attention of potential patrons as well as to display his learning and
serve scholarship115. Nevertheless 'AIT could also demonstrate a remarkable
critical faculty (tenkid); Inal quotes the 23rd event of the reign of the

107 "A ir, E I \ I, 296.

108 GOW, 128.
109 Ibidem, 129.
110 'Air, El1, I, 296.
111 GOW, 128, 129.
112 Die geographische Literatur der Osmanen , in: ZDMG 2/77 (1923), 31-80, 47.
113 INAL, 53, 55.
114 INAL, 110-111.
113 Ibidem, 106; also quoted in AB, 9-10.
 16 INTRODUCTION

Conqueror in extenso as an example, without further comment. In it, 'All

accuses the sultan of greed and ingratitude in re the annexation of Alanya
and the humiliation of its ruler Kilig Arslan by appointing him to the lowly
post of sancakbegi of Gumulcine (modern Komotini)110*116.
The Dutch orientalist J.H. Kramers (1891-1951) again, disregarding tnals
reservations, stated ten years later that we must regard 'All as the greatest
historian of the time... The author was a severe critic, well informed about
the conditions of life of his time 117. An anonymous Turkish author pointed
some years later (in 1948) again to the exceptional qualities of the Essence :
the richness of its sources, its methodical perfection, its superior analysis of
the role played by the Turks in Islamic civilisation and the great source value
of the unedited last p art118. Walsh compared 'All, with Pe^evI, favourably to
servile copyists such as Katib Qelebi. In his opinion, 'All, unlike the latter
historian, was able to employ his sources with discrimination, adding quite
as much in interpretation or comment as [he takes] in fact 119. Taeschner,
writing the next year and abandoning his earlier reservations about the
Essence, flatly repeated the by now well-worn cliches about our author:
...einer der fruchtbarsten und als Geschichtschreiber zugleich zuverlassigsten
turkischen Schriftsteller... 120 Alessio Bombaci, in the same way, wrote of
the history: preziosa in quanto fondata anche su fonti oggi sconosciute ,
and of the contemporary, unedited part: quella...sulla quale occorrerrebbe
soffermarsi e che ha fatto giudicare lautore uno storico animato da spirito
critico e da incondizionato amore per la verita... 121 (It is interesting to note
that the qualification critical has often been ascribed to the Essence
without further specification, but apparently with the laudatory implication
that the author was well able to select his sources, and had the audacity to
speak up against, mostly, contemporary abuses, or, as in the case of tnals
footnote, a combination of both.)
Atsiz, again in the tradition of Inal, found that 'All as a historian was not
altogether praiseworthy: he allowed himself to be guided by feelings and was
not completely reliable122: a seeming impartiality vis a vis the actions of
Timur is contradicted by his vilifying the conqueror elsewhere in the same
work123. A similar inconsistency is also displayed in his judgement of

110 INAL, 53-54 (n. 2); cf. KA/ M II/ 23, B, 137a; see also below, Chapter One.
111 Turks, E l1, Suppl.
118 All, Mustafa, Gelibolulu, in: lnonii Ansiklopedisi II, 78.
119 The Historiography of Ottoman-Safavid Relations in the Sixteenth Century, in:
Historians o f the Middle East, eds. B.L. Lewis and P.M. Holt (London, 1962), 197-211, 200.
120 Die osmanische Literatur, Handbuch der Orientalistik V, Altaistik 1 (Leiden, 1963), 250-
335, 312.
121 La letteratura turca con un profilo della letteratura mongola, new, revised ed. (Milan, 1969),
393.
122 AB, 6.
121 Ibidem, 7; Atsiz contrasted KA V, 85 and KA V, 103.
 INTRODUCTION 17

contemporary personalities, such as Sinan Paa, Sokolli Mehmed Paa and

Lala Mustafa Paa, who are both praised and vilified124. Atsiz also deplored
'Alls low opinion of Turks and the Turkish language125. Despite these
drawbacks, the Essence was judged to be an important history126. H.J.
Kissling, ten years later, quoted a passage from the fourth pillar127 of the
Essence to prove that even serious, later historians such as 'AIT (as
opposed to the popular, early historiographers), were basically not diffe
rent in including anecdotes and legendary material in their histories128. This
would give more weight to the warning of tnal not to judge 'AIT as a modern
historian (as qualifications such as trustworthy and critical might sug
gest), but in the terms of his own culture and age.
Veracity, impartiality and the audacity to criticize Ottoman authorities on
the one hand, and unreliability, partiality, bias, even credulity on the other,
are still the characterisations that divide scholarly judgement of 'AlTs histo
riography today. Fleischer, writing in the 1980s, was convinced of 'AlTs
greatness as a historiographer. He argued that the Essence was the single
most comprehensive source for Ottoman history in the sixteenth century 129,
and that the author, like Ibn Khaldun, was a solitary man of genius, atypical
of his time and society130. 'All had an exceptionally comprehensive vision
of Ottoman history, and although a man influenced by strong emotions, he
was admirably objective and, again, critical . 'AlTs vision was characterized
by his self-identification with the unique, if somewhat paradoxical (this
made 'AIT sometimes schizophrenic), Ottoman historical synthesis of
Ottoman regionalism , in which were absorbed elements of the Turkic/
Mongol steppe heritage, and Islamic universalism 131. Although he was
thus limited by the presupposed values of his culture and time, Fleischer
suggests nevertheless that 'AITs calibre was too great for limitations imposed
by the traditional moralistic-historical schemata. He approached history via
analytical frameworks of a philosophical, economic, cultural and literary
type132. He strove to achieve an historical objectivity 133. Fleischer also
pointed to 'AlTs religious openmindedness 134. 'AIT, the historian, was able
to take distance from 'AIT, the man, bitter and hypercritical, Fleischer

124 AB, 10.

125 Ibidem, 7, 9.
124 Ibidem, 10.
121 It concerns the story of Hizir, KA (IV)/ the reign of Bayezid II (hereafter B II)/ 20, B,
186b.
128 Hintergrundprobleme in der islamistischen Geschichtsforschung (Graz, 1979), 11.
129 BIOE, 8 .
130 Ibn Khaldunism , 216; but cf. 217, where a more tempered judgement is admitted.
131 Ibidem, 257-258; 275 ff.
133 Ibidem, 268-269.
133 Ibidem, 293; cf. also 237; Ibn Khaldunism, 216.
134 BIOE, 284.
18 INTRODUCTION

suggests135. This detachment could be explained from 'Alls biography:

writing his Essence in his fifties and by then a disenchanted conservative,
'AIT looked back in nostalgia to the Golden Age of his youth, when he
was still an optimistic, idealistic young poet136. Longing for an escape from
the oppressive realities of his day, he retired in a pietistic spirit and began
to write his history137. Thus the author pondered the paradoxes of Ottoman
history in relative detachment 138. This critical faculty... set him apart
from run-of-the mill chroniclers 139.
However one may be convinced of 'Alls great qualities, it is clear that he
was not able, or did not wish, to maintain high standards of criticism and
objectivity in all parts of his work. With regard to the last part of the
Essence, I had to conclude that 'AIT, even to a greater degree than his
contemporaries, was ready to yield to the temptations of possible, future
patronage and distort the truth in casu the behaviour of Sultan Mehmed
III and his courtiers on the field of battle even if it were only the highly
coloured one of the propagandistic news letters (fethname) he may have used
as sources140.
The assessment of 'All's character, often found in studies by Turkish
scholars and called for, as it were, by the abundance of autobiograpical
materials in the authors works, has recently been resumed by Ulrich Haar-
m ann141, who thereby again paid tribute to the exceptional position of 'AlFs
personality in Islamic letters.

(b) A lls qualities as a stylist

Scholars have also studied, more or less profoundly, 'All's language and
literary style. Cantemir used the words gravite dexpression, but these
alluded perhaps more to his seriousness as historian they are directly
connected with his presupposed truthfulness than to the quality of his
style142. Scholars have pointed particularly to the simplicity of his language.
Siissheim believed that 'Alls style became simpler towards the end: 1st die
Schreibweise in den Anfangsbanden so mit poetischem Ballast uberladen,
dass man an Wassaf erinnert wird, so lasst er sich gegen das Ende hin zu

135 Ibidem, 235.

136 Ibidem, 140-141, 272.
137 Ibidem, 141-143.
138 Ibidem, 272.
139 Ibidem, 140.
140 The Egri-campaign of 1596; Military History and the Problem of Sources , in: Habs-
burgisch-osmanische Beziehungen, Wien, 26.-30. September 1983. Colloque sous le patronage du
Comite international des etudes pre-ottomanes el ottomanes (Vienna, 1985), 132 ff.
141 The Plight of the Self-Appointed Genius Mustafa 'All, in: Arabica. Revue d'Etudes
Arabes xxxviii/1 (1991), 73-86.
142 Histoire I, 120.
 INTRODUCTION 19

einem ungekiinstelten Stil herab. 143 This opinion was repeated by Ba-
binger144 and Kramers: The style of his historical works is relatively
simple 145. Walsh stated that Ottoman historians were always litterateurs
and they, 'All not excepted, wished to be judged on their literary merits146.
Tietze found that the wave length of 'A lfs style varies on the scale that leads
from a dry, factual narrative to the most involved and elaborate Kunstprosa
(in$a) . He also showed the workings of 'Airs prose in concrete examples and
demonstrated that 'All not only mastered the application of the difficult
medium in various works but also achieved an original, personal style
through the use of proverbs, popular expressions and a wide range of, often
forceful, even shocking, images147. Fleischer called the Essence a literary
monument 148 but said that on the whole 'All tried to avoid literary
display and strove to adhere to an ideal of flat, seemingly objective
presentation of major, pertinent events and historical facts, with relatively few
intrusions of opinion or subjective tone 149. The distorted representation of
the facts in the last part of the Essence, I found, was partly due to high-
flown literary elaboration in the tradition of the letter of victory (feth-
name)150.
Scholars, particularly Western orientalists of the last century and Turks,
have deplored 'A lfs allusions to sexual activities and pudenda (an element of
the forceful images , described by Tietze151). Hammer deemed it better not
to quote verses from the Essence on Murad Ills impotence152, but then
we should note that Hammers Geschichte itself had to pass Austrian Resto
ration censorship. Inal, quoting examples from the Essence, found it
unacceptable that a scholar such as 'All lowered himself to foul language153.

(c) Conclusion
Summing up the main judgements of the Essence in secondary literature, I
would say that:
(1) The Essence, particularly its latter part, was found to be an important,

143 'A ir, EI1, 296.

144 GOW, 129.
145 Turks, E I1, Suppl.
146 Historiography, 199.
147 Prose Style, 318.
149 BIOE, 8 .
149 Ibidem, 236, 237.
150 The Egri-cmpaign , 130.
151 Prose Style , 318.
152 GOR V, 10.
153 INAL, 127-129; erbab-i fazilet, erbab-i fazahata miiraca'at etmez", 128; Gokyay, in his
translation of the Mevaid, found it also unsuitable to translate passages referring to sex and
genitalia, cf. Sofralar, 120, passim.
20 INTRODUCTION

if not the most important Ottoman history of, at least, the 16th century,
because it is a unique primary source and offers an idiosyncratic, compre
hensive vision of Ottoman history. On the other hand, the work was
found to be uneven in quality, and particularly 'AlFs treatment of
historical personalities to be contradictory.
(2) Opinions on 'AlFs qualities as a historian were divided. On the one hand
he was praised for his truthfulness, impartiality, even objectivity (espe
cially regarding unbelievers), but on the other it was found that 'All was,
at least in some instances, biased or downright untruthful, and on the
whole not free from influences of his time and culture.
(3) Among his qualities, 'AlFs critical sense was particularly mentioned, both
in the sense of his ability to select sources and his denunciation of
contemporary abuses. On the other hand, 'All was not so critical that
he excluded anecdotical and legendary material from his work, as a
modern historian would have done.
(4) 'AlFs prose style has, at least for great parts of the Essence , been judged
to be simple and to the point: the Essence is primarily to be regarded as
a work of scholarship. Some scholars, on the other hand, have either
stressed the literary nature of the book as a whole or pointed to, at least,
a partial dominance of literary form over the realistic representation of
historical fact.

The scholarly debate, thus, seems to raise more questions than it answers.
Was 'All really the exceptional historian as pictured by Cantemir, Hammer
and their followers? To what extent was he a critical or objective
historian? To what extent a literary one? In the following I will try to
formulate answers to these questions based on a thorough study of the text of
the Essence . The first subject will be the question of 'AlFs approach to
sources and his presentation of unique material.
 CHAPTER ONE:
SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

PRELIMINARY REMARKS

The Essence , then, has been regarded as an important, if not the most
important Ottoman history, because the work offered, firstly, unique material
not known from other sources, and, secondly, was based on a critical
approach to source materials.
The most original part of the Essence, it has been argued, were the third
and fourth pillars, and particularly the chapters dealing with the period of the
authors lifetime. Apart from these parts of the text, the Essence is
essentially a compilation, in the words of Fleischer, a critical encyclopedia of
historical knowledge 1. This compilation was based on 130 sources, listed in
the general introduction, none, or only very few, of which apparently had any
relation with Ottoman history. Fleischer observed that 'All actually used
more sources, citing them where appropriate , than were mentioned in the
introduction2. In the introduction to the fourth pillar, moreover, it was
found, there occurs a listing of Ottoman historians and histories, approved
for their appropriate literary style and apparently quoted in the Ottoman
volume of the history3. Fleischer used the term critical, which, as we saw,
had been popular in qualifying 'AlPs method as historian. Criticism in this
context meant a discriminatory selection of his sources. Fleischer pointed in
this respect to 'Alls claim, which occurs in the general introduction of the
Essence, that his method of using only the most sound sources was
innovative4.
Much of this argumentation seems to have been based on 'A lfs own
statements occurring in the introductory chapters of the Essence . To obtain
a better insight into 'Alls approach to his sources and his use of original
material, we should contrast his statements about his method with the actual
results as they appear in the text. In the following chapter I will undertake
such an analysis.
It consists of three parts. In the first, I will examine the sources, written,
epigraphic and oral, which 'All used for the Essence insofar as that is
possible within the limits of this study. In the second part I will analyze 'Alps

1 BIOE, 246.
2 Ibidem.
3 Schmidt, Preface, 8 , 72.
4 BIOE, 237 (n. 2).
22 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

supposedly critical approach to his sources. In the third part, I will chart
'Alls personal contribution to the Essence . The chapter will conclude with
a summary evaluation of my findings.

(I ) S o u r c e s

(A) The source lists o f the introductions

Studying 'Alls sources, we should distinguish, then, between the lists of

sources given by the author in the introductions to the first and fourth pillars
and the sources which he really used for his work.
If we take a closer look at the 130 sources of the first introduction5, which
'All had gone through 6, we should remark that they consist of 100 titles,
sometimes furnished with the name of the author, and 30 names of writers.
The items are often difficult to identify, because either titles or names are
incomplete, or incorrectly rendered, and for the second category, it is in many
cases not possible, if the author has written more than one book, to establish
the source that is meant. (The printed version, moreover, seems to be rather
unreliable and incomplete7.) The list mentions histories, biographical dictio
naries, encyclopedias, ethical works of the mirror for princes genre,
cosmographies, geographies, religious works, mostly of the hadith and tafsTr
genre, works on rhetoric and of literature. Although most works were written
in Arabic and Persian, some of them were written by Ottoman scholars, a few
of them also in Turkish (contrary to what Sussheim stated8).
The nine works discussed in the introduction to the fourth pillar 'All did
not say in so many words that he used them as sources were the histories
(only five titles are explicitly mentioned) of 'A$ik Pa$azade, Ruhl, Ne$ri,
Mevlana 'Isa, the author of Cami'u 1-meknunat, Idris BidllsI, the author of
Hasht bihisht, Kemal Pa$azade, Mustafa Celalzade, the author of Tabakatu l-
memdlik, Mehmed Ramazanzade ( TevarTh-i Osmamyan) and Sa'deddln
(Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman)9. Which sources did 'All really use in the Essence ?

(B) Sources quoted in the "Essence

In order to answer this question we should differentiate between several types

of sources: (a) literary sources, including (b) 'AlFs own works; (c) official
documents and archivalia; (d) epigraphic material; and (e) oral information.

s KA 1, 17-19.
6 Ibidem, 17.
7 Cf. MS SB Ms. or. quart 1379[ 1] (B-l, cf. Appendix II, no. 4, below), 9a-10b.
8 'Air, E l1, I, 296.
9 KA (IV)/ Preface. L, 6 a-b; further details on these authors and works, below.
 SOURCES 23

(a) Literary sources

(1) The literary sources of the first three pillars
In the first three pillars, we find references to, apart from the Koran which is
ubiquitously quoted and explicitly mentioned 36 times, the following works10
in chronological order (the number mentioned after the title and/or author
refers to its/his position in the source list in the printed version of the general
introduction; an asterix means that it is only mentioned in MS B-l after the
corresponding item in the list of the printed version):
1 Kitab al-Hayawan by Aristutalls11
2 Kitab al-Mutashabih (fi) al-Qur'an by 'Ah b. Hamza al-KisaI (d. 805)12
3 Kitab al-masalik wa l-mamalik by Abu 1-Qasim 'Ubaydallah b. Khurra-
dadhbih (d. 849)13
4 Minhaj as-suluk ila adab suhbat al-muliik, attributed to al-Jahiz (d. 869)14
5 (Jami1) as-Sahih by Abu 'Abbas Muhammad b. Isma'Il b. Ibrahim al-
Bukhari (d. 870) (74*)15
6 As-Sahih by Abu 1-Husayn Muslim b. al- Haiiaj al-Qusayri an-NTsaburi
(d. 875) (74*)16
7 Kitab al-Ma'arif by Abu Muhammad b. Qutayba (d. 884)17
8 Jami as-sahih by Abu 'Isa at-Tirmidhi (d. 892) (75)18

10 I sometimes quote the name of the author and title of the work in a slightly abridged but
recognizable form.
11 Translation of De generatione (partibus) animalium of Aristotle by Yahya al-Bitriq, early
9th century; cf. R. Walzer, Aristutalls, E l2; Remke Kruk, Aristoteles Semitico-Latinus. The
Arabic Version o f Aristotle's Parts o f Animals. Book X I X IV o f the Kitab al- Hayawan (Amster
dam, Oxford, 1979), 24, passim; quoted in KA I, 150, where the title occurs as Kitab al-Haywan.
12 A tafslr work; cf. Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, 2nd ed. (Leiden,
1943-49: hereafter GAL), suppl., 3 vols. (hereafter S), GAL I, 178; Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des
arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. (Leiden, 1967-84; hereafter GAS), I, 48; the full title is not
mentioned; the work is simply indicated as Mevlana Kisa'f tefsiri, KA II, 24, 116, 141.
13 A geographical work; cf. GAL I, 225-226; quoted as Kitab Mamalik wa l-masalik in the
first and second pillars, KA I, 116, 182, 253; KA II, 133; KA III, 93; the name of the author is
partially mentioned in KA I, 254.
14 A mirror for princes , known as Kitab at-Tdj (ft akhldq al-muliik), cf. GAL S I, 246 (D); it
was the source for 'Alts reworked translation Mahasinu l-adab, cf. below, paragraph (2); quoted
in KA IV-1, 204.
15 The famous, almost canonical, collection o f 7397 authenticated hadiths, cf. GAL I, 157-
160; GAS I, 77; J. Robson, al- Bukhari , E l2. It is quoted 28 times in the second pillar, from
KA III, 150.
16 The next-famous collection of traditions; GAL I, 160-161; GAS I, 13 ff.; quoted 17 times
in the second pillar from KA III, 98, mostly by the name of the author.
17 A historical | manual with encyclopedic appendices on varied subjects; GAL I, 121; S I,
185; G. Lecomte, Ibn Kutayba, E l2; quoted in KA III, 211, 231, 315; the authors name
occurs in a garbled form in KA III, 315.
18 One of the four most esteemed collections of traditions; GAL I, 142; GAS I, 154 ff.;
quoted 21 times in the second pillar, from KA III, 261.
24 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

9 Kitab as-Sunan by Ahmad b. Su'ayb an-NasaI (d. 915) (76)19

10 Kitab Akhbar ar-rusul wa l-muluk by Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Jarir at-
Tabari (d. 923) (6)20
11 Ar-Rasail (Rasa il Ikhwan as-Safa wa khilldn al-wafa) by the Ikhwan as-
Safa, second half of the 10th century21
12 Kitab Akhbar az-zaman wa man abadahu l-hadathan min al-umam al-
madiya by Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. al-Husayn al-Mas'udl (d. 956)22
13 TarTkh sini muluk al-ard wa l-anbiya by Hamza al-Isfahani (d. after
961 )23
14 Suwar al-aqalim by Abu Zayd al-Balkhl (d. 993)24
15 'Aja'ib al-malakut by Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-K isal (beginning of
the 11th century)25
16 Kitab Mu'jizat al-anbiya by Abu Ishaq b. Hamdun (11th century)26
17 Shdhndma of Abu 1-Qasim FirdawsI (d. 1020) (94)27
18 Tartkh Nisabur by Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Hakim an-NTsaburi al-
Bayi' (d. 1014) (98)28
19 Kitab 'Arais al-majalis f i qisas al-anbiya by Ahmad b. Ibrahim ath-
Tha'labl an-NTsaburi (d. 1035) (35*)29
20 Kitab al-Qanun al-Mas udi by Abu r-Rayhan al-BIrunl (d. 1048)30
19 The work is a collection of traditions; GAL I, 162-163; S I, 269; GAS I, 167 ff.; only the
author is mentioned, and quoted six times in the second pillar: KA III, 156, 187, 188, 190, 191,
418.
20 One of the most celebrated universal histories; GAL I, 142; GAS I, 326 ff.; only the name
of the author is mentioned and the history sometimes referred to as Ta'nkh; the author is quoted
33 times in all three pillars.
21 A series of cosmological tracts; GAL I, 213-214; GAS I, 384; Y. Marquet, Ikhwan al-
Safa , E l2; Seyyid Hossein Nasr, An Introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines, revised ed.
(London, 1978), 23-104; quoted in KA I, 178; KA II, 8 ; the work is referred to as Kitab.
22 A celebrated universal history; GAL I, 144; S I, 220; GAS I, 334; quoted in KA I, 93,
where it is ascribed to a certain Ya'qub b. Ishaq (Jacob, cf. below, no. 199); and at the end of the
same pillar, MS MK A 68 (A-2, cf. Appendix II, no. 3 below), 131a ff. (quoted as Tarih); KA
II, 160; only the first part of the title is mentioned.
23 A universal history; GAL I, 145, S I, 221; only the author is mentioned in the third pillar,
KA IV-1, 142, 156.
24 A geographical work; cf. GAL I, 229; S I, 408; the author is not mentioned and it seems
likely that 'All had a much later Persian translation of the reworked version by Istakhff (cf.
below, no. 159) at his disposal, cf. Taeschner, Geographische Literatur, 47 (n. 3); quoted in the
geographical chapter of the first pillar, KA I, 81, 82, 218, 222, 224.
25 A history of the creation; GAL I, 350; quoted in KA I, 65, 74, 81.
26 Miracles of the prophets; GAL S I, 603; II, 992, no. 24a; only indicated as Mu'jizat;
quoted in KA II, 173, 218, 221, 227; KA III, 23, 101, 160.
27 Persian epic consisting of ca. 50,000 verses, completed in 1010; cf. Cl. Huart-[H. Masse],
FirdawsI , E l2; Jan Rypka, History o f Iranian Literature, Karl Jahn ed. (Dordrecht, 1968), 154-
162; quoted in KA I, 123 and in the section on the Persian kings in the second pillar, MS 10
Turk<;e 5958 (1-15, cf. Appendix II, no. 23, below), 248b ff.
28 A local history; GAL S I, 277; quoted in KA III, 398.
29 Histories of the prophets; GAL I, 350; S I, 592; only the first word of the title is quoted;
KA II, 161, 233.
30 A geographical work; cf. GAL I, 476; only the title is quoted; KA I, 200.
 SOURCES 25

21 Mishkat al-anwar by Abu Hamid b. Muhammad al-Ghazali (d. 1111 ) 3132

22 Kitab Sirr al-'alimin JT tafslr surat Yusuf of Abu Hamid b. Muhammad
al-Ghazall (d. 1111) (56)32
23 Nasthat al-muluk by Abu Hamid b. Muhammad al-Ghazall (d. I l l l) 33
24 Al-Kashshaf 'an haqa iq at-tanzTl by Abu 1-Qays Mahmud az-Zamakh-
shari (d. 1144) (71)34
25 Kitab RabV al-abrar wa nusiis al-akhbar by Abu 1-Qays Mahmud az-
Zamakhshari (d. 1 144) (25)35
26 Kitab ash-Shifa JT ta'rif huquq al-Mustafa by Abu 1-Fadl 'Iyad al-Yahsibl
(d. 1149)36
27 Nuzhat al-mushtaq JT ihtiraq al-afaq by Ibn Idris ash-Sharif al-ldrisl (d.
1154)37
28 Al-Mu'rib an ba'd 'ajaib al-Maghrib by Abu Hamid al-Gharnatl al-
AndalusI (d. 1169-70)38
29 Qisas al-anbiya by Ibrahim b. Mansur an- Nlsaburi (d. before 1170)39
30 Kitab al-Muntazam wa multaqat al-multazam by Abu 1-Faraj b. al-JawzI
(d. 1200)40
31 Kitab Sifat as-safwa by Abu al-Faraj b. al-JawzI (d. 1200) (55)41

31 A work on sufic theory; OAL I, 423, no. 34a-c; S I, 751, no. 34b; quoted by title and/or
name of the author in KA I, 69, 70.
32 A tafsir on the sura of Yusuf; GAL S I, 747, no. 16a; quoted by the first half o f the title in
both the general introduction and the chapter on Iskandar, KA II, 127, 128. (It seems unlikely
that the work Sirr al-'alamayn wa kashf ma j i darayn, concerned with neo-Platonic philosophy
and attributed to the same author (cf. GAL I, 423; S I, 750, no. 31), is meant here.)
33 A Persian "mirror for princes ; GAL I, 423, no. 30; the work was translated into Arabic as
Ai-Tibr at-masbuk f i nasihat al-muluk, and by 'A$ik Qlelebi into Turkish, cf. G.M. Meredith-
Owens, ed., Introduction to Me$a ir Cif-fu'ara or Tezkere o f 'Ajik Qelebi (London, 1971), xix, no.
3; quoted in KA II, 37; also in the second pillar, MS 1-15 (23), 248b ff.
34 A tafslr work; GAL I, 289-350; GAS I, 45; the work is simply indicated as Tafslr; KA I,
267; KA II, 234; KA III, 233.
35 A collection of proverbs; GAL I, 292, no. xv; the first part of the title is quoted in KA I,
6 8 ; KA III, 429.
36 A book on the duties of the Muslim toward the Prophet; GAL I, 369; only the first part of
the title is mentioned; the author is referred to as KazI 'Iyad; KA I, 369.
31 A geographical work; GAL I, 477; S N, 676; the second part of the title is not quoted; KA
I, 8 6 , 8 8 , 154, 241.
38 A cosmographical work; GAL S I, 783; indicated as Kitab 'Ajayib, sometimes only the
author is mentioned; KA I, 158, 159, 160, 173.
39 A Persian work on the prophets; C.A. Storey, Persian Literature: A Bio-bibliographical
Survey, 2 vols. (London, 1927, 1953, hereafter STOREY), 160; quoted in KA II, 183.
40 A universal history; GAL I, 502; S I, 915/2; first part of the title and author quoted in KA
III, 269, 273; the authors name is also mentioned in KA III, 265; KA IV-1, 84, 114; in these
cases his Sifat may also be referred to, cf. below, no. 31.
41 A biographical work on the lives of the Prophet and pious men of the early Islamic period,
synopsis of al-Isfahanfs (d. 1083) Hilyal al-abrar; GAL I, 362, 502; S I, 617, 917/7; quoted in
KA III, 336, 392.435, sometimes as Tarikh; cf. also above, no. 30)
 26 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

32 Kitab Jawahir al-buhur wa waqai' al-umur wa 'aja ib ad-duhur wa akhbar

ad-diyar al-Misrlya by Ibrahim b. Wasif Shah (written before 1209)42
33 Qisas al-anbiya by Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-KisaI (of ca. 1220) (18)43
34 Al-Kdmil f t t-tarikh by 'Izzaddin b. al-Athlr (d. 1233) (4, 9)44
35 Kitab Usd al-ghaba f t ma'rifat as-sahaba by the same45
36 Kanz al-'ibad f t fadail al-ghazw wa l-jihad by 'All b. Ahmad al-Ghuri
(written after 1234)46
37 Al-Futuhat al-Makkiya f t ma'rifat asrar al-malikiya by Muhyiddln b. al-
'Arabl (d. 1240)47
38 Muhadarat al-abrar wa musamarat al-akhyar by the same (l)48
39 Ikhbar al-'ulama bi akhbar al-hukama by Wazlr Jamaladdin al-Qiftl (d.
1248) (57)49
40 M irat az-zaman f t tarikh al-a'yan by Shamsaddin Sibt b. al-JawzI (d.
1257) 5
41 Sharh Muslim by Abu l-'Abbas 'Umar al-Qurtubl (d. 1258) (72)51
42 Riyad as-salihtn by Abu Zakariya Muhyiddln an-NawawI (d. 1278)
(36)52

42 An early history of Egypt; GAL I, 336; S I, 574; cf. GOW 29 (n. 3) and J. H. Mordtmann,
Review of F. Kraelitz and P. Wittek, eds., Milleilungen zur osmanischen Geschkhte, in: Der Islam
XIII (1923), 152-169, 160 (n. 2); the work is mentioned as Ajayib, Ikhlisar-i 'ajayib (al-kabir) or
Tarikh; it is quoted 28 times in the first pillar.
43 A Persian work containing the stories o f the prophets; STOREY, 161; the authorship is
erroneously ascribed to al-Qashanl; it is not likely that a work by Abu 1-Qasim al-Qashanl, such
as the Zubdal at-tawarikh, which, following MTrkhwands Rawdal as-safa, is erroneously ascribed
to al-Qashl (104), is meant, cf. STOREY, 79; KA I, 285: Qisas-i Qashani\ the work is quoted 28
times by the title and/or the name of the (wrong) author in the first and second pillars.
44 A universal history up to 1231, the first part of which is a synopsis of at-TabarTs history;
the high point of Muslim annalistic historiography, Franz Rosenthal, Ibn al-Athlr, E l2;
GAL I, 345-346; the work is indicated as Tarikh, Kitab at-tawarikh or Kamil, not mentioned in
the general introduction, and is quoted 38 times in the first three pillars.
45 A collection of biographies of the men around Muhammad; GAL I, 346; Franz Rosenthal,
Ibn al-Athlr, E l2; mentioned as Kitab al-ghaya fia sm a as-sihab; KA III, 294.
46 A commentary on a book of prayers by as-Suhrawardl of 1234; GAL 1,441; S II, 648; only
the first part of the title is quoted, KA III, 121.
47 A full exposition of the authors sufi doctrine and one of the most celebrated works of its
genre; the last part of the title is also quoted as Asrar al-malakiya wa l-mulkiya-, GAL I, 442; S I,
792; A. Ate?, Ibn al-'Arabl , El2; quoted in KA I, 50.
48 A sufi work consisting largely of anecdotes; GAL I, 447; A. Ate?, Ibn al-ArabT , E l2;
quoted as Musamarat al-akhbar in the Introduction and MS A-2, 144b.
49 A work on natural sciences; our most important source for the history of the exact
sciences and the Hellenistic tradition in Islam, only known through a synopsis of az-Zawzanl of
1249; Carl Brockelmann, al-Kifti, E l2; GAL I, 325; the work is quoted as Ta'rikh-i hukama;
KA I, 220, 262; KA II, 7, 8 , 37. '
50 A famous universal history; GAL I, 347; S I, 589; first part of the title and the author are
quoted in KA IV-1, 20.
31 A commentary on the Sahih of Muslim, cf. above, no. 6 ; GAL I, 384; S I, 664; the work is
mostly indicated as Tafsir, KA I, 267; KA II, 234; KA III, 98, 233.
52 A hadith work; GAL I, 397, no. x; in the general introduction only the title occurs; in the
text only the name of the author is referred to; KA I, 241; KA III, 98.
 SOURCES 27

43 Wafdyat al-a'yan wa anba abna az-zamdn by Shamsaddin Ahmad b.

Muhammad b. Khallikan (d. 1282) (42)53
44 'Ajaib al-makhluqat wa athar al-bilad by Zakariya b. Mahmud al-Qaz-
wlnl(d. 1283) (3)54
45 Kitab at-Tarikh al-akbar f t tabaqat al-'ulama wa akhbarihim by Bahaad-
dln Muhammad b. Khallikan (d. 1284)55
46 Al-A'laq al-khatira f t dhikr umara ash-Sham wa l-Jaztra by Muhammad
b. Shaddad al-Katib al-Halabl (d. 1285) (49)56
47 Anwar at-tanzd wa asrdr at-tawtl by Abu Sa'Id Naslraddln al-Qadl al-
Baydawl (d. 1286) (70)57
48 Mukhtasar tarikh adrduwal by Yuhanna Abu 1-Faraj b. al-'Ibri (Bar
Hebraeus) (d. 1286)58
49 Nizam at-tawarikh by Abu Sa'Id Naslraddln al-Qadl al-BaydawI (d.
1286)59
50 Tuhfat al-'aja ib wa turfat al-ghara ib by Abu 1-Fida Isma'Il b. Muham
mad 'Imadaddln b. al-Athlr (d. 1299) (64)60
51 Rawdat ult l-albab f t tawartkh al-akdbir wa l-ansab by Fakhraddin b. Abl
1-Fadl Muhammad Banakatl (d. 1329-30) (118)61
52 Mabahij al-fikar wa manahij al-'ibar by Muhammad b. 'All Jamaladdln
al-Watwat al-Kutubl al-Warraq (d. 1318) (59)62

53 A biographical dictionary; GAL I, 327; the work is sometimes quoted explicitly by the first
part of its title, KA III, 314; KA IV-1, 6 6 ; the author or his brother (cf. below, no. 45) are
mentioned as Ibn Khallikan in KA III, 337, 429; KA IV-1, 6 6 ; KA IV-2, 22.
54 The first systematic exposition of cosmography in Muslim literature, T. Lewicki, al-
Kazwml , El2; GAL I, 481; GAS VII, 208, 420; probably 'All (also) made use of the reworked
Turkish translations by Ahmed Yaziciogh (d. 1453) and Sururi (of 1553), cf. Taeschner
Geographische Literatur , 37, 38; Sururfs translation is explicitly mentioned in KA I, 84;
further quoted in KA I, 62, 134, 141, 156, 158, 160; KA II, 71.
55 A biographical history; GAL I, 328; the work is indicated as Ta'rikh and Tawarikh; it was
a main source for the biographical chapters preceding KA III, 240; quoted further in KA III,
180, 331; cf. also above, no. 43.
56 A history of Aleppo; GAL I, 482; KA I, 206, 207, 211, 215; KA II, 34.
51 A condensed and amended version of az-Zamakhsharfs Kashshaf, cf. above, no. 24; GAL
I, 416-419; J. Robson, al-BaydawI , E l2; mostly indicated as Tafsir; the full title only occurs in
KA I, 250, 297; further quoted in KA II, 37, 137.
58 An abbreviated translation into Arabic of the first part of his Syriac Chronography treating
of political history from the creation to his own times; GAL I, 349; S I, 591; J.B. Segal, Ibn al-
Tbn, E l2; indicated as Tanh-i Ibn-i Ghuruz-i Rahib, KA III, 440.
59 A universal history in Persian up to 1275; GAL I, 418, no. viii; STOREY, 70-71;
J. Robson, al-BaydawI , E l2; quoted in KA II, 37; KA III, 5; MS 1-15, 248b ff.
60 A cosmology; GAL S I, 581, no. 4 (?); the work is quoted 25 times in the cosmological-
geographical part of the first pillar, mostly by the first part of the title.
61 A Persian universal history to 1317; STOREY 79; the author is mentioned in the general
introduction; quoted as Tarih-i Banakatl, KA I, 249; MS A-2, 132b ff. (idem); KA II, 127.
62 An encyclopedia of physics and geography; GAL II, 55; the words mabahij and manabij are
reversed (also in KZ, no. 13065, VI, 159); quoted ten times in the first pillar.
 28 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

53 Taqwim al-buldan by Abu 1-Fida 'Imadaddin al-Ayyubi (d. 1331)63

54 Al-Bidaya wa n-nihaya by Abu 1-Fida b. Kathlr (d. 1373) (5)64
55 Lubab at-tawTlJTma'am t-tanzTl by 'Alaaddin b. al-KhazIn ash-Shlhl al-
BaghdadT (d. 1340-41)65
56 Jconi' al-athar JT mawlid al-mukhtar by Shamsaddln b. Naslraddln ad-
Dimashql (d. 1341)66
57 Ishraq at-tawarTkh by al-Qadi 'Adudaddin b. Ahmad al-Tjl (d. 1355)7
58 Manahij at-talibln JT ma'arij as-sadiqm by 'Ala al-QazwTnl al-Hilall,
written in 137768
59 Al-Jawahir al-mudiya JT tabaqat al-hanaJTya by Shaykh 'Abdalqadir b.
Muhammad al-Qurashl (d. 1373-74)69
60 Kashf at-tanzTl JT tahqTq al-mabahith at-tawTl by RadFad-dln b. Muham
mad al-Haddad al-Misri (d. 1397) (68)70
61 Hayat al-haywanat of Kamaladdln ad-Damlri (d. 1405)71
62 Rawd al-manazir JT 'ilm al-awa il wa l-awakhir by Kamaladdln ash-Shihna
(d. 1412) (7)72
63 Fasl al-khitab li-wasl al-ahbab by Muhammad b. Muhammad Khwaja
Pasha Muhammad Parsa (d. 1420)73
64 Zafarnama by Sharafaddln 'All Yazdl (d. 1454) (122)74
63 A geography based on the Arabic translation of Ptolemy, al-BIrunl and al-Maghribl,
H.A.R. Gibb, Abu 1-Fida , El2; 'All also used Ahmed Sipahlzade's Turkish translation of 1589,
cf. Taeschner, Geographische Literatur, 39, and below, no. 94, Awdah al-masalik\ quoted in
KA I, 126, 153, 154, 181, 182, 194, 205, 218.
64 A universal history up to 1337, one of the principal works of the Mamluk period,
J. Laoust, Ibn Kathir , E l2; GAL II, 49; the title is only mentioned in KA II, 129; the work is
sometimes indicated as Ta'ri'kh; it was the main source for the biographical sections of the second
pillar preceding KA III, 348; further quoted in KA III, 250, 317, 322; KA IV-2, 25.
65 A work of Koranic science; GAL II, 109; S II, 135; only the first part of the title but no
author is quoted, KA II, 95, 131.
66 GAL S III, 1252; mentioned by the first part of its title, but no author is referred to; KA I,
268.
67 A history o f the prophets, Muhammad, his companions and later religious luminaries; the
work is only known through 'All's revised translation Zubdetii t-tevarih\ GAL II, 21, no. X; cf.
paragraph (b), below; the work, often quoted as Ishrdf etc., is the main source for the first two
pillars from the history of the prophets onwards; it is quoted 20 times.
68 A Persian universal history up to 1375-76, but mainly concerned with prophets and caliphs;
STOREY, 85; quoted in KA II, 191.
69 GAL II, 80; S II, 89; cf. KZ, no. 7895, IV, 135; the last part of the title is quoted in KA III,
234, 235.
70 A tafsir work; GAL II, 89; S II, 250; cf. KZ, no. 3258, II, 360; mentioned as TafsTr in the
general introduction; the author is called Haddadi; KA II, 234.
71 A zoological work; GAL II, 138; S II, 171; 'All mentions haywdn instead of haywanat and
has Timun instead of Damirl; quoted in KA I, 134; KA II, 76.
72 An excerpt from the annals of Abu 1-Fida with continuation up to 1403; GAL II, 142, no.
12; 'All confused the author with Muhyiddln ash-Shihna (d. 1485); the work is sometimes
mentioned as Ta'rTkh; KA I, 237, 238; KA III, 263, 264; MS I- 15, 248b flf.; KA IV-2, 53.
73 GAL S II, 283; the first two words of the title and the author are quoted in KA III, 352.
74 A Persian history of Timur and Khalil Sultan, completed in 1424-25; STOREY, 284; only
the author's name occurs in the general introduction; quoted in KA I, 259.
 SOURCES 29

65 Nihayal al-arab fim a rifa l ansab al-'Arab by Abu 'Abbas b. 'Abdallah al-
Qalqashandl (d. 1428)75
66 Majma at-tawarikh by Shihabaddln 'Abdallah Hafiz-i Abru (d. 1430)
(109)76
67 Kitab al-Mawa iz wa l-i'libar Ji dhikr al-khilal wa l-aihar by Taqraddln
Ahmad b. Muhammad al-MaqrizI (d. 1442) (63)77
68 Kharidat al-'ajaib wa faridat al-ghara ib by Sirajaddln b. al-Wardi (d. ca.
1446)78
69 Inba al-ghumr bi-abna al-'umr by Abu 1-Fadl b. Hajar Shihabaddln al-
'Asqalam (d. 1449)7S>
70 'Ajaib al-maqdur f i nawa'ib Timur by Ahmad b. 'Arabshah al-Ansari (d.
1450)80
71 Rawdat al-muttaqtn by 'Abdallatlf b. al-Malak Firijteogli (d. 1450)81
72 Sharh Fusils al-hikam by Yazicizade Mehmed (d. 1450)82
73 Fusiil al-muhimma f i ma'rifat al-a'imma by Nuraddln as-Sabbagh al-
lsfakusl al-Maghribl (d. 1451) (38)83
74 Diirr-i meknun by Yazicizade Ahmed BTcan (d. ca. 1456)84
75 Kitab Bahr al-'ulum by 'A laaddln as-Samarqandl (d. 1456) (11)85

7! A work on ancient Arab history and an encyclopedia of Arab tribes and genealogy; GAL
II, 134; S II, 165; cf. KZ, no. 14070, VI, 398; C. E. Bosworth, al-Kalkashandf, E l2; quoted
with a slightly abridged title without mentioning the author, in KA I, 241.
76 A Persian universal history in four volumes to 1426-27; STOREY, 88-89; F. Tauer, Hafiz-
i Abru , E l2; the author but not the work is mentioned in the general introduction; quoted as
Ta'rikh; KA II, 158, 225; KA III, 352.
77 A geography and history of Egypt, GAL II, 39, no. 1; it is sometimes mentioned as Tarikh
or referred to by the name of its author; MS A-2, 131a ff.; KA II, 41, 57, 6 6 , 79, 82, 87, 126; KA
IV-2, 5, 8 , 19, 23, 32, 35, 51, 53)
78 A geography; GAL II, 131; S II, 163; "All may (also) have used the Turkish translation
with the title 'Acayibu l-mahlukat of 1556, cf. Taeschner, Geographische Literatur , 39; the first
two words of the title and the author quoted in KA I, 189; the authors name quoted in KA I, 8 6 ,
135, 141.
19 A history of Egypt and Syria up to 1446; GAL II, 70, no. 41; S II, 74; 'All quotes it as Inba
al-ghawr; KA IV-3, 76.
80 A history of Timurs conquests and the resulting circumstances; GAL II, 29; S II, 25;
GOW, 22; the title of the history is not mentioned; quoted in KA IV-3, 26, 27.
81 A work on fiqh\ GAL S II, 316, no. 21; quoted eight times in the first pillar, KA I, 48, 51,
61, 64, 65, 70, 277, 317.
82 A commentary in Arabic on Ibn al-ArabTs Fusus al-hikam, GAL S II, 323; A. (^elebioglu/
K. Eraslan, Yazici-oglu , IA; for the basic work, cf. GAL S I, 793, no. 12; quoted as Fusus $arhi
in KA I, 13.
83 A hadith work; GAL II, 176; S II, 224; the main source in the section on the Imams in the
second pillar; KA III, 353, 390, 394, 402, 424, 426, 429, 433.
84 A Turkish cosmography; Franz Babinger, Yazicioghlu, E l1; A. (^elebioglu/ K. Eraslan,
Yazici-oglu, IA; quoted in KA I, 64, 84, 162, 174, 175; KA II, 6 6 , 6 8 .
85 A work on science of the Koran; GAL S II, 278; cf. KZ, no. 1664, I, 18; quoted in KA I,
6 8 , 69, 291.
30 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

76 Bahjat at-tawarikh by Shukrallah b. Imam Shihabaddin b. Imam Zay-

naddln DhakI (d. 1488-89), written in 1456-5786
77 Al-Bahr az-zakhir ji 'ilm al-awwal wa l-awakhir by Abu 1-Mahasin b.
TaghribirdI (d. 1469)87
78 Kanz al-gharaib j i qisas al-aja ib by Najmaddin Qasim b. Muhammad
MadhmakinI (?), written before 1478 (45)88
79 Tadhklrat ash-shuara by Dawlatshah as-Samarqandl (d. 1494), written in
1487) (128)89
80 Bahjat as-salik f i tartkh al-khulafa wa s-salatln wa l-muluk by Naslraddln
Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Ja'fari, written ca. 1494 (121)90
81 Khatay-nama by Seyyid 'All Akbar, completed in April 15169192
82 Hasht bihisht by Hakimaddln Idris b. Husamaddin al-BidllsI (d. 1520)92
83 Rawdat ash-shuhada by Kamaladdin Husayn Kashlfl, surnamed al-Wa'iz
(d. 1504-05) (112)93
84 Ins al-jalll IT ta rlkh al-Quds wa l-Khalil by Abu 1-Yum b. Muhammad
Mujiraddln al-'Ulayml al-MaqdlsT (d. 1521) (60)94
85 Rawdat as-safa j i slrat al-anbiya wa l-muluk wa l-khulafa by Muhammad
b. Khawandshah b. Mahmud MIrkhwand (d. 1498) (2)95
86 Tuhfat az-zaman wa kharldat al-awan by Mustafa b. 'All, muvakkit

86 A concise general history up to the accession of Sultan Murad II; STOREY, 91; GOW, 19-
20; quoted in KA I, 50, 51; KA III, 277.
87 A voluminous Mamluk history; GAL II, 42, no 7; S II, 40; no author and only the title
Bahr-i zakhir is quoted, KA IV-2, 7, 8 , 13, 18, 26, 27, 27, 28, 36, 39; KA IV-3, 54, 58, 62.
88 A history of the four Caliphs, Hasan and Husayn; STOREY, 1266; the first part of the title
is quoted, sometimes as Kanz al-'awarif, KA III, 357, 369; KA IV-1, 8 .
89 A Persian biographical dictionary of poets; STOREY, 784-786; only the author is
mentioned in the general introduction; quoted in KA IV-3, 33.
90 GAL II, 53; referred to by 'All as Tarikh-i Jafari; the author is mentioned in the general
introduction, but not his work; KA I, 211, 310, 320; KA II, 4, 5, 6 , 18, 19; KA IV-1, 165; KA
IV-3, 39.
91 A travelogue and description o f China; Charles Schefer, Introduction to Trois chapitres
du Khitay Nameh. Texte Persan et Traduction Fran?aise , in: Melanges orientaux. Textes et
Traductions publies par les professeurs de Iecole speciale des langues orientates vivantes a I'occasion
du sixieme congres international des orientalistes reuni a Leyde (Sept. 1883) (Paris, 1883), 34-35;
the work is erroneously ascribed to 'All K u$qi, cf. ibidem, 39; 'All may have used the Turkish
translation made during the period of Sultan Murad III, cf. ibidem, 37; quoted in MS A-2,
133b ff.
92 A prestigious history in florid Persian on the first eight Ottoman sultans to 912/1506-07,
undertaken in 1502 by desire of Sultan Bayezld II, but later not accepted by him; it is
supplemented by a section on the reign of Sultan Selim I by his son Abu 1-Fadl; STOREY, 413
ff.; V.L. Menage, BidllsT , E l2; name of author quoted in KA IV-3, 33.
93 A Persian martyrology of 'All and his family, particularly of the Imam Husayn, written in
1502-03; STOREY, 212; Gholam Hosein Yousofi, Kashifi , E l2; KA III, 355, 357, 369.
94 GAL S II, 42; 'All ascribes the work to ath-Tha'laEl, cf. KA II, 185; further quoted in KA
II, 125, 129, 138, 141, 163, 167, 185, 209.
95 A Persian universal history in seven volumes, the last volume being a continuation by
Khwandamlr to 1522-23; STOREY, 92-93; it is quoted 39 times in all three pillars.
 SOURCES 31

(timekeeper) of the Sellmiye Mosque, a contemporary of Sultan Suley

m an96
87 Rawdat al-akhbar by Muhammad Muhyiddln b. Ya'qub Khatlbzade (d.
1533) (47)97
88 Sabil al-huda wa r-rashad j i sira khayr al- 'ibad by Shaykh Muhammad b.
Ya'qub ad-Dimashql as-Salihl (d. 1535-36)98
89 Hadiqat as-suada by Fuzull (d. 1556)99
90 Irshad al-aql as-salim ila ma zaya l-kitab al-karim by Abu Su'ud
Muhammad b. Muhyiddln Mustafa al-'lmadi (d. 1574) (73)100
91 M irat al-adwar wa mirqat al-akhbar by Muslihaddin b. Muhammad al-
Lari(d. 1572) (111)101
92 Kitab al-Vlam bi a'lam bayt Allah al-haram by 'Alaaddin b. Shamsaddin
Muhammad b. QadI Khan an-Nahrawali al-Makki (d. 1582)102
93 Tarlkh khamis f i ahwal anfas (nafs) an-nafis by Husayn b. Muhammad
b. Hasan ad-Diyarbakri (d. 1582) (61)103
94 Awdah al-masalik ila ma'rifat al-buldan wa l-mamalik by Ahmed Sipahi-
zade (d. 1589)104

Some sources may be identified in principle but cannot be further specified as

regards the time of writing or their possible version or medium through which
they were known. 1 list these in alphabetical order:

96 A Turkish geographical work; KZ, no. 2583, II, 227; Taeschner, Geographische Literatur ,
46 (n. 1); the first part of the title is quoted in KA I, 89, 96, 134, 141, 146.
91 A synopsis of the Kitab R a b f al-abrar (cf. above, no. 25); the book was translated into
Turkish by 'A$ik (^elebi; GAL I, 292; quoted as Rawd al-ahbab in KA II, 213.
98 A biography of Muhammad and his followers; the work is not mentioned in GAL; cf. KZ
no. 7035, III, 580; quoted in KA II, 200.
99 A treatise in Turkish on the sufferings of the Imams, especially of Husayn at Karbala,
based on KashlfTs Rawdat (cf. above, no. 83); M. Fuad Koprulii, Fuzuli , IA; quoted in KA
III, 355; 357, 369.
100 A tafsir work dedicated to Sultan Selim II in 1566; GAL II, 439; S II, 651; M. Cavid
Baysun, Ebussuud Efendi , IA; quoted as Tafsir in the general introduction and KA I, 241,
281.
101 A Persian universal history completed in 1566, with an Ottoman section up to the death of
Sultan Suleyman; the work was translated into Turkish by Hoca Sa'deddln in 1566; STOREY,
117; GOW 95; erafettin Turan, Sad-ed-Din, IA; quoted as Tarlkh in KA I, 274; MS A-2,
132b ff.; KA IV-1, 166.
102 A history of the Kaaba, written in 1577 and dedicated to Sultan Murad III; the book was
translated into Turkish by the poet BakI in 1579 by commission of Sokolli Mehmed Paga and
offered to the same sultan, cf. M. Fuad Koprulii, BakI , IA. GAL S II, 382; the book or author
is quoted in KA II, 193, 197, 201; KA III, 395; KA IV-1, 166, 168, 170, 181.
103 A detailed biography of the Prophet based on Ibn Hisham (cf. below no. 140), and a
survey of the history of the Caliphs to the succession of Sultan Murad III; GAL II, 381; GOW,
8 8 ; the work is quoted 31 times in the first pillar, mostly as Khamis.
104 A reworked Turkish translation of the Taqwim al-buldan (cf. above, no. 53) dedicated to
Sultan Murad III; GAL II, 46, 453; Taeschner, Geographische Literatur, 39; quoted in KA I,
88 , 104, 221, 235.
32 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

95 Jughrafiya105
96 Injil (the Gospel)106
97 Tawrat (the Pentateuch)107
98 'Uyun at-tafasir bi hadhf at-taqarir by Abu Husayn b. Ibrahim al-Ghaw-
was (d. 1454)108

Not all titles could be identified with any, or sufficient certainty. Some books
are ascribed to writers who are not known to have written them. I will give a
list of the items as they are found in the Essence (in alphabetical order).
99 A khbar al- 'aja ib109
100 Akhbar-i Furs110
101 Akhbar-i M isr11112
102 Akhbar-i Yahud112
103 A sila-i jam i' by Abu 1-Hasan Faryabl113
104 Al-Bayan j i ihya sahib az-zaman by Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yusuf
al-Malikl ash-Shafi'I114
105 Kitdb Dihni (?)115
106 Diwan an-nasab116
107 Futuh-i Misr by MaqrTzT117
108 Ghar al-kanz by WaqidI118
109 Ja'far jam i' al-ahkam119
110 Jami'120
111 Jami' al-anbiya121
112 Jami'-i a zam 122

105 K.A I, 128; this refers to the translation of Ptolemys Geografike hufegesis, cf. S. Maqbul
Ahmad, Djughrafiya , E l2; M. Plessner, Batlamiyus , E l2; the work is only known through
other sources.
106 KA II, 194.
107 "kitab-i Tevrat'dan miitercem bir tarih", KA I, 60, 183.
108 GAL S II, 986, no. 32; quoted the name of the author is rendered as Fawwaz in
KA I, 267.
109 KA I, 101; KA II, 64.
110 KA II, 80.
111 KA II, 99.
112 KA II, 37, 41, 234; perhaps identical with Tarikh-i Yahud, cf. below, no. 149.
112 KA I, 294.
114 KA III, 426.
115 KA III, 294.
119 KA II, 127, 273.
117 KA II, 81.
118 KA III, 123.
119 KA III, 402, 423.
120 KA I, 266.
121 KA I, 321; KA III, 73, 80.
122 KA II, 172, 213.
r

SOURCES 33

113 Jami' bayna s-sahihayn (?)123

114 Jami'-i israrat (?)124
115 Jami' al-lataif (fiasrar al-'awarif (44) (?))125
116 Jami' al-usiil126127
117 Jawami'121
118 Kharida by Ibn A thlr128
119 Khasa'is al-buldan129
120 Kitab Hawayij130
121 Ma'alim al-qurrat an-nabawiya131
122 Ma'alim as-sunan132
123 Ma'arif-i hasibl133
124 Majma' al-athar13*
125 M a i al-ghayba f i tawl al-'aymya by Jamaladdln Abu 'Abdallah j
Nu'manT135136 !
126 M asail-i shar'iya by Ahmad b. Hanbal Fatawa (?)136 1
127 Masabih137
128 Mashjar (?) al-kashshaf138
129 Mawalid-i ahl-i bayt by Ibn H ashat139
130 Kitab Mawarid140
131 Mukhtasar-i jami '141
132 Kitab Nathr ad-durr142
133 An-Nawadir (?)143
134 Qamus144

123 KA III, 191.

124 KA III, 402.
123 It seems unlikely that it concerns the famous collection o f scandalous stories by L am il of
1580-81, cf. KZ, no. 3949, II, 572, and must be a history of Egypt; KZ, no. 3948 has another
unidentified work o f the same title; it is 13 times quoted in KA IV-2, 13 to 53. I
126 KA III, 247.
127 KA III, 152, 231.
128 KA II, 18.
129 KA I, 220.
130 KA III, 435.
131 KA III, 390.
132 KA III, 98.
133 K A II, 228.
134 KA I, 65.
135 KA III, 424.
136 KA III, 223.
137 KA III, 122, 178.
138 KA III, 419.
139 KA III, 423.
140 KA I, 322.
141 KA II, 77, 126.
142 KA III, 390.
143 KA IV-1, 8 , 51.
144 K A I, 216, 221,224.
 34 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

135 Qisas-i du jihan145

136 Rawda146
137 Rawdat al-jinan wa nuzhat al-janan (?) of Abu Mansur Tha'labl147148
138 Rawda-i mutahhira146
139 Riyad al-khulafa149
140 STrat by Ibn Hisham150
141 Sirr-i maknun151
142 Taj al-ma'aniby MaqdisI (MuqaddasT?)152
143 Tafsir by M awardi153
144 T arikh by Shaykh KunbayinI (?)15415
145 Tarikh-i Dhihni (? = no. 114?)15 5
146 Tarikh-i muluk (= no. 13?)1561578
147 Tarikh-i Siiri151
148 Tarikh-i ummat-i Qibt1SB
149 Tarikh-i Yahudrs9

Sometimes only the name of an author is mentioned, without a clue which of

his books is being referred to. We find (in the form which 'AIT gives and in
chronological order):
150 Muhammad b. Ishaq (b. Yasar b. Khiyar, d. 767)160
151 Imam (Muhammad b. Idris ash-) Shaft! (d. 795)161
152 Muhammad (al-) Munajjim (al-) FarghanT (9th century)162
153 (Abu 'Abbas Muhammad b. 'Umar) al-Waqidi (d. 823) (80)163
154 Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 855)164

145 KA II, 8 .
149 KA III, 255.
147 KA III, 233.
148 KA III, 352.
149 KA IV-1, 213.
150 KA II, 220.
151 KA I, 70; KA II, 6 , 7.
152 KA I, 287.
152 KA I, 73.
154 KA IV-3, 77.
155 KA IV-2, 7.
158 KA II, 129.
157 KA IV-2, 6 .
158 KA II, 162.
159 Quoted in KA II, 217; perhaps identical with the Tarikh-i Batalisa wa Yahud (= Tarikh
al-BatalyawsIal-Yahud (?)), occurring as 52nd item in the general introduction.
190 KA II, 24, 97.
191 KA III, 234.
192 KA II, 132.
193 KA III, 136, 271, 274, 284, 314; KA IV-1, 76.
194 KA III, 229, 230.
 SOURCES 35

155 (Abu 1-Hasan b. Muhammad al-) MadainT (d. 845)165

156 Abu 'Isa (Muhammad b. Harun al-Warraq) (d. 861 ?)166
157 (Abu Bakr al-) Anbari (d. 885)107
158 (Abu l-'Abbas al-) Baladhuri (d. 892)168
159 Abu Hanlfa (ad-) DInawari (d. 894-95 or 902-03) (90)169
160 (Abu Ishaq Ibrahim al-) Istakhri (10th century)170
161 (Abu Dulaf) Mis'ar b. (al-) Muhalhil (10th century)171
162 (Abu Bakr b.) Mujahid (at-Tamlml al-Basrf, d. 936)172
163 Abu 1-Muln (?) (Muhammad b. an-) NasafI (d. 942)173
164 Abu 1-Hasan (al-) Mas udl (d. 953)174
165 Ibn Hawqal (Abu 1-Qasim b. 'All an-Nasibl, d. after 973)175
166 Abu Bakr b. Musa (?) (al-) KhwarazmI (d. 993)176
167 (Abu Nasr Ism ail al-) Jawhari (d. 1002/1010)177
168 (Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. Habib al-) MawardI (d. 1058)178
169 Ibn Hazm (Abu Muhammad 'All b. Said, d. 1064)179
170 (Abu Bakr) Hafiz Ahmad Imam Shafil (al- KhusrawjirdI, d. 1066)180
171 (Abu 1-Fath Muhammad b. 'Abdalkarim ash-) ShahrastanI (d. 1153)181
172 Sultan 'Imadaddln (? Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Katib al-Isfahanl, d.
1201)182
173 (Muhyiddln) Ahmad (al-) Bun! (al-Qurashl, d. 1225)183
174 Muhyiddln b. (al-) 'Arab! or eyh-i Ekber (d. 1240)184
175 Kamaladdln b. (al-) 'Adlm (al-Halabl, d. 1262)18 5
176 (Abu 1-Hasan b. 'Abd al-Malik) b. Said (al-) Maghrib! (d. 1286)186145*7

145 KA IV-1, 3.
14 KA 1, 247.
147 KA 1, 210.
144 KA 1, 201, 208.
144 KA 1, 69.
170 KA 1, 126, 200; cf. also Suwar al-aqahm, above, no. 14.
171 KA 1, 166, 167.
172 KA 1, 188, 302; KA 11, 18; but cf. GAL 1, 238 where no works are mentioned.
173 KA 1, 69.
174 KA 1, 187; KA 11, 130, 213; KA IV-1, 199; these references might be to the Akhbar az-
zaman, cf. above, no. 12 .
175 KA 1, 114, 226, 227.
174 KA 111, 127; maybe Musa al-Khwarazml, d. 849, is meant.
177 KA 1, 241.
178 KA 1, 241; cf. the Tafslr, above, no. 143.
174 KA 1, 248.
180 KA 111, 218, 221.
181 KA 1, 247; KA 11, 37.
182 KA 1, 247.
183 KA 1, 78.
184 KA 1, 78; KA IV-1, 3; cf. above, nos. 37, 38.
185 KA 1, 211.
184 KA 1, 248.
36 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

177 'Abdarrahman BistamI (d. 1454)1

81*3456187
178 Hafiz 'Alaaddln 'AIT Muhammad al-Qushji (d. 1474)188
179 'Abdalbasit (b. Khalil b. Shahln al-Malatl al-Qadl al-) HanafI (d.
1514)189
180 Abu 1-Fadl Muhammad b. Idris BidlTsT (d. 1574 or 1579)190

We also find the names of authors which I am unable to identify because they
are not mentioned in secondary literature or may be more than one person. I
will list them in alphabetical order:
181 A buD aw ud191
182 Abu Mansur Baghdadi192
183 Abu 1-Muzaffar Sam'anI193
184 Abu 'Umar Shahrazuri194
185 'All b. 'Abdallah al-M adanl195
186 BayhaqI196
187 Imam Hasan M ujtaba197
188 Ibn Athlr198
189 Ibn Jawaz (= Ibn JawzI?)199
190 Ibn Sa'd200
191 al-KisaT201
192 Muqatil (mufessir) 202
193 Muslihaddln Munajjim203
194 Sha'bl204

181 KA I, 78.
188 The astronomer and mathematician, cf. A. Adnan Adivar, 'All al-Kushdji , E l2; he also
made a Persian translation of a history of the Hagia Sophia, cf. GOW, 29 (n. 1); name mentioned
as Hafiz Muhammad b. "AIT Ku;ci in the general introduction; cf. also, above, no. 81; quoted in
KA IV-3, 26.
185 KA IV-3, 33.
1,0 Ibidem.
151 KA III, 188, 190, 230.
152 KA III, 220.
183 KA III, 220.
184 KA III, 219, 220, 221.
185 KA III, 222.
186 Quoted in KA IV-1, 77, probably identical with Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. Shamsaddln (or:
Shams al-lslam, cf. MS B-l, 10a) BayhaqI (95) (?).
181 KA II, 24.
188 KA II, 42; cf. above, nos. 34, 35.
188 KA III, 390; cf. above nos. 30, 31, 40.
200 KA III, 154.
201 KA II, 116, 141; cf. above nos. 2, 15, 33.
202 KA II, 163.
203 KA I, 8 6 .
204 KA III, 220, 222.
 SOURCES 37

195 Suhayll Waqlti205

196 Taluzada-i KaramI Darvlsh Muhammad Sham! (?)206
197 TaqFaddln AndalusT207
198 at-Tha'labl (89)208
199 Ya'qub b. Ishaq209

Finally, we find a great many references of a general type, such as some

people , some tafsir scholars , suji scholars, most history books , or
more intriguing: historians of Catay 210 and Coptic scholars 211.
The list of sources thus obtained is based on explicit quotations found in
the text. This method has some drawbacks. Firstly, we are not sure if the
books or authorities mentioned were really consulted by 'All and if so, to
what extent , or were copied from other sources from which he quoted.
(This procedure of indirect quoting could explain the difficulty in identifying
many of these sources: repeated copying may have contributed to orthogra
phical deterioration.) Only in a few cases 'All explicitly says that he had seen
the source in question, indicates the extent of the quotation, or writes that he
quotes indirectly.
Secondly, 'AIT may have used sources which are mentioned in the general
introduction, but are not further specified in the text. An example is the
paragraph on the power structure in Europe, the relation between the Pope
{Pap), Emperor (Kaysar/ Anburur), and the King of France (Rey d lfrans), in
the general introduction212 and the chapter on Europe, Armenia and the
Christians in the first pillar213214. Both appear to be literally translated from
Fadlallah Rashldaddins (d. 1318) universal history Jami at-tawarikh21*
although the work is not mentioned.
The exact relation between the Essence and its sources can only be
definitely established by extensive comparison of the text of the history with
its possible sources, but such a project far exceeds the scope of this study and,
indeed, the possibilities of present scholarship. If we assume that 'All, within

205 KA II, 162.

206 KA III, 383.
207 KA III, 230.
208 KA III, 197; cf. above no. 19.
209 Quoted in KA I, 93 (as author of Akhbar az-zaman, cf. above, no. 12), 120, 149, 150.
210 KA II, 65.
211 KA II, 58, 59, 64.
212 KA I, 250-251; the last term is hardly recognizable in the text of the Essence .
213 MS A-2, 199b-231b.
214 The name of the author occurs as Khwaja Rashld-i Tablb in the general introduction
(108); STOREY, 72 ff.; see: Karl Jahn, ed. and trans., Die Frankengeschichte des RasTd ad-Din
(Vienna, 1977), 46-47, 44-93; cf. Bernard Lewis, The Muslim Discovery o f Europe (New York and
London, 1982), 209-210.
 38 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

the limits posed by manuscript age scholarship, was on the whole a

conscientious scholar, we may conclude the following.
From the data given above and 'AlFs own remarks on the matter, we can
say that 'All was largely dependent on a limited number of main sources, to
which data were added from other works.
These main sources were (numbers refer to the list above) the three
universal histories frequently quoted in all three pillars: the Kitab Akhbar of
at-Tabari (12), the Kamil of Ibn al-Athlr (34), and the Rawdat as-safa of
Mirkhwand (85). For the first pillar, in particular for its cosmographical and
geographical chapters, were intensively used the Rawdat al-muttaqin of Firi-
teogli (71), the Tuhfat al-a jaib of Ibn al-Athlr (50), the Taqwim al-bulddn of
Abu 1-Fida (53) and the related Awdah al-masalik of Sipahlzade (94). Gene
rally used in the first and second pillars was the 'Ajaib of Wasif Shah (32).
For the history of the prophets, frequent use was made of the Khamis of ad-
Diyarbakri (93), the Qisas al-anbiya of al-KisaI (33) and in particular of the
Ishraq at-tawarikh of al-Ijl (57). The main source for the second pillar,
particularly its biographical part, was the Bidaya of Ibn Kathlr (54). For the
early history of Islam, described in the second pillar, the popular Tafsirs of
al-Bukhari (5), Muslim (6), and at-Tirmidhl (8) are often quoted. The Fusul
al-muhimma of al-Maghribl (73) was a basic source for the history of the
Imams. A main source for the second and third pillars was al-Mawa iz of al-
MaqrizI (67), and for the third pillar, the Bahr az-zakhir of Ibn TaghribirdI
(77).
It is remarkable that the source list of 130 items occurring in the general
introduction does not seem, as far as we are able to gauge from the explicit
quotations, to represent a realistic inventory of the authors sources. Apart
from two sources occurring in it, which were used for the fourth pillar21s, we
find that of the 130 items, only 59 titles and 17 names of authors are referred
to in the text of the first three pillars, whereas some further 121 titles and
authors, not occurring in the general introduction, are quoted in the text, for
the most part only once. Among these are important works such as the
Awdah al-masalik and the Ishraq at-tawarikh.
This discrepancy should perhaps not so much be explained by inadequate
source indications by All Franz Rosenthal has observed that Muslim
scholars on the whole aspired to great accuracy as far as the indications of
sources were concerned 215216217 as ascribed to the inadequacy of the list of 130
items. Firstly, 'A lfs source list seems to be partly unoriginal. The 77th to
108th items also occur in the introduction of MIrkwands Rawdat as-safa211.

215 Cf. below, (2), nos. 22, 23.

216 The Technique and Approach o f Muslim Scholarship (Rome, 1947), 42.
217 Cf. KA I, 18-19, and Rawdat, 2 vols. (Bombay, 1266), I, 7
 SOURCES 39

Elsewhere, secondly, 'AIT seems to contradict his use of 130 sources when he
writes that he had taken pains to study 90 books 218, 70 volumes 219, and
70, 80 books 220. The inadequacy of the list could perhaps also be explained
by a discrepancy between ideal and practice. 'All, writing the general intro
duction, might have had the intention of consulting the works and authorities
mentioned, but had no access to some of these sources at the time he wrote
his book221.

(2) The literary sources of the fourth pillar

In the fourth pillar, we find references to the following works (the numbers
refer to their position in the enumeration of historians and their works in the
authors preface to the same pillar):
1 Jami' as-sahih by 'Isa at-Tirmidhl (d. 892)222
2 Kitab Akhbar az-zaman wa man abdda.hu l-hadathan min al-umam al-
madiya by Abu 1-Hasan al-Mas'udl (d. 956)223
3 Kitab Jawahir al-buhiir wa waqai' al-umiir wa 'ajaib ad-duhur wa akhbar
adrdiyar al-Misriya by Ibrahim b. Wasif Shah (wrote before 1209)224
4 Sharh Muslim by Abu 1-'Abbas 'Umar al-Qurtubl (d. 1258)22526
5 Vilayetname, anonymous, written before 1400226
6 Zafarnama by Sharafaddln 'All Yazdl (d. 1454)227
7 A jaib al-maqdur j i nawa ib Timur by Ahmad b. 'Arabshah al-Ansari (d.
1450)228
8 Durr-i meknun by Yazicizade Ahmed BIcan (d. 1456)229

218 KA III, 334.

219 KA I, 47.
220 KA I, 263; but perhaps the seksen here is only mentioned for the sake of assonance with
the following erkam, ikdam, aklam etc.
221 Cf. part (II), below.
222 Cf. above, (1), no. 8 ; quoted by the name of the author in KA/ M II/ c:7*, B, 103a.
223 Cf. above, (1), no. 12; the work is quoted as Mir at az-zaman, and thus might also point
the history of al-JawzI, cf. (1), no. 40; quoted in KA/ SU, f, B, 427a.
224 Cf. above, (1), no. 32; quoted as 'Ajayib al-kuhra by Ibrahim b. Hanaf Shah in KA V, 261.
225 Cf. above, (1), no. 41; quoted by the name of the author in KA/ M II/ c:7*, B, 103a.
226 A biography of Haci Bekta$, the 13th-century patron saint of the Bekta$T order; cf. Erich
Gross, trans., Introduction to Das Vilajet-name des Haggi Bektasch. Em tiirkisches Derwisch-
evangelium (Leipzig, 1927), 1-8; John Birge, The Bektashi Order o f Dervishes (London, 1937), 35,
48-49; quoted in KA V, 62.
227 Cf. above, (1), no. 64; the work and/or the name of the author are quoted in KA V, 95,
100 , 101 (verse).
228 Cf. above, (I), no 70; quoted as Timurnama and/or by the name of the author ('Arabsah
Miinsi ) in KA V, 92, 95, 100, 103.
229 C f above, (1), no. 74; the title of the work is quoted in KA V, 275, 279; KA/ B II/ 37, B,
194a; ibidem, 43, B, 200a, 202b; in the last three cases the quotations, if only for chronological
reasons (but perhaps also for textual reasons the book does not seem to contain chapters on
Ottoman history, cf. the MS UB, Or. 1301), cannot have been taken from this source, but
possibly from another work with the same title, cf. Menage, Ruhi , 314 (n. 16).
 40 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

9 Bahjat at-tawarikh by Shukrallah b. Imam Shihabaddin b. Imam Zay-

naddln Dhaki (d. 1488-89)230
10 Al-Bahr az-zakhir f i 'ilm al-awwal wa l-awakhir by Abu 1-Mahasin b.
TaghribirdI (d. 1469)231
11 Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman by Dervl 'Aikl b. eyh Yahya b. eyh Suleyman
b. 'Aik Paa b. Muhlis Baba 'Aik Paazade (d. after 1484)232
12 Cihannuma by Mehmed Neri (d. after 1512) (3)233
13 Hasht bihisht by Haklmaddln Idris b. Husamaddin al-BidlisT (d. 1520)
(4)234
14 Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman by Ruhl-i Edrenevi (d. after 1511) (2)235
15 Futuhat-i $amiye by iikri236
16 Rawdat as-safa f i sirat al-anbiya wa l-muluk wa l-khulafd by Muhammad
b. Khwandshah b. Mahmud MIrkhwand (d. 1498)237
17 Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman by Semsiiddln Ahmed b. Suleyman b. Kemal Paa
Kemal Paazade (d. 1534) (5)238

230 Cf. above, (1), no. 76; the title is quoted in KA V, 105.
231 Cf. above, (1), no. 77; quoted in KA/ S II/ 11, MS BN S. 1028 (P-1, cf. Appendix II,
below, no. 43; hereafter P), 402b.
232 An Ottoman history to 1481; GOW, 36-37; M. Fuad Kopriilii, A$ik Pa$a-zade , IA; the
history is quoted as Tarih and/or by the name of it author, erroneously named 'A$ik Pa$a (b.
Muhlis Pa$a, c f KA V, 40; Neclb 'Asim, Taffh-niivlsler , 41-42), in KA V, 19, 45, 117; KA/ B
II/ Introduction, B, 174a (on the revolt in Istanbul after the succession of Bayezld II and the
affair of Prince Cem; probably based on a continuation, c f Richard F. Kreutel, trans., Vom
Hirtenzelt zur Hohen Pforle (Graz, 1959), 11))
233 A universal history of which only the sixth, Ottoman, part up to 1485 has survived, which
was presented to Sultan Bayezld II; GOW 38-39; V. L. Menage, The Beginnings of Ottoman
Historiography, in: Historians o f the Middle East, 168-179, 175-176; quoted as Tarih or full title,
and/or the name o f the author (sometimes misspelt as Nesri) in KA V, 19, 22, 25, 38, 117, 199,
211, 214; KA/ B II/ 15, B, 182a; ibidem, 20/ Story, B, 186b; ibidem, 37, B, 194a; the last three
references were actually to RuhFs history, c f Menage, Riihi, 324 (n. 16); B II/ 20/ Story also
occurs in Orups Chronicle, c f Richard F. Kreutel, trans., Der Fromme Sultan Bayezid. Die
Geschichte seiner Herrschaft (1481-1512) nach den altosmanischen Chroniken des Oruf und des
Anonymus Hanivaldanus (Graz, Vienna and Cologne, 1978), 165.
234 C f above, (1), no. 82; the main source for the chapters on the reigns of Sultans Mehmed
II and Bayezld II; quoted 18 times, from KA V, 18, to KA/ B II/ poets/ 38, B, 221b.
23 s A history of the Ottomans to December, 1511, cf. Menage, Ruhi, 313; GOW, 42-43; the
name of the author or his history as Tarih-i Ruhi is quoted in KA V, 22, 25, 45 (Ruhr
erroneously printed as Ruml), 179; cf. also above, Cihdnniimd by Ne$ff, no. 11.
236 A history in verse of the reign of Sultan Selim I, continuing to 1521/1523, mainly devoted
to the Safavid campaigns; offered to Sultan Suleyman and Grand vizier Ibrahim Pa$a; it is also
known as Selimndme; cf. GOW, 62, based on data from the Essence , cf. KA/ SU/ poets/ 52, B,
407a-b; quoted in KA/ S 1/ 9, B, 241a.
231 Cf. above, (1), 85; quoted, mostly by the name of the author, in KA V, 25, 82, 103.
238 A history of the Ottomans to 1526 written in commission of Bayezld II; GOW, 62; V.L.
Menage, Kemal Pasha-zade, E l2; it is quoted as Fethname, which is probably identical with the
so-called Mohacname, which actually was the uncompleted tenth book of his Tevarih-i al-i 'Os
man, treating the history of the Empire from the reign of Selim I to the return of Suleyman from
the Battle of Mohacs; quoted in KA/ S 1/ Introduction, B, 222b (verse).
 SOURCES 41

18 Cdmi'ii l-meknunat by 'Isa-i Hamidl (4)239

19 Heft bihift by Sehl Beg (d. 1548)240
20 Liiccetii l-ebrar by Yetlm 'All Qelebi (d. 1552)241
21 Tabakatii l-memalik ve derecatii l-mesalik by Mustafa b. Celal Celal-
zade, Koca Nianci (d. 1567) (7)242
22 M irdtii l-memalik by Seydl 'All ReIs (d. 1562)243
23 Ash-Shaqdiq an-nu'mamya f i 'ulama adrdawlat al-Uthmamya by Ahmed
Takoprizade (d. 1561)244
24 Siyer-i anbiya-i 'izam ve ahval-i hulafa-i kiram ve menakib-i selatln-i al-i
'Osman by Ramazanzade Mehmed Paa, Kii$uk Nianci (d. 1571)
( 8)~245
25 Giilfen-i fu'ara by Ahmed b. emsi 'Ahdl (d. 1593)246
26 Mefd'irii fu'ara by 'A$ik (^elebi (d. 1572)241

239 A rhymed Ottoman history written between 1529 and 1535; B. Flemming, Der Garni' iil-
mekniinat: Eine Quelle 'Alls aus der Zeit Sultan Suleymans , in: Studien zur Geschichte und
Kultur des vorderen Orients. Festschrift fiir Bertold Spuler zum siebzigsten Geburtstag (Leiden,
1981), 79-92, cf. especially, ibidem, 81-83; quoted in KA V, 94, 140.
240 A biographical dictionary of poets, completed in 1539; GOW, 6 8 ; Giinay Kut, ed.,
Introduction to H eft Bihifl: The Tezkire by Sehl Beg. An Analysis o f the First Biographical Work
on Ottoman Poets, (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), 6 ff.; quoted by the name of the author in the the
sections on Ottoman poets, KA V, 129, 130; KA/ B II/ poets/ 38, B, 221a.
241 A biography of ReIs Hayreddln Barbarossa, of which only one MS is known to exist;
A. S. Levend, Gazavat-nameler ve Mihaloglu Ali Beyin Gazavat-namesi (Ankara, 1956), 74, where
the title is quoted as Liiccetii l-ahyar; A. Gallotta, Khayr al-DIn, E l2; summarized in KA/ SU/
28; quoted as Hiiccetii l-ebrar in B, 298a.
242 A history of the reign of Sultan Suleyman to 1555, originally conceived as the 30th tabaka
of a larger work; GOW, 102; Levend, Gazavat-nameler, 63-64; Petra Kappert, ed., Introduction
to Geschichte Sultan Siileyman Kaniinls von 1520 bis 1557 oder Tabakat iil-Memalik ve Derecat iil-
Mesalik (Wiesbaden, 1981), 11 ff.; the main source for the period of Sultan Suleyman; quoted by
the title and/or the name o f the author in KA/ SU/ 10, B, 277a; ibidem, 17, B, 287b; ibidem, 21,
B, 289a, 290a; ibidem, 29, 303a, 304b; ibidem, 41, B, 314a-b; ibidem, 53, B, 338a.
243 A travelogue on the authors journey to India of 1553-1557; cf. erafettin Turan, Seydi
Ali Reis , IA; mentioned as 39th source in the general introduction; summarized in KA/ SU/ 52,
B, 332b-337a.
244 A biographical dictionary in Arabic, containing the lives of 522 Ottoman 'ulema and
shaykhs, including the authors autobiography; completed in 1558; GAL II, 425; S II, 633; GOW
84-85; mentioned as the 48th item in the source list of the general introduction; quoted 14 times
in the biographical sections, from KA V, 52, to the authors biography, KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 95, B,
381a-382a.
245 A summary universal history, largely dedicated to the Ottoman dynasty up to 1561-62,
written in commission of Sultan Suleyman; GOW 104; erafettin Turan, Ramazan-zade, IA;
named Tevarth-i 'Osmaniyan in the authors preface; quoted by the name of the author in KA V,
25, 39; KA/ M II/ viziers/ 5, B, 148a; KA/ B II/ viziers/ Introduction, B, 204a.
246 A biographical dictionary o f Ottoman statesmen, 'ulema and poets, completed in 1563;
GOW, 112; quoted in KA/ SU/ poets/ 2, P, 353a. Cf. fsen, Kaynaklar , 116.
247 A biographical dictionary of poets, completed in 1568-69 and offered to Sultan Selim II;
cf. GOW, 69; Meredith-Owens, Memoir, xv-xix; quoted 33 times in the sections on Ottoman
poets as Tezkire and/or the name of the author, from KA V, 130, to KA/ S II/ poets/ 39, B, 482b.
Cf. fsen, Kaynaklar , 103-113.
 1

42 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

27 Shiqq ash-shaqaiq (Dhayl ash-shaqa iq) by 'Aik Qelebi (d. 1572)248

28 Tacii t-tevanh by Sa'deddln Mehmed b. Hasan Can (d. 1599) (9)249
29 Tezkiretii -uara ve tebsiretii n-nuzama by LatifT (d. 1582)250
30 'Iqd an-nuziim (manziim) f i dhikr afadil al-mulk ar-Riim by Ahlzade
'Alaaddin, Minik 'A ir (d. 1574)251
31 Miin$e'atu s-selatin by Ferfdun Ahmed Beg (d. 1583)252
32 Tezkiretii $-$uara by Kinalizade (Ibn el-Muhanna) Hasan Qelebi (d.
1604)253
33 Kiyafetii l-insamye f i emayili l-Osmdniye by Seyyid Lokman b. Seyyid
Huseyn el-'A$urf el-Huseyni (d. 1601)254
34 Tarih-i al-i 'Osmani by Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fenarf, Ta'llkizade (d.
1599), completed early 1598255

248 An appendix to Tagkoprizades Shaqaiq an-nu'mamya (cf. above, no. 23) in Arabic,
presented to Grand vizier Sokollu Mehmed Paga; GOW, 69; G.M. Meredith-Owens, Memoir,
xix, no. 7; used, together with Minik 'Alps 'Iqd an-nuzum (cf. below, no. 30), for the lives of
'ulema and shaykhs following upon that of Tagkoprizade, cf. KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 95/ Appendix, B,
381a; only one further reference to one f these tekmiles occurs in KA/ SU/ shaykhs/ 28, B, 392a.
249 An Ottoman history up to the death of Sultan Selim I, with a continuation to 1554,
possibly not written by the author; presented to Sultan Murad III in 1572; GOW, 124-125;
Serafettin Turan, Sad-ed-Din , IA; named Tevdrlh-i al-i 'Osman in the authors preface; quoted
by kitab and/or the name of the author, in KA V, 25; KA/ S 1/ Introduction, B, 226b (verse);
ibidem, 3, B, 232a, 234a (indirectly, by quoting a report of Hasan Can); ibidem, 10, B, 245b
(verse).
250 A biographical dictionary of Ottoman poets, completed in 1569, with a continuation to
1574-75; GOW 111; Walter Guildford Andrews, The Tezkere-i su'ara of Latifi as Source for the
Critical Evaluation of Ottoman Poetry (Diss. University of Michigan, 1970), 18 flf.; the work is
quoted 23 times in the sections on Ottoman poets, from KA V, 115, to KA/ SU/ poets/ 111, B,
424a. Cf. Isen, Kaynaklar , 96-103.
251 An appendix to Tagkoprizades Shaqaiq an-nu'mamya (cf. above, no. 23) in Arabic to
1573-74; GOW, 113; used, together with 'Agik (/elebis Shiqq ash-shaqa iq (cf. above, no. 27), for
the biographies of 'ulema and shaykhs following upon that of Tagkoprizade, cf. KA/ SU/ 'ulema/
95/ Appendix, B, 381a; one of the tekmiles is quoted in KA/ SU/ shaykhs/ 28, B, 392a.
252 A collection of state papers presented to Sultan Murad III in 1574; GOW, 107; J.H.
Mordtmann/ V.L. Menage, Feridun Beg, E l2; quoted by its title in KA V, 145.
253 A biographical dictionary of Ottoman poets, completed in 1585 and presented to H5ca
Sa'deddln; GOW, 140; cf. Kutluk, Tezkiret, I, 13-33; quoted in KA/ S 1/ 'ulema/ 35, B, 264b;
KA/ S II/ poets/ 9, B, 475a; ibidem, 15, B, 476b; ibidem, 34, B, 481a; ibidem, 48, B, 484a. Cf.
Isen, Kaynaklar, 114-115.
254 A historical physiognomy of the Ottoman sultans, written in 1588; GOW, 165-166;
Introduction to Kiyafetii 7- tnsaniyye f i $emaili 'l-'Osmaniyye (Ankara, 1987), 13-14; mentioned
in the authors preface, L, 7b, as $emayilname; full title (but Ktyafet replaced by Hassiyet) in
KA/ MU III/ 54*, B, 592b; quoted, also erroneously by the name of Nu'man, in KA V, 25, 38
(verse).
2 55 A rhymed history of the Hungarian campaign of 1596, better known as Egri fethi tarihi or
Sehndme-i Sultan Mehmed-i salis; Levend, Gazavat-nameler, 97-98; Christine Woodhead, ed.,
Introduction to Ta'liki-zade's fehndme-i hiimayun: A History o f the Ottoman Campaign into
Hungary, 1593-94 (Freiburg, 1983), 13; quoted in the authors preface, L, 7b; the verses quoted in
the same chapter (7b-8b) are also from this work, cf. MS TKS Hazine 1609, 6a-7a (communica
tion of Christine Woodhead to the author, October 27, 1988).
 SOURCES 43

Some works could not be identified with certainty (in alphabetical order):
35 Du'aname by Suleyman (Jelebi (d. 1422)250
36 Fethname, composed on the conquest of Usturgon (Esztergom) in
1543257
37 Fethname by ihabl b. iikri258
38 Kitab Jafr, attributed to the Imam 'AIT259
39 Menakib-i hamide by Htiseyn EnisI (?)260
40 Menakib of Shaykh Ahmad ar-Rifa'I261
41 Nasabnama262
42 Risale-i Babiye by Yusuf Sinanaddln263
43 Selimname s264
44 Tarih by Hamza(vl)265
45 Tevarih-i kayasira-i Rum266
46 Kiitub-i tevarih-i Rum267

256 Quoted in KA V, 46 (verse); his famous Vesiletu n-necat (Mevlid) may be meant here; cf.
Necla Pekolcay, Suleyman Qelebi , IA.
257 Quoted in KA/ SU/ 42, B, 316b.
258 Description of the conquest of Yemen by Sinan Pa$a in 1569-1572; GOW, 92; Levend,
Gazavat-nameler, 83 (Yemen tarihi); 'All remarks that the author did not find recognition in his
time; this may account for the fact that it does not seem to have survived; quoted, also as Yemen
fiituhdn, in KA/ S II/ 3, B, 440a, P, 391b (verse), 392a, 393a (verse), 394a (verse).
255 A book of divination; GAL I, 44; S I, 75; cf. T. Fahd, Djafr, E l2; quoted, also as 7Im-i
Jafr, in KA/ S 1/ Introduction, B, 223a; KA/ SU/ 10, B, 278a.
260 A menakib work on the lives of Shaykh Ak Semseddln (d. 1480) and his sons; cf. J.H.
Kissling, Ak Shams al-DIn , El2; quoted in KA/ M II/ shaykhs/ 1, B, 161a, 161b, 162a, 162b;
ibidem, 4, B, I63a; ibidem, 6 , B, 163b; ibidem, 7, B, 163b; ibidem, 9, B, 164b.
261 A biography of the above-mentioned Shaykh (d. 1183); cf. GAL S I, 781; many
biographies of the saint and (an/cat-founder have survived; the data about the saints life and
supposed burial in Ladik given by 'All do not seem to be historical, cf. D.S. Margoliouth, al-
RifaT, E l1; quoted in KA V, 61.
262 A biography of HacT Bekta; Veil, possibly identical with the Vilayetname (cf. no. 5,
above); quoted in KA V, 53.
263 A Persian tract on Darband; quoted in KA/ MU III/ 10: xiii*, 506a.
264 Cf. Levend, Gazavat-nameler, 22-31; a collective reference occurs in KA/ S 1/ II, B, 249a.
For a detailed discussion of the contents of eight Selim-names in relation to the pertinent parts of
Kemal Pajazade's History, see: Ahmet Ugur, The Reign o f Sultan Selim I. in the Light o f the
Selim-name Literature (Berlin, 1985), 7-27.
265 Also mentioned as Hamza kissasi, KA V, 139, an unidentified, early-15th-century work in
poetry and prose in 24 volumes; cf. GOW, 13 (where the work is confused with (a) Cdmiii l-
meknunat, cf. Flemming, Der C a m i 83); Hilal Inalcik, The Rise o f Ottoman Historio
graphy , in: Historians o f the Middle East, 152-167, 154-155; quoted in KA V, 94.
266 Quoted in KA/ M II/ c:7*, B, 103b; probably quoted from Idris BidllsPs Hasht bihisht (cf.
no. 13, above); this and the following source may refer to the Tarih-i Aya Sofya which was based
on the late-Byzantine Patria Konstantinupoleos, cf. J.H. Mordtmann, Das Ei des Columbus, in:
Der Islam XII (1922), 193; and by the same author, Review, 159-161; cf. Bernard Lewis, The
Muslim Discovery o f Europe (New York and London, 1982), 156.
267 Quoted in KA/ M II/ c:9*, B, I08a; cf. n. 264, above.
 44 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

47 Tirendazan-i namveran (?) by Hasan b. Hacc Bahtiyar (early 16th cen

tury)268

Some names of authors could not be identified (in alphabetical order):

48 Hikmetl elebi269
49 at-Tabari270
50 Zayn al-'Arab271
51 Zayir b. al-'A kar272

Also in the fourth pillar we find a great number of general references, such as
it is related , according to some , according to some historians etc..
Intriguing is the reference: I saw in an old book, written in the time of
Bayezid... 273
My survey shows that for the history of the Empire until the accession of
Sultan Selim II (in 1566), 'AIT largely relied on the works of the nine Ottoman
historians mentioned in the introduction to the same pillar, although he does
not seem to have used, perhaps did not have access to, the Tevarih of Kemal
Pa$azade, except for its last, 10th, book. As in the case of the first three
pillars, there are indications that 'All used other Ottoman historical works
which are not mentioned in the introductory section, nor quoted (references
are sometimes also erroneously made to other historians) in the text, as, e.g,
OruQs Chronicle274 and the Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman of LutfT Pa$a (d. 1564)275.
'All must have known this last work, but was highly critical of LutfTs Pa$as
personality, scholarship and literary style276.
From my survey we may conclude that references to literary sources are
relatively scarce in the fourth pillar, with the exception of the biographical
parts, where the biographical dictionaries of, in particular, Ta$kdprizade,
'A$ik elebi and Latlfi are quoted. Citation of literary sources becomes even2489

248 A history of archery; the title is unsure; the work is only indirectly known, cf. J. Hein,
Bogenhandwerk und Bogensport bei den Osmanen, in: Der Islam XIV (1925), 289-360, 310-
312; GOW, 241, n. I ; the name of the author is quoted in KA/ SU/ f, B, 426a.
249 The author, identified as mukata'aci of Shirwan, wrote a work, probably a Fethname, on
the eastern campaigns of Ozdemirogli 'Osman Pa$a and Ca'fer Pa 5a from 1585 in which he
served; quoted in KA/ MU III/ 30, B, 549b; ibidem, 32, B, 559b, 561a, P, 476b.
270 Meant is probably 'Abdarrahman b. Ahmad at-Tabari, who wrote a book on archery
named Kitab al-Wadih\ cf. GAL S I, 906; J. Hein, Bogenhandwerk , 299; quoted in KA/ SU/ f,
B, 427a.
271 KA/ M II/ c:7*, B, I03a.
272 KA/ SU/ f, B, 426a.
273 KA V, 24, regarding a tradition on Ertugnl; cf. BIOE, 250.
274 The chapters KA/ B II/ 17-18 and possibly also B II/ 20/ Story (the latter one was
erroneously ascribed to Ne$ri, cf. above, no. 12) were based on this history, cf. Kreutel, Der
fromme Sultan Bayezid, 161, 165.
275 GOW, 80.
274 BIOE, 250.
 SOURCES 45

more scanty from the chapter on the reign of Selim II onward and stops after
the paragraph which describes the 32nd event of the reign of Murad III. For
this period the author could not use general histories. But this does not mean
that 'All did not use written sources for this part of the Essence, such as
the apparently widely publicized fethnames, but we are completely in the dark
as to their nature. 'AlFs reluctance to quote contemporary authorities might
also have been inspired by a certain disinclination of Islamic litterateurs to
quote local rivals 277. An indication of this attitude is 'AlFs contradictory
attitude towards the successful $ehnameguy Seyyid Lokman, whose literary
style is heavily criticized278, while at the same time his emayilname is used
as source, and poetry is even copied from it.

(3) Poetry
A number of verses which occur in the Essence were not written by 'All
and some of them are explicitly ascribed to other poets. For the first three
pillars in particular, we meet with the same difficulty to which I referred in
connection with the quotations in prose: to establish whether the quoted
fragments were directly copied from collections of poetry or, indirectly, from
the works which served as sources for the passage in question. Throughout
the work one comes across certain lines by, particularly, the Persian classical
poets Sa'di and Hafiz. In the biographical part of the second pillar we find,
notably, a concentration of 27 verse fragments ascribed to the early Arab
scholars and poets Mus'ab (7th century, one of two companions of the
Prophet), Akhtal (d. before 710), Jarir (d. 728-29 or after), Farazdaq (d. 730)
and MadainI (d. 752). These were probably copied from Ibn Kathlrs Bidaya.
Some of them are explained in Turkish by the author. In the fourth pillar
(with the exclusion of the biographies of poets), we find verse by Fehml279;
Ta'llklzade280; Sharafaddm 'All Yazdl281; Hafiz282; Ahmed Paa283; Monla
K andi284; Gazall285; Tlgl286; Valihl287; Safi288; Baki 289; San!290; Yahya

277 Cf. Barbara Flemming, Introduction to Fahri, Husrev u Sirin. Eine tiirkische Dichtung von
1367 (Wiesbaden, 1974), 134.
278 KA (IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 6b-7a.
279 KA (IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5b; he was a son of Kinalizade 'All (/elebi, cf. Tietze,
Description o f Cairo, 75.
280 KA (IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 7b-8b; cf. above, (2), no. 34.
281 KA V, 101.
282 KA V, 260; KA/ MU III/ 10:vii*, L, 349b.
283 KA/ M II/ d:2*, B, 109a.
284 KA/ SU/ Introduction, B, 270b; ibidem, 13, B, 283b; ibidem, 14, B, 283b; ibidem, 25, B,
296a.
285 KA/ SU/ 30, B, 304a.
286 KA/ MU III/ 12, L, 365a.
287 Ibidem.
288 Ibidem; ibidem, 18, B, 524a; he was a protege o f 'All, BIOE, 90 (n. 52).
289 KA/ SU/ 54/ Appendix, B, 341a; KA/ M III/ 2*, B, 598a-b.
290 KA/ SU/ 54/ Appendix, B, 341a.
46 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

Beg291; Celal Beg292; S a l293; Jalaladdln RumI294; Kabuli295; Feridl296;

'AkII297; and T a b !29829.

(4) Literary sources: 'A lfs own works

'Alls source material, not indicated in the introductions, included his own
writings: prose works, poems and letters, written before or during the
composition of the Essence . This aspect of 'Alfs historiographical method
has hardly been studied so far. The prose works used for the Essence were,
in the order in which they were written:

1 Nadirii Irmaharib of 1567/68

The short essay, consisting of 25 folios in the MS TKS Revan 1290 (1), lb-
253, describes in a rather flowery language, adorned with, mostly, Persian
verse, the war between the Princes Bayezld and Selim during the years 1558-
1561. It was meant to flatter 'A lfs patron Lala Mustafa Paa and Sultan
Selim II who had recently acceded to the throne (in 1566)299. The essay was
summarized and adapted for the 55th event of the reign of Suleyman300. It
was based on oral information obtained from, apparently, Lala Mustafa Paa
himself as well as Dervish Kiigik Monla of Damascus and k a il 'asker Hamid
Efendi301. In the Essence version o f the story, Lala Mustafa Paa, who
had by then been dead for at least ten years, is heavily criticized and accused
of being the evil genius behind the whole conflict302. The reasoning was as
follows: appointed tutor {lala) of Selim a degradation brought about by
Grand vizier Rustem Paa he had instigated the prince to provoke his
brother into open rebellion. Mustafa Paas aim was to take revenge on
Rustem Paa, who indeed was subsequently dismissed. This unforgivable
treason, an illness for which no cure exists , was eventually punished: the
pasha never obtained the grand-vizierate upon which he had set his hopes.

291 KA/ S II/ Introduction, B, 433b.

292 Ibidem.
293 KA/ MU III/ 10:ii*, L, 339a.
294 KA/ MU III/ 10:iii*, L, 340a.
295 KA/ MU III/ 35, B, 571a.
296 KA/ MU III/ 54*, B, 591b-592a; cf. BIOE, 299.
297 KA/ MU III/ 56*, B, 596a-b; cf. BIOE, 157.
298 KA/ M III/ 1*, B, 597b-598a.
299 Cf. INAL, 63-64; AB, 15; BIOE 44.
300 B, 341b-350b > P, 316a-b.
301 B, 343b, 345a.
302 Quoted by Dani$mend, Kronoloji, II, 310-312.
 SOURCES 47

2 Heft meclis of 1569/70

'AlFs second short historical essay describes, in an august, even obscure
language, adorned with a great number of, mostly, Turkish verses, Sultan
Suleymans Szigetvar campaign, the rulers death on the field of battle and
Selims succession in 1566. It was written to flatter Sokolh Mehmed Paa,
whom 'All in the last paragraph, complaining about his hardships and lack of
patronage, directly asked for a posting303. A somewhat simplified and
summarized version of HM, 6-49, (the introductory chapter and the epilogue
containing the request were left out) was included in the fourth pillar304. The
poet anl wrote a nazire on one of its verses, quoted by 'A ll305.

3 Ziibdetii t-tevarih of 1575

The book, counting 220 folios in MS it) Tiirkge 2386, lb-220b, was a
laboured translation of the Ishraq at-tawarikh of al-Tjl306, and dedicated first
to his patron Ferhad Paa and Sokolh Mehmed Paa, later to Sultan Murad
III307. The work might be reckoned to belong to the tafslrj hadith genre; it
explains in simple language and short sentences in which Turkish vocabulary
dominates, and rhyme and verse hardly occur, the historically relevant
passages of the Koran and the prophetic traditions on the subject. The simple
style of the original was intentional: al-Tjl had written the book for his sons
and pupils308. The laboured translation, rather than the original seems to
have been copied into the Essence for the second part of the prophets
stories, from the departure of Yusuf onward, as it occurs in the printed
version309 and nearly all MSS, as well as in the following parts about early
Islamic history310.

4 Nusretname of 1580/81
The book, consisting of 280 folios in the MS BL Add. 22011, lb-280b,
describes the Safavid campaigns of 1578-1580 in which 'All participated as
secretary (miinT) to the commander (serdar) Lala Mustafa Paa. It was
written to eulogize Mustafa Paas military exploits and was presented to the
Porte with a covering letter by a beglerbegi (possibly 'All himself) in which
the post of ni$anci was requested on behalf of the author. Afterwards, two

303 Cf. INAL, 56; AB, 15; BIOE, 58.

304 KA/ SU/ 57, B, 351b-356a.
305 In KA/ S II/ poets/ 24, B, 478a.
306 Mentioned above, (1), no. 57.
307 INAL, 59-60; AB, 15-17; BIOE, 69-70.
308 Cf. MS 10 Tiirk?e 2386, 220a-b.
309 KA III, 2-101.
310 KA III, 104-248.
48 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

richly illustrated editions were presented to the sultan311. The work com
bined the genres as well as the appropriate august style of the fethname and
the official letter, consisting mainly of the letters written during the campaign,
most of them by 'All himself. The work was adapted and summarized in the
fourth pillar312. The most important differences between N N and the
Essence version of the events, apart from abridgement (which meant
leaving out a number of letters), are: (1) criticism of Sinan Paa in the
Essence which does not occur in NN (in connection with the appointment
of Sinan Paa as second commander in 1578, the subsequent quarrel between
him and Lala Mustafa Paa and the formers dismissal313); (2) N N contains
a number of autobiographical passages which are omitted in the Essence :
the authors appointment as miin$i314; his appointment as timar defterdari of
Aleppo (October 1578) and the treachery of Gullizade Mehmed Beg who,
sent as envoy to the Porte, spoilt 'A lfs chance to obtain the defterdarlik of
Aleppo or Diyarbekr315; 'AlTs request of the niancdik upon the death of
Sokolli Mehmed Paa (October 1579)316; (3) the conversation of'A ll with the
Shamhal of Dagistan that occurs in the Essence 317 is not included in NN.

5 Fursatndme of 1580/81

The book, consisting of 53 folios in the unique MS SB or. oct. 2927, was a
sequel to the Nusretname, written in commission of Sinan Paa in order to
describe his Georgian campaign of 1580-1581, broken off in July of the last
year318. The abbreviated account was included in the fourth pillar319. It is
preceded there by a highly polemical introduction on the protagonist of the
event, commander Sinan Paa, who had only obtained the post by idle
talk; his reputation as conqueror of Yemen and La Goletta was equally based
on his own lies. This strangely contrasts with the highly laudatory treatment
of the pasha in the original which is maintained in the rest of the same
chapter.

311 INAL, 56-57; AB, 17; BIOE, 89, 105, 110-111; an edition by the Georgian scholar S.S.
Djikia based on the Vienna MS has been in preparation, cf. M.H. Svanidze, Point des etudes sur
lhistoire de la Turquie et de la Georgie , in: Turcica IX/2-X (1978), 236-246, 238.
312 KA/ MU III/ 10-17.
313 KA/ MU III/ 10:i*; cf. NN, 3b.
314 NN, 4a-b.
315 NN, 128a-130a.
316 NN, 250b-251a.
317 KA/ MU/ III/ 10:xiv*
318 INAL, 57; AB, 17; Gotz, Handschriften,2\A-2\%\ BIOE, 89, in particular, n. 89; Rana
von Mende, introductory chapters to Mustafa 'Alt's Fursat-name.
319 KA/ MU III/ 18; cf. Rana von Mende, Mustafa 'Alt's Fursat-name, 23-33.
 SOURCES 49

6 Nushatu s-selatin of 1581-1585

The book is a mirror for princes work discussing contemporary symptoms
of disruption in the Ottoman polity. It includes a long autobiograpy
characterized by a mixture of self-abasement, arrogant boasting and self
commiseration320. The work is the first example o f'A lls artistry in handling
Ottoman prose and his skill in composing short narratives, remarkable for
flashing dialogue, unexpected details and satirical wit. Although many of the
themes related with Ottoman disruption are also found in the Essence , I
found only one paragraph which was literally adopted in the history:
Ramazanzades account about the refusal of Lutfi Pa$a to accept 'AH Qelebis
offering of his Htimaytinname321.

7 Cami'ti l-buhtir der mecalis-i stir of 1583

The work, consisting of 108 folios in MS TKS Koku 203, lb-108b, describes
the ceremonies and festivities, which lasted about two months, on the
occasion of the circumcission of Prince Mehmed in 1582. The work, commis
sioned by the Porte, consists mainly of a long mesnevi in eight chapters
(preceded by an introduction, and concluded by an appendix and epi
logue), was probably based on archival sources322. The contents were
summarized, and some of its poetry quoted in, the fourth pillar323.

8 M iratti l-avalim of 1587

A short treatise, consisting of 22 folios in MS iO Turk^e 3543, 64b-86b,
which discusses, generally in unembellished language, cosmology, chronology
and signs of the apocalypse. It was dedicated to musahib Doganci Mehmed
Pa$a and Sultan Murad III324. Parts of the work were literally adopted into
the first pillar of the Essence : (1) the creation of the seven orbits, planets
and earths, with details on the generations of prophets on the first zemm,
based on a tradition of Talha (b. 'Ubaydallah)325; (2) the creation by way of
a peacock, based on Shukrallahs Bahjat at-tawarikh326; (3) other versions of
the creation327; (4) the difference of opinion between scholars about the

320 INAL, 82-83; AB, 44-45; edition and translation, Tietze, Introduction to Counsel; BIOE,
96-103.
321 NS II, 74-75/ 202-203 and KA/ SU/ 'ulema! 49, B, 378a-b.
322 INAL, 84-85; AB, 18; BIOE, 106-107.
323 KA/ MU III/ 19.
324 INAL, 23; Taeschner, Geographische Literatur , 38; AB, 19-21; BIOE, 126-127.
325 MA, 65b-71a; similar with KA I, 56-60.
326 MA, 71b-75a; similar with KA I, 54-56; cf. above, (1), no. 76.
327 MA, 76a-79a; similar with KA I, 51; 49-51.
50 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

order of the creation of the Pen, the Spirit, the Tablet and Adam328; (5) the
hicri, Coptic, Persian and Jewish chronological systems329.

9 Mirkatu l-cihad of 1589

The book is a laboured translation of 'Arif 'All's 14th-century Danimend-
name, in itself an adaptation of a work of Ibn 'Ala ('Ala Beg Miini) written
in the 13th century330. The work describes, in rather flowery language
(greatly deplored by Melikoff: ecrite dans un style pompeux et ennuyeux au
possible 331), the exploits of the legendary founders of the Danishmendid
dynasty, first of all Ahmed Danimend, in 1lth-century northern Anatolia
Corum where 'AIT wrote the book, had been one of the places which had seen
their onslaughts. In the introduction and epilogue 'AIT complains about his
disappointing career, the appointment of unsuitable officials for money (in
casu a lowly cadi called Manav on his own post of defterdar of Rum), and
the disruption of the state after 300 years of flowering. 'AIT requested a
posting in Jidda332. The book was used as a source for both his chapter on
the Danishmendids in the third pillar of the Essence 333 and the almost
identical, ninth, one of the Fusul-i hall33*.

While working on the Essence, 'AIT wrote two other prose works, passages
of which also appear in the Essence . It is impossible to tell whether these
appeared first in the prose works or in the Essence . It is perhaps more
likely that they were written both for these smaller essays and the history at
the same time. These works were:

10 Mahasinu l-adab of 1596

The book, consisting of 23 folios in MS it} Turk^e 2547, 102b-125b, is a
laboured translation of the Minhaj as-suluk attributed to al-Jahiz335. It was
dedicated to the new Sultan Mehmed III and Grand vizier Ibrahim Paa,
upon the latters dismissal, to Gazanfer Aga. In it, 'All requested to be
appointed beglerbegi336. The work has fifteen chapters, the first of which
containing twelve necessities (lazimes) conditional for the behaviour of the
good ruler. The work and its original are quoted as sources in the third

328 MA, 79a-80a; similar with KA I, 53-54.

325 MA, 85a-86a; similar with KA I, 259-265.
330 INAL, 60-61; Melikoff, La Geste, 62-63, 74; AB, 21-22; BIOE, 132-133.
331 La Geste, 63.
332 Cf. MS SK Re$id Efendi 678, 3a-6b, 277a-278a; cf. INAL, 30-32.
333 MS 1-15, 346a.
334 MS UB Or. 932(2), 58b-60b.
335 Cf. above, (1), no. 4.
336 INAL, 85-86; AB, 48; BIOE, 166, 170.
 SOURCES 51

pillar33738,and additions to the Arabic original, mainly on Ottoman situations,

are sometimes also found in the fourth pillar: (1) the biography of emsl
Ahmed Paa and his efforts to corrupt Sultan Murad III (as historical
example of a desastrous musahib)339; (2) criticism of Selim IIs drinking
habits which facilitated Sokolli Mehmed Papas exercise of favouritism and
the threatening abandonment of the Conquerors kanun339; (3) the story of
Bayezld Is threatening execution of cadis and the interference of a disguised
courtier340; (4) criticism of Mehmed I lls lavish gifts to Ferhad Aga341.

11 Fusul-i hall u 'akd fi usul-i harf u nakd of 1598/1599

A treatise, consisting of 132 folios in MS UB Or. 932(2), 2a-145b, on the
undoing (halt) and making ('akd) of 32 Islamic dynasties with an
introduction on the ideal polity and present Ottoman inequities; an appendix
on the decay of the Empire since 990 (1582) and its threatening fall; as well as
an epilogue on the fate of the pre-Ottoman Anatolian principalities; it was
commissioned by a molla and shaykh connected with the court, and
dedicated to Mehmed III and valide-sultan Safiye Hatun. It is written in
simple language and belongs to 'Alls most popular books342. The book was
based, as 'All explains in the introduction, on materials used for the
Essence on which he was still working343. A similar version of the story of
Dahhaq and the rebellion of Kawa from the Shahnama occurs in both the
chapter on Persians and Ptolemies, added to a few MSS of the second
pillar344 and in F H 345. The version of the decline and fall of the Abbasids
likewise bears resemblance to that in the Essence 346. In a number of MSS
of the third pillar, fifteen chapters are found which also occur in FH and were
written in the same year 1007/1598-99347.

Apart from quotations from his prose works, 'All undoubtedly also used
poetry collected in his Divans and other poetical works for the Essence, but
I have not studied this aspect systematically. One example is a fragment from

337 KA IV-1, 184, 204.

338 MS iO Tiirkge 2547, 105a-b; the passage occurs nearly literally in KA/ MU III/ 5 and
KA/ SU/ beglerbegis/ 24, B, 367b.
339 MS IO Tiirkge 2547, 107-108a; the passage occurs in KA (IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5a.
340 MS IO Turk?e 2547, 112b; occurs in KA V, 104.
341 MS IO Tiirk?e 2547, 118b-l 19a; occurs in KA/ M III/ 4*, B, 599a-b.
342 INAL, 61-62; AB, 28-30; BIOE, 177-179.
343 FH, 28b.
344 E.g. MS 1-15, 248b-254b.
345 FH, 39a-45b.
346 Cf. FH 39a-45b and KA IV-1, 210-218; but cf. BIOE, 237.
347 Cf. MS 1-15, 344a-360a, containing, subsequently, the 4th, 5th, 7th, 8 th, 9th, 12th, 10th,
14th, 15th, 19th, 20th, 11th, 24th, 18th chapters (fusul), as well as material from the epilogue of
FH; the date is mentioned on 355b.
52 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

his long poem called Hulasatu l-ahval which had been included in his second
Divan, Ldyihatu l-haklka, completed in 1591. The poem, a terci'-bend of 247
distichs arranged in ten stanzas, probably written in 1581/82, describes the
sham happiness11 of the various classes of Ottoman society, from the sultan
down to peasants348. A fragment of four distichs occurs in the fourth
pillar349. Discussing the decline of the institution in his own days, 'AIT writes
that in 999 (1590-91) an ignorant Egyptian11 who was cadi with a salary of
50 akpe, against all rules of the kanun and for a large bribe, was quickly
promoted to a cadiship of 499 akge, at the same time arranging jobs for his
cronies. The grand vizier (probably Sinan Pa$a) was silent and thus tax-
money was squandered. Also the terms of office (muddet-i 'orjiye) were
illegally reduced from three to two years, and even to seven, eight months. At
this point we find the four distichs:

If you are a judge, you have paid cash to obtain the position
And you have [thus] become a slave to the coins of bribery
Although by law your term of office is three years
You will be dismayed by three dismissals a year
If a scoundrel takes away your office before its term expires,
You would think it was a dream an you had poluted yourself with
sperm"350

'All also used copies of letters, which he had written both as state official and
litterateur, for the Essence . Most letters quoted had been written when he
was secretary to Lala Mustafa Paa; some of these were adopted from the
Nusretname351. 'AIT also quoted in the Essence his Harikname about the
fire of the Jewish quarter of Istanbul in 1569, which had been directed to
Kinahzade 'AIT Qelebi352 as well as his congratulary letters written on the
occasion of the circumcision of Prince Mehmed in 1582353 and Ibrahim
Paas appointment as grand vizier in 1596354.

(5) Official letters, documents and archival material

'AIT not only quoted his own letters, but also those of others, both from
literary sources and from his private collection. Official letters by ni$anci

348 It was edited and translated by Tietze, The Poet as Critique and Postscript ; cf. BIOE,
134 (n. 75).
349 KA/ M II/ e:l*.
350 B, 112a-b; Tietze, The Poet as Critique, 131/149: 72-74, and Postscript, 206: 74; I
used Tietzes translation. For another example, see Chapter Three, below.
351 KA/ S II/3; KA/ MU III/10; cf. BIOE, 52.
352 KA/ S II/ 4; it was adopted from his Men$e'u l-in$d , cf. BIOE, 56.
353 KA/ MU III/ 19; it was adopted from his Cami u l-buhur, cf. BIOE, 106.
354 KA/ M III/ 23*, cf. BIOE, 165.
 SOURCES 53

Taczade Ca'fer Qelebi (d. 1515) directed to Shah Isma'il35 5, and, e.g., the
emr-i $erif by which Idris BidllsT was thanked and rewarded for his mission to
the Kurdish emirs35356, were probably copied from an ina work, perhaps the
Miinseat of Feridun Beg357. The letter of Hoca Sa'deddln directed to Lala
Mustafa Paa in 1579358 must have passed 'Alls hands he was campaign
secretary at the time. Later, he copied it into both the Nusretname and the
Essence . The emr-i erif addressed to himself, by which he was commissio
ned to write the official fethname which was to describe Ozdemirogh 'Osman
Paas expedition against the rebellious Mehmed Giray Han in 1584, is also
quoted in the Essence 3593601.
Apart from quoting letters, mostly of an official character, 'All on a few
occasions explicitly mentions official documents and archivalia in the fourth
pillar. He consulted in 1004 (1595-96) the vakfiye of the mosque of Ladik,
founded in 1350/5136. Account books of the Janissary corps (muhasebat
defterleri), to which he as a former secretary to the corps perhaps still had
access or which he may have had copied, are quoted for the actual numbers
of men in the various units in 1006 (1597-98)3<S1. The survey of the posses
sions of the deceased Rustem Paa (d. 1561) was based on a list contained in
a scrap-book in the possession of Sinan Paa, governor of Cyprus362. The
institutional measures regarding the province of Shirwan, described in the
Essence , were copied from the official defter363. For the number of houses
in Tabriz, 'All quoted a kitabet-i vilayet36*. 'Alls detailed list of the acces
sion fees (bahsis) granted to the officers and ranks of the Janissary corps as
well as the other pillars of state at the accession of Sultan Mehmed III in
1595, must also have been copied from account books365 'All, we should
remember, was katib-i yenigeriyan at the time. 'Alfs use of archival sources
appears to be, on the whole, trustworthy: the round number of 20,000 to
30,000 Janissaries and 7000 sipahl as given by 'All, for instance, match the
figures of, subsequently, the 18,905 and 8,366 men mentioned in the budget of
1582-83 366.

355 KA/ S 1/ 3, B, 228b-229b; 230a-b.

356 KA/ S 1/ 9, B, 243a-b.
357 Cf. above, (2), no. 31.
3S KA/ MU III/ 12, B, SI2a.
359 KA/ MU III/ 26, B, 539b-540b; cf. BIOE, 114.
360 KA V, 62.
361 KA/ M II/ e:3*, B, II9a-b.
362 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 6 , B, 360a; cf. BIOE, 251.
363 KA/ MU III/ 28, B, 544a.
364 KA/ MU III/ 30:iv*, B, 554a; c f also Chapter Three, below, where I quote the passage in
extenso.
365 KA/ M III/ I* and 3*, B, 597a-b, 598b-599a.
366 KA/ M II/ e:3*, B, 119-b; c f Omer Lutfi Barkan, The Price Revolution of the Sixteenth
Century: A Turning Point in the Economic History of the Near East (transl. Justin McCarthy),
in: International Journal fo r Middle Eastern Studies 6 (1975), 3-28, 20. C f also below, (III).
 54 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

On a few occasions, 'All also quotes the text offetvas361. It is possible that
'All kept a notebook or diary in which he copied such materials, as some
historians might well have done367368, but we are not informed about this.

(6) Epigraphic material

On one rare occasion, 'All describes an old Arabic inscription found in Kars
in 1579 which mentioned the foundation of the town by Sultan 'Izzaddln and
Bint Karimaddln Khatun in 584/1188-89369. 'All, who sojourned in the town
as secretary of Lala Mustafa Pa$a, probably saw the inscription himself370.

(b) Oral information

'All not only was a restless collector of books and documents, but also of
personal information. Living in Istanbul and travelling through the provinces
of the Ottoman Empire, both in his official and private life, he visited and
came into contact with a great number of important contemporaries eminent
in both the political and literary worlds of his day. His meetings with them
resulted in about seventy passages of varying length, mainly in the second
part of the fourth pillar, which describe these occasions and the information
obtained from these personalities. The value of these fragments is mostly
biographical, both regarding the life of 'All himself and that of his hosts and
their family. The short sub-chapters indeed are for the greater part found in
the biographical sections of the Ottoman pillar. Apart from passages of this
type, we find a number of even more intriguing references to informants,
often apparently of lower social status, without explanation of their identity
or the date or circumstances of their meeting.
Although it is impossible to draw sharp lines between the (autobiographi
cal and purely historical material provided by passages in the text where
informants are mentioned, I will give here a short survey of the second
category (see for the first group, Part (III), below).

367 KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 208a, the justification to wage war a gainst the Circassians of Egypt; KA/
MU III/ 12, L, 369a-b, the justification to enslave captured Armenians, attributed to the }eyhii
Irlslams Rental Pa$azade and Ebussu'ud; KA/ M III/ 11*, 602b, the justification of Ferhad Paas
execution, issued by $eyhii l-Islam Bostanzade Muhyiddin.
369 Cf. Marilyn Robinson Waldman, Toward a Theory o f Historical Narrative'. A Case Study
in Perso-Islamicate Historiography (Columbus, Ohio, 1980), 54; Mehmed lp;irli, Mustafa
Selaniki and His History, in: TED 9 (1978), 417-472, 430.
369 The text of this inscription reads (in French translation): Cette citadelle benie a ete
fondee par lAsaf des rois, Firuz Aka... durant les jours de notre maitre le sultan, le roi
Tzzaddin... avec laide de la fille du sultan Karimaddin, la bien connue, que Dieu illumine sa
tombe... , cf. R. Byron, M. Cohen et alii, Repertoire chronologique d'epigraphie arabe, IX (Cairo,
1937), 43, no. 3265. Tzzaddin probably was the Seljuk ruler 'Izzaddln Qilij Arslan II (551/1156-57
- 588/1192).
370 KA/ MU III/ 12:i*, L, 364b.
 SOURCES 55

For the third pillar, 'AIT obtained information about Safavid court intri
gues from a certain Shaykh Harem Kele of Tayarbi near Bozok, who had
been in Persia and had associated with most kizilba emirs 371. The
chapter on the Ramazanogullan was largely based on stories told by PTri
Pa$a (d. 1568/69), the hereditary sancakbegi of Adana, whom 'AIT met in the
spring of 1563 when he was on his way to Damascus372. Friendship was
concluded, the pasha even asked 'AIT to become his son-in-law, and they
spoke with each other day and night (ebanruz). PTri Pa$a told 'AIT about
his father Halil Beg and in particular the latters relation with Selim I and
Suleyman, his grandson Mehmed Beg, ruler of Adana in 1002 (1594-95), as
well as his brothers and nephews373. Some of this material overlapped with
passages in the fourth pillar374.
Informants mentioned in the fourth pillar were the historians and 'AlFs
mentors during his student years in Istanbul, Mustafa Celalzade and Rama-
zanzade Mehmed Pa$a. Celalzade passed on information about the Kanunna-
me of the Conqueror, obtained from niganci SeyyidI Beg375, told 'All why
Selim I had killed Prince Ahmed376, and informed him about the origins of
the rulers plans to expand the Ottoman fleet377. He also told 'All about the
circumstances of the appointment of Vizier Mustafa Pa$a378 the telhis on
the matter had been written by Celalzade himself , the real reason why
Taczade Ca'fer Qelebi had been executed379, and details of the political
activities of Ibrahim Pa$a380 Celalzade had been Ibrahim Pa$as secretary.
Ramazanzade told 'All the story of the failed presentation of Mevlana 'Alls
Humayunname to LutfT Pa$a, which had also been included in the Nushat361.
In Damascus, 'Ah came to know a certain Mehmed Beg, who told the
historian in 970 (1563) the curious story of the flea-test to which Rustem
Pa$a was subjected before he was allowed to marry Sultan Suleymans
daughter382. He also told 'AIT about his father, HacI Beg383. 'AlFs friend, the
poet Mahmud Pa$a, informed 'All, probably in Baghdad, about his fathers
biography384. 'All had also spoken with Ahmed Pa$a, son-in-law of Rustem

3.1 KA IV-3, 12; two stories appear in KA IV-3, 12-14.

3.2 Cf. BIOE, 41.
3.3 KA IV-3, 58-62.
374 KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 248b-249a; KA/ SU/ beglerbegis/ 15, 366b- 367a; KA/ SU/ poets/ 41, B,
404a; KA/ S 11/ sancakbegis/ 1, B, 461b.
375 KA/ M 11/ e:2*, B, 113b; cf. BIOE, 247.
370 KA/ S 1/ Introduction, B, 227a.
377 KA/ S 1/ 6 , B, 237b.
378 KA/ S 1/ viziers/ II, B, 257b.
379 KA/ S 1/ 'ulema/ 35, B, 263a.
380 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 2, B, 358a.
381 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 49, B, 378a-b.
382 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 6 , B, 359b.
383 KA/ SU/ emirs/ 7, B, 372b.
384 KA/ SU/ beglerbegis/ 13, B, 366b.
56 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

Paa and kul of the executed ba$defterdar Iskender Qelebi, probably about his
late masters conflict with Ibrahim Paa385. In Amasya, probably in 1595/96,
'All spoke with the Halvetl Shaykh Sidkl Musliheddln and Cadi 'Abdallah
b. Halil about Celalzades mission to Shaykh Gumiliogli Mehmed, who had
cursed Sultan Selim I 386.
Important information was provided by 'Alls patrons, the statesmen Lala
Mustafa Paa, Ozdemirogh 'Osman Paa (d. 1585) and Gazanfer Aga (d.
1603). Lala Mustafa Paa told 'All particulars about Ibrahim Paas disres
pectful behaviour towards his master, Sultan Suleyman387, informed him
about the conquest of Cyprus, of which he had been commander, in 1570388,
and discussed with him the correct way to receive a khan of the Crimea389.
'Osman Paa told 'All about his Crimean expedition and reception by Sultan
Murad III in the New Palace in July 1584 in September, 'All, promoted
to defterdar of Erzurum, accompanied the pasha, who had received orders to
march on Tabriz, as far as Bolu390. The strange comment to the aga-yi bab-i
sa'adet (Chief White Eunuch Gazanfer Aga) on 'Osman Paas drug and wine
addiction by Sultan Murad after he had received the commander in private
audience was most probably communicated to 'All by the Palace functionary
himself391. In Kayseri, in 1596, 'All met the emirs of Ziilkadriye, who gave
him information about the life of the poet-historian iikri. iikri had been the
hoca of members of the family392.
Other informants who provided 'All with information, mostly of a some
what marginal nature, were: Gonca Ahmed Qelebi, late secretary to the
Imperial Kitchen and a servant of defterdar Mustafa Qelebi. He informed 'All
about the wedding festivities of Grand vizier Ibrahim Paa in May, 1524, and
the circumcision feasts of 1530, which he had attended as sherbet-bearer393.
About the forced retreat of the Ottoman fleet from Corfu in 1537, 'All
received information from R eis Mehmed b. Nasiih, who had been a witness
of the events394. Siyaml Beg, probably a Janissary, informed 'All about the
biography of Turgud(ca) R eis (d. 1565)395. Dervish Kiigik Monla and
Kdzi'asker Hamid Efendi informed 'All about the Princes War of 1558-

385 KA/ SU/ 30, B, 304a.

386 KA/ S 1/ Selims death/ Appendix, B, 254b-255b.
387 KA/ SU/ 30, B, 305a.
388 KA/ S II/ 7, B, 449b-454a.
389 KA/ MU III/ 47*, B, 583a.
390 KA/ MU III/ 27, B, 540b-543a.
391 Ibidem, Appendix, B, 542a.
392 KA/ SU/ poets/ 52; cf. also, above, (2), no. 15.
393 KA/ SU/ 9 and 23, B, 276a, 293a.
394 KA/ SU/ 35, B, 307b.
395 KA/ SU/ 49, B, 331a.
 SOURCES 57

1561396. A certain Muhylddln Mente$evT told 'All about the circumstances of

the drowning of Mevlana 'Arabzade397.
The anecdote of the carousing poets and shaykhs in the confiscated taverns
of Cyprus immediately after the conquest, in which 'Alls friends Monla
MudamI (Kara Mem! Qelebi of Gallipoli (d. 1001/1592-93 as cadi of
Hawran), Mevlana Kami, Mevlana Ekmel and Mevlana Ruhl participated,
was probably reported to the author by one of themselves398. An infidel
told 'All after the Battle of Lepanto, that the Ottoman fleet could soon be
rebuilt and remanned399. Hasan Pa$a, son of Sokolli Mehmed Pa$a, infor
med the author that he had received a letter from his father which predicted
that he would be commissioned with the approvisioning of Tiflis400. Ferldun
Beg of Kostendil and Halil Beg of Bursa told 'All about Sinan Paas
exertions to maintain justice during the Georgian campaign401. Shaykh
Kadri Qelebi and Shaykh 'All informed the historian about the clipped coins
that had been presented by Hamr eminl (superintendant of wine taxes?) Kirk
Dokuz (Forty Nine) to Defterdar Mahmud Efendi right before the
Beglerbegi Incident in 1589402. An impartial notable of Buda told 'All
the truth about the revolt against Ferhad Pa$a in, probably, 1591403, the
truth of which was so vehemently denied by PegevT404. Qerkes Sinan Beg
confirmed the story of Sinan Beyza-furu$ (The Egg-seller), a corrupt
protege of Grand vizier Sinan Pa$a who succeeded Ferhad Pa$a as beglerbegi
of Buda405. Sa'atgi Hasan Pa$a, beglerbegi of Diyarbekr, whom 'All knew
from literary gatherings, told the author his frightening dream which, ac
cording to 'All, meant, among other things, the impending death of Sultan
M urad406. A g a zland a za'im present at the siege of Esztergom in 1595, told
'All, subsequently, about Mehmed Papas refusal to surrender the town to the
infidel commander and the correct behaviour of enemy troops407.

If the value of Essence is to be measured by its source material, then, as

should be clear from the above, the third and fourth pillar, especially the
parts on the reigns of Suleyman and Murad III, should be regarded as most
valuable. But the evaluation of a work of history should not be limited to

396 Cf. above, (4), no. 1.

397 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 101, B, 384b.
398 KA/ S II/ 7, B, 452a-b.
399 KA/ S II/ 8 , B, 454b.
400 K A /M U III/ 12, B, 519a.
401 KA/ MU III/ 18, B, 526b.
402 KA/ MU III/ 35, B, 570a.
403 KA/ MU III/ 37, B, 572b.
404 See above, Introduction, p. 13.
405 KA/ MU III/ 37, B, 573b.
406 KA/ MU III/ 53*:ii*-iii*, B, 589a-590a; cf. BIOE, 151.
407 KA/ M III/ 17*, B, 608a-b.
58 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

listing its sources, both traditional and unique. It should also take into
account the way in which source material, literary and oral, is used, and
what, if such a thing occurs, the author adds in the way of personal
observations and comments.

(II) S o u r c e c r it ic is m

(A) 'Alls statements on the use o f sources

A good historian, 'All argued, should uphold orthodox, but not narrow
minded, views (he should be of sound faith, of pure creed, a believer, a
monotheist and open-minded 408), and should be truthful and impartial. He
should write succinctly, and only adopt material that has been authorized by
tradition. He may adopt other material, but should warn his readers about its
dubious reputation:
he should record reports that have either a continuous tradition or are well-
known; if he adopts a story only once reported and based on hearsay, he
should indicate that sound authority is lacking409

Elsewhere 'All stated that he wished to apply these rules of sound historio
graphy. He wished only to use reliable, true , sources:
we took the utmost care not to relate untrue stories, invented, false and made
up of dull lies, but to heed the maxim you should speak the truth. 410

In the preface of the fourth pillar, 'All uses the term well-known (ma lum)
for the stories that were to be included in the fourth pillar411.
'AIT intended to select the best material and to avoid prolixity:
Because a concise style is desirable, I only related the soundest from among
[numberless stories, such as found in the histories of at-Tabari and Ibn Kathlr]
and left the others aside... 412

The book was to be a collection of stories and histories 413 culled from 130
books these were the 130 sources discussed above414 , which in their
turn were the choicest part of many volumes of stories, if counted, the essence

408 KA I, 42.
409 KA I, 43.
410 KA I, 15.
411 KA V, 6 .
412 KA I, 17.
411 KA I, 13.
414 Cf. above, p. 22.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 59

of 600 books415. Such a compilation had the practical advantage that it

saved the scholar the trouble and expense of finding and buying so many
books416. The Essence thus is a pure pearl worth a thousand yiik akpe
and easy to carry, whereas those who do not possess it, are forced to toil
under the weight of loads of silver and gold 417.
'All thus expressed his intention of using sources that were true, that is:
had the reputation of being true, and he stated that at least their best parts
were adopted in the Essence . How did 'All select his sources in practice?

(B) 'Alls use o f sources in practice

The discrepancy between declared and used sources analysed in the first part
of this chapter, may, I suggested, at least partially have been due to practical
difficulties. Rosenthal has pointed to the problems with which scholars in the
manuscript age often were confronted in obtaining copies of a book418.
'AIT himself in the Essence and elsewhere provides data on books and the
way he obtained, consulted and lost them. In the following, I will give a
survey of this material, which gives us some insight into the practical aspects
of 'Alls historiographical method.

(a) Selection by availability

Generally speaking, books during the manuscript age were commissioned
to be copied, bought directly on the market, rented, borrowed or consulted in
libraries419. Ottoman vakf libraries, which in the 16th century contained an
average of 200 books420 mostly of religious content421, were apparently
easily accessible to students and 'ulema, and books were generally lent for a
year against a security equal to or higher than the value of the book in
question422. In some libraries, books could only be consulted on the spot423.
Private collections could in exceptional cases be far more extensive but we
should be cautious with numbers in such cases424 as in the case of Rustem
Pa$a, who reportedly left behind 13,000 books, among them 8000 Korans425;
415 KA I, 13; cf. BIOE, 246.
41<s KA I, 13; cf. BIOE, 246-247.
417 KA I, 13.
418 Technique, 8 , passim.
419 Ibidem, 8 .
420 Ismail E. Eriinsal, Turk Kutuphaneleri Tarihi, vol. II, Kuruluftan Tanzimata kadar
Osmanli Vakif Kutuphaneleri (Ankara, 1988), 195-196.
421 Ibidem, 202.
422 Ibidem, 51.
423 Ibidem, 250.
424 Ibidem, 37.
425 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 6 , B, 360a.
60 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

elsewhere the number of 5000 is mentioned426. But books were expensive427,

especially if they were richly calligraphed. Ferhad Papas Korans sold for
more than a couple of hasenes apiece428. Single calligraphed kit'as of two
beyts, which were much in demand at Murad Ills court, were sold for 100
JilurT apiece429. Books should not be bought for snobbish purposes 'All
observed that idiots (agbiya) who knew nothing of the Arab sciences
tended to buy books, preferably on the subject of tafsir and hadith, in order
to make an impression on their acquaintances. It were better if capital was
invested in medreses, and especially in libraries open to the public430. The
rich court library, into which most of 'Alls own literary products dis
appeared, does not seem to have been easily accessible to the general public:
Mevlana Sinaneddln arranged for Mevlana Lutfl (Lutfallah b. Hasan at-
Tukati, d. 1494) to be appointed commissioner (emin) to Mehmed IIs library
in order to be able to consult books kept in it431. 'All apparently both
bought books and consulted them in vakf libraries. In the general introduc
tion, he informs us that he had been collecting books and essays , which
meant probably buying them, for ten years before he began to write the
Essence 432. The Empire, Rum , is compared to a great bookshop,
containing 100,000 volumes. How have I suffered to collect them all,
squandering everything I had 433. In Niksar, in 1588, as 'All wrote in the
introduction of the Mirkat, he acquired a copy of 'Arif 'AlFs Dani$mend-
name434. We also saw that the author was anxious to be posted to Cairo
because of the availability there of important books435.
In Gallipoli, probably in 1593 in that year 'All spent a few months in his
native town436 , 'All consulted the Mehemmediye of Mehmed Yazici-
zade437. On the same occasion that 'All saw the vakf document in Ladik in
1004/1595-96438, 'All also consulted the Menakib of Shaykh Ahmad ar-

426 Eriinsal, Vakif Kiitiiphaneleri, 42 (n. 219).

427 KA I, 43.
428 KA/ SU/ viziers/ 12, B, 364a.
429 MH, 6 .
430 ehali ifiin, 'All's Kava idii l-mecalis, MS iO Tiirkge 3543, lb-27b (hereafter KM), 25a-b;
the book which dealt with the mores of polite society was written in 1586 and commissioned by
Musahib Doganci Mehmed Pa$a it was a precursor of MN, cf. INAL, 87-88; AB, 46; BIOE,
210- 211.
431 KA II/ M II/ 'ulema/ 19, B, 154b; Eriinsal, Vakif Kiitiiphaneleri, 16; the library was
apparently only accessible to palace personnel, ibidem, 80.
432 KA I, 8 .
433 KA I, 82.
434 MS SK Re$id Efendi, 678, 8 b; BIOE, 132.
435 Cf. above, Introduction, p. 4.
436 BIOE, 147-148.
437 KA V, 236; the work is a didactic poem on the doctrines and traditions of Islam, cf. Franz
Babinger, Yazicioghlu, E l1; the book is apparently not used as a source for the Essence ; cf.
HOP, I, 393; Eriinsal, V a k f Kiitiiphaneleri, 13.
438 Cf. above, p. 53.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 61

Rifa'I439. In Ktr$ehir, 'All read the history of 'Atk Paazade440 at the

authors tomb, probably in 1596441. In the same period, in 1005 (1596),
visiting Goynuk, 'All was able to see the autograph manuscript of Hamdl
Qelebis (d. 1503) Yusuf uZellha442.
'All apparently received books as presents from their authors. In 1002
(1593-94), Mevlana Dust Muhammad of Bukhara (possibly the calligrapher
and writer active during the reign of Shah Tahmasp443), arriving from
Mecca, brought me at our meeting , 'All wrote,
a charming essay which he had written himself and which contained particu
lars about the honorable creed and useful details about the word of God...444

In one case, 'All consulted books that were probably acquired as booty.
Discussing the Druzes in the third pillar, 'All writes:
In 770 (1563), when Lala Mustafa Paa, the conqueror of Cyprus, was
governor of Syria and waged war against the Druzes, some filthy books in the
handwriting of the ignoble so-called private secretary of [the Fatimid ruler]
Hakim biamrallah were found in which it was written that the tyrant God
forbid was the Creator and a vile person called Hamza b. 'All his
prophet.445

'Alls travelling, which mostly resulted from often-changing postings in the

provinces, not only contributed to the expansion of his collection and gave
him the possibility to visit libraries, but also imperilled his possessions.
'All writes that he lost books to the value of five yiik akge, when the boat
which transported them on Lake Van was wrecked446. Later, 'All, jobless
and impoverished, was to his great regret compelled to sell his books, the
capital of my knowledge and perfection, accumulated for months and
years447.
On one occasion, 'All was temporarily bereft of a part of an essential
source, which caused an awkward confusion in the order of the second
pillars contents. Describing the lives of the twelve Imams, 'All had to skip

439 KA V, 61-62; cf. above, (2), no. 40.

440 Cf. above, (2), no. 11.
441 KA V, 40; as sancakbegi of Kayseri in 1596, 'All was also given responsibility for
keeping order in the Sancak of Kirsehir, BlOE, 163.
442 KA/ M 11/ shaykhs/ 7, B, 163b; c f M. Fuad Kopriilii, Hamdi , 1A; the poet died as
shaykh in Goyniik; one distich of the poem is quoted in KA 11, 255.
443 Cf. STOREY, 1072-1073; MH, 63.
444 KA 1V-3, 26; no such risale is known to have been written by the molla (if he, indeed, is
identical with the calligrapher), but his Halat-i hunarwaran (STOREY, 1073) might have been a
source for "AlFs MH, partially of the same title.
445 KA 1V-2, 17; cf. M.G.S. Hodgson, Duriiz, E l2.
446 KA 1, 103; probably in 1581, when he visited the Van area, c f BlOE, 90.
447 KA 1, 31.
62 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

the biographies of the fourth and fifth Imam448, which were later added to
the final chapter which describes the future appearance of the Mahdl449.
Excusing himself to the reader, 'All notes: while...[their] exploits (menakib)
should have been written after [those of] the martyred Husayn (the third
Imam), they were not at my disposal [at the time]. 450

(b) Selection by explicit criticism

Even if the Islamic scholar considered it as one of his primary tasks to
preserve the sum total of positive knowledge... accumulated by former
generations 451, it is clear that 'All could and would not copy all available
historical material written before his time. The method at the disposal of the
historian was to adopt, omit or adapt, mostly condense , texts452 for his
work. Drastic reworking of sources, imposing a pattern upon them appa
rently never occurred, and even interpretive comments are the exception, not
the rule 453. 'All belonged, as Walsh has justly observed454, to this latter,
exceptional, category of historians, so that we do not completely depend on
indirect methods for analyzing his historiographical method. (This only
applies, we should note, to written sources. Oral information is never
accompanied by appreciative or depreciative comment. Contradictory, inac-
ceptable statements of this type could of course more easily be ignored than
unsound written sources, the mere existence of which proved that they were
known, and probably acceptable, to other people.)
If we chart 'Alls explicit criteria for adopting or rejecting sources or parts
of their contents, we find the following categories: (1) sources were used
because they are considered to have the right qualities; (2) narratives or
arguments were adopted or rejected for being (im)probable; and (3) sources
were emended by more recent evidence.

(1) Selection by qualification of sources

The qualifications generally mentioned in connection with acceptable sources
in the introductions, are also attached to specific works that served as 'Alls
main sources. These qualifications remain vague: we find adjectives meaning
good , truthful, impartial, famous, influential or their compara

448 KA III, 388.

445 KA III, 429-436.
450 KA III, 429; the menakib" were probably the Fusul al-muhimma f i ma'rifat al-a'imma of
Nurad-dln b. as-Sabbagh al-Isfakusi al-Maghribl, cf. above, (1), no. 73, and p. 38.
451 Rosenthal, Technique, 57.
452 Ibidem, 45.
453 Carole Hillenbrand, Some Medieval Islamic Approaches to Source Material. The
Evidence of a 12th Century Chronicle , in: Oriens 27/28 (1981), 197-225, 198.
454 Cf. above, Introduction, p. 16.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 63

tive and superlative equivalents. Good quality also often has the meaning of
well written . The acceptable source, then, is styled sound or more/ most
sound (sahih, asahh).
At-Tabari and Ibn al-Athir, who were quoted most in the first three pillars
of the Essence, were called the best historians455. At-Tabari is also
called the most famous of all historians456. MIrkhwands history is called
the most pleasant, most beautiful, most respectable and preferred of distin
guished and excellent histories 457. In the Essence, the works of the first
two historians even seem to stand for Islamic historiography tout court. In the
preface to the fourth pillar, for instance, the Ottoman history of Idris BidllsI
is praised as being envied by Ibn-i Athlr and highly recommended by Ibn-i
Jarir (at-Tabari) 458.
The paragraph on the historical nations in the first pillar is based on
the influential works of historians of the past459. 'Aik Qelebis often
quoted Mea ir was considered truthful, albeit not completely impartial: it
included many non-poets from his acquaintance in order to safeguard his
bread and salt 460. For the description of wells in the geographical chapter in
the first pillar, 'All took the 'Aja ib al-makhluqat of al-QazwIni and the
Tuhfat al-'aja ib of Ibn al-Athir461 as his main sources, because they were
more eloquent and subtle than others. 462
In the preface of the fourth pillar, the value of the major Ottoman
historiographers is exclusively measured by their style. 'Aik Paazade, RuhT,
Neri, apart from leading irreproachable lives, wrote in conformity with the
requirements of their time 463. The Hasht bihisht of Idris BidlisT had no
faults, except that it was written in a too complicated style464. Hoca
Sa'deddin was a superior writer. His reputation [is] adorned with eternity
and he is held in honour by people of distinction. His prose style is

455 KA I, 262; they were styled, subsequently, the best of students of the science of history
(fuzala-i 'ilm-i larihiin mehteri), and the most eminent of historians (afzal-i muerrihm).
456 KA I, 262.
457 KA I, 264.
458 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 6 a; the same topos occurs also in various places in the
general introduction, e.g., KA I, 45: Ibn-i Jarir and Ibn-i Athlr are roasted on the fire of envy
when they realized that the Essence was far better constructed than their own work. An
extended version mentions Ibn-i Khawand (i.e. MIrkhwand), Ibn-i Athlr, Ibn-i Kathir, Ibn-i
Jarir, the works of whom were surpassed by the Essence, KA I, 17.
459 KA I, 237.
460 KA/ S II/ Poets/ 28/ Appendix, B, 479a; cf. Meredith-Owens, Introduction to Mesa ir, xv,
xvii.
461 Cf. above, (I), nos. 44 and 50.
462 KA I, 120-121.
463 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 6 a.
464 Ibidem; cf. Walsh judgement: the work was rarely more than an otiose reworking of
familiar materials... its praise often inspired an extravagance of language... , Historiography ,
199, n. 5.
64 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

praiseworthy465. The fehnameguys of his time, on the other hand, in particu

lar Seyyid Lokman and the story-teller Nutki, were unacceptable, because
they were bad writers. Among them, Ta'likizade was relatively acceptable
because his work was sound and had variety while its contents were
well arranged. 466
'All Minik the biographers 'Iqd, used in the fourth pillar467, was praised
by 'All for its excellent rhyming prose in a reported conversation with
Mevlana Mehmed Su'udi. The molla objected but 'All did not find this
relevant that the author, only a cadi of Mar'as, was but a poor Arab and
could hardly be reckoned an Ottoman alim*68. The other Ottoman biogra
phers are nearly exclusively judged on their literary merits: Sehi is called a
lofty cypress (seht) in the garden of poetry and prose. Latifi is approved for
being useful, concise and balanced, his every page a delicate rose-petal,
although he ascribed to too many poets the birthplace of Kastamonu where
he himself had been born. Hasan Qelebis Tezkire, on the other hand, is
criticized: it is found lacking in style469, too long and meaningless, blindly
imitating his fathers /nfd-style, poets and verses being situated out of context.
The author tended to include rich men and relatives who had hardly written a
line of poetry, while calumniating really great men, boasting of the books and
verses once sent to him, but ignoring great poets such as Necati and Zati
because he could not claim their friendship470! 'A hdfs Gulden was hardly
quoted in the Essence, probably because 'All found his poetry defective,
and as 'Ahdi was a Persian, he could not be regarded an expert on Ottoman,
Rumi, poets471.
Sometimes 'All adopts a work as a major source, praising it highly, but
does not explain, not even in terms of the vague categories hitherto mentio
ned, why the work is praised. An example is the Rawdat al-muttaqln of
Muhammad 'Abdallatif Firiteogh472 which is used as a basic source for his
chapter on the creation in the first pillar. 'Ah praises, alluding to the authors
name, Firijteoghs angelic nature and cherubic delicacy . Elaborating the
metaphors of heavenly bodies and paradise, in allusion to the title of the
book, he writes:

465 Ibidem.
4615 Ibidem, L, 8 a; cf. for his work, above, (2), no. 34.
467 Cf. above, (2), no. 30.
468 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 95/ Appendix, B, 380b-381a.
484 In an aside, 'All points to the erroneous homonymy between p erf and pirT\ and the
intolerable association of famous and moon-faced with cheeks in the description of
Zuhuri/ PTrizade, cf. Kutluk, ed., Tezkirel, II, 588.
470 KA/ S II/ poets/ 28/ Appendix, B, 479a-b; Meredith-Owens, Introduction to Me$a'ir, xvii.
471 KA/ S II/ poets/ 36, B, 481b.
472 Cf. above, (1), no. 71.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 65

it is clear as daylight that his moon and sun shine brightly. His work... is the
envy of the eight brilliant paradises, and, with its seven sessions (chapters), it is
like those choice gardens, whose beautiful and perfect flowers give expression to
virtues through their fruits of numberless moral tales...473

In a comparable manner, 'All described Takoprizades Shaqaiq, his basic

source for the lives of 'ulema and shaykhs in the fourth pillar474 as a
blossoming flower in the garden of scholars biographies, clearly in allusion
to this title Crimson Peonies 475.
We do not often find laboured qualifications of sources. Reference to a
work estimated as sound is considered sufficient to reject contradictory
statements by others. Muhylddln b. al-'Arabfs al-Futuhat al-Makkiya476
which maintained that 10,000 creatures were created before the appearance of
Adam is preferred, because of its being more sound , to Shukrallahs Bahjat
at-tawarlh477 which mentions 100,000 creatures478. Discussing the pro
creation of devils, 'All adopts an-NasafTs479 most sound report : when a
son of man sins, a devil lays two eggs which produce two sons within an
hour. Of two other, contradictory, versions (a devil reproduces himself by
autogenesis, inserting his penis (1) into a vulva in his thigh, (2) into his own
anus), which are also given, 'All states that they are rarely used stories 480.
KisaTs version481 of the drowning of Nuhs (Noah) son Qan'an is quoted,
because it is considered sound 482. The idea that the sage Luqman was an
Ethiopian ( Habe$T), on the other hand, is unsound 483. A tradition
adopted from the Khamls*8* about the nature of the forbidden tree of
Paradise is accepted: its very occurrence in the Khamis corrobates its sound
ness485.
In the fourth pillar, 'All wrote that some historians are completely
wrong in stating that 'Isa and Musa Qelebi repeatedly fought with each other
and even were able temporarily to sit on the throne of Bursa, because (the
sound historians) 'Aik Paazade and Neri wrote differently486.

473 KA I, 48; traditionally, the sun stood for the intellectual faculty, the moon for the power
of speech, cf. Nasr, Cosmological Doctrines, 101.
474 Cf. above, (2), no. 23.
475 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 95/ Appendix, B, 381a.
476 Cf. above, (1), no. 37.
477 Cf. above, (I), no. 76.
478 KA I, 50.
479 Cf. above, (I), no. 163.
480 KA I, 69.
481 Cf. above, (1), no. 33.
482 KA II, 28.
483 KA II, 161.
484 Cf. above, (1), no. 93.
485 KA I, 293.
486 KA V, 117-118.
 66 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

(2) Selection by criteria of plausibility

Sometimes, 'AIT approves or rejects a tradition found in his sources, because
it seems, subsequently, plausible or implausible to him. Criteria may be
roughly divided (although they often overlap) into three categories: (i)
experience and common sense, (ii) accepted knowledge, and (iii) accepted
theory. The cases found in the Essence are the following.

(i) The criterion of experience and common sense

Describing the natural phenomena of the earth in the first pillar, 'All came
across the notion that rainbows are caused by the double reflection of
sunlight in water and against the sky. The author thinks that this is nonsense
(batil), also because if it were true, the reflection of moonlight would also
bring about rainbows, which it obviously does not487.
'AIT also doubted a commonly held view that Mercury and all stars stood
in their house of exaltation ($erefi biirc) at the moment Adam was created.
That the first man (also the first to whom God explained the alphabet) was in
reality not born under an auspicious constellation was proved by the terrible
fate suffered by the class of secretaries (ehl-i kalem), in particular (but he
perhaps also had his own mishaps in mind) the inventor of Arab calli
graphy Ibn Muqla, who died by drowning488, and the great Katib Yaqut-i
Musta'simT who was tortured and executed at the conquest of Baghdad by
Hulegu Khan (in 1258)489.
The origin of locusts from a cave near the Island of Harklr (= HarkTl/
Heraclion?) as claimed by experienced travellers, was checked by 'AIT when
he was defterdar of Baghdad he does not explain how , and found
sound (sahih)490.
'AIT read in MTrkhwands Rawdat as-safa that Turk, son of Yafith
(Japheth) was the first to build a house, and later, a movable cottage (hargah)
from twigs and grass. This appears doubtful to the author. Nearly 2300 years
passed between Adam and the Deluge, he writes, and another couple of
centuries before the appearance of Turk. How could so many people, not in
the possession of garments and hats, in the meantime have survived without
houses?491
Two stories about the prophet IbrahTm (Abraham) were considered to be
unfounded, despite the fact that they were reported by most historians:
that of his battle with the tyrant Nimrud (Nimrod) and his army, and that of
481KA I, 77.
488He died in reality in prison in 940 after having been tortured, cf. D. Sourdel, Ibn
Mukla, E l 2 he reportedly was the inventor of the halt al-mansub, ibidem.
489 KA I, 279-280; the calligrapher died in 1298, cf. C. Huart, Yakut al-Musta'simi, E l1.
490 KA I, 302.
491 KA II, 88-89.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 67

the tyrants ascent to the skies by way of a box propelled by four vultures492.
How could a king in his right mind ever have conceived the idea of waging
war against a single man? How could it ever have been possible that those
vultures would fly for days on end in one direction, allured by pieces of meat
on the four corners of the box which they never could grasp? It is clear that
if this story had been true, Nimrud was mad, All concluded. Indeed, at-
Tabarl and the Persian historian Hafiz-i Abru493 did not say that such a
thing had happened to the tyrant. It could only have happened in dreams494.
Although most historians, particularly Idris BidllsT, reported that the
Bosphorus had been excavated by the Prophet Iskandar (Alexander), 'A ll did
not believe this. Its small measure of one quarter by four farsahs was not
much for a prophet, and implied human labour495.
There are some cases in which the author checked his observations
regarding historical monuments with the text of histories. Talismans from the
time of the Greeks left in the Umayyad Mosque of Damascus, made certain
that no reptiles, insects, pigeons, scorpions, serpents or even sparrows and
spiders entered the building. 496 Having arrived in 970 (1563), and lived for
eight years in the town, performing his five daily prayers in the Mosque, 'A ll
noted:
I still did not see any spider or sparrow on the roof and in its cupola. However
much attention I paid, I really did not find any trace of them... In 1002 (1593-
94), writing this book, I studied these matters in the History of Ibn al-Athlr and
other [works] and got to the bottom of the secret of these talismans.497

As sancakbegi of Kayseri, 'A ll visited the tombs of the Eretna dynasty outside
the city. He looked up the related chapter in the Rawdat, so that I got to the
bottom of the matter. 498
Once, when Sultan Murad I performed his prayers in the Mosque of Bursa,
a falcon flew into the building and perched under the cupola. Murad cursed
it, and the bird turned into rags and bones. These were still visible when 'A ll
visited the Mosque in 997 (1588-89)499.

492 KA II, 156-159.

493 Cf. above, (1), no. 6 6 .
494 KA II, 158.
495 KA/ M 11/ c: 8 *, B, 103b.
496 KA IV-1, 97.
497 Ibidem.
498 FH, 137b.
499 KA V, 65; the Essence has an abridged version of the story as it occurs in the histories
of Ne$ri and Sa'deddin, cf. Hasan Ozdemir, Die altosmanischen Chroniken ah Quelle zur
tiirkhchen Volkskunde (Freiburg, 1975), 245-246.
68 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

(ii) The criterion of accepted knowledge

Ibn al-Athlr, according to 'All, thought that the long naval expedition of
Iskandar took place in the Caspian Sea. This was a mistake, because it
actually happened in the Great Ocean (Circular Sea, Bahr-i muhit)500.
In the chapter on the prophet Idris, 'AH read in the Tarlkh-i hukama501
that Idris called mankind to the faith in 72 languages. This was against all
reason, 'All maintained, because the confusion of languages only occurred
after the Deluge. Meant were probably the 72 sciences502. In the same
chapter, 'AH, stressing again that he for many years had done his utmost to
find the most sound version of every story 503, severely attacked MTrkhwand
who related that Iskilinus (Galenus), the constant companion of the prophet
Idris, had, after his masters ascension, been seduced by the Devil to worship
Idris effigy. This was the origin of idolatry. Although a most respectable
historian and of great service to Mir 'All Shir (vizier to Sultan Husayn
Bayqara, d. 1501) by writing the Raxvdat, 'All commented, MTrkhwand
sometimes did not take enough care. The story was unauthorized and a
lie 504. Galenus was a doctor of pious morals who could never have indulged
in idolatry, which indeed originated among the sons of Qabil (Cain) 505.
'All found MTrkhwand also wrong in his statement that the pit of the fallen
angels Harut and M arut in Babil (Babylon) was visited by a young man, who
wished to learn the arts of sorcery, accompanied by his spiritual teacher (plr).
The accepted tradition, related by Ibn al-Athlr, only mentioned the visiting of
the pit by the mollas 'Abdallah b.'Abbas and Ibn Mujahid, who were guided
by a Jewish pir506. Unacceptable were also MIrkhwands statements, based
on a tradition of Mevlana Shahrazuri, about the appearance of Adam and his
son Shlth (Seth) after the Deluge, which implied a denial that the disaster had
taken place. This was unacceptable, because it was mentioned in the
K oran507.
'AIT read in al-Ghazalfs Nasihat al-muluk and Cadi BaydawFs Nizam at-
tawdrikhS08, that the first Persian King Kayumarth was a brother of the
prophet Shlth. But this was unlikely, because most books, among them the
Rawdat as-safa, maintained that the king was a son of Yafith, and was one of
the kings who appeared after the Deluge509.

500 KA I, 159; cf. for its description, ibidem, 86-87.

501 Cf. above, (1), no. 39.
502 KA II, 7-8.
503 KA II, 12.
504 Ibidem.
505 KA II, 11-13.
506 KA II, 18.
507 KA II, 36-37.
508 Cf. above, (1), nos. 23 and 49.
509 KA II, 37.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 69

Another statement found in the Rawdat, about the reason why 'Uj b.
'Anaq (Og son of Anak) survived the Deluge, is challenged by 'AIT. MTrkh-
wand wrote that 'Uj was saved as a reward for helping Nuh to complete the
Ark in time510; according to 'AIT, because it was Gods will that he confront
the prophet Musa (Moses) after the Deluge511.
A report from Imam QurtubT512 about Daniel and the sword of Samsam,
in which Samsam is described as son of 'Uj b. 'Anaq b. 'Ad b. Adam, is
contradicted by 'AIT, despite QurtubTs good reputation as mufessir (commen
tator on the Koran). But the 'Adids only appeared after the Deluge and
Samsam was more probably but God only knows a son of M usa513.
In the chapter on the progeny of Ham (Cham), 'AIT explains that the
author of the Khamis was of the opinion that the historical differentiation of
languages had been a gradual process and a consequence of the multiplica
tion of mankind. 'AIT comments:
I am astonished. This is completely impossible and idiotic because the
increasing number of communities and nations does not necessarily bring about
a diffusion of languages full of meaning. If [in the reverse case] a country
becomes too small for its inhabitants, it in no way follows that their mouths
become too narrow for their words! In my opinion, the differentiation of
languages was caused by the disarray on the night of the confusion of
languages" when the increasing darkness and growing fear and panic... made
everybody forget what he knew, and by the will of God other languages
appeared... 51451

The traditions about Iskandar, or rather the two Iskandars, the prophet
mentioned in the Koran and the Greek Iskandar, were many and contra
dictory. 'AIT maintained that the two, living 1900 years apart, and the
traditions around them, should be strictly separated. He attacks the Imam al-
GhazalT, who in his Sirr al- 'alimm515 ascribed a visit to Constantinople to the
first, Yemenite, Iskandar. But that was impossible, because the city was
only founded many centuries after the latters appearance (by Yanko b.
Madyan). The visitor could only have been the Greek Iskandar who was born
400 years after the towns foundation516.
'AIT also found conflicting traditions as to the identity of the son whom the
prophet Ibrahim was ordered to sacrifice: Ishaq (Isaac), son of Sara, or
Ismail (Ishmael), son of Hajar (Hagar). The author decided to reject the

510 KA II, 70-71.

511 KA II, 29.
512 Cf. above, (1), no. 41.
513 KA II, 70.
514 KA II, 83.
515 Cf. above, (1), no. 22.
516 KA II, 167-168.
 70 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

former tradition, which maintained that Ishaq was the son to be offered,
because the Koranic good news by which God announced this sons birth
(Sura 37:100) clearly pointed to the brilliant offspring who were to come
forth from his son Ya'qub b. Ishaq. Also, Ishaq never came near the Kaaba
where the sacrificed ram (which was offered instead of the son) could still be
seen until the fire in the time of Ibn Jubayr (d. 722)517.
In a considerable number of cases the data and statements, sometimes
judgements of literary quality, provided by the Ottoman biographers are
corrected by 'All. I will give some examples. 'A$ik elebi, although he was a
great and reliable historian, had written that the poet Hayali (d. 1557) had
been a spendthrift. The contrary was true according to 'All. The poet once
proposed to emT that they themselves row across the Golden Horn to
Galata so that they would save the expense of rowers518. Elsewhere 'All
disputed the same tezkirec?s opinion that MudamI of Gallipoli (an acquain
tance of his) was a relative of the author Yazicizade Mehmed, although his
house was next to the latters tom b519. Latlffs high opinion of VahidFs Divan
was, according to 'All, unfounded, and he went on to quote one acceptable
distich520. Hasan Qelebi wrote that Celal Beg was relsu l-kuttab. This was
denied by 'A ll521.

(iii) The criterion of accepted views and theories

'All found that the Jewish tradition (akhbar-i Yahud) held that during the
period between the descent of Adam and the Deluge, there was no padishah
who reigned over mankind. The author thought it impossible that countries
could be without a ruler and, consequently, order for such a long period (of
2242 years). Indeed, the Ikhtisar al-'ajaibs22 mentioned 19 tyrants who
had come forth from among the sons of QabU 523.
Describing the history of the twelve Imams, 'All had been confronted by
unacceptable shFite views regarding the exceptional status of Husayn, based
on his superhuman behaviour during the Battle of Karbala. These lusterless
lies of the shFa are devoid of meaning and unsound 524. Ibn al-Athlr had
argued that one should show grief at Husayns killing, but that it would be
unsuitable to be more afflicted about him than about the other Imams who

817 KA II, 184-185; cf. on this controversy, W. Montgomery Watt, Ishak , El2; H. Schmidt,
Ismail im Alten Testament und im Koran, in: Judaica 32, 1976, 76-81 and 119-129, 126-127.
518 'All may have obtained the information from the late poets son HubbI 'Omer Beg, cf.
KA/ SU/ poets/ 29, B, 400a.
819 KA/ SU/ poets/ 90, B, 421a.
520 KA/ SU/ poets/ 111, B, 424a.
521 KA/ S II/ poets/ 9, B, 475a.
522 Cf. above, (1), no. 32.
823 KA II, 37.
824 KA III, 380.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 71

had been murdered. But 'All is not completely convinced of this either. Sound
traditions justify special attention and celebration of Husayns death, because
he was the only Imam who had fallen by the sword525.
Describing the qualities of the first eight Imams, 'All remarks that the Fusul
al-muhimma526 only confirmed the qualities of two of the Imams, with the
implication that this was unjust527. Against the established idea of the two
fold occultation of the last Imam, 'All maintained a three-fold occultation,
because the saying has it that things happening twice, happen three
times. 528
A similar numerological reasoning is found in the dating of the succession
of the Umayyad caliph, 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzTz (ruled 99/717-101/720), which
reportedly took place in the (hicri) year 99. The caliph, in contrast to his four
predecessors, was a most pious and just ruler. Therefore 99 should be 100,
because of the saying that God sent his nation (umma) a renewer of the faith
at the turn of a century529. The same argument is brought forward to date
the accession of the first Ottoman Sultan 'Osman in hicri 700 (1300-01),
instead of 699 (1299-1300) as was maintained by the historians Ruhl, Rama-
zanzade, Sa'deddin and the ehnameguy Lokman530. The same reasoning is
also applied by 'All in establishing Sultan Suleymans year of birth as hicri
900 (1494)531.
In his chapter on the war of Timur against Bayezid I in the fourth pillar,
'All criticizes the historian Ibn 'Arabshahs description532, also given in the
Essence, of the humiliating reception of the captive sultan by Timur, where
Bayezids beloved Serbian princess had to serve the host. This is untrue ,
'All comments, and is not described by Sharafaddin Yazdl533 and
others 534. At the siege of Sivas, children, carrying Korans and sent to the
victor to ask for mercy, were trampled under the feet of his horses. Most men
(ekser-i nas) criticize this cruelty, 'All commented535. But they do not realize
that Timur had been sent to the world in order to reform it 536. Even the
Saint Hizir (Khadr, Ilyas) had rightly killed children, and in the town
525 KA III, 380-382.
526 Cf. above, (1), no. 73.
527 KA III, 394.
528 KA III, 424; cf. Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Sh ii Islam. The History and
Doctrines o f Twelver Shi'ism (New Haven and London, 1985), 165; Heinz Halm, Die Schia
(Darmstadt, 1988), 41-47.
529 KA IV-1, 108-109.
530 KA V, 25.
531 KA/ SU/ Introduction, B, 270b-271a.
532 Cf. above, (1), no. 70.
533 Cf. above, (1), no. 64.
534 KA V, 100; cf. J.H. Sanders translation of Ibn 'Arabshahs 'Aja'ib al-maqdur, II, 27, in:
Tamerlane or Timur the Great Amir (London, 1936), 188-189.
535 K A V , 96-97.
536 KA V, 97.
 72 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

lawlessness had reigned: the narh (the officially fixed prices) had not been
kept, religion had declined, and adultery had spread 31*537.
5
Historiography, according to 'All, who had consulted contemporary
scholars and shaykhs to attain the truth, had been unjust in its judgement of
the great Khan: Ibn 'Arabshah, but also the Syrian Sharafaddln Yazdl (in
his Zafarnama), had unduly vilified Timur. The Ottoman historians had done
the same, at the same time eulogizing Bayezld in their works 538. But how
could Bayezld, had he really been a great sultan, have been defeated by
Timur, if the latter had only been a worthless tyrant 539? MIrkhwand, who
had dedicated his Rawdat to Timurs descendant Husayn Bayqara, on the
other hand, exaggerated the rulers praise540.
'AIT objected to describing the period after the fall of Bayezld I under the
heading of interregnum (fetret), which he indeed avoided: we find separate
chapters on the reigns of Suleyman ah, Sultan Musa, and Mehmed I 541.
This habit of historians was erroneous. They reasoned that if a monarch
was only mentioned once in a Friday sermon (hutbe), his reign did not count.
Historians of the past did not hesitate, however, to describe the reign of two
or three padishahs separately, even if it lasted only for 40 or 50 days.
Suleyman ah even reigned for eight years, and Sultan Musa for almost
three542.
Idris BidlTsT, according to 'All, stated that Kilig Arslan, contemporary of
Mehmed II and ruler of AlaIye (Alanya), was a descendant of the rulers
(hiikkdm) appointed by the Seljuk dynasty, and an outsider (haricden bir
sahs"). 'All was of the opinion that he did not descend from these rulers but
directly from the Seljuks albeit in the female line. BidlTsTs statement was
inconsistent with historical practice:
Let us suppose that he had descended from these rulers, [in that case] his
ancestors would have been brought up in the same palace (that of the Seljuks)
with the victorious ancestors (the Ottomans) and being an esteemed under

531 Ibidem. This probably is a reference to Koran, sura 18: 65-82, were one of our servants
is traditionally interpreted as being Khadr (Hizir). In 74 he is said to have killed an innocent
youth, the which is justified in 80: As for the youth, his parents were believers, and we feared
that he might impose upon them arrogance and unbelief , cf. Richard Bell, The Quran.
Translated with a Critical Re-arrangement o f the Surahs I (Edinburgh, 1937), 280-81; Paret, Der
Koran. Kommentare und Konkordanz (Stuttgart, Berlin etc., 1971), 318; A.J. Wensinck, al-
Khadir, in E l2. I am grateful to Prof. Dr. J.T.P. de Bruijn for this reference.
538 KA V, 95, 103.
539 KA V, 94.
540 KA V, 82; 103; cf. AB, 7, where Atsiz contrasts this supposed effort at impartial treatment
by 'All with KA V, 85, where Timur is vilified as a sinister destroyer of the Islamic lands; but we
should note that the quoted poem is meant to be part of an insulting letter Timur is addressed
as dog (kalb) from Bayezld; cf. BIOE, 284-285; Fleischer quotes KA V, 103; asahh u rast
is translated somewhat tendentiously as veracious and objective .
541 KA V, 117-131, 131-144, and 144-194.
542 KA V, 117.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 73

governor, he would not have protested that there was not sufficient reason for
his country willingly or unwillingly to have been taken from him. 543

(3) Emendation by more recent material

In a few cases obsolete data are emendated with recent material. Describing
the rules governing the ruling institution of the Ottoman Empire as they were
laid down by Sultan Mehmed II, 'All wrote that he based his description of
the kaniin regarding the central government and palace functionaries on Idris
BidllsIs Hasht bihisht. But the mun$I (BidllsI) came from Persia and had little
experience with these matters, so that 'All took the liberty of improving his
account where necessary544. After the description of the Janissary corps and
its members, 'All says that it was structured thus at the time of Idris BidllsI,
and continues by providing additional data as found in the account books of
the corps (muhasebat defterleri) in 1006 (1597/98)545.

(c) Absence of explicit selection

Although 'All belonged to the exceptional category of Islamic historians who
were able and ready to explicitly separate sound from unsound , plausible
from implausible traditions, even if the latter category was found in respec
table sources, he applied this source criticism only in a very small number
of cases, which I have described above. For the greater part of his book
that is, the part which treated of the era before his lifetime for which he was
largely dependent on written sources , 'All contented himself with compilation,
a compilation often already found in his sources and again copied. This is not
to say that such a patching together of texts, varying in length between a
single sentence and a whole chapter, was randomly undertaken. 'All doubt
lessly let himself be guided by his positive judgement of the selected texts and
his moral, historical, religious and other convictions, but in these cases he
could not, or did not wish, at least in the chapter in question, to clarify his
method of selection, and make himself absolutely clear. This compilative
method often went hand in hand with a lack of systematic source selection,
and often resulted in awkward contradictons, repetitions and anachronisms.
The compilative method was characteristic of pre-modern Islamic
historiography. Orientalists, puzzled by it because of its innate contradictions,
have either described it as a prototype of objective historiography: the
author intended to let facts speak for themselves, or tried to explain it as a

543 KA/ M II/ 23, B, 136b; quoted in INAL, 54 (n); 'All was wrong on this point: Kilig
Arslan apparently was a Karamanid, cf. B. Flemming, Landschaftsgeschichte von Pamphylien,
Pisidien undLykien im Spatmittelalter (Wiesbaden, 1964), 124 (n. 5).
544 K A /M II/e :3 * , B, 115b.
545 Ibidem, B, 119b; cf. above, p. 53.
74 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

method of esoteric scholarship, presenting the audience with alternative

versions of events which had the purpose of dissimulation : screening the
real ideas of the author from the uncomprehending commoner or un
sympathetic ruler546. This explanation is not convincing for the case of the
Essence . In it, the method is hardly applied to controversial subjects of
direct interest to a contemporary audience. Secondly, 'All was well prepared
to, and in many places in the Essence, did attack both historical and
contemporary authorities547. 'All seems to have been far more concerned
with the scholarly task of passing on as much knowledge in as short a space
as possible as he had explained in the general introduction548.

I will give two examples of'AlTs compilative method.

(1) First example: the creation of the world

The first part of the chapter on the creation of the world in the first pillar has
the following structure. After a short introductory section in which God is
asked to bestow wisdom on the writer, and the author justifies his use of
Firi$teoghs Rawdat al-muttaqin as main source for the chapter, 'All relates a
first version of the events before the creation of Adam, probably based on
Mirkhwands Rawdat. It consists of three phases, styled giiftdr (speech),
and is supposedly based on information given to Musa by God: (1) the
creation of the Light of Muhammed 324,000 years before the appearance of
Adam; (2) the creation of an enormous pearl and 70,000 cities populated by
70,000 creatures, living for 70,000 years each; (3) the creation of 80,000 cities;
and (4) the creation of 80,000 creatures, living 80,000 years each. This phase
was followed by the creation of the Pen, Tablet, Stool, and Throne, followed
by angels, heaven, hell and Adam. This was not Musas ancestor, but one of
100,000, rather than 10,000, creatures549, living 10,000 years each, before the
historical Adam apeared 550.
Hereupon, 'All relates a different version (kavl-i diger, another word),
based on Shukrallahs Bahjat at-tawarikh, of what happened between the
creation of the Light and the appearance of Adam: God created (1) 50,000
worlds, lasting 50,000 years each; (2) populated the earth with ox-like
creatures for 50,000 years; (3) Gods wrath turned the world into a boiling
548 Cf. J.A. Boyle, trans., Introduction to The History o f the World-conqueror by 'Ala-ad-Dln
'Ald-Mdlik Juvaim, 2 vols. (Manchester, 1958), I, xxxiv-xxxv; M.G.S. Hodgson, Two Pre-
Modern Muslim Historians: Pitfalls and Opportunities in Presenting Them to Moderns , in:
Towards World Community (The Hague, 1968), 53-68, 55-63; Waldman, Theory o f Historical
Narrative, 9.
547 Cf. below, Part (III), and Chapter Two.
548 Cf. above, p. 58.
549 Cf. on this controversy, above, p. 65.
550 KA I, 48-49.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 75

sea which remained barren for another 50,000 years; (4) God created an ox
like creature which swallowed the sea, which was in turn swallowed by
another insect-like creature, which was destroyed after 50,000 years; (5) God
created 1000 silver cities, again destroyed after a Awma-like bird had picked all
the sweet mustard seeds which had filled them 551.
Thereupon, the version of Firifteogh is taken up again (in a kavl-i diger).
The pearl, mentioned above, was cleft by Gods glance. One half melted into
the substance of mirrors, from the other were created the Throne, Stool,
Tablet, Pen, Paradise, moon, stars, angels, huris and the sun 552. A different
version (bir rivayetde dahi, another story) has it that God immediately split
the pearl into ten parts, from which He created, subsequently, the Throne,
Pen, Tablet, sun, moon, the other stars, angels, Stool, the light of the
believers, the day of the Prophet553. In a further analysis (tedkik-i dakik),
'All sums up a number of contradictory interpretations concerning these
phenomena, based on various traditions (hadith): the pearl was in reality the
Pen, or intelligence, or the Muhammedan Spirit, the Tablet, the soul (nefs), or
Adam and Eve, two pearls from which were created mind and soul, from
which was created the first orbit (felek), and so on. Most scholars were of the
opinion that God (1) melted a pearl by looking to it; (2) created a sea that
roared for 1000 years; (3) created the layered structure of earths and heavens
from its vapour (based on Koran 41:11)554.
After this, 'All relates (in a kavl-i ahar), on the authority of a number of
respectable books (the story also occurs in the Bahjat at-tawarikh5SS), that
the creation of things and beings, believers and unbelievers, originated from
the perspiration of a peacock, perched on an uncomparable tree which
appeared after the creation of the Light. The perspiration was caused by
shame after the bird had contemplated and adored its beauty by looking into
a perfect mirror suspended from one of the branches556. In an aside, styled
tedkik-i dakik, 'All thanks God for the creation of the infidel and his
inescapable perdition557.
In another article (makale-i uhra), 'All describes the creation of the seven
orbits, planets and earths, the creatures living on them, perishing as they
worshipped the planets, and mentions the prediction of the seven generations
of prophets before the coming of Muhammed, as told to Adam by God. The

!!1 Ibidem, 51.

332 Ibidem, 52-53.
553 Ibidem, 53.
554 Ibidem, 53-54.
!!! Cf. MS UB Or. 929, llb-13b.
556 KA I, 54-56.
331 Ibidem, 56.
 76 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

last part of the article recounts how this tradition had survived after it had
been written on a tablet by Adam 558.
This first part of the chapter is concluded by 'All (indicated by el-kissa),
stating that he had so far related the sound traditions: these are the sound
statements on the creation and the pure stories taken from respectable
books. 559
The compilative method is not only applied to the obscure era of pre
human or pre-Muhammedan history, but also to the enigmatic episodes of
Islamic and Ottoman history. The second example is taken from the fourth
pillar.

(2) Second example: Ottoman genealogy

In the chapter on the ancestors of Sultan 'Osman, 'All writes that according
to most books, 'Is (Esau) was the ancestor of the great kings, while his
brother Ya'qub (Jacob) was the father of prophets. Idris BidllsI in his Hasht
bihisht maintains that Suleyman Han ('Osmans grandfather) descended from
Kayi Han, Kayi Han meaning 'Is in the Oghuz language. Thus, his pedigree
goes back to Nuh (in the 63rd degree). 'Aik Paa (= 'Aik Paazade) gives
in his History a genealogy of the Ottomans which goes back to Ulca Han
(grandfather of Kayi Han) who should be identified with 'Is, Ulca Han
meaning 'Is in the Coptic language560. Neri, on the other hand, gives a
genealogy in which Ulca Han is replaced by Yolhas, son of Yafith (Jafeth),
son of Nuh. Oguz Han (grandson of Kayi Han), according to the same
author, could not be a descendant of 'Is, because the Greeks/ Romans
(Rumls) descended from the Beni Asfar (and therefore from Sam (Shem)),
whereas the Oghuz, Turks and Mongols are the sons of Yafith. According to
some historians, 'All continues, the Seljuk Dynasty came forth from the line
of Ibrahim (and thus from Sam), but this is wrong and rotten thinking.
'All, again, does not choose between the different traditions, but, according
to the traditional formula, lets the responsability for the truth rest with G od:
he concludes with the verse: The tongue of this pen writes down a story / we
copy but God alone knows the most sound version of it 561

558 Ibidem, 56-60.

555 Ibidem, 60.
560 'All was mistaken in this, cf. Richard F. KreuteFs translation of the TevarTh, Vom
Hirtenzelt zur Hohen Pforte (Graz, 1959), 19-20, where Yafith is mentioned as ancestor; cf.
Barbara Flemming, Political Genealogies in the Sixteenth Century, in: OA VH-VI11 (1988),
123-137, 137.
561 KA V, 18-19; elsewhere in the KA 'All has fewer reservations about upholding the
tradition of the 'Is ancestry, cf. KA V, 6 , 252 and one might interpret this passage as proof for
'AlPs choice of 'Is as Ottoman forefather if one regards the verses quoted as a meaningless cliche
as has apparently been done by Flemming, Political Genealogies , 137.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 77

(d) The adaptation of sources

If 'All decided to use a source for his book, he had three options: he could
copy or literally translate, elaborate, or abridge, condense, the whole, or
passages from it. This method is perhaps most clearly visible in the adaptation
of his own works for the Essence , which, as we saw above562, were either
literally or in an abridged form absorbed into the history. Abridgment also
often meant simplification of language. One example of this last procedure
will suffice. Describing the marching order of the Ottoman army, departing
for the Szigetvar campaign of 1566, 'All says of Grand vizier Sokolh Mehmed
Pa$a the Tall One in the Heft meclis:
the happy, illustrous Dastur, the brilliant and country-conquering Vizier, this
candle at the banquet of righteous thought, a light full of the rays of a fixed
star...
(destur-i mesrur-i ruen-ray vezir-i munevvir-i kiver-kuay em'a-i bezm-gah-i
fikr-i saib u lem'a-i pur-ei'a-i necm-i sakib... 563)

In the Essence, this becomes, somewhat altered and toned down in style:
the wise Grand vizier, Mehmed Paa, tall by his illustrious capacity...
(vezir-i a'zam-i dana tavil-i celTlu 1-kadr Mehemmed Paa... 564)

'All also sometimes changed the meaning of the original, as, e.g., in the case
of his Nadirii l-maharib. The eulogy of Lala Mustafa Pa$a is changed in the
version of the Essence into censure 565. This procedure was avoided in the
case of the Fursatname, with the result that abuse of Sinan Pa$a is,
inconsistently, followed by praise of the same dignitary566. In the following I
will give some further examples of other sources adopted in the Essence .

(1) Unchanged adoption

A literal, or nearly literal adoption, of sources, seems to have been particu
larly applied in the encyclopedic chapters in the first two pillars, such as the
description of towns and climata (iklims) in the first, and the biographies in
the second pillar.

562 Cf. above, Part (I), section (4).

563 HM, 7.
564 KA/ SU/ 57, B, 351 b.
565 Cf. above, p. 46.
564 Cf. above, pp. 48.
78 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

To give an example: of the town of M adain in Iraq (in the third iklim), we
read in the Essence :
The palace of Kisra (Chosroes) is there. Its breadth is 95 cubits from pillar to
pillar, and its height is exactly 80 cubits.
(Ivan-i Kisra andadur ki bir riikninden birine vannca uzum doksan be
zira'dur amma yiiksekligi tamam seksen zira'dur 567)

This is a literal translation of the Arabic version found in the Taqwim al-
buldan of Abu l-FidaS68.
(The Arabic text reads: fT 1-Madain Iwanu Kisra was'atuhu min ruknihi ila
ruknihi khamsa wa tisln dhira'an... wa irtifa'u 1-Iwan thamanun dhi-
ra an... 569)

I will give another example from the cosmological chapter in the first pillar.
Concerning the origin of snow and coldness, 'All writes:
It is written that God, the Sublime and Exalted, created mountains full of
snow and hail, the number of which only God, His name be exalted, knows. If
He should wish to let it snow or hail in a part of the earth, then, He gives
orders to his guardian angels. Immediately, they let lots of snow and hail
descend from those mountains. Every hailstone and snowflake that falls there is
taken up by an angel who takes care that it reaches the place where it has been
ordered. 570

This is a nearly literal translation of the Arabic text of al-KisaTs 'Aja ib al-
malakuf.
Know then that God, may His name be exalted, created many mountains of
hail and snow [the number of which] only He knows. He has entrusted one of
His angels with them. When he wishes to send hail and snow to a part of the
earth, He gives him orders, whereupon he lets it snow there as much as God
wants. Every flake is accompanied by an angel who puts it down where he is
ordered to dispose of it. 571

Literal translation was hardly ever applied to long passages, let alone whole
books. The adoption of biographical material from Ibn KathTrs History in
the second pillar went together with frequent omissions of paragraphs,
alterations in the order of the text, sometimes stylistic elaboration of the

567 KA I, 200.
568 Cf. above, (1), no. 53.
569 Cf. M. Reinaud and Mac Guckin de Slane, eds., Geographic d Aboulfeda (Paris, 1840),
329.
570 KA I, 79.
571 MS UB Or. 538, 21a; cf. above (1), no. 15.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 79

Arabic original. Direct speech was sometimes taken over literally, but also
translated freely, whereby rhyming elements, hardly occurring in the original,
were added572.

(2) Elaboration
'Alls description of the beginning of Ottoman history may serve as an
example of the elaborated adoption of a source. In the fourth pillar, we read
about the dynastys ancestor, Suleyman ah:
Suleyman Sah, the great ancestor of the Ottomans, who was a descendant of
Kayi Han, the hereditary king, that is, tribal leader, of the Oghuz, lived in a
famous town called Mahan, situated on the border of the realm of Merv. After
the year 600 (1203/04), following the rebellion of Chingiz Khan, the fortunate
lord of the world and commander of evil-minded gangs called Mongols who
left Iran reeling and brought woe upon the countries of Turan by his heavy
blows, they left their country and came to Armenia and Akhlat, to the country
they called Erzenii r-Rum (Erzurum)...
(cedd-i biiziirgvar-i 'Osmaniyan olan Suleyman Sah ki Oguz kabilesinden eba
'an cedd miiluk-i sahib-'aslret olan Kayi Han evladindan olub darii 1-mulk-i
Merv (text: Merve) hududmda vaki' Mahan ismi ile sohret-si'ar bir $ehrde
(text: $ehlrde) miitemekkin idiler sene-i sittemfe tarlhinden sonra Iran-zemlne
zelzele ve memalik-i Turana sadmat-i kahrla velvele biragan sahib-kiran-i cihan
Mogol-nam tavayif-i gul-slrete firman-ran olan Cingiz Han fitnesinden cela-yi
vatan ediib hudiid-i Erzenii r-Riim... dedikleri merzubiimdaki ErmenFye ve
Ahlata geldiler 573574 words identical with those found in the Tacii t-tevarih,
quoted below, are underlined)

This passage seems to be based on Sa'deddlns Tacii t-tevarih*1*, which is not

mentioned by 'All. We read:
In the time that the Seljuks moved from Transoxania to Iran... the tribe of
Kayi Han, the great ancestor of the line of Ottoman Turks, lived in the city of
Mahan on the border of Merv Shahjan, but after the appearance of the
rebellious Chingiz, they moved to the borders of Armenia and Akhlat... while
Suleyman Sah, son of Kaya Alp, the leader of that virtuous tribe, moved with
his clan to the country of Rum
(al-i Selcuk Maveraunnehrden Iran-zemlne intikal etduklerinde... kabayil-i
Tiirkden silsile-i 'Osmaniyenun cedd-i a'lasi olan Kayi Han kabHesi ki hudiid-i

572 Cf., e.g., the first biography, o f Talha b. 'Abdallah ( = *Ubaydallah), KA III, 250-251, with
the version of al-Bidaya (Cairo, 1932 (?)), 246-248.
573 KA V, 19; the tradition in all chronicles about the origin of the Ottoman dynasty, apart
from the names of the protagonists 'Osman, Orhan and possibly Ertugnl, is myth whose
purpose was mainly to legitimize Ottoman rule, cf. Colin Imber, The Ottoman Dynastic Myth ,
in: Turcica XIX (1987), 7-27, 26.
574 Cf. above, (2), no. 28.
80 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

Merv-i $ahcandan // Mahan jehrinde mutemekkin idiler Cingiz-i fitne-englz

zuhiirindan hudiid-i ErmenFye ve Ahlata intikal edub... ol kabTle-i nebllenun
serdan Suleyman ah bin Kaya Alp tayifesile bilad-i Riima intikal etdiler 575
words identical with the text of the Essence are underlined.)
Although 'All adopted a number of key-words to his version, he changed the
contents of the Tac in some cases: (1) he omitted to mention the connection
between the move of the Seljuks to the west (which is also made in the
version of Neri576) and that of the Ottomans; (2) he adds the year 600577;
(3) he literarily elaborated the revolt of Chingiz Khan in an added, heavily
rhyming clause; and (4) he specifies the borders of Armenia and Akhlat
and Rum, with the more current placename of Erzurum.
Elaboration in the earlier pillars was often the outcome of a centuries-old
process of change and adaptation. There was little room for factual emenda
tion here, but the historians inventiveness could be directed to the literary
aspect. In the chapter on the prophet Ibrahim in the first pillar occurs the
well-known story of the sacrifice. Isma'il, informed by his father of the latters
dream in which he had seen the sacrifice, was ready to undergo the trial, as
we read in the Essence, and he
made a graceful statement to his great father: It is my wish that you bind my
hands and feet, so that while I move about in my acute pain, I will not stain
your clean shirt with blood. Second, that you make your knife very sharp so
that I will be quickly released and will not trouble your excellency because the
cutting lasts long. Third, that you slaughter me by the neck so that, your seeing
my face, God forbid, and the relation between father and son, will not be a
reason for pity and compassion, the which will prevent your achievement." The
liver-enflaming words of the truthful boy baffled and shocked the compassio
nate father. Immediately, the man endowed with majesty prayed: 0 God, at
the end of my life you have made me happy with a boy and now You order this
weak one not only to separate from him but even to sacrifice him! If the
honorable situation that I saw in the world of dreams approaches Your wish, I
must hurry to execute Your command, but if Your eternal will is different, I
beg Your forgiveness in every way and repent, and my renunciation of him has
come to an end. While saying this, he bound the hands and feet of the
fortunate son and thrust the sharp knife towards the neck of the boy. While he,
heartbroken, obeyed the command, all angels, high and low, wept...
(Hazret-i Isma'il valid-i buzurgvarma tasrih-i cemll edub ol recam budur ki
elimi ayagimi bend edesin ta-ki can acisi ile lztirab edub damen-i pakim gark-i
hunab etmeyim ikinci zebh bi^agim muhkem keskin eylesin ki tlzce halas olub
teennl ile kit'i cihetinden Hazretunuze kulli lztirab vermeyim iipinci beni

575 Tacu t-tevarlh, 2 vols. (Istanbul, 1279), I, 12-13.

576 Cf. F. Taeschner, ed., Gihanniima. Die altosmanische Chronik des Mevlana Mehemmed
Neschri, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1951-55), I, 19-20; cf. also Kemal Pa$azades much more detailed
version, erafettin Turan, ed., tbn-i Kemal, Tevarih-i al-i Osman I (Ankara, 1970), 38-40.
577 In NesrTs version occurs 616; Kemal Pa$azade has 617, Tevarih I, 40.
 SOURCE CRITICISM 81

enseden bogazlayasin yiizimi gormekle // mebada 'alaka-i iibiivet ii biinuvet

ba'is-i rahm u efekat olub maksiidunuz husulina mani'-i ber-hal ola deyii
soyledi ferzend-i muhikk bu ciger-siiz sozleri peder-i mii$fiki miitahayyir u
muztarib eyledi fi 1-hal Cenab-i zii 1-celale miinacat ediib Hudaya beni ahir-i
'omrumde bir piiserle madman eyledun imdi ise anun bela-i mufarekatim
hususa zebh ii takarrubini bu zaTTe firman eyledun eger 'alem-i riiyada bu
ahkara lazimdur eger iradet-i ezlTye ki muhalif ise enva'-i istigfar u enabetle
andan feragatim muhtatimdur (?) deyu piiser-i devletmendi dest u pa-beste ve
kendusi sikkTn-i tTzi gerden-i ferzendine ilka edub firmana muntazir u dil-ikeste
iken amme-i melaike-i ulvl vii siiflT bu hale giryan... 578 words identical in
MIrkhwands version are underlined)

In the Rawdat as-safa, which obviously was the source (although the work is
not mentioned), we read:
Thereupon, he requested his father: Tie my hands and feet firmly, lest I
struggle when I die and your robe be bespattered with blood. It is a hard thing
to die. Sharpen also your knife on a stone, that I may be delivered quickly. Lay
me on my face, for fear that on beholding my face, the chain of paternal
consideration might by its motion induce you to delay the execution of the
sacrifice for the inscrutable Lord, and thereby soil the skirts of innocence with
the impurity of guilt. Present my dress to Hajar (Hagar), that she may be
consoled by smelling my odour." Then Ibrahim spoke words full of tenderness:
My God, all thanks and praise on [our] tongue return to the creation of Your
work shop, You have vouchsafed to bestow upon me a son in my old age, and
now You command me to inflict myself with separation from him, and to
sacrifice him. If the honour of Your will is connected with this, who am I that I
shall refuse to obey?" By the prayers of Ibrahim, the angels of the upper and
nether worlds were moved to tears.
(ba'd az an Isma'Tl az pidar iltimas namud ki dast u pa-yi mara muhkam
bibandad // ki mabad dar waqt-i kushtan idtirab konam wa cama-i tu khunln
shawad chi murdan amrl dushvar ast wa kardra bi-sang tlz kun ta zud khalas
shawam wa mara bar ruy bikhwaban ki mltarsam dar an-waqt nazar-i tu bar
chahra-i man uftad wa silsila-i shafaqat-i ubuvat dar harakat amad wa az
qurban-i Hadrat-i bichun ihmal namaT wa dar In bab dhayl-i 'iflat bilawth-i
ma'siyat aluda gardad wa plrahan-i mara bar dar wa ba-Hajar rasan ta az
istishmam-i ra'iha-i man iira tasklm hasil shawad angah Ibrahim sukhanan-i
riqqat-amlz-i Isma'fl-ra istima' namiida guft Allah! majmu'-i shukr u thana dar
zaban raji' ba-sakht-i karkhana-i tust mara dar zaman-i shlb farzandl arzanl
farmudl wa ba-bala-yi mufaraqat wa dhabh-i u mubtala kardl agar sharaf-i
rida-yi tu ba-In maqrunast man chi gun basham ki az muqtada-yi an sar
kasham az munajat-i Ibrahim malaika-i 'alam-i 'ulwl wa sufli bigirya amadand
ba'd az an Ibrahim kard-i tlz ba-khalq-i Isma'il kashlda... 579 underlined
words also occur in 'AlFs version)

578 KA II, 188-189.

579 Rawdat I, 39-40; cf. the (garbled) translation by E. Rahatsek, The Rauzat-us-Safa: or,
Garden o f Purity. Containing the Histories o f Prophets, Kings and Khalifs, 4 vols. (London, 1891-
94), I, 14.
82 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

MIrkhwands version was in itself an elaboration of still older versions of the

story. In at-Tabarfs History, for example, we read:
He (the son) said to him (Ibrahim) then: O my father, if you wish to sacrifice
me, strengthen my bonds so that no thing gets stained by me and I will be
inadequate. Dying is difficult and I am not sure that I will not meanwhile move
about. If you find a stone (?), sharpen your knife before finishing me off and
releasing me. If you lay me down before sacrificing me, put me in a prostrate
position with my face down. Do not lay me on my side because I am afraid that
if you look into my face, tenderness will stand between you and Gods
command regarding me. If you could see to it that you return my gown to my
mother the which might console her for [her loss] of me, please do so.
(qala lahu 'anda dhalika ya abatl in aradta dhabhl fashaddid ribati la
yasbagha minnl shayun fa-yanqusa ajrl fa-anna 1-mawtu shadldun wa innl la
aminun an adtariba 'andahu idha vajidta mashshatan (?) washhadh shafrataka
hatta tujhiza 'alayya fa-turlhum wa idha anta adja'tanl la-tadhbahanl fa-kibbnl
li-vajhl 'ala jabinl wa la tudji'nl li-shaqql fa-annl akhsha in anta nazarta fi vajhl
an tudrika riqqatun tuhawwilu baynaka wa bayna amrl llahi fiyya wa in
raayta an tarudda qamlsl 'ala umml fa- innahu 'asa an yakuna hadha asla liha
'annl fa-afal 580 words underlined also occur in MTrkhwands version)

This in turn was ultimately based on a passage in the Koran, elaborated with
narrative traditions of, mainly, Jewish, origin. This passage in the Koran
reads as follows:
And when he (i.e. the son) reached the age when he could work with him, his
father said to him: My son I dreamt that I was sacrificing you. Tell me what
you think." He replied: Father, do as you are bidden. God willing, you shall
find me faithful. And when they both had surrendered themselves to Gods
will, and Ibrahim had laid down his son prostrate upon his face, We called out
to him... (Sura 37: 101-108)

The Biblical version reads:

And Isaac spake to Abraham his father, and said, My father: and he said,
Here am I, my son. And he said, Behold the fire and the wood: but where is the
lamb for a burnt offering? And Abraham said, My son, God will provide
himself a lamb for a burnt offering: so they went both of them together. And
they came to the place which God had told him of; and Abraham built an altar
there, and laid the wood in order, and bound Isaac his son, and laid him on the
altar upon the wood. And Abraham stretched forth his hand, and took the
knife to slay his son. And the angel of the Lord called unto him out of heaven,
and said Abraham, Abraham: and he said, Here I am... (Genesis 22:7-11, the
Authorised Version)

580 M. J. de Goeje, ed., Armales, 15 vols. (Leiden, 1879-1901), 1/1, 305.

 SOURCE CRITICISM 83

It may be clear from the examples that variations where not so much material
(apart from the fundamental substitution of Isaac by Isma'Il, and 'Alls
omission of the passage concerning the deliverance of the shirt to Hajar)581
as literary. The austere story of the Bible, with its overwhelming sus
pense 582, makes way for the less dramatic version of the Koran, where
Ibrahim and Isma'Il readily submit to their fate. In at-Tabarls version, we
find an even greater emphasis on the readiness of especially the son to
undergo the trial and ease matters for his father. The story thereby seems to
adopt for a modern reader a somewhat lurid, even masochistic turn, which is
more developed by MIrkhwand through adding concrete details such as the
spattering of blood and the smelling of the gown by Hajar . The language is
embellished, complex circumlocutions (as the chain of paternal considera
tion) and epithets (the inscrutable God) are added. 'All further developed
this manneristic tendency. The style has become more ceremonious, numerous
adjectives (his father has become his great father) and rhyming elements
are added. The words of Isma'Il and Ibrahim are turned into formalistic
speeches. Isma'Il does not simply speak but makes a graceful statement ,
does not address his father as you , but your excellency . This seems also
to further neutralize the agony of the biblical version: the boy is called
fortunate (the epithet normally used for sultans) when the knife is about to
cut his neck.

(3) Abridgement
As explained in the preface to the fourth pillar, 'All found the style of Idris
BidllsIs Hasht bihisht too prolix and complex583. Using Bidllsfs History for
the fourth pillar, parts of it were adopted in a severely reworked and abridged
version. Concerning the building of the Old Palace in Istanbul after the
town had been conquered by Sultan Mehmed II, we read in the Hasht bihisht
(I omit about a third of the text):
When after the conquest of Constantinople the hubbub of the pomp and
magnificence of the soldiery with its vast crowd had increased day by day..., in
the middle of the town of Constantinople, in the quarter which had the highest
houses as well as the most spacious mansions..., a piece of land, which
measured 3000 cubits in length and breadth, and looked as formed and
sculptured as a fortress, and strong and walled as a steel mountain, there, in the
middle of that heart-rapturing plain, he constructed a building, the imperial
nests as well as the mansions of the Harem, beautiful as the gardens of
581 Cf. on the tradition of this story: C. Snouck Hurgronje, Het Mekkaansche feesi, in:
Verspreide geschriften I (Bonn and Leipzig, 1923), 1-124, 123 ff.; Rudi Paret, Isma'Il , in E l2; by
the same, Der Koran; Kommentare und Konkordanz, 417.
!82 Erich Auerbach, Mimesis. The Representation o f Reality in Western Literature, trans. by
Willard R. Trask, 4th impr. (Princeton, 1974), 11.
583 Cf. above, p. 63.
84 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

Shaddad, and he built abodes, the fundament of his proud reign, and in about
the years eight and five (i.e. 858), this palace full of happiness became the house
of the sultan of the faith and most of the time he found rest in that heart-
rapturing mansion in Constantinople that he had made his capital...
(chun ba'd az fath-i Qostantiniyya tantana-i hashmat u shawkat-i sipah wa
'uzmash ruz bi-ruz mutasa'id mishud... dar wasat-i shahr-i Qostantiniyya dar
mahalll ki arfa'-i amakin u awsa'-i masakin bud... wa 'arsa-i zamlnl ki bi-tul u
'ard sih hizar dhira' bashad musawwar u musawwar bi-haslnl matin u bi-dlwarf
shablh bi-kuh-i ahanln namud wa dar miyan-i an fida-yi dil-kusha bunyad-i
nishimanha-yi padishah khana andakht wa manazil-i haram ba-tiraz-i bustan-i
iram wa binaha-yi chun asas-i dawlat-i khwud muhkam dar an miyana sakht...
wa muddat-i hasht u panj sal taqrfba an saray-i pur-surur maskan-i sultan-i din
bud wa akthar-i awqat dar Qostantiniyya ki daru 1-khilafa sakht dar an manzil-
i dil-kusha sukun mifarmud... 584 words underlined also occur in identical
or altered form in the Essence)

In the Essence, we read, much more to the point:

In the blessed year in which the conquest of Istanbul was facilitated, on a high
and spacious hill in the middle of the town, useful for its water and air, he
enlivened the pleasant spot still known as the Old Palace", and turned its
houses and castles into a faultless dwelling.
(feth-i Istanbul muyessir oldugi sene-i mubarekede ehr ortasinda vaki' ab u
havasi nafi' bir pu$te-i reff a-i vasi'ada hala ki eski saray namiyla musemmi vu
me$hur olan makam-i latifi ma'mur ve buyut u kusunni beyt-i bl-kusur
eylediler 585 words underlined occur in identical or altered form in the
Hasht bihisht)

(III) T h e v o ic e o f t h e a u t h o r

The value of the Essence has, not unreasonably, been judged by the extent
of its originality, most conspicuously expressed in those parts of the text that
were not simply copied from a single source. Above, we have already come
across features which contributed to this aspect: (1) 'All used written sources
which do not seem to have come down to us; (2) 'AIT used information not
found in other sources because it was conveyed to him orally by contempo
raries; (3) 'AIT sifted his sources either by a critical method based on both
conventional views and personal insights, or patched together materials
without transparent method in order to clarify or obfuscate his point of view,
or simply to cumulate knowledge; (4) 'AIT imaginatively adapted source
materials to his own work, which often meant reworking their literary style.

584 MS SK Esad Efendi 2197, 358a; MS TKS Emanet Hazinesi 1655, 413a-b.
585 KA/ M 11/ d : l \ B, 108b. (BidlTsfs Hasht bihisht is explicitely mentioned as source for this
part of the "Essence.)
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 85

But these were not all. In order to more fully measure the originality of the
Essence, but also to obtain further insight in 'A lfs method as critical
historian, I will give a survey of other categories of this type.
Firstly, and most important are 'Alls reflections on contemporary society,
particularly its increasing disruption (ihtilal), and his own role in it. These
occupy an important part of the introductions to the first and fourth pillars,
and in the last part of the Ottoman volume, roughly from the period of
Sultan Selim II onwards. Secondly, we find other shorter passages: introduc
tions to chapters, verse fragments, observations, autobiographical notes, and
commentaries of a greater or lesser critical content all through the work.
Thirdly, and most difficult to fathom and interpret, are 'Alls motives and
ideas (it is hard to know if 'All" always was guided by these in the first place),
in short: the stamp of his personality, expressed through the (unspecified)
selection and arrangement of materials (the discussed compilative chapters
belong also to this category), traditional and original.
In the following, I will give a survey of this material with the exception of
the first and last category (to be discussed in the next chapters): (1) the short
personal statements and comments of a formalistic and topical nature wher
ever they are not directly connected with the content of his sources; (2) asides
which are meant to update old materials and compare historical situations
with each other, particularly an ideal past with a degenerate present; and (3)
passages which contain observations (eyewitness accounts) of the author and
autobiographical data. These are often, but not always, easily recognizable.
Sometimes we find expressions such as according to this lowly one, but
more often such indications are lacking.

(a) Personal statements and comments

(1) Formalistic: on the Essence and its structure
In some places in the Essence 'All made short remarks on structural
elements of the book, with the purpose of praising its exceptional qualities. In
the general introduction, as we saw, 'All outlined the four-fold structure and
pointed to four chapters which made the work superior to many others in the
genre586. Another example we came across was 'Alls reluctance to describe

586 KA I, 17, 46-47; the four-fold structure, for the rest, was not unprecedented, and is also
found, for example, in Hafiz-i Abrus Majma' at-tawdrikh, cf. above (1), no. 6 6 . Its four parts
had, quite similar to the main divisions of the Essence, the following contents: (1) introduction,
the history of the prophets before Muhammad, and the history of the old Iranian kings; (2) the
history of Muhammad and the Caliphs up to Musta'sim; (3) the history of Iran from the fall of
Baghdad up to the death of the Ilkhanid Abu S aid; (4) the history of Iran from that time up to
1426-27.
86 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

the period following Sultan Bayezids defeat in 1402 under the heading of
interregnum (fetret)581. In the cosmographic chapter of the first pillar,
'All, further emphasizing his statement in the general introduction on his
inclusion of a chapter on the creation, remarks that few historians devote
attention to heavenly events and earthly destinies . But the science of
history should occupy itself with the explanation of the earth and all that it
has upon it 587588, both of visible and invisible phenomena because through
them the perfection of Gods creation is demonstrated589.
Another important element of histories, and of indispensable necessity for
the Essence, as 'All maintained at the beginning of his chapter on chrono
logy and dating systems, was an explanation of the chronology of history
since the descent of Adam590.
In the chapter on the prophet Ibrahim, 'All remarks that most historians
describe the construction of the Kaaba by Ibrahim and Isma'Il in the chapter
dedicated to them. 'All, though, found it suitable (miindsib) to deal with all
ten phases of building and later reconstructions up to the year 1000 in a
separate chapter, so that the subject as a whole was easier to study for
scholars591.
The story on the mi'raj (Muhammads ascent to heaven) was, as the
chapter on the creation, although not previously described in history books, a
necessary part of the Essence 592. 'All also stated that he wished to avoid
the confusion in the arrangement of the biographies of the viziers found in
Ramazanzades history593. He undertook to strictly separate the viziers
between the chapters on the reigns of Mehmed II and Bayezld II, and arrange
them according to the dates of their appointment or death 594.

(2) Topical: historical judgement

Islamic historiography, and particularly the Essence, had a strong mora
listic tendency 595. Apart from the moralistic commentary which accompanied
the main theme of contemporary disruption, we also find asides containing
positive or negative judgement of the actions of historical personalities in the
earlier parts of the book. These often took the form of exclamatory interrup
tions in which the author directly addressed the reader. I will give a few
examples.
587 Cf. above, p. 72.
588 KA I, 75.
589 Ibidem.
590 KA I, 259.
591 KA II, 193, 206.
597 KA III, 169.
593 Cf. above, (2), no. 24.
594 KA/ B II/ Introduction to the biographies, B, 204a.
595 This aspect is dicussed below, in Chapters Two and Three.
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 87

Relating the death of one of the few pious Umayyad caliphs, 'Umar b.
'Abd al-'AzIz, 'All recounts a tradition that a shroud descended from heaven
on which it was written that the deceased ruler would be saved from the fire
of hell. 'All interrupts the narrative with the words:
Well done, o just Caliph, friend of God, whom the Lord, glory be to Him and
He be exalted, sent a patent that exempted him from the fire of hell and made it
manifest to those present how just he had been [so that they realised that if] the
sultans of the time and the almighty khaqans do not take warning from this
treatment [of 'Umar], and continue to lust for the collection of worldly
superstitions, they will land themselves for all to see in the pit of hell...! 596

In the last part of the Essence , such exclamations were sometimes directly
addressed to the sultan. Woe upon the sultan of the earth (Murad III), 'All
concluded his chapter on the appointment of a corrupt official by the equally
corrupt Grand vizier Sinan Paa, who allows the honour of his high office to
be soiled by the greed of such a vizier and lets such scorpions rule the
Muslims597. In the very last poem of the Essence, 'All directly warns
Sultan Mehmed III that he will have to account for his deeds, particularly for
not appointing the author on a worthy position, on the Day of Judge
ment598.
Generally, rulers are divided into two groups: the good ones and the bad
ones. Exceptionally, good rulers are condemned for particular cases of bad
policy. Although 'All nearly everywhere else praises Sultan Mehmed II, he
exceptionally criticized the behaviour of the sultan towards Mevlana Sina-
neddln Yusuf b. Hizir Beg, as capricious (televviin) in an appendix to his
biography. After a rapid career, the molla, who had become grand vizier,
came into conflict with the sultan and became the victim of unjustified, harsh
persecution: he was dismissed, imprisoned, and after protest of colleagues,
exiled as professor (miiderris) to Sivrihisar, but nearly killed en route by the
forced swallowing of poison and beatings. He was only rehabilitated under
Bayezid II599.

(b) Asides meant to furnish old traditions with modern materials, and
historical comparisons
In his judgements of situations in the past or the activities of individuals, 'All
often drew historical parallels. Although the geographical chapter in the

596 KA IV-1, 119.

597 KA/ MU III/ 37, B, 573a-b.
598 KA/ M III/ 25*, MS TKS III. Ahmed 3083 (hereafter 1-43, cf. below, Appendix II, no.
70), 546a.
599 KA/ M II/ 'ulema/ 19, B, 154b-155a; cf. A. Mertol Tulum, Introduction to Sinan Pa$a,
Tazarru'name (Istanbul, 1971), 3-6.
88 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

introductory part to the first pillar is mainly a compilation of age-old

encyclopedic material, we find seven cases giving the dates and circumstances
under which an island, peninsula or city in the Mediterranean area was
incorporated in the Ottoman Empire. Describing the island of Cyprus, e.g.,
'AIT observes that during the reign of Sultan Selim II (in 980/1572-73), Vizier
Lai a Mustafa Paa was sent as commander and the island conquered600.
Describing the River Danube, flowing out into the Black Sea (which is here
called Karadeniz although elsewhere the antiquated Arabic corruption
Nttu$, from the Greek pontos, is used), 'AIT adds that its shores are inhabited
by groups of infidels called Wallachians, Serbians, Hungarians and Herzego
vinians. In some places live Ottoman gazis and border warriors who enjoy
the pleasures [of the area]. 601
In the chapter on the ancient nations in the first pillar, 'AIT mentions that
the dominion of the Tatars, the Crimea, was subject to the authority of the
Ottomans in 1006/1597-98 when 'AIT was writing his book602. In the para
graph on the Circassians, by whom were meant here the Mamluk rulers of
Egypt, 'AIT recounts the circumstances under which they were subjected by
Sultan Selim I 603.
'AIT also decided to change the traditional division of the inhabited part of
the world into ikhms, in accordance with the contemporary work Awdah al-
masalik604. The traditional Iran-centered system was turned into a more up-
to-date Ottoman-centered one by adding the separate ikhms of Anatolia and
Rumeli. This also had the numerological advantage of the resulting sum-total
of 32, equal to the number of human teeth605.
Many additions were also designed to vent criticism about contemporary
Ottoman abuses. The paragraph on the Wallachians, Transylvanians and
Moldavians is nearly completely devoted to the disorder of their provinces
due to mismanagement by the Porte since the time of Sultan Suleyman. It
closely resembles the similar chapter in the fourth pillar606.
In the chapter on traditional revenues due to the treasury of the Islamic
sultans (based on the Kitab al-masalik wa l-mamalik of Abu al-Qasim b.
Khurradadhbih607), 'AIT adds a passage on the yearly tribute (salyane) of five
times 100,000 dinar imposed on Egypt after the conquest by Selim I 608, and

600 KA I, 155.
601 KA I, 117.
602 KA I, 244.
803 KA I, 244-245; the religious justification of the campaign as laid down in fetvas by the
'ulema of the time, is more or less literally repeated in the fourth pillar, KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 248a.
604 Cf. above, (1), 94.
605 KA I, 235-236.
606 KA I, 245-246; KA/ MU III/ 50*, B, 587b-588a.
607 Cf. above, (1), no. 3.
608 Cf. Stanford J. Shaw, The Financial and Administrative Organisation and Development o f
Ottoman Egypt 1517-1798 (Princeton, 1962), 284; this tribute, equal to 20 million paras, was
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 89

the taxes of the other Ottoman provinces in 970/1562-63. These, subse

quently, consisted of 500,000 dinar and 5000 yuk, of which 4000 were spent
yearly. 'All comments that by 1006/1597-98 the order in Rum had been
destroyed and new laws (kanuns) were implemented. Whereas tax-revenues
were now only 3000 yuk, expenses had increased to 9000 y u k ! Consequently
the volume of the treasury had been reduced to less than a third609. Although
the 3000 yuk (paras) mentioned by 'All seems to be a reliable figure, the 9000
yuk seems to be highly exaggerated610.
Also in the second pillar we find some references to 'AIT s own day.
Discussing the tomb of Ebu Eyub near Constantinople in the biographical
chapter, 'AIT refers to his description of the conquest in the fourth pillar611.
Describing the tomb of Sayyid Battal GhazT, who died (in 740) in a battle
(near Akroinon) against King Liyun (the Byzantine Emperor Leo III, ruled
717-741) in the aftermath of the second Arab attack against Constantinople,
'AIT wrote that it was situated on the top of a hill on the road to Istanbul.
The grave had been provided with lofty cupolas coated with lead. The long
stone was wrapped in gold brocade and green shawls. Near it was the smaller
tomb of the Byzantine princess who had been his beloved. 'AIT added that up
to the time of Sultan Suleyman, the grave and the farmland belonging to it
which measured 100 gifts (= ca. 1500 to 3800 acres) had been maintained
and cultivated by dervishes, all crop-revenue being spent on visiting travellers.
The dervishes had been expelled by Grand vizier Rustem Paa who loathed
'ulema and dervishes. A muderris was appointed administrator and students
lodged in the cells612.
The Islamic past was often idealized and compared with contemporary
Ottoman decay. Thus, in the general introduction, where the theme of the
decline of contemporary patronage stands out, 'AIT briefly described seven
historical cases of good patronage by Islamic rulers: Sultan Mahmud-i
Sebuktegin (ruled 998-1030) who protected FirdawsT; Kizil Arslan (Ildenizid,
ruled 1186-1191) and Zahir-i Faryabl (d. 1201); Uways (Jalayirid, ruled 1356-
1373) and Khwaja Salman (d. 1377); Atabeg ZangT and Shaykh Sa'di (d.

technically indicated as irsallye-i hazine; it fluctuated during the 16th century between 16 and 24
million paras, ibidem.
609 KA I, 258-259.
610 Archival sources show the Ottoman budget of 1581-82 (which by no means offers a
complete survey of the state finances) as containing an income of 279,649,967 paras and an
expenditure of 277,578,755 paras, with a resulting deficit of 2,071,967 paras, cf. Omer Lutfi
Barkan, The Price Revolution of the Sixteenth Century , 17. In 1017/1608, we find an income of
503,691,446 paras, an expenditure of 599,191,446 paras, with a resulting deficit of 95,500,000
paras, cf. Ahmet Tabakoglu, Gerileme donemine girerken Osmanli maliyesi (Istanbul, 1985), 15.
Ahmet Tabakoglu seems to take 'All's figures, adopted from Hezarfenns History, at face value,
cf. ibidem.
611 KA III, 268.
612 KA III, 342; cf. M. Canard/ I. Melikoff, al-Battal, E l2.
90 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

1292); Shirwan Shah and Khaqanl (d. 1199); Husayn Bayqara (ruled 1470-
1506) his vizier 'AIT ShTr NawaT (d. 1501) protected MTrkhwand, Jam! (d.
1492), Husayn Wa'iz KashifT and 'Abdallah Marwarid; Sultan Mehmed II
even dismissed his Grand vizier Mahmud Paa (d. 1474) for his lack of zeal in
finding qualified proteges in distant countries613.
The biographies of the second pillar end with a remark on the decline of
scholarship after the death of the Imam al-GhazalT (d. 1111): he had no
equals in his time, neither were they seen after the time of decay had set
in 614. Elsewhere, we should note, 'All rejects this widely held idea615, and
it is possible that the passage was directly adopted from the Ishraq at-
tawarikh616 (quoted on the same page).
Discussing the reign of the Umayyad Caliph 'Abd al-Malik (ruled 685-705)
in the third pillar, 'All remarked:
It is known that in that time, the attention of Muslim and Unbeliever alike
was paid to intelligent men and that their market of services as well as their
favour and protection were extended to scholars and poets, and not, as
nowadays, to rich and corrupt idiots. For that reason the fundament of the
structure of his state was strong and his growing reputation and majesty as well
as his power and happiness were assured... 617

Not only royal patronage, one of 'AlFs favorite themes, but also general
morals had been better in those ages. 'Abdallah b. al-Malik had sworn to
Ja'far b. al-Hadl that if he were dismissed from his oath to him, he would go to
Mecca on foot. In 786, Harun ar-Rashld succeeded to the Abbasid throne
instead of his nephew Ja'far. 'Abdallah did not hesitate to take the conse
quences and, having consulted the best muftis in order to make sure he was
not committing a heresy, started walking. Praise be to God, 'AIT commented,
in our time, even if a person swore such a thing eighty times, and such an oath
was considered to be trustworthy among the people, he would not take the
trouble of walking one days journey, let alone covering the whole distance to
the Kaaba on foot! Neither would he consult a mufti, but say: That oath of
mine? It was just something that escaped me. Islam had such a power over the
people of that age that they abided by their oaths in this way... 618

Sometimes the reverse occurred, when 'AIT compared a historical Ottoman

situation favourably with a historical one. Describing the destructive
influence of Caliph al-HadFs mother who even set up her own Divan during

613 KA I, 24-27.
614 KA III, 247.
615 Fleischer, Bits o f Wisdom, 104.
616 Cf. above, (1), no. 57.
617 KA IV-1, 51.
618 KA IV-1, 193.
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 91

his reign (785-786), 'AIT remarked that Sultan Selim I, even as a young man,
did not allow his mother to meddle with the affairs of state, knowing that it
would only be for the purpose of enriching herself. But even after she was
allowed to take as much as she liked from the treasury, her greed and corrupt
practices did not diminish. In conformity with the Ottoman kaniin she was
sent to the Old Palace and was once a month received by her son in
obligatory audience619.
The comparative method is also applied in the fourth pillar, where the
Ottoman past is sometimes compared favourably with later symptoms of
decay. I will give a survey of the cases in the earlier chapters (i.e. those
concerned with the history before the reign of Selim II) in which the theme of
disruption is relatively rare.
'All found the first symptoms of disorder during the reign of Bayezid I: the
first princes were murdered, immorality became common and cadis, being
allowed to exact fees for their services, became oppressive. The author
commented that in the early times, during the reigns of Orhan and Murad I,
no wine was drunk, no depravity occurred among the Muslims, and even if a
great man committed sinful acts, the 'ulema did not hesitate to inform the
sultan and refuse to accept further appointments. They did not, as nowa
days, do their utmost to ask for postings by way of petitions and bribes. 620
'AIT wrote that the primary cause of Suleyman ahs fall (in 1411) was his
continuous boozing and carousing. The author compares this habit to that of
Sultan Selim II. The latters drinking, as 'All had also explained in the preface
to the fourth pillar621, made it possible for Grand Vizier Sokolh Mehmed
Pa$a to introduce measures contrary to the Ottoman kanuti. Selim was only
saved from a complete breakdown of the state because he was not confronted
by brothers who contested his authority622. Not so much the drinking and
carousing itself shocks the fundaments of the rulers states, 'All added, but
the excessive practice of it, as is clear from the example of Caliph Musta'sim
(the last Abbasid executed by Hiilegii in 1258) and the Marwanids (the last
ruler, Mansur, was driven from Diyarbekr in 1085 by the Seljuks)623.
Dealing with the institutional rules as laid down in the kaniin of Mehmed
II in the chapter on his reign, 'All added extensive commentaries on contem
porary abuses which impaired ideal practice624. The chancellor (ni$anci)
KaramanI Mehmed Paa (d. 1481) is praised in his biography for his famous

919 Ibidem, 190.

920 KA V, 103-104.
921 L, 5a.
922 KA V, 124-125.
923 Ibidem, 125; it is surprising that the dynasty is not discussed in the Essence or FH.
924 I will discuss these in detail in Chapter Two, below.
92 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

letter sent to the Akkoyunh ruler Uzun Hasan (ruled 1453-1478) who was
defeated by Mehmed in 1473. 'AIT comments:
Nowadays, those who write books, every line of which is worthy of this letter,
are left humbled, helpless, hungry and in need of the bare necessities of life.
They do not find such attention and protection (as the nifanci found), nor are
they found deserving of the merest approbation. 625

The chapter on the ni$ancis of the reign of Bayezid II is preceded by an

introductory paragraph, in which the depravity of these officials in 'Alls own
time is again denounced. Inept sons of rich people are appointed. In former
days, clerks were thoroughly examined before they were accepted into the
bureaucracy, but nowadays the high office is occupied by idiots who mistake
a hemze for an elif and are no more than crude craftsmen (ehl-i hiref). Nifanci
Tacbegzade Ca'fer Qelebi in particular, is favourably contrasted with contem
porary incumbents of the post626. But not all was well in those times either:
Mevlana Ya'kub b. SeyyidI Ahizade wrote many books, among which a
commentary on the Gulistan but was not promoted beyond the cadiship of
Edirne. 'AIT adds a long poem to his biography, in which he complains that
unworthy Arabs, Turks and Persians are favoured with high Ottoman
positions, whereas excellent RumT scholars such as Ahizade, were kept at
bay627628.
Sultan SelTm Is sound appointment policy is compared favourably with
that of 'All's own days. Incompetent people are preferred in his own time,
officials are dismissed after half a year and subjected to investigations
whereby they were apt to lose all their possessions, so that district governors
(emirs) and provincial cavaliers (sipahis) are reduced to poverty and feudato
ries (ze amet holders) turn into taxpaying subjects (re'dya)626. Praising the
perfect counsel of Grand Vizier Mehmed PTri Pa$a (d. 1532), 'AIT contrasts
his qualities with the ignorant viziers of his own day, who do not pay
attention to territorial expansion at the cost of infidels, but are only interested
in enriching themselves629. In that time, affairs of state were also conducted
in secrecy. Palace pages (gilman) and aghas were, unlike nowadays, closely
watched and kept secluded from the outside world630.
This was also the case under Sultan Suleyman. 'AIT remarked that unlike in
his own days, no merchant was seen wandering along the 40, 50 gates of the
palace, nor were officials seen in the company of the aghas631. In the same
625 KA/ M II/ poets/ 29, B, 172b-173a.
626 KA/ B II/ ni}ancisl 12, B, 207b.
627 KA/ B II/ ulema! 32, B, 212a. '
628 KA/ S 1/ 3, B, 236a.
629 Ibidem, 6 , B, 238b.
630 Ibidem, 11, B, 249a.
631 KA/ SU/ Introduction, B, 271b.
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 93

reign, before mentioning the appointment of Mustafa Celalzade as ni$anci (in

October 1534), 'All criticizes the deterioration of the clerks in his own
time: the profession is increasingly debased by greed and corruption, bureau
cratic posts are given to lowly novices in the page-school of the palace or
conscripts for the Janissary corps ('acemi oglans), while real scholars suffer
from neglect. In the time of Suleyman such things were unheard of632. Later
during the reign, in 1555, coffeehouses made their appearance in Istanbul and
soon became fashionable. In a separate appendix, 'All saw them as a sign of
contemporary, social decay: the Ottoman ruling classes, impoverished and
having lost prestige, can no longer afford to receive guests at their houses, so
they mix with the lowly in these public places633. In the biography of Grand
vizier Sokolli Mehmed Pa$a, 'All mentioned that he remained in his post for
fifteen years. This was different in his own days, when seven, eight grand
viziers followed each other within a period of three or four years634.
Strikingly, even in the biographies of men who are criticized elsewhere in
the Essence , we find asides in which the behaviour of these men is
favourably compared with worse practices in 'Alps own days. Although
Grand vizier Rustem Pa$a was accused of introducing bribery in the
Empire635, 'All wrote in his biography that he never asked more than 10,000
altun for an appointment, and that only from worthy candidates. Such
appointees were never dismissed without reason. Nowadays, 'All commented,
governorships (beglerbegiliks) are sold for 50,000 altun and these officials are
not even sure of their postings636.

(c) Personal observations and autobiographical fragments

In the preceding sub-chapter, we already came across cases of this type, in
which 'All described acquisitions and losses of his library, or compared his
own observations on the spot with what he had read in histories. I will give a
summary of further instances.

(1) Personal observations

In the chapter on the geography of the world in the first pillar, 'All gives
descriptions of phenomena which he cannot have read in the old literature,
and which were based on contemporary knowledge or his own observation.
The cases regrettably are very few, despite his wide travelling throughout the
Empire and the fact that he proved, especially in his Description of Cairo

632 Ibidem, 31, B, 302a.

633 Ibidem, 54, B, 340b-341a.
634 Ibidem, 47, B, 362a.
635 Ibidem, Introduction, B, 271a.
636 Ibidem, grand viziers/ 6 , B, 360a
94 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

and Tables of Delicacies, to be an acute observer. In the same fragment

where he described the loss of his books in Lake Van quoted above, he
r
described the lake (Buhayre-i Ercis) thus:
It is actually an inauspicious, small sea. Its advantages are that it [makes
possible] the transport of firewood to Van and the inhabited townships around
it. Its disadvantages are that it often tears ships to pieces, to the profound loss
of the Muslims... It is an established fact that year in year out many ships
carrying firewood are lost. Looking at the dark surface of the lake, one is beset
by gloom and grief. Going around it [one has to] cover a distance of three days
journey on a fast horse. 637

Describing the city of 'Askalan (Ashkelon) in Palestine, 'All found that the
five daily prayers performed uninterruptedly in the town were equal in value
to a year or even seventy years of praying elsewhere. 'All added:
This lowly one, the writer full of faults, could visit the town in 970 (1562-63)
and was able to worship on the five [canonical] times [of the day]. But I
witnessed that the town was a ruin. Prayer niches facing Mecca were still to be
found in the ruined mosques as well as some places of worship. 638

In other cases 'All must have made use of up-to-date knowledge, perhaps also
of personal observation, but the added modern information is scanty and
vague.
In his short article on Kostantimye, for instance, situated in the sixth iklim,
where 'All had been living for many years, he mentions the old walls with
their height in cubits, the triangular form of the town, the palace of the
Blachernae (daru l-mulk-i RumTyan) in the Balat Quarter, and the incompa
rable New (Topkapi) Palace . He also writes that the town is called Istanbul
in Turkish, and mentions Galata and Kasimpaa, which has its own cadi and
commander (zabit), on the other side of the Golden Horn (measuring three by
one mile). He then mentions Ebu Eyub the pleasant and spacious town
around the tomb of the saint is said to be in the possession of its own
administrator (hakim) and commander and Yedikule. The description ends
with an idyllic, but vague picture of the continuous series of gardens,
flourishing with aromatic plants, and orchards full of blossom spread along
the waterfront from Yedikule to Beikta and the fortresses of the Bos
phorus639.
In the fourth pillar, we also find some rare additional remarks resulting
from personal observation. In his description of the Egyptian campaign of
Sultan Selim I, 'AIT wrote how the Ottoman army moved through the Sinai

637 KA I, 103.
638 Ibidem, 198.
639 KA I, 217.
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 95

desert in the spring of 1517 and reached Qutayba640. From there, a carrier-
pigeon service was operated with Cairo to communicate messages about
travellers entering Egypt, as 'All himself had observed in 980 (1572-73; this
should be 975/1568, when he travelled from Damascus to Cairo641).
After the surrender of Cairo, the sultan passed through the streets and
markets of the town. Raving Circassian women cried at the top of their
voices, and poured water over the heads of the Ottoman troops from the
windows. On the orders of the sultan and as a warning to the populace, the
women were grabbed, steel rings nailed to the cornices of the roofs, and the
culprits suspended from them by their hair until they were putrified. 'All
noted that he saw these rings sixty years later (in 1568) and old people told
him what had happened642.
Describing the subjection of Klis by GazI Murad Beg in 1537, 'All noticed
that he himself had seen the strong fortress, situated two mils from the
sea643.
In his paragraph on the appearance of coffeehouses in Istanbul and their
increasing popularity, 'All observed that in 1003/1594-95 there were already
105 of them in Istanbul, Eyiib, Galata and Uskiidar. They were mostly
owned by members of the ruling classes (erbab-i devlet). All classes of the
population came to soil their good reputation in them. Streams of black
water were flowing: it seemed as if the Bosphorus of the Black Sea was
boiling over! Many of the cafes were frequented by Anatolian cadis, 'All
remarked, and were called kazi dolmasis (stuffed with cadis). Others were
visited by scholars and poets, and styled mekteb-i 'irfdm (schools of knowl
edge). Not only the lower ranks of the ruling classes formed their regular
clientele, but even beglerbegis and defterdars. The habit was clearly, as 'All
further remarks, a symptom of contemporary decay644.
In Damascus, 'All once saw aytan (Devil) Murad Paa, governor of
Lahsa and Basra. He rode on a donkey, furnished with golden spurs and gilt
trappings. I was astonished . He was reported to be mad, mentioned all sorts
of creatures, even insects, in his prayers and believed he could cause harm to
viziers who annoyed him by chastising their images in the form of fully
dressed and turbaned puppets645.
'All also saw the big fire of Istanbul in September 1569. He noted in the
Essence that many times he had seen the town burn, but the earlier

640 HK has Qatya, cf. Description, 51-52/130; could Qutayba be it identical with modern
Qattawlya?; cf. also above, p. 4 (n. 18).
441 KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 249a; cf. BIOE, 48.
442 KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 250b.
443 KA/ SU/ 34*, B, 306a.
444 KA/ SU/ 54/ Appendix, B, 340b.
445 Ibidem, beglerbegis/ 39, B, 369a.
96 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

occasions could not be compared to this one. Muslims interpreted it as a

punishment of the unbelievers (the fire had started in the Jewish quarter)646.
After the turn of the millenium (1591-92), the Empire was struck by
shortages and high prices. These resulted from a large-scale cattle massacre
which had spread from Central Asia. By sacrificing their livestock, the
Muslims tried to stem Gods wrath, which, as 'AIT believed, had justifiably
struck the sinning populace. The author himself observed in the countryside
around Amasya walls built of bones and saw re'aya ploughing, digging and
hoeing with their bare hands647.

(2) Autobiography
Autobiographical passages are more frequently encountered in the Essence ,
and usually occur in the biographies of the fourth pillar where 'AIT describes
how he met the men in question. They mostly date from the earlier periods of
his life. The Essence is one of the most important sources for the life of the
author and as such the work has been extensively used by IbniilemTn
Mahmud Kemal (Inal) and Fleischer in their monographs on 'AIT648. I will
quote some examples at length, but restrict myself on the whole to a
summary indication, as far as possible in chronological order.
Thus, we come across family relations and friends from Gallipoli. 'AIT
describes the biography of his great-grandfather, the NakgbendT Shaykh
MuslTheddTn Mustafa649. The latters son DervTg Qelebi (d. 990/1582),
preacher (hatib) of the ehzade Mosque and imam to Sultan Suleyman, had
been born and raised in Gallipoli and, 'AIT noted, loved his mother dearly; he
may have protected 'AIT in Istanbul during his student days650. From the
latter, 'All heard about the adventurous life of Muhzir kuli Sinan Qelebi (d.
973/1565-66), the son of a slave of a court usher and a girl slave of the latters
wife, who became rich as hatib and chanter of the Nativity Poem (by
Suleyman Qelebi) (mevludhan) 651. The poet 'IbadT, whose life is also descri
bed in the Essence, was the son of a Gallipoli sipahT, was intimate with 'AITS
father, but, alas, a whoremonger (zenpare) and addicted to wine652. 'AIT
spoke in Gallipoli with his and the deceased poets 'plr' Hafiz-i Leng about
the poet SunT, and included the latters short biography in the Essence 653.
Of a younger generation was 'AbdT, son of an imam of Gallipoli, with whom

646 KA/ S II/ 4, P, 394a.

641 KA/ M III/ 14*, B, 604b-605a.
648 See above, Introduction, pp. 8 , 10-11.
649 KA/ SU/ shaykhs/ 28, B, 392a; BIOE, 17, 20.
650 Ibidem; BIOE, 17-18, 25, 28.
651 KA/ SU/ shaykhs/ 30, B, 392b > P, 352a-b.
652 KA/ S II/ poets/ 29, B, 479b-480a; BIOE, 23.
653 KA/ SU/ poets/ 55, B, 407b-408a.
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 97

'All studied excerpts (muhtasarat) and became close friends in his student
days. The poet, alas, died prematurely654.
At an early age, 'AIT made the acquaintance of the poet and biographer
LatlfT. The author wrote in the latters biography that he met the man, who
was then secretary to the vakfs of Ebu Eyub, in 960/1552-53: we sat together
and had conversation 655.
'AIT also gives information about his teachers in Gallipoli. He studied
Arabic grammar with Hablb-i Hamldl in the same year, 960. This teacher
made him read the Kajiye of Mevlana Muhylddln KafTyeci , from which
work he had to memorize 160 glosses656. 'Ah also remembered Sinan Hallfe.
I was taught by him and enjoyed the sweet benefits of logic, the science of the
Koran and lexicology. He had a pleasant library which was surrounded by a
priceless garden like paradise, full of flowers, summer and winter alike. 657

'AIT also described the lives of his teachers in Istanbul. From 964/1556-57
until 970/1562, 'All studied under Mevlana emseddln (d. 970/1562-63), son
of $eyhii Irislam Ebussu'ud, lexicology, science of the Koran and tafsir. He
was the most eloquent of his colleagues, proficient in composing Arabic
kasides, 'All wrote, but became addicted to ber$ (a narcotic made of hemp
leaves and laudanum or opium with syrup) and opium, of the consequences
of which he soon died658. Another teacher was the scholar, translator and
commentator of Persian classics MusliheddTn Sururi, son of a rich merchant
of Gallipoli (d. 969/1561-62), under whom 'All studied from tafsir, fiqh
(Islamic jurisprudence) as well as his masters writings from 965/1557-58. 'Ali
praises his unusually powerful mind and broad learning659.
'AIT also once spoke with hasslar kazisi (cadi of Eyub) Mevlana AgehT (d.
985/1577-78), who complained about his low income. There were hardly any
conflicts arising to provide him with income from fees paid for judicial
registration and issuing of title-deeds {skill and hticcet akgesis). To compen
sate for this, he had begun to fine Muslims and Christians for not performing
their religious duties, or serving as sailors (leverids) on the fleet660.
In Istanbul, 'All made the acquaintance of a number of poets and intellec
tuals, who figure in the Essence or whose biographies were included in it.
BakT (d. 1600) lived too long to be the subject of a biographical article, but he
is mentioned several times in the history661. MuhibbT (d. 1005/ 1596-97)

854 Ibidem, 59, B, 410a.

855 Ibidem, 82, B, 419b.
858 KA V, 185; BIOE, 21.
857 KA/ S II/ ulema/ 33, B, 470a; BIOE, 21.
858 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 104, B, 386a-b; BIOE, 28-29.
859 KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 98; ibidem, poets/ 47, B, 405b; BIOE, 28-29.
880 KA/ S II/ poets/ 2/ lalife, B, 472a.
881 E.g. in KA/ SU/ poets/ 28, B, 399a; cf. also below, and Chapter Two.
98 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

studied with 'AIT under emseddin Ahmed Celebi. He died as cadi of Adana,
'AIT noted662. BakT, Sirri, RuhT, RumuzT and 'AIT, as candidates (mus-
ta'idds), met each other in literary seances. 'All wrote in the biography of the
second poet:
We once sat together, BakT, RuhT and RumuzT on one side, and I and Sirri on
the other. We enjoyed ourselves in a meclis and we recited our latest poems...
As soon as Sirri had finished [with the closing line:
On the sea of beauty, o Sirri, the ringlet of your
beloved, is your eye-boats hook (kanca)]
RumuzT protested and asked me: The hook of what (nenun kancasi)T
Hilarity spread and everybody burst out laughing. I saw that Sirri was
at a loss for an answer and I said: What are you laughing about? The
hook is the hook of BakTs rowboat (sandal). At that time, namely,
BakT had been reciting a well-known verse with the hemistich
They burnt sandalwood (sandal) in the brazier of the Padishahs
justice
urging [the sultan] to burn some 'ulema on the sandal wood of his
brazier. The embarrassment was really about this point. Sirri then
understood the hidden reference (sirr) and was much amused. 663

Later, in 993 (1585), 'AIT, as defterdar of Erzurum, saw to it that his friend,
who had been dismissed as cadi of Trabzon, was appointed tax inspector664.
Of the older generation, 'AIT became acquainted with HayalT (d. 1556-57),
whom he called the king of poets of our time 'AIT wrote that he showed
him verses of his own, and was told that he would become a famous poet
and the latters son HubbT 'Omer Beg (d. 1004/1595-96), whom he helped to
select forty poems for his fathers Divan665.
'AIT also met the first Ottoman $ehnamegiiy 'ArifT (Fethallah 'Arif (^elebi, d.
1562). 'AIT wrote in the latters laudatory biography that he was struck by one
of his poems, which he saw on the occasion they met. It was a satire written
in the form of a crow, every limb of which was a quatrain666. Important was
also his contact with the niancis and historians Mustafa Celalzade and
Mehmed Ramazanzade which date from this period. 'AIT wrote in the
Essence that the men wished to make him their spiritual heir . The author

662 KA/ S II / poets/ 42, B, 483b.

663 KA/ S II/ poets/ 21, B, 477b; cf. KA/ SU/ 54/ niikte, B, 341a, where the same verse is
quoted, but interpreted as alluding to the burning of wineships, that took place when the taverns
were shut down in 962/1554-55.
664 KA/ S II/ poets/ 21, B, 477b; BIOE, 31, 116.
665 KA/ SU/ poets/ 29, B, 399a-400a; BIOE, 30.
666 KA/ SU/ poets/ 58, B, 409a.
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 99

boasted that he, indeed, became the third historiographer of the Ottoman
dynasty. 'All also noted that he inherited Ramazanzades house667.
On a number of occasions, 'All mentions his activities at Prince Selims
court in the early 1560s. He described how he offered his poetical work Mihr
ii mah to the prince and was granted a novitiate in the 'ilmlye (miila-
zemet)668. In the introductory part to the reign of Selim II, 'All wrote that he
became secretary, katib-i divan, at the court in Kiitahya and met the prince.
The latter preferred the company of scholars and was himself a poet who
liked sharing the glass with his companions (musahibs). 'All added that he
met more than twenty poets occupied with enlivening the seances669670. Short
biographies were devoted to many of them in the Essence , in which 'All
also presented autobiographical data.
Foremost was Celal Beg (Celall), for twenty years musahib of Selim, and
later beglerbegi of Damascus. 'All noted in the poets biography that they
together once offered impromptu verse (bedihe) to the prince, for which they
both were given twenty altun610. Also important in this group was the
princes defterdar and 'Alls protector, Turak Qelebi (NihanI). 'All mentioned
his promotion, from a salary of ten to one of sixteen akge, due to the newly
appointed defterdar, in the biography of HatemI, another poet attached to
Selims court and still alive in 1005/1596-97671. 'All based NihanFs biography
also on information obtained from the latters brother, Kaya ^elebi672.
Another protege of Turak Qelebi, who also appeared in 'AlFs meclis, was the
blind poet Makall. He had been given a position in the princes regiment
(boliik) with a salary of five ak(e. 'All related in the poets biography, that he
had to select the poems offered to the prince. He once refused to let pass one
of MakalFs poems because of its erroneous and disrespectful first verse
(matla')673. 'All also noted that he made Rahml elebi (Nakka$ Ballzade),
who turned to the prince in order to obtain a long expected ilmlye promotion,
correct one of his poems offered to the prince674. Among the boon-compa
nions of the prince was also the scholar Mehmed b. Ebussu'ud (d. 971/1563-
64), cadi of Aleppo, from whose learning both 'All and Celal Beg profited, as
he noted in the biography675.
On his way to Damascus in 1563, 'All was received by Pin Pa$a676. In the

667 KA/ SU/ nifancis/ 12, B, 371a; BIOE, 31.

668 KA/ S II/ poets/ 1, B, 472a; BIOE, 35 (n. 56).
669 KA/ S II/ Introduction, B, 431b-433b; BIOE, 38.
670 KA/ S II/ poets/ 9, B, 475a; BIOE, 38, 52.
671 KA/ S II/ poets/ 13, B, 476a.
672 Ibidem, 50, B, 484b-485a; BIOE, 37-38.
673 Ibidem, 48, B, 484b; BIOE, 38.
674 KA/ SU/ poets/ 32, B, 402a.
675 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 108, B, 387a.
876 Cf. above, p. 55.
 100 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

pashas meclis, 'All met the Persian poet ZirekI, who translated his Mihr ii
mah into Persian. Thus he did, 'All remarked, the reverse of what most
translators do: translating from Persian into Turkish. He was later with Lala
Mustafa Paa on Cyprus, where he also died677.
In Damascus, 'All came to know the admired scholar Kinalizade 'All
Qelebi (d. 1572), cadi of the city. 'Ali relates in the Essence that he was able
to discuss his first prose work, Enisii Irkuliib with him:
He gave all his friendly attention to this humble one and invited me once a
week to rejoicing conversations. I was then particularly busy writing my Enisii
l-kulub. I let him hear a part of it and he read a part of his Ahlak-i 'Alai to me
and said that I should interrupt and criticize him if necessary. 678

They also discussed poetry, and 'All Qelebi wrote nazlres on 'Alps verse679.
'All became acquainted with the mufti and miiderris Mevlana Taceddin (d.
974/1566-67), also a friend of 'All Qelebi and Lala Mustafa Pa$a. He asked
the author, to the latters embarrassment, to perform a well-wishing prayer
for him. 'All did so one morning, but feared that it contributed to his death
which took place soon afterwards680. 'All also met the scholar and litterateur
Fevrl (Mevlana Ahmed b. 'Abdallah, d. 978/1570-71), probably in Damascus,
where the latter died as retired miiderris of the Siileymanlye Mosque. He told
'All that eyh-i Ekber (Muhylddln b. al-'Arabl, d. 1240) had appeared to
him in a dream and had brought him to the true faith681.
In the early summer of 1568, 'All arrived in Cairo, where his master Lala
Mustafa Paa, as military commander, had to make preparations for the
military expedition against the Zaydid rebels in Yemen. 'All described the
troubles in the province and the following campaign in the Essence. He
noted that he had to read out thirty contradictory orders addressed to his
patron, the beglerbegi of Egypt, Sinan Paa, and the beglerbegi of Yemen,
Ozdemirogh 'Osman Paa, in the campaign council682.
'All returned to Istanbul in 1569. On his way he passed through Bursa683
where he met the taciturn poet Ceim who refused to talk to him684. Shortly
after the great fire of September 1569, 'All participated in a literary gathering
with emsl Ahmed Paa (d. 1580-81) and Monla Kami. 'All, as he relates in
the Essence , defended the usefulness of letter-writing, and wrote a Fire

6.7 KA/ SU/ poets, 41, B, 404a; BIOE, 42 (n. I).

6.8 KA/ SU/ poets/ 62, B, 41 la; BIOE, 43.
679 KA/ SU/ poets/ 62, B, 41 la-b.
680 KA/ S II/ ulema/ 4, B, 463a.
681 KA/ S II/ poets/ 39, B, 482a.
682 KA/ S II/ 3, B, 436b; BIOE, 49.
683 BIOE, 55.
684 'All mentions the year 977/1569-70, KA/ SU/ poets/ 21, B, 396a; 'A$ik Qelebi, who tells a
similar story, partly adopted by 'Alt, had had more success, cf. Mesa'ir, 6 6 a.
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 101

letter (Harikndme) to Kinahzade 'AIT Qelebi685. It was probably also during

this time that 'All became acquainted with the Halveti Shaykh Sarho$ Ball
Efendi (d. 1573). 'All notes in his biography that he frequented his meclis
where he was received as a son. While complaining of his poverty when alive,
after he had died, it appeared, to 'Alps indignation, that he had gathered a
fortune. 'All dreamed that he visited him, but he found his garden a dry
expanse of sand. 'All interpreted this as his inability to work miracles686.
Probably also during these Istanbul days, 'All and Emri elebi (d. 982/
1574-75), vakf administrator (miitevelli) in Istanbul, were received at a
banquet at the house of Kilari Mehmed Qelebi. 'All described in the
Essence how Emri and he criticized the stylistic faults of each others
recently composed poems687.
During his Bosnian years, 1570-1577, 'All visited the poet and biographer
'Aik Qelebi (d. 1572) in Oskiib (modern Skopje) where the latter was cadi.
'All wrote in the Essence that he was received by the poet, whom he found
rather agitated because he had fallen in love with a juggler called Mehmed.
'All was feted for three days on end. At one point, he offered the author a
glass containing a kit a. In the end, 'Aik elebi was embarrassed when he
had to admit that he had not mentioned his guest in his Mea ir, but he noted
the necessary data on 'All and his works in the margin of his own copy688.
Shortly after the Ottoman fleet had been defeated at Lepanto in 1571, as
'All noted in the Essence, he visited a shaykh, who told him of the
calamity. The author shed many tears, but commented that God had not only
created Muslims but provided for all men689.
In Zvomik in 982 (1574-75), 'All met the exiled poet Yahya Beg, as he
noted in the latters biography. He told 'All about his conflict with Grand
vizier Rustem Paa, whom he had blamed for the execution of Prince
Mustafa in 1553 in his elegy on the prince, which had been made public
without his knowledge. The poets son Adem Qelebi later brought 'All a copy
of his fathers Divan with the request to correct it. 'All did not find any
faults690.
In Klis in 983/1575-76, 'All was hospitably received by four (of the fifteen)
sons of Malkog Beg, sancakbegi of the town691. In the same year, 'All was
also received by HacT Mehmed Beg, dizdar (fortress commander) of Pojega.
'All noted in a postscript to his description of Sultan Suleymans German
campaign of 1532, that he was shown abundant hospitality. The old man,

685 KA/ S II/ 4, B, 447a-449a; BIOE, 56; cf. above, p. 52.

686 KA/ S II/ shaykhs/ 4, B, 471b.
687 KA/ SU/ poets/ 11/ iatife, B, 393b.
688 KA/ S II/ poets/ 28, B, 478b-479a; P, 420b; BIOE, 63.
689 KA/ S II/ 8 , B, 454a.
690 KA/ SU/ poets/ 118, B, 425b-426a; BIOE, 63-64.
691 KA/ SU/ emirs/ 4, B, 372a; BIOE, 65, where the year 984 is mentioned.
 102 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

ninety years of age, was still full of life and longing for the enjoyment of
virgin female slaves. 'All, wondering how the man managed to sustain a
large household as well as to finance twenty to thirty enormous banquets a
day from his income of 6000 akfe per annum, was in detail informed of his
hosts remarkable biography, which was included at this point in the
Essence 692. Probably during this period, 'AIT also became acquainted with
'Abdallah Qelebi, cadi of Sofia693.
From 1578 to 1580, 'AIT accompanied the Ottoman troops on their Safavid
campaigns. The description of the events in the Essence is accompanied by
very few autobiographical asides. 'All sometimes referred to his secretarial
activities. He related that once he wrote a letter to the shah (Muhammad
Khudabanda) for his patron, boasting that thus he personally defeated the
kizilbaf ruler694. He also wrote that when the army returned from Tiflis to
Erzurum in October 1578, he had the occasion to speak with the Shamhal of
Daghistan who was received by the Ottoman army in Sultancik. 'AIT was told
about local circumstances, and these data were included in the book695. In
the winter of 1579-80, 'AIT remained in Erzurum after his master Lala
Mustafa Pa$a had been summoned to the capital. He wrote that he received
notice of his appointment as timar defterdari of Aleppo. He was unable to go
thither, but ordered to proceed to Trabzon to see to the unloading of 500,000
klle of food supplies for the arm y696.
In Istanbul in May 1584, 'AIT was comissioned to write the fethname about
Ozdemirogh 'Osman Paas victory against the rebellious Mehmed Giray
Han697. After the pasha had been appointed grand vizier and 'All, thanks to
the formers influence, was made defterddr of Erzurum, the author accompa
nied the vizier, who had received orders to march against Tabriz, from
Istanbul to Bolu in October 1584. There, 'Osman Paa presented 'AIT with a
robe of honour (hil'at) and sent him to his post698.
During the winter of 1584-85, 'AIT stayed in Erzurum as 'Osman Paas
deputy, overseeing, as he wrote in the Essence, the restoration of the
fortress of Van, which had been partly destroyed by fire ten yuk akge were
spent and not a penny wasted. He also saw to preparations for the new
campaign, taking care that Ferhad Paa did not discover his dismissal as
eastern commander which might have stopped his cooperation. 'AIT also

992 KA/ SU/ 25/ Appendix, B, 269a-b.

993 KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 47, B, 377b.
" * soyub miinhezim etdC\ KA/ MU III/ 12:ii*, L, 367a-b.
991 KA/ MU III/ 10:xiv*, P, 355b-356a; BIOE, 80; the fragment is quoted at length below, in
Chapter Two.
999 KA/ MU III/ 16, B, 521a; BIOE, 87.
697 Ibidem, 26, B, 539b; cf. above, p. 00.
999 Ibidem, 27, B, 543a; BIOE, 115.
 THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR 103

secretly protected the shahs envoy Ibrahim Khan (who had to wait for
decisions from Istanbul)699.
Upon his arival in Baghdad in 1585, 'All wrote that he was received by
thirty local poets, who offered him kasldes, chronograms (tarihs) and gazels.
Among them were the biographer 'Ahdl, their leader (seramed) Tarzl and
RuhT700.
'All, particularly at a more advanced age, acquired the habit of visiting the
tombs of historical personalities, mostly important for their religious achieve
ments. As we have seen, this was not exclusively inspired by pious motives,
but also undertaken for reasearch purposes I already mentioned some
cases above701. In the first pillar in the chapter on the prophet Ya'qub, 'All
noted that in 993/1585 he visited the tombs of Baghdad. In 1533, upon the
conquest of the town, Sultan Suleyman had ordered the construction of a
new tomb for the Imam Abu Hanlfa al-ICufT outside the walls, near the tiirbe
of the Imam Musa Kazim. One of the restored tombs was that which was
attributed to 'Is (Esau), but 'All doubted if he should be identified with 'Is b.
Ishaq because there must have been many 'Ises. 702703
In Tokat in 997/1588-89, 'All met a certain Monla Nur of Bukhara, who
was on his way to perform the hajj he provided 'All with information on
Uzbek 'ulema103.
In 998/1589-90, probably in Istanbul, 'All participated in a discussion with
a number of unnamed mollas about the superiority of prose or poetry. 'All
proved, as he described in the Essence , that he, a beg\, who preferred
Turkish prose for histories, was also well able to equal Hizir Beg and later
poets in the composition of Arabic mustezads (poems with complemented
couplets or lines)704.
On the occasion of the accession of Sultan Mehmed III in January 1596,
'All, as katib-i yenigeriyan, was offered a hil'at and 9000 akfe. This he refused
as being too mean for a former defterdar of Baghdad and Erzurum. He sent a
petition and received instead a hil'at and 50,000 akfe. Also his proposal to the
agha of the corps to give the Janissaries orphans two filurl each was adopted.
'All noted that his accession kaslde found wide acclaim, some found that it
was better than those of Baki and Nev'I, who, despite their old age 'All
wrote that they were white-bearded old men , whereas his hair was only
beginning to grey (Baki was 68-69, Nev'I 61-62, and 'All 53 years old) ,
had only written one Divan and one book each, whereas he himself had

699 Ibidem, 30, B, 546a-547a; BIOE, 115-116.

700 KA/ S II/ poets/ 36, B, 481a; BIOE, 123.
701 Cf. above, pp. 60-61.
702 KA II, 231; KA/ SU/ 29, B, 301b-302a.
703 KA IV-3, 26.
704 KA V, 230-232.
 104 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

already composed four Persian and Turkish Divans as well as nearly fifty
collections and tracts705. As a result the sultan had only an hour to make
up his mind BakI was reinstated as kazi'asker of Rumeli, Nev'T was given a
pension as teacher of the princes, and 'All was offered retirement with a hass
fief of 200,000 akfe. 'All thought that it would give him too much work and
impede his finishing of the Essence . He requested instead the defterdarhk of
Egypt in a poem sent to the Porte. The sultan immediately complied with his
wish, but the nomination was blocked by influential persons within the palace
and the author was again dismissed. He had to content himself with the
defterdarhk of Rum (Sivas) and the sancak of Amasya706.
As sancakbegi of Amasya in 1595-96, 'All noted, he visited the tombs of the
shaykhs Baba 'All (^emijkezek, a murid (novice) of Shaykh PTr Ilyas Giimi-
liogli, and Shaykh 'Abdarrahman, an assistant/ successor (halife) of the
same707. He also repeatedly visited the tomb of the saint himself in Suadiye
near Amasya and attached two quatrains to its vault, one of which read:
Help, o saint, o venerable pir,
You have ordered me to come here as emir
If my fate should be a sea of sorrow, a desert of trouble
Be ready, come o man of God, famous Ilyas!"708

A year later in 1006/1597-98, probably in Istanbul, 'All praised God that he,
who had served both the sword and the pen, was included in the number of
good writers, had been able to write fifty books and four volumes of the
Essence on which he by then had toiled continuously for eight years709.
At unspecified periods of his life, 'All met the poet Bellgl, son of an
Istanbul Janissary, who showed the author one of his gazels710. 'All noticed
that the poet BTdarl was one of his proteges711. He wrote that he met FikrI,
litterateur and cadi of Yanboli (modern Yambol), in literary gatherings712.
Piyale Paa, vizier under Selim II, told 'All that he had not been able to sleep
for days after he had ordered the execution of a man, the first during his
career of fifteen years as sancakbegi and beglerbegi713. Of Seyyid Alihl
(Vardarl Suleyman), 'All noted that he sometimes came to him to talk. He
also borrowed 'Alls writings to copy parts of them or discover their subtleties
{nuke t) 114.
705 KA/ M III/ I*, B, 597a-598a.
708 Ibidem, 2*, B, 598a-b; BIOE, 152-153.
707 KA/ S 1/ shaykhs/ I, B, 265b.
708 KA V, 187-188.
7051 KA I, 265; cf. above, p. 3 (n. 11).
710 KA/ SU/ poets/ 15, B, 394b.
711 Ibidem, 17, B, 395a.
712 Ibidem, 70, B, 4 15b.
713 KA/ S II/ viziers/ 3, B, 458a.
714 Ibidem, poets/ 3, 472a.
 CONCLUSION 105

'AIT was acquainted with the chief white eunuch (babii s-saadet agasi)
Gazanfer Aga and praised him highly in the Essence for his lavish
protection. I received purse after purse from that noble person, and carried
off to storage cloaks and valuable gifts he bestowed on me 715. In one
occasion, 'AIT reported a conversation with emsl Ahmed Paa, a scion of the
Isfendiyarogullan and musahib of Sultan Murad III, whom he well knew
from the latters Uskudar salon. 'AIT wrote the event was to demon
strate the growing corruption in the Empire that Ahmed Paa, realizing his
masters greed, suggested to him that he require payment for postings. This
might be arranged by way of the chief white eunuch (kapu agasi), the sultans
mother (valide sultan) or the sultan himself. On one occasion the valide sultan
obtained 40,000 altun in this way, and 'AIT heard emsi Paa say to his
kethiida (steward) Koci: God be praised! In this way the Kizil-ahmedlu take
revenge on the Ottomans! Upon 'Alls further questioning, he added that by
whetting the sultans appetite for bribes, the latter would lose his throne. To
the astonishment of the pasha, 'AIT commented that this was small wonder:
his ancestor Halid b. ValTd (Khalid b. al-WalTd, a companion of the Prophet,
d. 642) had been the inventor of bribery when he gave two dinar to the
caliphs (Siddik-i ekber = Abu Bakr) gatekeeper in order to arrive at the
court before his adversary716.
'AIT also wrote that he had had the occasion to visit the grave of Musa
(Moses)717.

(IV) C o n c l u s io n

Summing up the main points dealt with in this chapter, we find that although
'AIT lists 139 sources in the two introductions preceding the first and fourth
pillars, these inventories only contain a part of the at least 260 literary
sources, including eleven of his own works, that were quoted throughout the
Essence . Apart from literary sources, 'AIT also used for the contemporary
history archival material, archeological finds (one case), and oral information.
Source indications of whatever kind become gradually fewer towards the end
of the fourth pillar, and completely disappear in the very last part of the
Ottoman history.
'AIT repeatedly professed his utmost effort to be truthful by including in the156

115 KA/ MU III/ Introduction: 4*, B, 487b; I quote Fleischers translation, BIOE, 170.
116 KA/ MU III/ 5, B, 491b-492a; BIOE, 296.
111 KA III, 67; there are no further particulars; the bu haklr (the author) might also have been
al-Tjl on whose Ishraq this part of the text is based. The tomb was, reportedly, situated in
Damascus, cf. Heribert Busse, Der Islam und die biblischen Kultstatten in: Der Islam 42
(1966), 113-47, 137.
106 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

Essence only reports that had this quality, indicated as soundness , or at

least that were known to possess it. This ideal of using the best sources might
well have been limited by practical difficulties in obtaining the necessary
materials, but information on this point is scanty in the Essence itself. A
number of sources were explicitly ascribed the quality of soundness ,
sound meaning more than simply truthful, including generally consi
dered to be true, but also, or sometimes exclusively: well written . Not
unexpectedly, these qualities were particularly ascribed to 'Alls main, that is:
most used and/or quoted sources: the histories of at-Tabari, Ibn al-Athlr,
MTrkhwand, a number of tafsirs and cosmological works, the major early
Ottoman histories and biographical dictionaries. Another method of selection
was based on the criterium of (im)plausibility of the contents of a source,
which was also applied to parts of otherwise sound sources.
The author pointed explicitly to the compilative nature of the Essence .
Explicit sifting of source-material was relatively rare and 'All, indeed, gene
rally limits himself to a compilation and piecing together of sound reports,
even if this results in contradictions, repetition or anachronisms.
If a source, or part of a source, was used, the relevant text was taken as a
starting point. It was either adopted literally, which includes literal transla
tion from the Arabic and Persian, or, in the majority of cases, altered, which
involved elaboration or condensation, both procedures of a dominantly
literary nature.
Original contributions by the author, apart from direct commentary on
sources, arranging of source materials or, mainly, literary reworking of texts,
consist of comments on historical situations and personalities, additions with
the purpose of updating old material and presenting historical comparisons,
personal observations and a wealth of autobiographical data. Most frequent
are commentaries about contemporary Ottoman decay most historical
comparisons are intended as such and passages of an autobiographical
nature. Such original passages are found throughout the work, but gra
dually increase toward the end of the fourth pillar.

From the above, we obtain the impression that 'All did not go beyond the
limits posed by traditional Islamic historiography. He was a conventional
historian as regards the methods he applied, the sources he used, and the way
he used them.
The sources he praised and quoted most, were, on the whole, works that
had either been popular for ages in the Islamic Middle East, or, in the case of
Ottoman history, belong still to those which are dominantly used to recon
struct the first 250 years of the Empires history or the lives of the major
bureaucrats, intellectuals and litterateurs of the time.
'Alfs approach to his sources was ideally, and partly also in practice, that
 CONCLUSION 107

of the hadith scholar, who regarded those reports as reliable which were
considered authorative, that is, regarded as true by the majority of Islamic
scholars. Partly, it was that of the litterateur, who valued his sources for their
literary qualities and regarded historiography as a literary exercise, adapting
materials to his own taste.
Thus, the Essence reflects the major historical developments in Islamic
historiography, from being a branch of the theological sciences practised by
'ulama which culminated in the history of at-Tabari to that of
belonging to the domain o f moralising belles lettres mostly practised by
clerks culminating in a work such as Idris BidllsPs Hasht bihisht118*120.
'All, we should note, was both 'alim and katib.
The cumulative method so characteristic of Islamic historiography (it had
its parallel in early-medieval Western historiography719) was particularly
applied in the first two pillars of the Essence which thus had a strong
encyclopedical character.
On the other hand, 'All's application of seemingly modern methods of
historiography, such as the use of archivalia, was not new either, but was part
of the methodology that had already been applied for ages by, particularly,
the /ca//A-historians. The use of official documents had its limits and was, as
far as they were not copied from written sources, nearly exclusively applied to
the contemporary period720. This was also the case in the Essence . To
suggest, therefore, as Fleischer has done, that 'All was innovative because he
intended to use only the most sound sources721 does not seem to suit the
facts.
Conventionality granted, 'All nevertheless belonged to the exceptional
category of intelligent historians who refused to be mere copyists but sifted,
reworked and edited their sources as well as adding many comments and

118 H.A.R. Gibb judged this development as a decline: critical historiography gave way to
the perverting influence of adab literature, Tarikh, IE1, Suppl.; cf. also Franz Rosenthal, A
History o f Muslim Historiography, 2nd revised e37 (Leiden, 1968), 52-56; Ulrich Haarmann
described a similar development within Mamluk historiography as a process of Literarisierung
der inneren Form, Auflosung und Bewahrung der klassischen Formen arabischer Geschichts-
schreibung in der Zeit der Mamluken , in: ZDMG 121 (1971), 46-60, 49; see on this point also:
Bemd Radtke, Zur "Literarisierten Volkschronik" der Mamlukenzeit , in: Saeculum 41/1
(1990), 44-52, 49-50; cf. also Waldman, Theory o f Historical Narrative, 37-38. For an analysis of
a dominantly anecdotical Persian history (completed in 1835), see: Birgitt Hoffmann, Die
Imagination der Geschichte. Oberlegungen zum Verhaltnis von Historiographie und literarischer
Fiktion in einer spaten persischen Chronik , in: XIII. Deutscher Orientalistentag vom 16. bis
20. September 1985 in Wurzburg. Ausgewahlte Vorlrage (Stuttgart, 1989), 135-144.
719 Bernard Guenee, ed., Le Metier d hislorien au moyen age. Eludes sur Thistoriographie
medievale, (Paris, 1977), 10.
120 Cf. Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography, 118-119.
121 BIOE, 237, based on the general introduction, KA I, 10; I did not find that 'All claimed
such practice to be an organizational and methodological innovation , cf. ibidem, n. 2 .
 108 SOURCES, SOURCE CRITICISM AND THE VOICE OF THE AUTHOR

other original material. Could 'All, then, be called a critical historian,

critical in the sense of handling his sources with discrimination?
We should, with the necessary reservations, answer this in the affirmative:
'AIT discriminated among his sources, or parts of their text, and was seldom a
slave of his examples. But we should be cautious in equating 'Alls critical
method with that which is ideally practiced by modern historians. 'AlFs
criticism had its limitations. Firstly, scholars of the manuscript age were
handicapped by serious difficulties in obtaining books, bibliographical data,
critically checking their texts etc. all of which contributed to errors and
inconsistencies.
Secondly, source criticism was not consistently executed. The cumulative
method, with its resulting contradictions, and literary approach, which was
not essentially concerned with veracity, were combined with efforts to fit facts
and arguments into the framework of a world picture and a vision of
I
historical developments which was radically different from ours. Apart from
source criticism based on common sense arguments (with, for a modern
historian, often awkward results), 'All also applied reasonings of an astro
logical or numerological nature, or those based on a rigid conception of
kingship which are hardly acceptable to the modern historian. The critical
method in itself was, again, conventional722.
Do the many and many-facetted original, that is, personal, additions make
'AIT an original historian? Yes, in the sense that they add facts and
personal points of view that cannot be obtained from other sources. These,
we should note, are not limited to the last part of the fourth, or even the third
and fourth pillars, as some some scholars have believed. Strikingly, this
aspect of'AlFs originality, which we incline to value most, was unintentional:
if the excellence of the Essence is claimed by the author himself as in:
As this is the Essence of Histories, this brilliant book,
What does it matter if hundreds of books are its sources? 723

this exclusively reflects on the literary style and completeness of the work:
containing a full-fledged introduction, a description of the creation and
history of the world before Adam, a geographical treatise, a relating of
Muhammads mi'raj, and a description of the descent of 'Isa at the end of

722 Aziz al-Azmeh has observed a similar approach to source materials in Ibn Khaldun's
Muqadditna, cf. his Ibn Khaldun in Modem Scholarship. A Study in Orientalism (London, 1981), 6 -
8 , 34.
723 KA I, 20; this verse follows on 'AlFs enumeration of his sources, which had duly been
studied, but were eventually reduced to redundancies (hafviyat) by the appearance of the
Essence ; such a claim belonged, we should note, to the topoi of introductions, cf. Peter
Freimark, Das Vorwort als literarische Form in der arabischen Literatur (Diss. Munster,
1967), 48.
 CONCLUSION 109

times724, and not on new contents or ideas. For the rest and this was also
true for Western medieval histories725 conventionality was the ideal.
A further question is, how original, even if unwillingly, the ideas are which
'AIT expressed on the occasions that his voice is heard. Like his source
criticism, these were also subject to the limits posed by the ideas, especially
concerning the ideal state, and by extension ideal patronage, that were
current in his time. The nature of the world picture and vision of history to
which they gave expression, the paradigmatic background from which the
Essence was written, will be analysed in the next chapter.

724 Cf. KA I, 17, 46-47; All rather tendentiously claimed that these parts were lacking in
many universal histories; cf. also above, p. 8 6 .
125 Guenee, Le Metier d'historien, 10.
 CHAPTER TWO:
WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

PRELIMINARY REMARKS

'Alls source criticism and comments, but also his selection of sources and
representation of events, if not accompanied by explicit justification of the
method applied, must have, on the whole, been guided by his ideas, his world
picture and conceptions of history. These ideas, in turn, were inevitably
influenced by those current in his culture and time. Scholars have differed in
their opinion, as I have shown above, about the extent of this influence, the
measure of which has been important for the judgment of the Essence s
quality by scholars. Inal warned that we should judge the work by the
standards of the time in which it was written1. Fleischer was of the opinion
that 'Alls caliber was too great to be seriously hampered by traditional
moralistic-historical schemata 2. A number of scholars, from Cantemir to
Fleischer, as I pointed out, have been struck by 'AlFs unusually objective
treatment of Christians3. On the other hand, 'AlFs scientific detachment 4,
seemed to contrast with a credulous naivete which induced 'All to include
legendary materials in the Essence 5.
In order to solve the question whether or not, or rather: to what extent,
'AlFs historiography was paradigmatically conditioned, I will examine in this
chapter 'AlFs world picture as we can reconstruct it from his work. I will give
a survey of his ideas, and study to what extent they directly influenced, or
were an intrinsic part of his historiography. In the first part I will discuss the
writers conceptions of a general nature: those regarding religion, science,
magic, and cosmography. The second part gives a survey of 'AlFs ideas about
society, the ideal state, and the processes of history. In the final part, I will
study some specific questions connected with the main theme of this chapter
which have been raised in the scholarly debate.

1 Cf. above, Introduction, p. 15.

2 Cf. ibidem, Introduction, p. 17.
3 Cf. ibidem, pp. 14, 15, 17.
4 Fleischer, Ibn Khaldunism, 216.
5 Cf. above, Introduction, p. 17.
 112 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

(I) 'A L fS WORLD PICTURE

It has been maintained that we should differentiate between sophisticated and

unsophisticated Islamic world pictures. The first, consisting of philosophical
and theological conceptions ultimately based on the works of neo-Platonism
and Aristotelianism, was said to have been preferred by scholars, whereas the
second, based on religious, Islamic ideas, was only accepted in their entirety
by the illiterate and the more narrow-minded of the orthodox 6. A further
complication is the influence of sufism which made use of both systems; sufis
sought, in the words of Gibb, to clothe philosophy in the language of
religion 7.
The admixture of these various systems in Ottoman literature makes it
difficult to separate real convictions from pretended adherence to common,
therefore acceptable ideas. We should also note that aspects of the pre
modern cosmogony that may seem bizarre to us were widely believed, and
not only by the illiterate, in western Europe in the same period8. Lane has
pointed to the fact he had primarily early 19th-century Egypt in mind
which he knew from his own experience that an implicit belief in magic is
entertained by almost all Muslims 9. There were perhaps only very few
intellectuals who exclusively adhered to the sophisticated philosopical
ideas. Ozdemir has pointed to the fact that in the early Ottoman chronicles
purely historical material was found side by side with legendary, volkstiim-
lich, fairy-tale elements belonging to the unsophisticated world picture.
These latter elements Kissling, as I observed, had already pointed to an
example in the Essence were also adopted, albeit with some reserva
tion10, by later historians such as Sa'deddin and 'All himself11. A strictly
separate existence of the various beliefs as held by different groups of people
is perhaps altogether questionable, and may also be explained as a projection
of modern conditions: the emancipation of scholarship from belief and
literature, on the pre-modern situation when such an emancipation had not
yet taken place.
Whether believed or not by 'All, elements of the religious, naive , the
philosophical and sufistic world pictures are found in all pillars of the

6 HOP I, 33-34, 39.

7 Ibidem, 33. But cf. Nasr, Islamic Cosmological Doctrines, 276 and passim, who maintains
that even the most sophisticated Muslim philosophers such as al-BIrunl and Ibn Sina combined
exoteric with esoteric doctrines in their works and never approached anything like secular
science known in the West since the 16th century.
8 E.M.W. Tillyard, The Elisabeihan World Picture (London, 1943), 34-35, passim.
9 E.W. Lane, The Thousand and One Nights, Commonly Called in England, Arabian Nights
Entertainments, 3 vols., reprint (London, 1979-81), I, 58-62 (n. 15).
10 Volkskunde, 109.
11 Ibidem, 144, 382
 'ALTS WORLD PICTURE 113

Essence . As we saw above, 'AIT was perfectly able, but rarely ready, to
question seemingly absurd traditions with the help of common-sense argu
mentation12. On the whole, he was reluctant or unable to choose clearly
between the various options, and made an inconsistent compilation 13 of
materials taken from what he considered to be his best sources. In this, he
was more naive, more popular than other outstanding Islamic histo
rians. The Persian historian Abu 1-Fadl Bayhaqi (d. 1077), for instance,
explicitly rejected superstitious beliefs and wished to exclude mythical mate
rials from his famous Tarikh-i Mas'udi14. No such statement occurs in the
Essence .
On one occasion in the Essence, 'AIT reports Kemal Paazades (the
$eyhii l-islam and historian) ridiculing of magic. A shaykh of SalihTya near
Damascus predicted on the basis of a numerological interpretation of a
Koran verse that SelTm I would succeed in conquering Egypt. He also
predicted rightly the year of the rulers death and the length of his sons
reign. Kemal Paazade reacted with a risale and demonstrated to the sultan
the futility of such predictions: it could also be deduced from the verse that
he would take Egypt from a slave (mamliik), that the conquerors ancestor
was called 'Osman and that the conquest would take place in winter!
Unfortunately, 'AIT does not commit himself, ending the passage with the
neutral commentary: God alone knows the invisible15.

(A) The religious framework o f human history

Islam and all that it stands for is perhaps the single dominating factor,
explicitly, but mostly implicitly, of human history as it is represented in the
Essence . In the general introduction, 'AIT stressed the point by mentioning
as the first condition for a good historian that he be a Muslim of sound
(sunni) confession. This was particularly important in order to arrive at an
acceptable description of the deeds of the early Caliphs and Imams 16 the
main intention of this point is to reject extremist ( ta assubla) shi'ite
historiography (and, we may add, avoid a sympathetic description of heretical
ideas, such as hurufism, and groups such as the kizilba$ by which the
Ottomans were confronted); otherwise the religious condition, one suspects,
would have been self-evident and even redundant. On a number of occasions
'AIT further stresses his personal religious intentions in writing the history: it

12 Cf. above, pp. 66-67.

13 Cf. above, pp. 74-76.
14 Waldman, Historical Narrative, 58-60.
15 KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 251b-252a.
16 KA I, 42.
114 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

was meant to serve him as provision for the hereafter (zuhr-i ahiret11).
Although these have been described as topoi1718, there are no reasons to doubt
'Alls seriousness on this point.
Proofs for the religiously-coloured perception of history as represented in
the Essence are abundant and it is not necessary to discuss them in detail.
The very first word of the Essence is Lord (rabb19). It is part of a prayer
in which the author asks God for inspiration it occupies the place of the
traditional Praise be to God (hamdala)20. The very last words of the fourth
pillar, are part of a poem in which the sultan, Mehmed III, is reminded of the
Day of Judgement21. Koran and hadith are the most important sources of the
Essence and are ubiquitously quoted in the work.
The reason for the creation and the existence of man was God. In the
chapter on the creation, it is explained that the Light of Muhammad, several
generations of living creatures, and finally man, were created in order to
adore Him22. If they no longer chose to do so, if they abandoned Gods
law ($err), they were annihilated. This did not only happen in pre-human,
but also in historical times. The sinning antediluvian populace of the earth
and Far'an, the last king of the ruling dynasty of Egypt, perished in the
Flood as a punishment by God for their manifold perversity and foul
ness 23. In the same way, Gods wrath destroyed the sinning peoples o f'A d
and Thamud by, subsequently, a scorching cloud and a terrible shout because
they refused to adhere to Islam24. Thus, He also destroyed the five cities of
Syria, and removed their population, their domestics and cattle from the
earth 25 after they had refused to listen to the warnings of the Prophet Lut
(Lot). The people of Midian, refusing to listen to the Prophet Shu'ayb, were
annihilated by a shout26. God destroyed Constantinople two times after its
kings, Yanko b. Madyan and Byzantin, had compelled the population to
worship idols27.
But even in the Ottoman Empire sinners were not safe from Gods
righteous revenge. Timurs victory against the Ottomans on the plain of
Cibukova near Ankara in 1402 is explained as a divine punishment of Sultan
Bayezid28. God sent fire to the Jewish quarter of Istanbul in 1569 as a

17 Ibidem, 7; cf. also the KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 8 b.

18 Freimark, Das Vorwort, 61.
19 KA I, 2.
20 Freimark, Das Vorwort, 23.
21 KA/ M III/ 25*, 1-43, 546a.
22 KA I, 48, passim.
23 KA II, 65.
24 Ibidem, 105, 121.
25 Ibidem, 171.
26 KA III, 28; this and the preceding cases were ultimately based on passages in the Koran.
27 KA V, 272, 173; I return to this subject, below Part II.
28 KA V, 91.
 'A LiS world picture 115

punishment of unbelievers29. A woman, watching the Syrian Janissaries pass

through Iznikmid (Izmit) in July 1595, was struck by a stone from heaven
when she turned her back to the banner of the Prophet30. 'All stressed that
the disastrous scarcity and high prices which occurred in the Empire in the
same year was not due to natural causes but to Gods punishment for the
sinful behaviour of the populace31. In the same way, the terrible defeat of
Yergogi (present Giurgiu) in 1595 was ultimately attributed to the loss of
piety in the Ottoman population which was accompanied by lack of discipline
in the army, ignorance among ulema and the abandoning of the narh by
merchants32.
Not only God intervened in human, even contemporary, history, but also
spiritual powers of lesser rank, such as the Devil, Angels, the immortal
Prophet Hizir/Ilyas and jinns. The Devil instigated PIr Ahmed Beg of
Karaman to attack Ahmedek in 873/146833. The Devils evil whisperings
made Prince Korkud revolt against Sultan Selim I in 151234. Angels acted as
Gods deputies according to the unsophisticated Islamic world picture. They
were believed to play an important role in producing weather phenomena,
such as snow and hail35. After the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, they
were heard to shout Amen! in answer to the prayers said on the occasion
of the first Friday worship held in the Hagia Sophia36. Hizir approached the
Umayyad Caliph al-Mansur (ruled 754-775) in Mecca, and gave him good
counsel37. Shaykh Hamid b. Musa and Shaykh Yazicizade, the author of the
Mehemmediye, both conversed with Hizir38. A wagon-driver, forced to spend
the night under his cart in a village near Edirne in January 1493 his ox had
broken his leg in a hole of the road , spoke with the Prophet who passed by
him on his way to defeat the last remnants of the plague, personified by two
cavaliers dressed in black39. Kemal Paazade reportedly issued fetvas to jinns
for 1000 akfe apiece40.
Separate chapters are dedicated to the events at the end of time (ahir
zaman). 'Isa will descend from heaven and reign on earth according to the
rules of Muhammedan law (er'-i Mehemmedi)41. Some traditions have it
that Hizir/Ilyas will also appear on earth. The appearance of the Mahdl will

29 KA/ S II/ 4, P, 369a.

30 KA/ M III/ 9*, B, 601b.
31 Ibidem, / 14*, B, 605a.
32 Ibidem, / 19*, 609a.
33 KA/ M II/ 18, B, 131a.
34 KA/ S 1/ Introduction, B, 225b.
35 Cf. above, p. 78.
36 KA V, 259.
37 KA IV-1, 183.
38 KA V, 112, 236.
39 KA/ B II/ 20, 186b; cf. above, p. 17.
40 KA/ S 1/ ulema/ 1, B, 259b.
41 KA III, 98, 425.
 116 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

be accompanied by special signs, such as the rise of the sun in the west, the
slaughtering of efendis by their slaves, the conquest of Constantinople (!),
China and Daylam, and the general decline of morals: licentious behaviour of
women, the spreading of indiscriminate fornication, corruption, consumption
of wine and sodomy. After the appearance of the Mahdl, unbelief will
disappear, idols will be burnt by a fire from heaven, darkness disappear from
the earth, and hearts be filled with joy42.

(B) Science and magic

In the Essence we find indications both of what we would consider to be

science, the rationalistic exploration of the phenomena of nature, and those
connected with a belief in magic. The second aspect is far more important
than the first.
The scientific aspect is found in those passages of the cosmological chapter
that were based on the Hellenistic tradition as inherited by the Arabs43. The
theory of the four elements and four human tempers is often referred to,
particularly in a metaphorical sense, when the human body is compared to
the Ottoman Empire44.
In 'AlFs days, the science ( 'ilm) of physiognomy (kiyafet, feraset), a
crude form of psychology, which had its roots in classical times45, seems also
to have been popular. The basic idea was that a mans character, his
behaviour, a fortiori also his ethnic allegiance and social status, could be
deduced from his outward appearance. In the Essence we find traces of this
conviction. 'All used a treatise on the subject, Seyyid Lokmans Kiyafetii l-
insaniye, as a source46. The book contains a curious description of the 37
indicators ('alamets), that is, the form and shape of a persons limbs, by
which his nature is knowable47. Recruitment and promotions of state officials
were ideally guided by physiognomic scrutiny of the candidates48. Selim I
had to abandon his intention of taking the shrewd diver who had retrieved
his ring from the bottom of the Nile into his service on physiognomic
grounds (kiyafetname mucibince): he had only one eye, could not express
himself well and was afflicted by chronic disease49. Testing who could best
42 Ibidem, 426-429; cf. D.S. Attema, De Mohammedaansche opvattingen omtrent het tijdstip
van den jongsten dag en zijn voortekenen (Amsterdam, 1942), passim; Barbara Flemming, Sahib-
kiran und Mahdl: turkische Endzeiterwartungen im ersten Jahrzehnt der Regierung Suleymans ,
in: Between the Danube and the Caucasus. A Collection o f Papers Concerning Oriental Sources on
the History o f the Peoples o f Central and South-Eastern Europe, (Budapest, 1987), 43-62, 44-49.
43 Cf. below, Paragraph (C).
44 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5b.
45 Kiyafetii 'l-insaniyye, 12.
46 Cf. above, Chapter One, (2), no. 33.
41 Kiyafetii 'l-insaniyye, 7a/l 5 - 18b/20.
48 KA V, 14-15, 237; cf. also below, Part (II).
49 KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 251a-251b.
 'ALTS WORLD PICTURE 117

apply the laws of the science seems to have been a favorite pastime. 'All
remembered how, as a student in Istanbul, he visited a bathhouse with some
friends and tried to guess the identity of its visitors. They were able to
identify a Circassian sailor, a clerk-cum-merchant, and a substitute judge
(na ib)so.
Some of the instances of 'Alls source criticism seem to point to rational
thinking, as in the case of the vultures of Nimriid5051, but others give
preference to bookish, religiously inspired knowledge, as in the case of the
proliferation of languages52. In the biographies of the fourth pillar, we find
some references to Ottoman science, in the cases of the few 'ulema who
occupied themselves with astronomy, mathematics, or engineering5354. But it is
clear, also from the Essence, that the times were not propitious for the
practising of the exact sciences: the scholar and poet RiyazI II was forbidden
to publish astronomical tables (takvims) s4.
In the biographies of physicians, we find a few curious data about the
history of Ottoman medicine. The Jewish doctor and vizier, Hakim Ya'kiib,
was reported to have cured a man of indigestion by having him swallow
isinglass with dog-meat. This made him vomit and give up the worms which
were in his stomach. He also succeeded in resuscitating a pregnant woman,
who had fallen, by pricking a needle into her belly. This stimulated the foetus
to open its hands which held its mothers heart in their grip as a result of the
shock55. Mevlana Altuncizade succeeded in curing a man suffering from,
probably, a prostate swelling, by making him push a leaden needle into his
male member for a year colleagues had invited him to cut it off56*. Ahl
Qelebi, who served three sultans and was also emin of the Imperial Kitchen,
took care that Bayezld II ate the food that was suitable to his temper
(mizac)s l. Lice apparently were a sign that people did not suffer from
leprosy: Sultan Suleyman sent his doctor to find out if Rustem Paa, to
whom he wished to marry his daughter, had any on his body58.
Apart from weapons, especially guns, we find hardly any references to
technology. In one biography, a golden watch plays a role the poet Hiisrev
saw one during a banquet attended by a group of Turkish notables. The

50 MN, 221-222; cf. J. Schmidt, Mustafa 'All van Gallipoli: Een Ottomaans historicus over
zijn eigen tijd, in: MOI-publicatie 12 (1984), 65-77, 72-73.
51 Cf. above, pp. 66-67.
52 Cf. above, p. 65.
53 See the biographies of 'All b. Mehmed Kugci (KA/ M II/ 'ulema/ 12, B, 152b-l53a);
Mevlana 'Izzeddln he was reported to be able to handle the astronomical quadrant (KA/ SU/
'ulema/ 106, B, 386b); RiyazI II (ibidem/ poets/ 39, B, 403b).
54 KA/ SU/ poets/ 39, B, 403b.
55 KA/ M II/ physicians/ 4, B, 160a.
56 Ibidem, 160b-161a.
51 KA/ S 1/ physicians/ 1, B, 265a.
58 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 6 , B, 359a-b.
 118 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

casing was found to be empty, and the mechanism itself was only discovered
when it started to go off an hour after in the pocket of one of the Turks59.
References to magic, on the other hand, are abundant.
Lane has given a short survey of the field60. He distinguished between
spiritual and natural magic. The first category should further be divided into
divine and satanic magic. Mostly to the latter type, which works through the
medium of the Devil and evil jinns, are attributed enchantment (against
which amulets provide protection), and divination. Somewhere between the
spiritual and natural categories, we find astrology, geomancy, chiromancy,
the drawing of auguries (tefaiil), the recognition of evil omens, interpretation
of dreams, and others. To the second, main, category alchemy belongs. Most
of these branches of magic were religiously tolerated or sanctioned.
The gift of magic and miracle working is ascribed to prophets and Imams,
and examples abound in the chapters on early history. It is particularly
ascribed to ancient sages (hukema). Its manifestations were also part of the
sinister religions of non-Islamic communities61. Aspects of magic, especially
the effect of talismans, were used to explain the function of ancient buildings.
The ancient capital of Egypt, Amsus, was found full of talismans and [other]
strange works 62, obviously erected by the antediluvian dynasty which had
ruled the country. Pyramids had been built by their kings to save themselves
from the Flood, and were still haunted by malevolent spirits63. Their priests
(kahins) indulged in all kinds of magical practices and worshipped stars and
idols. Of King Sharnaq it is told that he
forged the figure of a goose out of copper at the gate of Amsus and inscribed
it with a number of words and letters. If a stranger entered the city by this gate,
the goose spread its wings and gave a shout. So it was known that a stranger
had arrived, and he was arrested. In this way it became impossible for spies to
enter the city. 64

Greeks were said to have invented talismans which were still effective against
insects, reptiles and birds in the great mosque of Damascus65. Under the
reign of King Yanko b. Madyan, the founder of Constantinople, sages had
constructed talismans that were able to collect olives and fish with which the
monks of the town were fed66. King Kostantin, was, like the kings of Egypt,

59 KA/ S II/ poets/ 14, B, 476b.

60 Lane, Thousand and One Nights, I, 58-62 (n. 15); cf. also D.B. Macdonald, Sihr, E l1.
61 Cf. below, Paragraph (II).
62 KA II, 59; the main source here was al-Maqnzts Mawa iz, cf. above, Chapter One, (1), no.
67.
63 KA II, 59.
64 KA II, 55.
65 Cf. above, p. 67.
66 KA V, 270-271.
 S lI s world picture 119

said to have erected monuments, buildings, talismans and statues on the

Hippodrome67. 'AIT remarks that in the time of Sultan Suleyman a snake
charm was still situated on the square. Once, when Grand vizier Ibrahim Paa
(in office 1523-1536) was playing golf (cirid) with friends, he hit the thing with
the knob of his stick and an edge broke off. Since that time snakes had again
been seen in the town, albeit small ones68.
Magic was not only a feature of ancient, but also of Ottoman, even
contemporary, history. Magical capacities, including power over animals,
telepathic healing, influencing peoples minds, and immunity from and mani
pulation of the normal laws of nature, were especially ascribed to shaykhs,
alive or already deceased, and ubiquitously described in their biographies in
the fourth pillar. I will give a number of examples, mainly taken from the
running narrative of the fourth pillar.

(a) Enchantment
A curse of Sultan Murad I turned a falcon into rags and bones69. Shaykh
Emir Mehmed Buhari miraculously saved the life of Sultan Murad II when he
was able to stop the latters nose-bleed which had continued for three days
and nights70. The fiery sighs of the executed companion of Selim I, Tacbeg-
zade Ca'fer (^elebi, were believed to have caused the fire at the Tavukpazan
in Istanbul in 151571. Sultan Selim I reportedly died by the damning curse of
Shaykh Gumiliogh Mehmed of Amasya who had been thrown into prison
because of his association with the rebellious Prince Korkud. The man had
evoked the Imam 'All who had pierced the sultan from side to side with his
knife on the spot where the pestilential boil was to appear that killed the
ruler72. Shaykh Ibrahim Giilenl cursed Ibrahim Paa and thereby caused the
latters execution in 153673.

(b) Divination and Geomancy

Dervishes were believed to be able to predict the death of men. Returning

from the wedding of his son, Sultan Murad II, crossing the bridge before
Edirne, was looked into the eye by a murid (disciple) of Shaykh Emir Buhari.

67 KA/ M 11/ History o f Constantinople/ 8 *, B, 104a.

68 KA V, 274; cf. V.L. Menage, The Serpent Column in Ottoman Sources, in: Anatolian
Studies (Journal o f the British Institute o f Archaeology at Ankara) XIV (1964), 169-173, 171;
Menage illogically translates cirid seyrin ediib with was watching jiru t', for: was playing
jirid'.
69 KA V, 65.
70 Ibidem, 196.
71 KA/ S 1/ ulema/ 35, B, 263b.
72 KA/ S 1/ Circumstances of his death/ Appendix/ B, 255b.
73 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 2, B, 358a.
120 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

He foretold the sultan of his approaching death, which indeed took place
before a week had passed74. The deceased Shaykh Sarho Ball Efendi had
predicted the death of Defterdar Mahmud Efendi to his miirid Mustafa Dede
three days before the official was killed in the Beglerbegi Incident in
158975. After the conquest of Constantinople, Shaykh Ak emseddin was
able to establish the spot where Ebu Eyub Ansari had been buried by
predicting the place where a slab of marble with a Jewish inscription would
be found76. He also predicted the exact hour of Constantinoples surren
der77. Shaykh Muhylddln Yavsl predicted his miirid, Sultan Bayezid IIs,
succession, and saved the rulers life during an earthquake by urging him to
move from the palace. The sultan found the shaykh unscathed in his
collapsed cell78. Lala Mustafa Paa foresaw his own death. He died on
August 7, 1580, 17 days after he had bought a plot of land near the tomb of
Ebu Eyub79. Geomancers (remmalin), diviners (ceffarin) and astrologers
(miineccimin) predicted rightly that the third grand-vizierate of Sinan Paa
would not last long80. Shaykh Bozan 'All Dede predicted Muhylddln 'Arab-
zades death by drowning after he had seen Hizir cut a hole in the ship on
which the latter was to travel to Egypt81.
Second sight could also be mediated by dreams: Shaykh Emir Sultan
dreamt that the Prophet married him to the daughter of Sultan Bayezid I; the
marriage materialized afterwards82. Predictions sometimes came in the form
of a self-fulfilling wish: the day after Grand vizier Sokolli Mehmed Paa had
spoken the words: May I die a martyrs death, he was murdered83.

(c) Astrology and numerology

Astrology, together with the interpretation of dreams, was an aspect of magic
that was perhaps most accepted by Ottoman society at large, and certainly by
'All. It is known that 'All had his own horoscope cast in 156884. The
formation of ones personality, 'All explains in the general introduction,
whether one became a brilliant unique gem or a pigheaded wretch
depended on the hour and the constellation under which the penis of ones
father entered the womb of ones mother 85. In the same chapter, 'All also
74 KA V, 221.
75 KA/ MU III/ 35, B, 570b.
76 KA/ M 11/ c:5*, B, 109b.
77 KA/ M 11/ shaykhs/ 1, B, 161b.
78 K A/ B II/ Introduction, B, 173b.
79 KA/ S II/ 17, L, 375a; cf. BIOE, 89 (n. 51).
80 KA/ MU III/ 39*, B, 576a.
81 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 100, B, 385a.
82 KA V, 113.
83 K A/ SU/ grand viziers/ 9, B, 362a.
84 Sohrweide, Das Enls el-Quliib, 989; BIOE, 48-49.
85 KA I, 21.
 LiS WORLD PICTURE 121

ascribes the general decline of morals conspicuous in his own days to the bad
influence of the stars on the newly born:
It came about through the influence of the heavenly bodies that the sons and
boys who were born, became distinguished for causing annoyance like falcons
and that their greedy talons became thirsty like daggers for blood-smeared
men. 86

The appearance of two comets in the eastern and western skies in 862/1457-58
was believed to point to two oppressive kings87. Astrologers explained that
the disastrous rains of 1572, which wrought havoc in Istanbul, Edirne and
other cities of the Empire, were influenced by the appearance of a revolving
star as big as Venus, earlier in the year88. The wars of the reign of Murad
III were accompanied by ominous heavenly signs. Astrologers predicted that
after the year 1000 (1591-92) a great upheaval (fitne-i uzma) would occur,
which would make it necessary to wage costly wars against infidels89. On
Ramazan 1, 985 (November 12, 1577), a comet appeared in the sky, which,
according to astrologers, predicted the clashing of armies proceeding from
east and west and the shedding of blood. $eyhii l- Islam Mevlana emseddln
predicted, rightly, a disturbance in the country of the kizilba. A similar
constellation had occurred at the time of the murdering of HabTl (Abel) by
QabTl (Cain), the Flood, and other historical disasters90. On $a'ban 1, 988
(September 11, 1580), a fiery red meteor was seen in the western sky. The
Ottoman soldiery, retired to Erzurum, wondered whether it was a reflection
of the spilt blood of the red-heads or heralded the approach of autumn, or
even the Last D ay91. Astrologers and experienced men recommended that the
signet-ring be handed to Grand vizier Ibrahim Paa in a large gathering of all
viziers in the Hagia Sophia in April 159692.
An aspect of magic to a certain extent related to astrology was the science
of numbers which also had a great influence on Western classical and
medieval philosophy and literature93. The numbers 3, 4, 6, 7, 12, 24, 32, 36,
40, 48, 72, 124 and their multiplications by 10, 100, 1000 etc. play an
important part in the narrative of the Essence and in the structure of this
and other works of 'Ali.

86 Ibidem, 34-35; cf. NN, 1Ib-13b, where the influence of the spheres is not mentioned.
87 KA/ M II/ 10, B, 124b.
88 KA/ S II/ 11, B, 445b-456a.
89 KA/ MU III/ Introduction^*, B, 486b.
90 Ibidem, 10:ii*, L, 339a-b; cf. NN, 4b-6a.
91 KA/ MU III/ 18, B, 526a; cf. FN, 39a-41b; cf. Gotz, Tiirkische Handschriften, 217.
92 KA/ M III/ 23*, B, 612a.
93 Ernst Robert Curtius, Europaische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter, 9th ed. (Bern and
Munich, 1978), 491-502.
 122 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Before 'All wrote the Essence, he dedicated two essays to the subject: the
Cami'ii l-kemalat, Gatherer of Perfections , and the related Tali'ii s-selatin,
The Sultans Ascendant, both of early 1584 and offered to Sultan Murad
HI 94 jjjg tracts discussed the secrets of the number twelve, and in particular
its multiplication by ten: 120, the life-time predicted to the sultan9495. Atsiz
dismissed these works as unserious and sycophantic96, which certainly is true
for the latter aspect. But it is questionable whether 'All did not really believe
in numerology, as he did in astrology. No texts have come down in which the
author contradicts such belief.
In the introduction to the Cami, 'All explained that twelve was the number
by which most things created were ruled: the year consists of twelve months,
there are twelve signs of the zodiac, twelve modi (makams) in music, day and
night count twelve hours, there were twelve Imams, the great shaykhs used to
wear their caps with twelve sashes, each of which represented the twelve
sciences (fern), the human body counts twelve limbs, twelve angels carry the
heavenly throne ( ar), etc. Important are also the numbers seven there are
seven stars, seven constellations, seven seas, the week counts seven days etc.
and five the day counts five periods (evkat), there are five senses, five
intellectual powers which together again make twelve. The same is true for
the number four there are four good books , four seasons which,
multiplied by three also makes twelve. Important is also the number six
the universe was created in six days, there are six directions. Multiplied by
two it again produces twelve97.
The number twelve brings wisdom, and a person initiated into its secrets
will be especially blessed. Multiplied by ten, it produces 120, which is the
ideal age for Gods shadow on earth, the sultan98. Sultan Mehmed II,
appearing in the seventh generation, was connected with the qualities of the
number seven: the influence of the seven stars and heavenly spheres (eflak).
He became the conqueror of the seven iklims, and was an expert in the seven
sciences. Sultan Selim I, the ninth sultan, was influenced by the number nine:
the nine spheres (which include the heavenly Throne and Stool), the nine
mineral bodies, the nine powers and nine worlds. Sultan Suleyman was
associated with the perfect number ten. Sultan Murad III, the twelfth sultan,
on a par with the 12th prophet Yusuf and the twelfth Imam, cumulated the
qualities of his ancestors. Influenced by the number twelve, he was destined to
become 120 years old99. This part of the introduction caracteristically ends

94 Cf. INAL, 88-89; AB, 45, 49; BIOE, 111 I adopted Fleischers translation of the titles.
95 INAL, 88-89; BIOE, 111.
96 AB, 45, 49.
91 MS SK, Resid Efendi 1146 (hereafter CK), 50b-55a.
98 Ibidem, 52a-b.
99 Ibidem, 55a-61b.
 J lTS world picture 123

with a poem consisting of twelve hemistichs, made up of 12 + 12 letters each.

The main part of the tract describes in an exaggerated eulogistic fashion the
twelve excellent qualities of the ruler.
Similar arguments are presented in the Tali'. It has an additional passage
on the number eight, which was associated with Sultan Bayezld II and his
piousness and popularity. 'All also gives more proofs to the sultan (Murad
III) for his longevity: the prophet Yusuf became 120 years old (although
another traditon has 110), Muhammad was born on RebTii l-evvel 12, he had
twelve intimate companions, Hizirs teeth are renewed every 120 years since
the appearance of Muhammad, the natural age of man is 120 years. The
author, finally, saw in a dream that the cupola of the Suleymaniye Mosque
contained twelve belts (kemer), on every one of which was written this ten is
perfect . The belts revolved, Sultan Murad forming their axis100.
In the previous chapter, we already came across numerological arguments
used in source criticism101. I will give further examples of numerology found
in the Essence . The book consists of four pillars , and the book is said to
have four outstanding qualities102. The Ottoman dynasty was supported by
four pillars: grand vizier, chief military judges (kdzT'askers), defterdars and
nifanci103. The reign of Murad III was supported by four pillars: musahibs
emsT Ahmed Paa, and Doganci Mehmed Paa, Hoca Sa'deddin, and the
babii s-sa'adet agasi, Gazanfer Aga104.
It took six months before the earth swallowed the waters of the Deluge105.
Imam Hasan was destined to rule for six m onths106. Sultan Suleyman, upon
his succession, immediately allowed 600 families, deported by Selim I, to
return to Egypt107. The old monastery (deyr; meant was the cathedral of St.
John) at Damascus had seven gates adorned with the signs of the zodiac108.
Also in the Essence, the number of twelve was favourite. According to
some sources, Iskandar founded twelve cities named Iskandarfya109. Muham
mad was born and died on RebTii l-evvel 12110. The representatives of twelve
infidel nations contributed to the flowering of the Ottoman populace111. The

100 MS SK Re$id Efendi 1146 (autograph and only surviving copy, hereafter TS), 102b-108b;
the argument of the natural age of 120 years and the rejuvenation of H m r also occurs in NH,
23a-24a. The essay itself moreover consists of twelve pages, cf. INAL, 89.
101 Cf. above, pp. 70-71.
102 Cf. above, p. 85.
103 KA/ M II/ e:3*, L, 170a.
104 KA/ MU III/ Introduction: 4*, B, 486b.
105 KA II, 30.
106 KA III, 351.
107 KA/ SU/ Introduction, B, 271a.
108 KA IV-1, 95.
109 KA II, 136.
110 KA III, 117, 151; cf. above.
111 KA V, 9; cf. below, Part (II).
 124 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

history of the Ottomans was supported by the twelve pillars of the ruling
dynasty, representing, with the exclusion of Suleyman ah and Musa Qelebi,
the twelve sultans from 'Osman up to Murad III. They are compared to the
twelve paired members of the human body. The first four, moreover, could be
said to represent the four elements, the central four the four temperaments,
and the last four intellect, soul, spirit and body112. Sultan Suleymans reign
was destined to be particularly felicitous, the ruler being both the tenth (if one
excludes Suleyman ah and Musa Qelebi) and the twelfth Ottoman sultan113.
Suleyman also conducted twelve major military campaigns. Numerologically,
they were the sum of the six letters (in the Arab script) of which Belgrade and
Szigetvar, the first and last towns that had been captured, each consisted.
They also formed the word bedr (full moon): Suleyman was as the moon in
the constellation of the twelve signs of the zodiac114.
Muhammads companion, Talha b. 'Abdallah ( = 'Ubaydallah), received,
according to one tradition, 24 injuries in the Battle of U hud115. The chapters
on the reigns of Sultan Mehmed I and Murad II each include 24 numbered
events .
Thirty-two are the number of human teeth. This was also a reason that 'All
preferred the number of 32 ekdhm-i orfiye (conventional climata) above
the 30 found in the Awdah al-masdlik116. For the same reason, 'Alls Fusul-i
hall contains 32 chapters117. Perhaps not incidentally, Sultan Mehmed II
ruled for 32 years.
Among the offspring of Yafith, 36 languages are spoken118. Hiilegii
besieged Baghdad for 40 days119. Suleyman b. Mehmed Beg b. Ziilkadr spent
his life playing with women, so that every year 40 cradles were a-rocking in
his palace120. Canbulad Beg had 40 highway-robbers, cut to 40 pieces each,
exhibited along the way to Aleppo along which Sultan Suleyman was to
pass121. Sultan Suleyman, like the Persian King Nuirvan (Nusherwan), ruled
for 48 years122.
The holy spirit (riihu l-kuddus) descended 72 times upon Adam 123. The
world was populated by 72 nations124. There existed 72 languages and
112 KA V, 4.
113 KA/ SU/ Introduction, B, 270b-272a.
114 Ibidem, 57, B, 355a.
115 KA III, 211
116 Cf. above, p. 8 8 .
111 FH, 29a the teeth are part of the mouths of men that will discuss the work and
consequently make it famous.
118 KA II, 93.
119 KA IV-1, 216.
120 K AIV-3, 41.
121 KA/ SU/ emirs/ 10, B, 373a.
122 KA/ SU/ Introduction, B, 271a.
123 KA I, 267.
124 KA/ S II/ 11, B, 248a.
 JL.S world picture 125

sciences125. Christianity, reportedly, counted 72 creeds/ sects (mezhebs)126127.

72 Despots gathered to erect towers in order to save themselves from a
possible second flood121. After the constructions had been destroyed, they
fled in 36 directions128. Muhammad left with 72 companions for Ethiopia129.
72 Companions and relatives of Imam Husayn died in the Battle of Kar
bala130.
The sun and moon are drawn along the sky in carts which are moved by
two groups of 360 angels131. 12,000 Ottomans were to face the Circassian
army when Selim I led his troops into Egypt in 1517132. The Ocean
(Circular Sea) reportedly contained 24,000 islands, of which 12,000 were
inhabited133. The holy spirit descended 24,000 times on M uhammad134. The
Ottoman fleet that attacked the fortress of Inebahti (Lepanto) in 1499
comprised two new, big barges (mavna) which had cost 24,000 filtiri each135.
Transylvania originally counted 48,000 households in the time of Sultan
Suleyman136. God taught Adam the 72,000 chapters of sience137. Hajjaj b.
Yusuf, the famous governor of Iraq under Caliph 'Abd al-Malik (d. 714),
killed more than 120,000 Muslims138. During Muhammads journey to
heaven, he was offered 124,000 keys by Gabriel which gave admission to the
treasuries of the earth139. In Jerusalem, he was hailed by the 124,000
prophets140. In 1596, the Ottoman army was confronted by 300,000 infidel
troops approaching from Tokaj141. The Muhammedan spirit prayed to God
for 700,000 years, each prayer lasting 7000 years142.

(d) Tefa til and evil omens

A hadith, reported by Abu Hurayra, had predicted that before the Last Day a
city, bordered on one side by land, and surrounded on two sides by the sea
would be attacked by 70,000 men from among the sons of Ishaq. By shouting

125 KA II, 7-8.

126 KA I, 248.
127 Ibidem, 251.
128 Ibidem, 252.
129 KA III, 132.
130 Ibidem, 375.
131 KA I, 75.
132 KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 249a.
133 KA I, 84.
13 Ibidem, 267.
135 KA/ B II/ 26, B, 189b.
136 KA/ MU III/ 50*, B, 587b.
137 KA I, 327.
138 KA IV-1, 91.
139 KA III, 170.
3* Ibidem, 171.
141 KA/ M III/ 25*, 1-43, 537b.
142 KA I, 52.
126 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Allah akbar (the takblr), the three walls would crumble and give access to
the Muslims. This was interpreted as pointing to the Ottoman subjection of
Constantinople in 1453, even if not all details corresponded with the
events143. Imam 'All, in his 'tlm-i Jafr, had predicted Selim Is subjection of
Rum and Iran144.
Serdar Ibrahim Paa predicted the impending arrival of Sultan Suleyman in
Khoy in July 1534 after he had opened the Diwan of Hafiz at the verse:
From the court of Sulayman came the sign that a party should be held 145.
Mevlana Musliheddln predicted Monla 'Arabzades drowning after he had
opened the Koran at the verse which contains the word gharqan146 on board
the ship that was to bring both to Egypt and was wrecked in the waves.
Shaykh Bozan 'All Dede, whom 'Arabzade had consulted on Rhodes, had
opened the Koran at the story of the Flood147.
'AIT explained that the letters forming the name of Sultan Murad III,
pointed to the rulers inertia. There were no aerial letters that would be
conditional for restlessness. Fire letters, were, moreover, neutralized by
water letters 148. The first words spoken by Murad III after his accession
were: I am hungry . This alarmed the palace eunuchs, because the statement
would mean dearth and famine for the Empire149. The approaching death of
Sultan Murad III had been accompanied by all kinds of strange visions seen
by eminent persons of the nation: a big tree in the palace courtyard crashed
down, the cupola of the Hagia Sophia collapsed together with its minarets,
galleries and banners150. On the last day that Murads mortal illness was to
manifest itself, MisrI Hafiz 'All heard the sultan say the ominous words: I
am ill, o death, wait upon me tonight and hold my side. When ships
appeared in the Bosphorus and ceremoniously fired their guns, the window
panes of Murads hall broke over his head, and pieces of glass fell into his
bed. The sultans eyes filled with blood-tears and dust, and he knew that he
was to die soon151.
When Grand vizier Ferhad Paa at the beginning of the Moldavian
campaign approached his tent outside the Edirne Gate, the golden knob of

143 KA V, 251-252; cf. Flemming, Political Genealogies, 135.

144 KA/ S 1/ Introduction, B, 223a; cf. for this work, above, Chapter One, (2), no. 38.
145 KA/ SU/ 29, B, 300b, where we find the Persian text: hama ruz hadral-i Sulayman 'ishrat
isharat amad"\ hama ruz , which makes no sense, should be k-az , cf. the edition by Khanlari
(Diwan-i Hafiz, Parwlz Natil Khanlari ed., Tehran, 1362), no. 167, verse lb ; I am indebted to
Prof. Dr. J.T.P. de Bruijn for this reference.
146 Sura 79:1; it means to the limit in the context of stretching a bow; the same root is
more commonly associated with the meaning of plunging and drowning .
141 KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 100, B, 384a, 385a.
148 KA/ MU III/ Introduction:6 *, B, 489a.
149 Ibidem,:7*. B, 489a.
150 KA/ MU III/ 53*:i*, B, 589a.
151 Ibidem,:iv, B, 590a-b; cf. BIOE, 151-152.
 ALiS WORLD PICTURE 127

one of his horsetails (tugs) broke off and crashed to pieces. The tug bearer fell
from his horse. This was considered to be a bad omen, and a cause of the
commanders unhappy fate152.
The reappearance of old, dead men was considered to be a sign of
approaching death: some days before Mevlana 'Ataallah died, Shaykh
Iskillbi had accosted him and shouted to him (in Arabic): Rise to your feet,
bad-mannered one! 153.

(e) Interpretation of dreams

Iskender Paa of Erzurum dreamt about a snake. He told the dream to his
companions. The snake was interpreted as Prince Mustafa who had plans to
march against his host. This story contributed to the decision of Sultan
Suleyman to take action against his son in 15531S4. The biographer Ahlzade
(Minik 'AIT) was convinced that Mevlana Muhylddln Niksarlzade had
entered paradise after he had dreamt that the molla entered the meclis of the
Prophet and was pardoned for many of his sins155.
Prince Murad, the later Sultan Murad III, shortly before his accession
dreamt of an enormous flight of stairs, ascending towards twenty, thirty
cupolas marked by the signs of the nine heavenly spheres. He had sat on it
and watched the surroundings from his elevated position. He remembered his
sons Mehmed and Mahmud, but could not see them. Having descended four
steps, he awoke. Shaykh uca', a gardener of Prince Murads musahibe
(female companion) Raziye Hatun, was sent a note. He wrote to the prince
that the stairs meant that he would rule, but that he would spend most of his
days without his sons. The cupolas were the zones of the earth, the four steps
the four days before the message announcing his succession would arrive156.
The astrologer Sa'atci Hasan Paa had a strange dream which was
shrewdly, and as soon appeared, rightly interpreted to him by 'All. In it
figured Sultan Murad and a distressed Sultan Suleyman holding a map
showing the Hungarian fortresses. The map had been unfolded from Emir
Ibitl, Sultan Murads preachers stick by which no lock could be opened .
This pointed to Grand vizier Sinan Papas futile conquests at the Hungarian
border. Sultan Murad began to suffer great pains. His belt was cracked into 1324*6

132 KA/ M III/ 7*, B, 600b; a modern variant is described in Harold Nicolsons biography:
both Prince Edward and Harold Nicolson considered the fall of the Maltese Cross from the
crown on the coffin of George V during its procession from Trafalgar Square to Westminster Hall
on January 23, 1936, to be a terrible omen the Prince, soon King Edward VIII, had to
abdicate within a year, James Lees-Milne, Harold Nicolson, paperback ed., 2 vols (London, 1987-
88 ), II, 73.
133 KA/ S II/ 'ulema! 20, P, 411b.
134 KA/ SU/ 48, B, 324b.
133 KA/ S II/ 'ulema! 27, B, 468b.
136 KA/ M U III/ 4, B, 490b.
 128 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

pieces of cristal these pointed to the coldness of death. He could only be

healed by sacrificing black, reddish and white sheep they stood for the
princes, princesses and odalisques. These facts were brought to the attention
of the sultan, but attention was only paid, and the sacrifices made, when
stomach aches had started to torture the ruler157.
Shaykh Ya'kub GermiyanI gave up his hesitancy and entered the Halvetlye
sufi order (tarikat) after a dream in which the colour of Muhammads turban
changed from green (the perfection of the eria) to black (the perfection of
the tarikat)158. I already mentioned 'Alls dream about Sarho Ball Efendi
and Fevrrs dream about eyh-i Ekber in the previous chapter159.

Finally, I will give some examples of miracles which are not directly clas
sifiable according to Lanes categories. Before Yalakabad (Yalova) surren
dered to the Ottomans during the reign of 'Osman, a dervish reportedly urged
the infidel inhabitants to convert to the true religion. He threatened them
with a wooden sword and succeeded in frightening them when he cut a
heretic who laughed in his face into two pieces160. 'All adopted from an
anonymous chronicle of the reign of Bayezid II the story of the appearance of
a dervish at the scale of Davudpaa (Davudpa$a iskelesinde) who blessed
travellers, got onto his mantle and sailed away towards the open sea161. On
the authority of Celalzades Tabakat, 'All wrote that prior to the conquest of
Buda and Pest in 1541, Christians, gathered in the main church, had heard
the voices of a muezzin and hatib. They had ascribed these to jinns162. In a
separate paragraph contained in the narration of the Caucasus campaign of
1578-79, 'All, referring to the Risale-i babiye163, described the numerous
religious blessings of the Iron Gate (Babiilebvab). The mountain had been
built by Iskandar on a line drawn by the Archangel Gabriel and was
especially auspicious to visiting warriors of the faith (gazis). One tradition
had it that gazis who did not touch women would find there Maryam (Mary),
Khadlja, 'Ayisha and Fatima ready for them 164!

(C) The universe

It is difficult to obtain insight into 'Alls conception of the physical aspect of

the world and universe around him. It is especially in the cosmographic

157 Ibidem, 53* :iii*, B, 589a-b; cf. BIOE, 151; cf. above, p. 57.
158 KA/ S II/ shaykhs/ 3, B, 470b.
134 Above, p. 100.
160 KA V, 35-36; cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 265-266.
161 KA/ B II/ 21, B, 186b; cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 128.
162 KA/ SU/ 41, B, 314a-b.
163 Cf. above, Chapter One, (2), no. 42.
164 KA/ MU III/ 10:xiii*, L, 355a.
 'A LiS WORLD PICTURE 129

chapters of the Essence that his compilative method is applied, with the
concomitant mixture of diverse and contradictory world pictures. In this, 'AIT
followed the scholarly trend observable since the third century of Islam,
when, with the establishment of sunnl orthodoxy, original, speculative
thinking was discouraged and an increasing attention paid to esoteric and
miraculous elements165.
'Alls ideas about the physical aspects of the universe hardly influenced the
history itself, that is: the representation of human events, but I will point to
some outstanding characteristics because this will further contribute to our
understanding of 'Alls intellectual background.
In the Essence, we find traces of the conflicting traditions going back to
Koranic traditions, those of a mythical type going back to other, older,
mainly Judeo-Christian and Iranian, traditions and those based on the
Ptolemean world picture. In the chapter on the creation, the universe is
represented in the eastern, Islamic, unsophisticated, tradition as a multi
layered structure consisting of seven heavens, seven orbits, seven earths, and
seven hells166.
In the center of the universe is situated the earth (in the unsophisticated
tradition, it is the first of the seven earths; this is not explained in the
Essence 167). We do not know whether 'All believed that the planet on
which he lived was flat or spherical. The Ptolemean world picture here is
mixed up with the unsophisticated one. In the introduction to the chapter on
mountains, 'All states:
It is related that the inhabited quarter which is the fourth part of the earth
that is cultivated, together with the desolate parts of the earth, that is: the
whole expanse of the earth which is globular-shaped, is like a ball 168

'All continues that this ball was like a melon floating in the Ocean (Circular
Sea, Bahr-i muhit). Because it was round, creatures could not live on it,
because they were unable to erect buildings. The situation ameliorated after
God had put 76,673 mountains down on it169.
But still the earth was uninhabitable and not altogether safe from turning
upside down. Finally, an angel called Suhanil was ordered. He produced a blue
gem from the streams of the highest paradise and pressed it down on the
extremities of the earth. Thereby the mountain Qaf made its appearance... 170

165 Cf. Nasr, Islamic Cosmological Doctrines, 11-18; J. H. Kramers, Djughrafiya, E l1,
Suppl.
166 KA I, 65-67, 70-73; cf. HOP I, 36-39.
167 Cf. KA I, 65.
168 Ibidem, 161.
169 Cf. for the theological background of this concept: R. Arnaldez, Khalk , E l2.
170 KA I, 162.
 130 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

On the other hand, 'All, following al-BIrunl (his source is Abu 1-Fidas
taqwim al-buldan), describes the measures of the earths degrees in their
latitude and longitude. The circumference of the earth (yer yuzinuri da ire-i
azimesi) reportedly counted 8000 farsahs111. This could not have made sense
without presupposing that the earth had the form of a globe.
It is questionable whether 'All understood the scientific Ptolemean concepts
in the first place. Discussing the seven climes (iklims; a theory based on
Greek and Persian traditions, combining a system of klimata with that of
kifvers (regions) 172) of the inhabited quarter of the earth, 'All mentions,
on the authority of the Ikhwan as-Safa, that the first zone counts 3000x150
farsahs113, the second was 8600 miles (mil) in length, while the seventh iklim
was reckoned to measure only 89x8 miles, although the region was said to
contain not less than 40 rivers and 22 cities174. The system of climes anyway
had little exact value for 'All, and the systematic aspect was completely
undermined by supposing that cities could be situated in more than one
clime zone at the same time. Rome ( Rumlye-i kubra), for instance, is
said to be situated in both the fifth and sixth clime (ikhm-i sadis ii ha-
misde115).
'Alls description of the earth in the first pillar is dominated on the whole
by legendary traditions and the unsophisticated world picture. Factual ele
ments, such as measures, distances and descriptions of geophysical or geopo
litical features are given far less attention than historical, largely mythical,
events, the description of strange creatures, human and super-human, zoolo
gical and botanical as well as man-made curiosities.
Islands, particularly those in the far-off Chinese or Indian seas, are said to
be inhabited by jinns, men who eat human flesh or are altogether invisible.
Ships are reported to disappear into enormous maelstroms 176 and the waters
populated by fish which is able to penetrate the ears of, at least, non-
Muslims177. Islands, for instance famous Waqwaq, could also be paradises
full of succulent fruit, large as human heads, and abounding in gold, silver
and precious stones while illuminated marble palaces form auspicious signs
for traders178. The river Nile, to give another example, was said to have its
origin in Paradise179. This had been discovered by Khalid son of 'Is who

1,1 K.A I, 181-182; cf. Nafis Ahmad, Muslim Contribution to Geography (Lahore, 1947), 99-
100.
172 J.H. Kramers, Djughrafiya .
173 Nasr, Islamic CosmoTogical Doctrines, 8 8 ; cf., for the Ikhwan as-Safa, above, Chapter
One, (1), no. 11.
174 KA I, 178-179.
175 Ibidem, 216.
176 Ibidem, 90.
177 Ibidem, 92.
178 Ibidem, 97.
179 Ibidem, 105.
 'ALT'S WORLD PICTURE 131

needed sixty years to travel to the golden cupola from the four gates of which
the water poured forth. The attending guardian angel explained that the
structure and the golden garden in which it stood, was the tail of paradise
('All also reports the contradictory Ptolemean conception which maintained
that the Nile originated in the Moon Mountains , south of Nubia)180. The
history of cities was sometimes ascribed a legendary past in which jinns and
metamorphosed human beings played roles: the ruins of Baalbek were said to
be remains of buildings erected by jinns181. Ahwaz in Khuzistan reportedly
was a town of Jews who had been transformed from ticks and pigs . 182
Even the nearby Mediterranean was full of wonders. Big fishes had been
observed near Tripoli and Latakya, who had written behind their right ears
(!) there is no God but Allah, on their heads the name of Muhammad and
behind their left ears the Messenger of God 183. A Slav sailor was reported
to have once captured a fish which could even say the Muslim creed {$eha-
det)184. (This contrasts markedly with a detailed and realistic description o f a
seal or sea-lion, dubbe-i bahr, thrown ashore in the harbour of Mudanya in
880/1475-76 on the authority of an unspecified RumI 'alim185). The Island of
Crete is accredited with rich gold mines, jealously hidden from prying
foreigners by its padishah186. Apart from identifiable places such as Crete
and Sicily, the sea is also said to contain legendary islands such as the
Flower Island (Cezire-i ezhar' perhaps identical with the Azores?) which
makes its visitors sleepy by the heavy fragrance of its flowers187 and the
Camphor Island (Cezire-i kafur) inhabited by cannibals. They fill the
heads with camphor, suspend them from high places and worship them . 188
These traditions were obviously adopted from the mirabilia, 'acayib ,
works among 'A lfs sources which were popular among the Ottomans. (The
same was true for contemporary western Europe, where the rapid broadening
of the geographical horizon went hand in hand with a flowering literature
about exotica such as strange animals, men without heads, cannibalism etc.)
In the other parts of the Essence attention is hardly devoted to this aspect

180 Ibidem, 106.

181 KA I, 190; cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 116-117, who points to the Koranic background of
this idea.
182 KA I, 190; in the chapter of the creation, 'All also reproduces a curious list of thirteen
cases of metamorphoses, from the indiscriminately fornicating homosexual turned into an
elephant, down to the neighbours robber turned into a monster, KA I, 80-81.
183 KA I, 158; also in the West, fins were commonly mistaken for ears, cf. Simon Schama,
The Embarrassment o f Riches. An Interpretation o f Dutch Culture in the Golden Age, paperback
ed. (New York (?), 1988), 132.
184 KA I, 158.
185 Ibidem, 156-158.
186 KA I, 152.
187 Ibidem.
188 KA I, 155.
 132 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

of the prevalent world picture, or at least, popular literature. In the third

pillar, 'All writes on the authority of al-Maqrizi, that in 662/1263-64 the
corpse of a small boy, found on the Egyptian shore, was brought to al-Malik
az-Zahir Baybars. 'All adds:
The body had two heads, four eyes, four feet and four hands. For many days
its show and spectacle caused the amazement of great and small. 189

In the fourth pillar, 'All briefly mentions on one occasion a freak of nature.
He reports that a Turk was shown around the salons of Istanbul in 977/
1569-70. Half of his face was shining black, the other half white. He earned
1000 ak(e by it. It is possible that 'All had seen the man himself190.

(II) T he p a t t e r n o f h is t o r y

Far more consequential, indeed of fundamental importance, for 'Alls main

subject: the description of human history in the Essence , were his concep
tions about the state, its development and the history of the Islamic polities,
particularly the Ottoman Empire.

(A) The ideal polity

The most succinct description of 'Alls conception of the ideal state is perhaps
to be found in the introductory part of his Fusiil191. 'All reasons as follows:
God in his great wisdom appoints padishas to rule over men, his slaves, and
these they should rule in justice: padishahs should employ competent viziers,
emirs and cadis. Viziers in particular should inform their padishahs about the
state of affairs in their realm: they should be their seeing eyes, holding hands
and walking feet. 192 Both ruler and vizier in turn should consult and
support learned 'ulema and avoid appointing greedy ignorants to responsible
positions. The most important task of the ruler is to defend his realm against
plotting from outside and on the part of heretics inside his dominions so
that poor and rich can live in peace.
'All continues by specifying the four qualities which the ideal ruler should
have: he should be able to make himself beloved by his subjects; he should be
wise and disinterested (and especially learn from the past by studying
history); he should inform himself thoroughly about the state of the world,
and particularly see to the maintenance of fixed prices; and, finally, he should

189 KA IV-2, 43.

190 KA/ S II/ 5, B, 449a.
191 FH, 23a-3Ib.
192 Ibidem, 24a.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 133

inform himself with the help of trustworthy spies about the situation at the
borders of his empire so that he knows the evil plans of the enemy. If a
padishah has these eminent qualities and acts according to the rules outlined
above, there is no reason why his dynasty should not rule in eternity. If, on
the other hand, kings are tyrants, they will not survive the maledictions of
their subjects however powerful they may be193.
The central role in the polity is thus reserved for the padishah , in more
general terms: the king. In 'All's other writings a similar vision about the
central role of the absolute ruler is expressed. 'Alls Mahasin is entirely
written to evoke the picture of the ideal ruler and his court. The first chapter
is dedicated to the ideal, indeed essential, qualities of the king: good manners,
a sound financial policy, the use of reliable spies, the company of a trust
worthy musahib, the protection of ulema, the maintenance of the kaniin of his
ancestors, the active upkeep of justice, an alert defense policy, and obedience
to Gods word194. As we remember, the work was a laboured translation of
one of the oldest and most famous mirror for princes works known in
Islam and was a source for the Essence 195. It is an indication that 'AIT also
here, in the field of general political theory, was conventional and in line with
the age-old Islamic tradition196.
The dominant position of the ruler and his dynasty, and to a lesser degree
his most important assistants, is, if hardly explicitly expressed, most conspi
cuous in the structure and themes of the Essence . Chapters in the third and
fourth pillars are ordered according to dynasties and reigns of individual
sultans and their actions dominate the narrative. Biographies concern only
sultans, viziers, governors, chancellors and state officials of equal rank,
scholars, shaykhs and poets (all of the latter categories important in assisting
the first in his governmental task as officials and advisers). Only of the
outward appearance of Ottoman sultans do we find systematical and detailed
descriptions. The purpose of historiography, 'AIT explains in the general
introduction, is to revive the dead, first of all the great among them: pious
scholars, poets and sultans197. In the introduction to the fourth pillar, God is
praised for having given sultans, but also soldiers and scholars to the earth,
to defend the true religion against heresy with the help of sword and good
counsel198. But the Authors Preface makes it sufficiently clear that the

193 Cf. also the summary of this passage in BIOE, 302.

194 MA, 103b-11 lb; cf. also the seventeen principles of good government in NS I, 41/126 - 65/
161, summarized in Ahmet Ugur, Osmanh Siyaset-nameleri (Kayseri (?), 1987), 137-144.
193 Cf. above, Chapter One, (1), no. 4 and (4), no. 10.
196 Cf. BIOE, 302-303; Fleischer has pointed to similar conceptions in the works of the 15th-
century historian Tursun Beg and of Kinahzade 'All (Jelebi.
197 KA I, 3.
198 KA V, 3.
 134 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Ottoman sultans and they alone are the central suhject of the fourth pillar199.
When the sultan retreats in the narrative background, as in the reigns of the
Ottoman sultans following Suleyman the Magnificent in the last part of the
fourth pillar, this in itself is seen as an indication that the state is in disarray.
The ideal, dominant position of the ruler in its turn was directly connected
with the even more dominating role of God and Islam mentioned earlier in
this chapter: a kings position depends on Gods will and His toleration of
him, which in turn depends on his maintenance of Godly justice in his realm,
that is the righteous order as regulated in the ena and further elaborated in
dynastic law (kanun). In this concept, not so much pedigree as divinely
sanctioned power made the ruler successful. 'All stresses this point further in
his categorisation of rulers as it also occurs in the Essence especially the
historical ranks of m ueyyed min 'md Allah (assisted by God), sahib-kiran
( Lord of the happy conjunction), and zdl Allah ( shadow of God)
emphasize this point200.
The government of the sovereigns subjects, placed as a treasury under his
authority (in short, the treasury of the padishahs is their flock; his re'aya
need to be tended and protected from injustice 201) in turn is conceived of as
a complex clockwork, or rather, in the metaphoric terms used by the Muslim
theoreticians: a perfect circle (the Circle of Equity 202), a well-balanced,
healthy human body203, a turning irrigation-wheel204, or a well-steered
ship205, in which all parts are interdependent and should work well together
in order to keep the thing going. This only works if the right man is in the
right place in conformity with the rules laid down in dynastic law. Recruits
who were to serve the court were to be closely scrutinized by the agha of the
palace and selected on physiognomic criteria .2062 7Later careers should also be
0
made according to the rules of kiydfet201. The ruler, in collaboration with his
viziers and advisers, ideally 'ulema, should see to it that this remains so. The
officials themselves should be serious in fulfilling their tasks (exercise him-
met208), so as to be worthy of the trust given them by the king and,
ultimately, God.
It is noteworthy, but hardly suprising after what I have said above, that the
Essence is, apart from the sultans actions, nearly exclusively concerned

199 Ibidem, 6 .
200 KA V, 16-17; MN, 68 ff.; cf. Fleischer, Ibn Khaldunism, 206-207, who points also to
the fact that none of these terms were of the authors invention.
201 KA V, 5.
202 Cf. for a succinct scheme of this analogy: Fleischer, Ibn Khaldunism, 201.
203 Ibidem, 213.
209 MN, 90-93.
205 KA/ M III/ 23*, B, 613a.
206 KA V, 14-15; cf. above, p. 116.
207 KA V, 237.
208 MN, 90-93.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 135

with institutional problems and hardly devotes systematic attention to what

we would call social history: the description of the broad spectrum of
Ottoman society and its development. In a few places in his work, 'All gives a
survey of the class structure of contemporary society. In his Hulasat, 'All
briefly discusses the following groups: sultan, viziers, 'ulema, beglerbegis,
defterdars, dervishes, poets, military men (sipahis and zu'ama), people living
from vakfs (imams, administrators, doctors, mu ezzins, clerks, schoolmasters),
and the middle and lower classes: merchants, shopkeepers, artisans, day-
labourers, night-watchmen, messengers employed by cadis and peasants209.
In the general introduction to the Essence, we find a highly tendentious
and rather vague scheme which concentrates on the class of 'ulema, and
particularly its wretched morals and behaviour. The Ottoman populace is
said to consist of three main groups: the commoners (a'vamm), the middle
classes (evsat-i nas"), and the 'ulema. The last group is further divided into
three subgroups: high, middle and low210. This restricted attention to society
at large does not mean that no materials of socio-historical interest are found
in the Essence : especially the biographical chapters, particularly in the fourth
pillar, are rich in data on men from the lower classes, especially in those
describing the lives of begs, shaykhs and poets. We find data about careers, but
also various subjects such as health, clothing, temper, mores, sexual inclina
tions and activities, and literary products211. A few events as well as some
biographical lemmata, particularly concerning Jewish court physicians, in the
fourth pillar also deal with members of religious minorities212.

(B) The development o f history

The closed political theory and the resulting predictable pattern of history213,
as well as the conception of a restricted time-span given to human beings on
earth and the conception of a closed genealogical-ethnic network of the
earths population, had induced Islamic historians from the beginning to
chart, even if sometimes only roughly, an almost complete pattern of uni
versal history. This tendency is also recognizable in the Essence and in the
related Fusiil, In the following I will outline 'All's ideas about (a) the
chronology of world history, (b) the genealogical-ethnic affiliations in history,
and (c) the pattern of history. In the last paragraphs, I will summarize (d)

209 Tietze, The Poet as Critique, 121-125.

210 KA I, 35-36, summarized in BIOE, 259-260. A fourfold division of the salaried classes of
the Ottoman population is found in KM, cf. Tietze, Mustafa 'All on luxury, 585-590.
211 See for a detailed discussion of the biographies, below, Chapter Three.
212 Cf., e.g., KA/ MU III/ 6 , on the inheritance of Joseph Nasi, Duke of Naxos; ibidem, 23,
on the miraculous survival of an Armenian boy in the 1583 earthquake in Erzincan; ibidem, 25,
on the trespassing of dress rules by Jews, Christians, Franks and Muslims.
213 Cf. below, Pararaph (c).
136 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

'Alls vision on the pattern of internal development of the Ottoman Empire

and (e) its place in the world and history.

(a) Chronology
'All was well aware that a sound chronology was the first condition of sound
historiography:
Without a fixed chronology, it would be difficult to steady the mind and fasten
the grasp of the imagination on the multiple events that occurred throughout
innumerable generations necessitated by the rotating celestial sphere and the
claims of night and day. 214

The period before the appearance of the first prophet was difficult to measure.
'AIT recounts an ancient tradition current among the wise of Cathay and
Khotan, the paymasters (bahpyan) of Turkestan, the calculators of Persia and
the Brahmins of India, according to whom 1000 times 1000 years had
elapsed before the coming of Adam 215. Other calculations came out on
340,000 years216, at least 2,600,000 years217, or 6000 years218. But the
periodisation of human history was easier, and despite contradictory compu
tations of Jewish and Christian scholars as well as Muslim mtifessirs, 'All was
confident that he was able to lay down a fairly conclusive chronology which
took either the birth of the prophets, the revelation of the holy writs or the
main phases in the history of Constantinople as pivots.
The total time-span of the world was traditionally put at seven days ,
lasting a thousand years each219. At present ('All wrote this in 997/1588-
89), mankind found itself in the late afternoon ( asr) of the last day after
the appearance of the Prophet. A symptom of this setting of the sun was the
decline of scholarship during the last two centuries220. 'Ah had elaborated
this vision previously in the second chapter of his Mir'atu l-evalim, Mirror
of the Worlds 221. According to hadith scholars, the period from Adams
creation up to the Last Hour was to last 7000 years, and the Prophet was
born in 5600 after the appearance of Adam222. 'AIT adds that there were
other traditions which gave a shorter or longer time-span, up to 7500 years,
to the earth. However that might be, it was certain that the Last Days, from
the appearance of the Deceiver (Dajjal), to the second trumpet-blast of the

214 KA I, 259-260.
215 Ibidem, 262.
216 Ibidem, 48.
217 Ibidem, 51.
218 Ibidem, 61-62.
219 Cf. Attema, De Mohammedaansche opvattingen, 148 ff.; Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 366-369.
220 Nevadirii l-hikem, MS It) TiirkQe 1779, 8b-10a; cf. also above, p. 90.
221 Cf. above, Chapter One, (4), no. 8 ; I adopted Fleischers translation of the title.
222 ME, 80b-81b.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 137

Angel IsrafTl, were to last 200 years223. 'All, here as elsewhere, prefers the
tradition, based on the authority of the scholar and companion of the
Prophet Ibn 'Abbas, which has it that the Prophet appeared in 6125224. This
could only mean (although 'All does not say so explicitly) that the 7000-years
thesis is not valid, that he believed that the earth would last longer, or that in
any case the time-span of the 200 Last Days, equal to 200 years, should be
added to the 7000 years225. That would mean that the final time had already
begun about 175 years previously. Indeed, 'All somewhat cautiously remarks
finally there is no doubt that some signs and tokens ('All would also have
had in mind the decline of scholarship) have appeared in the behaviour of
men that will end, God knows, in the conditions of the (Last) H our . 226
Fleischer has stated that 'All did not really believe that the end was
imminent, and that the imagery of the Acopalypse was used to good effect to
permit him to voice his criticism of the Empire227. However that may be
Fleischers thesis seems to be supported by the fact that 'All nowhere in the
Essence refers to an approaching doom of the world , it is beyond doubt
that the historical aspect of the time-scheme was taken seriously by 'All.
This chronological system, based on the acceptable time-span of 6125 years
between the appearance of Adam and the birth of the Prophet, had the
following divisions: between the descent of Adam and the Deluge 2256 years
elapsed; between the Deluge and the coming of Ibrahim: 1079; between that
and the age of Musa: 565; between Musa and Sulayman: 536; between the
latter and Iskandar: 770; between that and the era of of 'Isa: 369; and from
the latter until the birth of Muhammad: 550 years228. 'All is not completely
consistent in following this system. Elsewhere in the Essence, he supports
on the authority of the historians an interval of 2242 years between Adam
and the Deluge, and adds that the Jews added 14 years to this amount
(whereby, curiously, we have again the 2256 years attributed to Ibn
'Abbas)229.
Another chronology is that in which time is measured by the revelation of
holy books: the Gospel (InjTl), which was revealed 620 years before the
Koran; the Psalms (Zabur), which appeared 1200 years before the InjTl; and
the Pentateuch (Tawrat), finally, which came down 500 years before the
Zabur230. This system is not completely compatible with the first one
mentioned. If we assume, for instance, that the Koran was revealed to the

223 ME, 82a.

224 Ibidem, 84b.
225 Cf. ibidem, 82b.
226 Ibidem, 83a.
227 Bits of Wisdom , 108.
228 K A I, 261.
229 KA II, 37.
230 KA I, 266.
 138 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Prophet when he was forty years old (in 6165 according to the first scheme),
then the Injil was revealed thirty years before the birth of'Isa! (respectively in
5545 and 5575 according to the same system)
The last chronology mentioned in the Essence and based on data found
in the History of Idris BidllsI, fixes the four phases of the building of
Constantinople. It situates the first building by Yanko b. Madyan in 4600
(after the appearance of Adam), which date is equated with 2530 years before
the writing of the book (in 1005 = 7130; we should note that this scheme
equates the time of the birth of the Prophet with that of the hijra)231.
Another scheme tries to locate the three other buildings, by respectively
Byzantin, Kostantin (Constantine het Great) and Kantur, within this system.
But here are some difficulties. If we read well, they happened in, respectively,
4940, 5350 and 5613, whereas the birth of the Prophet comes out on 5610.
According to this scheme the year of writing is, 1280 years after the building
of Constantine: 6630, but this does not fit in with the first time-scheme, even
if we allow for a difference of 515 years in the fixation of the birth-year of
Muhammad, nor do the other indicated time intervals, such as the 1200 years
between the building by Yanko b. Madyan and the appearance of 'Isa, which
should be 975 years. These discrepancies are not explained by the author. The
important point though is, that within rough limits, 'All, like previous Islamic
scholars, was convinced that human history, including pre-Muhammedan
history, had a fixed chronology (if one allowed for a maximal margin of
aberration of some 15% between the systems), that it could be measured and
its phases situated in time.

(b) The genealogical-ethnic affiliations

On some separate occasions in the Essence , 'All discusses what we might
roughly call the ethnic substratum of history: the peoples, or rather, religious
communities, (iimmets) we find also historical nations (timem-i
maziye232) and races (tins233) that made up mankind, and their genealogi
cal background. Neither term is precisely defined. Christians (Nasara), for
instance, appear as a separate people beside, literally, Romans (Riimiyan),
and Armenians who also were, or had become, Christians234. The subject, for
the rest, is largely ignored in the running narrative which occupies itself
mostly with, in the pre-Muhammedan era, the events around prophets, and,
in general, ruling dynasties, to whom the nations/ ethnic groups did not do
much more than furnish the anonymous background. As we saw, power

231 KA/ M 11/ c:7*, B, 103a-b.

232 KA I, 237.
233 Cf. KA V, 9-14.
234 KA I, 248, 241.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 139

rather than genealogical legitimation was the main force of history. Dynastic
genealogies therefore do not play a major role in the Essence. Remarkably,
the historian was, again, convinced that a complete network could be
reconstructed, despite many unsolved contradictions transmitted through
different traditions. The main lines of the network (it goes beyond the scope
of my study to discuss the complex details of the system), are the following.
Most important before the Deluge (but their religion somehow survived the
Flood and was adopted by the Romans 235), were the Syrians/Sabaeans
(iimmet-i Siiryan, Sa ibiri). They confessed to a religion which already con
tained Islamic elements such as the pilgrimage to the K aaba236. Among them
appeared the prophets Adam, Shlth, Idris and N uh237. The evil and disbelief
of this time, which caused the Deluge, mainly originated with a dynasty of
nineteen tyrannous kings who ruled in Egypt and descended from Qabll b.
Adam238. Its last king was said to be Far'an; Fir'awn (Pharao) was in the
Essence a member of a second generation of oppressive Egyptian kings
appearing after the Deluge239.
Mankind as 'All knew it, descended from the three sons of Nuh who
(together, alas, with Iblis and 'Uj b. 'Anaq) survived the Deluge240.

(1) Nulls son Sam was the ancestor of most prophets and kings241. The
Arabs were said to be a conglomeration of tribes with a common language:
the first to speak Arabic was Qahtan b. Hud, or the latters son Y a'rab242.
The ancestors of the Koranic prophets Hud, Salih, Shu'ayb were respectively:
Arfahshad b. Sam243; Thamud b. Sam244; and Madyan b. Ibrahim245.
Muhammad, the Umayyad and Abassid Caliphs, and the Imams, descended
from Isms'll, brother of Ishaq246. The Persians descended from Fars b.
Adam b. Sam, and with them the Daylamls, Kurds, and Turks living beyond
the River Jayhun (Oxus)247. Adam here is identical with Kayumarth, the

235 K A I, 241.
236 Ibidem, 238.
237 Ibidem, 267.
238 Cf. KA II, 37-71.
239 Described in the last part of the first pillar, A-2, 98a-130a; cf. the 17th-century world
genealogy Subhatu l-ahbar, Kurt Holter, ed., Rosenkranz der Weltgeschichle, Subhat al-ahbar.
Vollstandige Wiedergabe im Originalformat von Codex Vindobonensis A.F. 50 (Graz, 1981), 7a,
which has Fir'awn as descendant o f Qabll after the Flood, and not Far'an.
240 Discussed in full detail in: KA II, 74-94.
241 KA V, 18, where 'Is is said to be the ancestor of kings, and Ya'qub the father of prophets;
cf. also above, p. 76; Flemming, Political Genealogies , 137.
242 KA I, 240.
243 KA II, 95.
244 Ibidem, 107.
245 KA III, 27; cf. Subhatu l-ahbar, 7b: Shu'ayb descended from Yusufs brother Law.
246 KA III, 105-106.
247 K A I , 239.
 140 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

ancestor of the Persian dynasties as known to 'AIT through FirdawsFs

Shahnama. (Confusing is that 'AIT elsewhere recounts the more conventional
view above that Kayumarth descended from Mihalayfl or ShTth248 we
saw above that 'Ali rejected the idea that the king was a brother of ShTth, but
maintained that he was a descendant of Yafith249).
The Romans (kaba'il-i Rum, or Rumiyati, they included the Greeks),
equated with the Banu Asfar, descended from Rum b. Aswad b. Sam250, or
more indirectly, from Rum b. 'Is b. Ishaq251. They subjugated the country of
the infidel Greeks (YunanTs252). The latters, the first philosophers and
scientists, were said to descend from Suqar b. 'Is253, although elsewhere 'AlT
maintained that both Banu Asfar and YunanTs descended from Yafith254.
The Jews, or Banu IsraTl, were sons o f Ya'qub ( = Isra'il) b. Ishaq, and thus
also offspring of Sam 255. They brought forth most prophets: Ibrahim, Lilt,
'IsmaTl, Ishaq, 'Is, Ya'qub, Ayyub, Yusuf, Yusha' (Joshua), Musa, Ilyas,
Daniyal (Daniel), Dawud, Sulayman, Zakariya, Yahya, and 'Isa 256. The
Koranic Iskandar also was a descendant of Sam, but the Greek (RumI)
Iskandar, son of of FTlfus (Philippus), founder of the Ptolemy dynasty,
descended from Yafith257. Yunus was a prophet sent among the Jews, or
as 'All elsewhere maintained258: among the Arabs, but his pedigree was
uncertain259.

(2) Nulls second son Ham was the ancestor of the coloured races insofar as
they were conceived after his fathers curse. From him descended the Indians
(through Hind and Sind260), the Blacks (Zanj), the Nubians (Nuba), the
Nabataeans (Qan'an), the Copts (through Q ibt261), the second oppressive
dynasty ruling the Copts in Egypt (also through Qan'an), the most famous

248 In the final chapter of the second pillar, 1-15, 254a; cf. also Subhatu l-ahbar, 4b, which has
Kayumarth b. QInan b. Anush b. ShTth.
249 Cf. p. 6 8 .
230 KA II, 80.
231 KA I, 241.
232 KA II, 80.
233 KA I, 247.
234 KA II, 93.
233 KA I, 246.
236 Ibidem, 267.
237 KA II, 126; one should expect that this Iskandar would be called Yunani rather than
Ruim ; the later Christian emperors of the Byzantine Empire, on the other hand, were again
styled Yunani , cf. KA/ M II/ c: 8 *, B, 104a-b, so that the terms apparently did not have much
precise meaning and were interchangeable.
238 KA I, 267.
239 KA III, 67; cf. Subhatu l-ahbar, 8 a, where he is connected with Jirjis and Yahya.
260 KA II, 81; but cf. ibidem, 8 8 , where Sind is also mentioned as son o f Yafith.
261 KA I, 238-239.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 141

member of which was Pharao (Fir'awn), the torturer of the Jews and
opponent of the prophet M usa262, and the Ethiopians (Habash)263. The
people of 'Ad also descended from Ham 264 and thus also the founder of
Constantinople, Yanko b. Madyan who descended from 'A d 265.

(3) N uhs third son Yafith was the ancestor of the Chinese, (through Chin),
Serbians (Saqalib), the Turks (through Turk, his most righteous son, and
Ghuzz but we should note that 'AIT also defended the Ottoman and
Turkish ancestry from 'Is b. Ishaq, and therefore from Sam266), the M on
gols, Tatars, Qipchaks, Khazars, Russians (Rus), the Franks (ifrenj) and
Greeks (both Banu Asfar and Yunanls)267. The Armenians descended from
Arman b. Layz b. Yunan b. Yafith268. The people of Yajuj and Majuj (Gog
and Magog), although they intermarried with the Turks and Tatars, most
probably did not descend from Yafith, which was the more conventional
idea269, but from the semen of Adam, produced during his sleep (ihtilam)270.

'All dedicates relatively much space, particularly in the fourth pillar, where he
describes the early history of the Empire, to the genealogy of the Ottoman
dynasty271, and the ethnic background of the Empires populace2722734.
In the early Ottoman history, three groups played a crucial role: (1) the
Ottoman tribes (a$ayir-i 'Osmaniye213), among them the ancestors of the
dynasty, who moved from Transoxania to the west to join the Seljuks and
Danishmendids in their fight against the infidels; (2) the tribes of Turks and
Tatars (kabail-i Etrak u Tatar21*) of Anatolia, and (3) the original populace

262 Ibidem.
263 KA II, 82.
264 Ibidem, 96; this is contradicted in ibidem, 78, where we find: 'Ad b. 'Awil b. Sam; this
also corresponded to the fact that the people o f 'Ad (as well as that of Thamud) among whom,
repectively, the prophets Hud and Salih were sent, were Arabs.
265 KA V, 265; he was associated with Shaddad b. 'Ad for his building activities; the name
seems to go back to Nikomedian , cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 119-124; Grand vizier Ibrahim
Pa$a (d. 1536), who was a Greek by origin, also claimed descent from Yanko b. Madyan, cf. KA/
SU/ grand viziers/ 2, B, 357b. Cf. the alternative genealogy above, n. 264, which would make the
ruler also a descendant of Sam.
266 Cf. above, p. 76.
267 KA II, 88-94.
268 KA I, 241.
269 Cf. Subhatu l-ahbar, 5b.
270 KA II, 95; the accusation that someone was generated by ihtilam, was a general term of
abuse through association with uncleanliness and was still current in the beginning o f this
century, cf. $a'ir E$ref, Deccal, (Cairo, 1320), 5, where the author calls his Public Prosecutor
Edhem Bey a frog-shaped, lifeless fellow, as if produced by a nocturnal emission of sperm.
(kurbaga yapth ihtilamden hasil olmuj gibi cansiz bir herij)
271 Cf. above, p. 76.
272 KA V, 6-14, 18-25.
273 KA V, 8.
274 Ibidem, 16.
 142 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

of Anatolia and Rumeli, unbelievers with whom they mixed and made their
slaves (and thus converted to Islam)275.
This populace but here 'All directs his attention exclusively to the non-
Muslim tributary nations, those who, particularly, furnished state officials
through the devfirme system of recruitment consisted of the following
groups: Albanians, Circassians, Abkhasians, Herzegovinians, Franks, Hunga
rians, Georgians, Russians, Wallachians, Transylvanians, Moldavians and
Germans. 'All does not give particulars of their genealogical background, but
mainly characterizes them along physiognomic lines. But in an aside276, 'All
curiously attributes to the Albanians and Circassians an Arab pedigree (and
connects them therefore, we should suspect, with Sam or Ham, rather than
Yafith). The Albanians are said to descend from Arnavud, the Circassians
from Kisu, both sons, together with 'Arab of a certain King Basha who ruled
Iraq, the Hijaz, Yemen, Aden and Sheba. (The connection between KIsu and
Circassians is further made by explaining that after 'Arab had defeated KIsu,
KIsu fled (= Kisu sara in Arabic); thus afterwards the people were called
Sarakisu, which became Serakis, Qerakis and (Jerkes in the crude language of
the Turks277).
Most of these ethnic groups are on the whole disdainfully characterized
and a direct connection is made with the activities of high state officials
belonging to them in 'Alls own days. Albanians are said to be obstinate,
vicious, cowardly, heretic, thievish, greedy, arrogant, and deceitful. They eat
onions and garlic bread, and avoid each others company like scorpions. They
are also swanks:
As soon as they give themselves airs, falsely claiming bravery and bragging
about their courage while clucking like a stork, wise men of clear judgement
compare every one of them to the hen that shrieks and cackles loudly before
laying her egg. 278

Circassians and Abkhasians are handsome, but obstinate, treacherous, and

murderers of their lovers279. Writing about the Circassians of the Caucasus
who helped Ca'fer Paa and his men cross the River Kuban in September
1582, 'All noted that they busied themselves with horse stealing, did not care
much for money, even preferred old shirts and trousers. He illustrated this
with an anecdote. When once a Circassian found 50 altun, he did not even
know what money was and let his children play with the small treasure. He
finally gave the money to a merchant for an ell of cloth. The Circassians2156*8

215 K.A 1, 33-34; K.A V, 9-14.

216 K.A V, 10.
211 Ibidem, 10 .
218 K.A V, 11.
21 K.A 1, 244; K.A V, 12.
 THE PATTERN C f HISTORY 143

reportedly were also notorious cut-pu i ses. There are few people whose
pockets are not picked after they ha ne left their tent and passed two
Circassians. 280
Herzegovinians (equated with Bosniajji:s) are, according to 'AIT, well-pro-
portioned, have a good character, are serious and clean281. Franks and
Hungarians are also clean, quickwitted, \ ut calculating and inclined to gather
riches; they are attractive, but troublec by all kinds of diseases (meant is
probably in the first place the Franki: h trouble, syphilis)282; Georgians
and Russians are wicked, base, ungrate ul and inclined to coarse food and
drink283. -
Some more details on the populace of] the Caucasus are given elsewhere in
this pillar. 'AIT relates that as campaign secretary in the area in October 1578,
he was sent on a mission to the Shamh; 1 of Daghistan. 'AIT spoke with the
ruler, who informed him about a people called It-tebil
who live in a great country behind th< mountains opposite us. He also told me
that their creed is false, their ways unci ;an and idle, their food filthy and the so-
called ghuk they drink like dirty, foul water. Seven, eight men, notably, share
one woman of ill repute between them to have intercourse. 284

When a bastard is born,

people. They give an apple to the boy
who is born out of adultery... Whomsoever he gives the apple he is holding in
his hand they consider to be [the parent]... He also told about a very fat ruler
called Usumi who reportedly lives in Kaytak... and supposedly is a descendant
of Hamza, the great-uncle of the Prophet upon Whom be peace... His son,
Muhammed Han who is equally big-bodied, lives in the fortress of Kari$.
Although their stature apparently is moderate, their heads have the proportions
of cauldrons in each of which two complete sheep can be cooked. They are so
fat that even two very strong baggage horses are not able to move them.
Therefore, whenever they go somewhere, each of them climbs into a cart drawn
by water buffaloes and they only reach their destination with a thousand
troubles. Consequently, they were not able to visit the commander (Lala
Mustafa Pasa)... 285

280 K.A/ MU III/ 20, B, 531a.

281 K.A V, 12; 'Alps positive opinion of Bosnians made Fleischer think that All himself was
of Bosnian extraction, BIOE, 16.
282 K.A V, 12.
283 Ibidem, 12-13.
284 K.A/ MU III/ 10:xiv*, L, 356a.
285 Ibidem, L, 356a-b; cf. M. Fahrettin Kirzioglu, Osmanhlar'm Kajkas-elleri'ni fethi (1450-
1590) (Ankara, 1976), 387, 432; BIOE, 80.
 144 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Germans in 'AlFs opinion, are stubborn and wicked, but are great manufac
turers and clever rifle-men, well able to handle their six to seven guns from
the saddle286.
Herzegovinians (Bosnians), then, were good aghas, mir-livas (sancakbegis)
and grand viziers. Franks, Hungarians and Circassians, on the other hand,
tended to scheme and cheat when they had attained to high positions287.
Albanians, finally, outdid them all in intriguing and hollow boasting. 'AIT
added that he had only met one or two Albanian officials who were civilized
and respectable288.
'AlFs description of the tributary nations even if original in the Ottoman
historiographical tradition289, is more a piece of satirical literature than of
scholarship, and more in the style of a ehr-engiz poem than the work of a
serious historian. The fact that 'AIT in the preface to the fourth pillar
discussed twelve nations instead of say eleven or thirteen, stresses even more
the formalistic, literary, aspect. It also reflects 'AlFs racial prejudices290.
Prejudice against unbelievers and credulity also characterizes 'AlFs field
work in the Caucasus. Thus, in both the chronological and genealogical-
ethnic themes of the Essence, 'AIT again showed himself the encyclopedic,
and rather contradictory, not very enlightened scholar, and especially: the
satirical litterateur.

(c) The patterns of history

'AIT, as we have seen above291, in conformity with Islamic political thought,
was of the opinion that the central elements in human history were the
padishah, the king, and his subjects, the people. The one could not exist
without the other, that is: if disastrous chaos were to be avoided. We
remember 'AlFs criticism of Jewish traditions that between the appearance of
Adam and the Deluge no padishahs ruled on earth292. The ideal, and in fact
only workable relationship between the two elements consisted of the ideal
state. If a state did not work well for some reason, it disappeared, to be
succeeded by a new one. In this theory there was no place for real, that is:
qualitative, changes in human history. (This conception is also apparent from

286 KA V, 13; a characterisation of the amorous qualities of the boys of these and some other
Ottoman nations is found in MN, 44-47, cf. Schmidt, Mustafa 'All van Gallipoli 74; cf. also
Lewis, The Muslim Discovery, 154-155.
287 KA V, 13.
288 Ibidem, 14.
289 Lewis, The Muslim Discovery, 154.
290 For more examples, closely connected with his analysis of Ottoman decay, see below,
paragraph (d), and Chapter Three; see also, BIOE, 156-159, 254-258.
291 Cf. p. 132.
292 Cf. above, p. 70.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 145

the idea that specific buildings, such as the K aaba293, cities294, but also
categories of men such as prophets, scholars, poets, beautiful or rich people,
and unbelievers295, had been created by God once and for all at the
beginning of time.)
Because man is weak, ideal polities hardly could be expected to last for
ever, therefore states and dynasties come and go, and world history shows a
cyclical pattern. This idea was confirmed by the conviction that in the end all
human endeavour is vain. In connection with the repeated destruction and
ruin of Constantinople, 'All wrote:
It is written in a number of histories... that because there is no permanency in
the highest heaven and decay and transience fixed in the constellations of the
crystalline sphere... there is no culture that violent fate does not repeatedly
destroy and ruin; the edifice of the treacherous heavenly revolution is a
banqueting-hall where the thirst of its guests is only quenched by an increased
offering of trouble and grief and the bloody water of tears and regret.296

The Koranic punishment stories (Straflegenden297) connected with the

actions of the pophets Nuh, Lut, Musa, Hud, Salih and Shu'ayb, and the
ubiquitous buildings and ruins come down from ancient civilisations (often,
as in the case of Constantinople, associated with the building activities of the
people of 'Ad who failed to listen to the warnings of the prophet Hud)
doubtlessly also contributed to the notion.
The cyclical pattern of history is elegantly summarized in 'Alfs Fusul, a
work, as we saw298, written contemporarily with the Essence and over
lapping chapters of the full version of that book. It discusses the changing
fortune of 32 Islamic dynasties the fall of the Shahnama protagonists King
Jamshld and Dahhaq is treated in the introduction. (As in the case of the
tributary nations, the number of 32 chapters formalistically limited 'AlFs
scope: even if one allows for the appendices, discussing the Ottomans and the
Anatolian dynasties, a number of major historical Islamic polities are not
discussed in the book.)
I will give a schematic survey of the argument; in the left column are listed
the rulers or dynasties, on the right are summarised the reasons for their rise
and/or fall as they are, often explicitly, stated by 'All (the numbers refer to
the chapters (fusul an asterix indicates that the chapter does not occur in
the third pillar of the Essence).

293 KA i, 70.
294 Ibidem, 55.
295 Ibidem, 54-56.
296 KA V, 261.
297 Cf. Rudi Paret, Der Koran als Geschichtsquelle, in: Der Islam 37 (1961), 24-42, 35
the term was coined by J. Horovitz.
298 Cf. above, Chapter One, (4), no. 11.
146 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

(1) * Jamshld (preface) was led astray by the Devil and declared himself
to be God; he was consequently destroyed by
Dahhaq.
(2) * Dahhaq-i Mari (preface) was tempted by the Devil; began slaughtering
his subjects and was consequently chased away
by Kawa.
(3) * the early Caliphate (1) the fourth caliph, Imam 'All (656- 661), failed to
listen to sound advice by Ibn 'Abbas about the
important Syrian support for the pretender and
first Umayyad Caliph Mu'awiya (661-680).
(4)* the Umayyads (2) the caliphs from Hisham (723-743) onwards did
not listen to pious counsel, were stingy and
greedy, and lived the life of debauchees; this
made possible the rise of the obscure Abu Mus
lim and gave popular support to the rebellion
(huriic) of the Abbasids.
(5)* the Abbasids (3) the last caliph al-Musta'sim (1242-58) was
unable to stem the Mongol Khan Hiilegus
conquest of Baghdad (in 1258) because: he refu
sed to show friendship to the Khan, showed
unbefitting arrogance by turning his palace into a
kind of Kaaba which visitors were forced to ido
lize; he was drinking every night; he did not pay
attention the situation at the borders; he did not
pay attention to sound advice of his Vizier
Muhylddln Muhammad 'Alqami, he did not pro
tect ulema; he was finally executed because of
the malediction of the scholar Naslraddln at-
TusT whom he had offended by harshly refusing
his book, a page of which was torn out and
washed blank in the Shatt al-'Arab and after
wards thrown into the river.
(6) the Samanids (4) the dynasty was founded by governors of Khura
san and Transoxania who did not show disres
pect to the caliphs of Baghdad; no reasons are
given for their decline; 'Abdalmalik II (999-1000)
was defeated by his own slave Mahmud-i Sebuk-
tegin (Ghaznavid).
(7) the Saffarids (5) no reason is given for the fall of their political
predecessors, the Tahirids, whose country was
conquered by Layth b. Saflar (867-79); the
Saffarid line is still not extinct because its foun-
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 147

der showed regret during the act of robbing the

treasury of the governor of Khurasan, Dirham b.
Nasr.
(8) * the Buyids (6) they acquired power as Lords of rebellion
(sahib-huruc) at the cost of the local ruler Mar-
dawTj (b. Ziyar) of Daylam (927-935) and the
governor of Isfahan Ibn Yaqut; their decline is
not discussed.
(9) the Ghaznavids (7) their realm was taken over by the Seljuks because
of (a) the greed of Sultan Mahmud (b. Sebukte-
gin, 998-1030) who gave permission to the Sel
juks to cross the River Oxus; (2) the flippancy of
Sultan Mas'ud (1031-41) who unpreparedly m ar
ched against the Seljuk forces in 429 (should be
431/1040, in the Battle in the plain of Dandan-
qan299) and lost his sovereignty to Tognl (1038-
63); (3) the disinterest of the last Sultan Khusraw
Malik (1038-63) in the affairs of state which he
allowed to be run by slaves and women so that
his subjects became impoverished.
(10) the Seljuks of Kirmanthey lost their sovereignty because of internecine
(8) strife and continuous feasting while their armies
terrorized the re'aya.
(11) the Danishmendids they lost their sovereignty to the Seljuks because
(9) of internecine warfare, the uneasy relation be
tween their emirs and soldiers and their plotting
against the Seljuks of Anatolia.
(12) the Khwarazm-Shahs their eclipse was due to (1) the unsound policy of
(10) Sultan Muhammad (1200-1220); (2) his provo
king the curse of Shaykh Shihabaddln, the envoy
of Caliph an-Nasir (1180-1220), whom he humi
liated; this curse caused the onslaught of Chin
giz Khan.
(13) the Chingizids (11) their empire fell apart because of the struggle
among the sons of Chingiz Khan despite their
fathers good advice to stand together like a
bunch of arrows.

299 Cf. C.E. Bosworth, The Early Ghaznavids , in R.N. Frye, ed., The Cambridge History o f
Iran, vol. 4 (Cambridge, 1975), 195.
 148 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

(14) the Atabegs of Mosul, the reason for their decline was: (1) the rise of
Aleppo and Damas- the Ayyubids who had been taken into their
cus (12) service by Nuraddln (1127-46); (2) internecine
strife during the rise of Chingiz Khan.
(15) the Atabegs of Azar- their lines eclipsed because of (1) their ingrati-
bayjan and Fars (13) tude toward their benefactors by capturing parts
of the latters realm; and (2) their show of weak
ness at the time of Chingiz Khans advance when
they permitted madmen and women on the
throne.
(16) the Muzaffarids (14) their dynasty was cut down (in 1393) by Timurs
wrath because they had been schismatic oppres
sors, quarreling among each other, blinding their
intimate relations, and had shown disinterest in
scholarship.
(17) the Ilkhans (Jalayi- their just dynasty had to give way to the superior
rids) (17) power of the Lord of a fortunate conjunction"
(irresistable conqueror, sahib-kiran) Timur,
(18) * the Akkoyunlu (16)the dynasty was extinguished by the Safavid
Shah Isma'il (1501-24) after it had been weake
ned by internecine struggles.
(19) * the Karakoyunlu (17) their eclipse was due to the arrogance of Jihan
Shah (1438-67) who was always indulging in
drink and debauchery; they were inattentive to
the Safavid huruc (mentioned under 25).
(20) the Timurids (18) the realm of Timur (who had the blessing of the
Prophet) was disastrously undermined by his son
(and successor) Khalil MIrzas wife; the dynasty
did not eclipse as yet in India.
(21) the Ghurids (19) their eclipse was due to the (posthumous)
revenge of Timur Khan after the last ruler had
laid his hands on the daughters of his viziers and
emirs300.
(22) the Batinids(Isma'ills) the reason for their eclipse was the unclean-
of Alamut (20) ness of their creed.
(23) * the Shirwan-Shahs the line disappeared because the just ruler Khalil
(Khaqanids) (21) Allah (930/1523-24 - 942/1535-36) was succeeded

300 This is an impossibility: 'All states that Malik Muhammad, nephew of GhiyathaddTn
(1163-1203), who ruled two centuries before Timur!, was defeated by MIranshah (1404-09). 'All
seems to have been misled by MIrkhwands Rawdat as-safa which is quoted as source. Earlier 'All
stated correctly that the reign of the Ghurids was taken over by the Khwarazm-Shahs in 607/
1210- 11.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 149

by the five year-old Shahrukh (b. Farrukh)

Mirza (942/1535-36-945/1538-39), which fact
became known to the neighboring powers (inclu
ding the Safavid Shah Tahmasp, who defeated
him)301.
(24) the sultans of Gujarat their decline was due to treason of their viziers
(22) and the succession of children.
(25) the Shaybanids (23) a temporary decline of the dynasty occurred with
Shaybak Beg (grandson of Abulkhayr) because
he treacherously killed the Timurid governor of
Samarqand, Usta 'All Khan, who had offered
him quarter (aman); this resulted in the tempo
rary occupation of Transoxania by Babur (1510-
12)302.
(26) the khans of the Cri the initial decline after Haji Giray Khan (1426-
mea (24) 56) was due to the internecine strife between his
sons who also attacked the heir apparent; the
dynasty was saved by the Ottomans (who
became its sovereigns in 1478).
(27) * the Safavids (25) the line did not really decline, but had been
forced to cede part of their realm to the Otto
mans to whom Shah 'Abbas (1588-1629) showed
allegiance.
(28) * the Tulunids (26) the dynasty disappeared by Gods revenge on
Shayban for his murder of his nephew Harun
(896-905).
(29) * the Ikhshldids (27)the line eclipsed (in 969) for lack of off-spring
and despite the fact that they had been good
rulers.
(30) * the Fatimids (28) they declined because they put an eleven-year-old
boy, 'Adid, on the throne, upon which their
slaves revolted (in 1171).
(31) * the Ayyubids (29)the reason of their decline was the defective
intelligence of women (i.e. of Shajarataddurr,
1250) and the rule of a brainless, six-year-old
child (Muzaffaraddln Musa, 1250-52) while
agreeing with the mentioning of an outsider in
their khutba ('Izzaddin Aybak (Mamluk), 1250-
57) .

301 Cf. E. von Zambaur, Manuel de genealogie et de chronologie pour Vhistoire de I'Islam
(Hanover, 1927), 183.
302 Cf. B. Spuler, Shaibanids, E l1.
 150 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

(32) * the Ayyubids of the reason for their decline was Malik Mas'uds
Yemen (30) (1215-29) perversion and tyranny (he robbed and
killed 800 merchants and occupied Mecca),
(33) * the Bahrl Mamluks
the reasons for their eclipse (in 1390) were (1) the
(31) protection of bastardly brainless slaves who
finally turned against them; (2) the succession of
children which (3) depended on the decision of
their own soldiery.
(34)* the Burjl Mamluks the reasons for their decline were (1) disrespect
(32) for the great among themselves; (2) their habit of
sending their sons among unbelievers (the Circas
sians) for their education; (3) the treason and
bloodthirstiness of Kansu Gavri (1501-16) who
had a father-to-son relationship with Sultan
Selim I but preferred heretics,
(35)* the Ottomans (appen the decline set in with the Imperial Circumcision
dix) of 990/1582 and the resultant intitutional change
in the the Janissary corps. It was due to disres
pect for the Ottoman kanun of Sultan Mehmed
the Conqueror and his vizier Mahmud Pa$a, the
undermining of devfirme recruitment by admit
ting outsiders to the army, appointments to the
bureaucracy for bribes, and a lack of patronage.

In his conclusion (hatime), finally, 'All discussed a number of pre-Ottoman

Anatolian dynasties, most of which continued to serve the Ottomans as local
beglerbegis and begs. Sometimes a reason for their loss of independance is
given: the Karamanids are said to have been toppled by Sultan Mehmed the
Conqueror because they betrayed their loyalty to the Ottomans303.
'Alls historical analysis of the disappearance of dynasties clearly fits in his
theory of the ideal state and its vulnerability. In all cases the behaviour of the
single ruler is responsible for the survival of the ruling house. The dynasty
comes to grief and its place is occupied by another if, to name the most
frequently mentioned causes, the king shows arrogance or ingratitude to God
or superior and beneficent neighbour-rulers, indulges in bad habits such as
drinking and hoarding money at the expense of his subjects, loses control
over the affairs of state and the actions of his own slaves, in particular by
permitting madmen, children and women to sit on the throne (among the
punishments administered by God to Eve and her daughters was their lack
of intelligence, and exclusion from worldly power304), quarrels with family
303 Cf. also below, paragraph (e).
304 KA I, 324.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 151

relations or members of his own ruling class, does not listen to sound advice
or give attention and money to scholars. In all these cases he is also very
vulnerable to the lethal curse of saints.

(d) The pattern of Ottoman history

In 'Alls vision, the dominant pattern of history: that of the recurring decline
of dynasties, threatened to repeat itself in Ottoman history. Around 1400, the
Empire was all but wiped off the earth by Timurs invasion, and in his own
time, the same danger again seemed to become a reality. Contemporary
Ottoman decay indeed is the major theme of the fourth pillar, and I will give
a summary of 'AlFs argumentation.
The expansion of the Ottoman state and the origins of its decline are most
comprehensively discussed in the introductory parts of the first and fourth
pillars of the Essence and the appendix to the Fusiil, summarized above. A
continuous territorial expansion, from one beglerbegilik to forty, brought
about by military expeditions undertaken on behalf of the faith (gaza) by its
sultans, temporarily halted by Bayezld Is bad policy and obstinacy against
the world conqueror Timur Khan, continued until the reign of Suleyman305.
To the flourishing of the Empire contributed particularly the successful
combination of Islamic culture introduced by Arab and Persian 'ulema to a
heterogeneous, largely infidel population306, reinforced by later active patro
nage of the learned classes by the court307, a strong patrimonial government
based on dev$irme recruitment of its statesmen and household arm y308, and
the reign of justice based on seri'a309 and kaniin310.
The first, temporary, crisis occurred soon after 800/1397-98 when the sahib-
kiran Timur upon his India campaign made his appearance in Rum. The
disaster that followed was all due to Sultan Bayezids bad policy. According
to 'AIT, Timur had no intention of attacking the Ottomans who were gazis on
the path of God. Upon his arrival in Sivas in 803/1400, Timur sent envoys to
Bayezid with the request that the latter send him the severed heads of Kara
Yusuf Karakoyunh and Ahmad Jalayiri who had fled to the Ottoman court,
as well as the keys of the fortress of Erzincan, whose hereditary ruler,
Taherten, had found shelter at his own court311. Despite the sound counsel
of 'ulema, Bayezld refused, killed the envoys, and sent an insulting letter to

305 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 4b-5a.

304 KA I, 33-34; KA V, 7-8.
301 KA I, 36-37.
308 KA V, 14-15.
, 309 K A v , 3

310 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5a; FH, 131 a-b; cf. BIOE, 245-257.
311 KA V, 82-83.
152 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Timur, addressing him as dog and calling him more infidel than the tekfur
(Byzantine Emperor) 312.
Timur attacked, and Bayezld stood no chance because God had chosen the
side of the enemy313. Bayezlds defeat in the Battle of Qibukova near Ankara
had four reasons: his foolishness in attacking the furious Tatars; the trea
chery of the Germiyan and tsfendiyar princes who served in his army; his
unjustified refusal to comply with Timurs wishes; and his oppressive extor
tion of his subjects, proposing tolls, hardf (land tax), and extraordinary
levies to the flock, thereby exceeding the requests of his ancestors 314 and
refusal to pay to his soldiers who consequently turned away from him 315.
'A1Fs reasoning here is in conformity with the arguments used in his Fusul
for the fall of dynasties: unwise obstinacy against a divinely sanctioned
world-conqueror; bad company (Kara Yusuf is accused of stealing horses
from his hosts stable316); not listening to wise counsel of 'ulema; and
oppression of re'aya.
The Empire regained its strength under Mehmed I. His success and the
failure of his brothers is also in conformity with the theory of the state
explained in terms of personal qualities and behaviour. Mehmed was intel
ligent, skillful and acted according to the saying deliberateness is divine,
haste devilish. 317 He outmanoeuvered subsequently 'Isa, Suleyman and Mu
sa. Suleyman ahs defeat and execution came about because he let himself be
surprised by Musas army in Edirne in 1411, preferring to entertain himself
day and night in his bathhouse, drinking wine served by moon-faced cup
bearers318. He thereby estranged his begs from him, and they went over to
Musa319. Musa (^elebis fall in 1413 was caused by his treachery (nakz-i 1ahd)
towards Mehmed. He refused to have the latters name mentioned in his
hutbe. He was disloyal towards his Rumelian begs whom he dismissed and
replaced by his own slaves320. He had also the vice of preferring the company
of a lowly idiot nicknamed Koyun Musa (or: Musasi321) who made honor
able men turn away from his court in disgust322. The begs invited Mehmed to
intervene and Musa was punished for his ingratitude (kufranu n-ni'met) by

312 Ibidem, 84-85.

313 Ibidem, 91.
314 Ibidem, 92.
315 Ibidem, 91-92; cf. Danimend, Kronoloji I, 101.
316 KA V, 103.
317 Ibidem, 118.
318 Ibidem, 120-121.
319 Ibidem, 123-124.
320 Ibidem, 137.
321 Cf. ibidem, 121, 123.
322 Ibidem, 137.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 153

execution323. If he had kept his word to his brother the vault of his glory
and power would not have cracked, 'All concluded324.
The second turning point came somewhere after the mid-16th century. The
health of the body politic was, due to a great number of more or less
connected causes, threatened by disease, and possibly: extinction325. This
change for the worse is nowhere analysed completely or wholly consistently in
'Alls works. At several points, 'All tried to precisely date the onset of decline.
We find: 960/1553 (the murder of Prince Mustafa 326); 1566 (death of Sultan
Suleyman and succession of Selim I I 327) and 990/1582 (the circumcision of
Prince Mehmed and the subsequent irregular institutional change in the
Janissary corps328. 'All also witnessed a turn for the worse in Egypt between
1568-69, when he first visited the country, and 1599, when he did so for the
second and last time329.
The responsibility for the Ottoman decay ultimately as in the case of the
disappeared states described in Fusul and the Timurid crisis lay with the
sultan, although this connection is not often directly made in the Essence :
if Sultan Suleyman had not listened to bad counsel in 1553, and if Prince
Mustafa, the favorite of the 'ilmiye, had succeeded to the throne in 1566,
things would have been different330.
The causes and symptoms of decay as presented in the Essence (they
occur also in many of his other works, including his poetry) were manifold
(even if they all were part of the basic pattern which we have already come
across above). In the following I will try to summarize them as fully as
possible331.

(1) The bad behaviour of sultans

The sultans who succeeded Suleyman failed to take full responsibility for the
affairs of state. This was partially also the fault of their court: palace
officials and musahibs screened the rulers off from the abysmal realities of the
day332. Increasingly, sultans tolerated the evil influence of scheming Harem
women on the affairs of state333.

323 Ibidem, 140.

324 Ibidem.
325 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5a-b.
326 KA I, 34-35.
327 Ibidem, 37; MN, Chapters 7, 11, 28.
328 FH, 132a, cf. above, p. 150.
329 Tietze, Description o f Cairo, 13.
330 KA I, 34; cf. BIOE, 258-259.
331 Cf. for a survey of such symptoms occurring in 'All's Nushatu s-selatin: Ugur, Siyaset-
nameler, 173-176.
332 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface L, 5b; KA/ MU III/ 56*, B, 595a.
333 KA I, 34; MN, 33.
 154 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Selim II was particularly accused of continuously consuming wine and

therefore being unable to check the activities of Grand vizier Sokolli Mehmed
Paa334.
Murad I lls weakness was greed, in particular sexual lust. This made it
impossible for him to obey the je r '335. His greed also made him ignore
petitions which pointed to the increasing practice of coin clipping and the
concomitant lowering of salaries336. Another weak point was his inertia337.
Then, Murad let himself be influenced by corrupting courtiers such as
musahib emsl Ahmed Paa and the greedy and debauched Shaykh uca'338.
Corruption and the rule of Palace aghas and Harem women was the
result339. They, together with Hoca Sa'deddln and defterddr (jveys Qelebi,
induced him to concur in and defend (as justified revenge) Sokolli Mehmed
Paas humiliation340. Murads preference for Ahmed Paa and his nedim
Doganci Mehmed Paa was based on their mastery of the tricks of merry
making, which they had learnt from a mimicker (mukallid) at court. This
indeed was an indication that cultural standards had fallen at the court341.
The appointment of Mehmed Paa, a worthless falconer (dogma) and story
teller, pointed to the fact that Murad was blind to human character, like a
falcon. But instead of being kept away from politics, Mehmed Paa was made
beglerbegi of Rumeli and vizier with desastrous results342.
The imprisonment of the Zaydi leaders in 1587 in Yedikule for which
Murad was at least formally responsible ('All is vague on this point) caused
unnecessary disorder in Yemen343. Under the same sultan, court patronage
of scholars and poets came to a standstill, and appointments, formerly the
domain of grand viziers, were decided by Palace aghas, black-faced eunuchs,
double-tongued /ideas, slave girls and mutes. Symptomatic of this was the
dismissal and exile of the great poet and court intimate Baki on the grounds
of slander of a rival, the greedy muderris Mu'allimzade344 and the appointment
at court of unworthy fehnameguys who received enormous salaries345. A

334 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5a; KA V, 124-125; KA/ S II/ viziers/ 1, B, 457a; MA,
107b-108a; a special chapter is devoted to the drinking habits o f all Ottoman sultans, ibidem,
115a-l16a.
335 KA/ MU III/ Introduction^*, B, 485b-486b.
336 Ibidem, 7, B, 492a-493b.
337 Ibidem, Introduction: 6 *, B, 489a.
338 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5a-b; KA/ MU III/ 1, 2, 4, 5, B, 489a-b, 490a-492a.
339 KA/ MU III/ 2, B, 489b.
340 Ibidem, 9, B, 494a-b.
341 KA/ SU/ 29, B, 305b.
342 KA/ MU III/ 35, B, 569b.
343 Ibidem, 34, B, 568b.
344 Ibidem, 3, B, 490a; cf. KA/ S II/ ulema/ 25, B, 468a-b.
345 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 6 b-8 b; KA/ MU III/ 54*, B, 591b- 593a; Schmidt, Preface,
11-14. Seyyid Lokman was given a hass income of 400,000 akfe, B, 592a; cf. for precise
information on his and his employees income based on archival sources: Husnu Bodur, Seyyid
Lokman, (mezuniyet tezi, Istanbul Oniversitesi, 1966), 9-21.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 155

lowly Turk, Mustafa Aga, was appointed kizlar agasi (chief black eunuch)
during the same reign; he enriched himself at the expense of peasants
cultivating Imperial vakf land connected with the Holy Cities in the Hijaz346.
'All also held Murad directly responsible for Grand vizier Sinan Paas
criminal appointment policy and abuse of office347.
The author seems to have had doubts about the next sultan, Mehmed I ll s
intellectual capacities348. He is generally pictured as a well-meaning, but
naive young man who wasted money on the excessive gift of 20,000 filurl
(instead of the customary 10,000) to the commander of the imperial guards
(bostancibap) Ferhad Aga upon his accession349, let himself be misled by
Sinan Paa and his cronies at court, so that he appointed the latter twice to
the post of grand vizier350, concurred in the execution of Ferhad Paa351,
and later promoted his friend, the inefficient Lala Mehmed Paa, the lowest-
ranking vizier, to grand vizier in 1596352.

(2) The disruption of Ottoman administration and society

Bad government, the abandonment of the codes of er' and kaniin (that is:
the customs as associated with the original Law of Mehmed the Conqueror),
manifested itself in disruption in the morals and behaviour of people on all
levels of the administration and society, from the grand viziers down to the
re'aya. 'All described the process both in general and specific terms.

(i) Bad morals

Morals in general declined: sweet-voiced, attractive boys and men of good
character disappeared353. Men began to incline towards baseness, envy and
hate354, and became increasingly greedy3553567.Sound religion disappeared from
among the re'aya336 and even from among all but the highest ranks of the
'ulema3S1. People did not abide by their oaths358. Honest dervishes were no
longer encountered359.

346 KA/ M II/ e:3*, B, 121a-122a.

347 KA/ MU III/ 37, B, 572a-573b; ibidem, 39*, B, 576a.
348 KA/ M III/ Introduction, B, 597a.
349 Ibidem, 4*, B, 599a-b; cf. MA, 118b, where the amount of 10,000 + 50,000 allun is
mentioned.
350 KA/ M III, 8 *, B, 601a; ibidem, 20*, B, 610b.
351 Ibidem, 10*, 11*, B, 601b-602a, 603a.
352 Ibidem, 21*, B, 6I0b-611a.
353 KA I, 34; cf. NH, lO b-llb; Fleischer, Bits of Wisdom , 105.
354 KA I, 34, 35.
355 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 6 b; cf. KA/ SU/ emirs/ 7, B, 372b; KA/ M III/ 14*, B, 605a.
356 KA I, 36; KA/ M III/ 14*, B, 605a.
357 KA I, 35-36.
358 Cf. above, p. 90.
359 KA V, 58.
 156 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

(ii) Harmful institutional changes

Not only morals and belief deteriorated, decay was also visible in Ottoman
law and institutions. The hallowed kaniin was amended. Rules laid down in it
concerning career lines were changed: from 980/1572-73 low-ranking 'ulema
could be promoted to provincial administrative posts360. Periods of office
were shortened, which increased iniquity. They were generally reduced to half
a year361. Whereas Sokolh Mehmed Paa ruled for fifteen years, at present
grand viziers were changed too often: seven to eight of them were appointed
every three to four years362. Cadiships did not last longer than seven to eight
months, instead of the regular two to three years363*. The number of offices
was also increased: this concerned especially defterdars364 and Janissaries365.

(iii) The decline in quality of officials

In the administration, the kaniin was, if not unjustifiedly changed, disre
garded, and the wrong people, incompetent men, often described as idiots ,
were given important posts, thereby doing harm to those who were entitled to
these jobs because of their talent, education and former career, and the
resulting oppressive mismanagement was a torment to the people at large.
Corruption, favouritism and nepotism were the main mechanisms that oiled
these appointments and promotions. We encounter the following cases.

(a) The 'ilmiye

In the 'ilmiye, posts of miiderrisin were given to sons of 'ulema even if they
had not yet reached maturity, sons of aghas and pashas were made miis-
ta'idds, and miildzemets were sold to the highest bidder366. Thus upstarts
made their appearance who were hardly able to teach, and were only
interested in power and money; this was conspicuous in their ostentatious
manners, association with important men, and, particularly, rich clothing367.
Even muftis and hocas appointed young and inept sons to important positions:
disgraceful examples were Bostanzade Muhyiddln and Hoca Sa'deddin368.
Bostanzade is also accused of corruption: he issued a slanderous fetva against

360 KA/ M II/ e:l*, B, 112b.

381 KA/ S 1/ 3, B, 236a.
382 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 9, B, 362a.
383 K A /M II/e :l* , B, 112b.
384 Ibidem, e:3*, B, 118a.
385 Ibidem, B, II9a-b.
388 KA/ M II/ e:2*, B, II3b-114a; cf. KA V, 103-104.
387 KA I, 37; KA/ M II/ e:2*, B, 114a-115b; these passages are quoted in full below, in
Chapter Three.
388 KA/ MU III/ 54*. B, 593a-594a.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 157

Ferhad Paa for 30,000 dinar369. Ignorant provincials made quick promotion
as cadis, securing jobs for their cronies370. Cadis were irregularly made
kazi'asker by Sokolli Mehmed Paa371372. Small town cadis, as in the case of a
certain Bayram protected by Rustem Paa but Sokolli Mehmed Paa also
followed this practice , were promoted to defterdarliks at the expense of the
ehl-i kalem312.

(b) The Palace

As we saw above, 'All described how the centre of power shifted from the
sultan towards palace officials. Symptomatic for this was the growing inter
course between palace personnel and outsiders: palace pages and aghas freely
interact with the outside world373. Ifoglans are no longer kept secluded from
the world, businessmen are seen wandering along the gates of the palace, and
state officials are seen together with aghas374. Sipahls and Janissaries them
selves became merchants who did not stick to the fixed prices375. 'All also
mentions quick, irregular appointments brought about by the valide sultan:
the former palace cooks Ferhad Paa to serdar of the eastern campaign and
(^igalazade Yusuf Paa to beglerbegi of Revan in 1583. Both were also made
viziers376. Kurd Paa was made beglerbegi of Egypt (in 1595) thanks to his
good relations with the Harem ladies377. The fifth grand-vizierate of Sinan
Paa in 1595 was made possible through the lobbying of his friends in the
palace, in particular Gazanfer Aga378. The devfirme system of recruitment
was ruined by the appointment of outsiders, Arabs, Persians, Turks, Kurds
and Daylamls, irrespective of their suitability and merits, to positions for
merly reserved for 'acemis: an example was the career of the cook and
pseudo-seyyid Emir Mehmed of Mardin who managed to become a very
corrupt bafdefterdar and beglerbegi of Egypt379. Corruption also affected the
Janissary corps: from 990/1582 the secretariat was no longer bestowed on an
(impartial) outsider. Their numbers increased, outsiders crowded their ranks,

369 KA/ M III/ II*. B, 602b.

370 Cf. above, p. 52.
371 KA V, 124-125
372 KA/ M 11/ e:3*, B, 118a; KA/ S II/ grand viziers/ 1, B, 457a; cf. also NS I, 66/163; MA,
108a; MN, 108-109.
373 Cf. above, p. 92.
374 Cf. above, ibidem.
375 KA/ M III/ 14*. B, 605a.
376 KA MU III/ 28, B, 543a-b.
377 Ibidem, 56*, B, 596a-b.
378 KA/ M III/ 20*, B, 610b.
379 KA/ MU III/ 56*, B, 594b.
158 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

they were reduced to poverty and their discipline slackened380. The greed of
the bakapucibai (chief of the palace doorkeepers) and those in his retinue,
who extorted 50 yuk akpe from the ever more rapidly changing voyvodas
upon the latters appointment led to the depopulation of Wallachia and
Moldavia, and finally to the revolt of the voyvoda in 1594381.

(c) The members of the Imperial Council (Divan)

The quality of high-ranking state officials notably declined. There was an
increasing number of ignorant and corrupt viziers, particularly because of the
disruption of the devirme system of recruiting382. They did not inform the
sultan of the continuing debasement of the Ottoman coinage. Grand vizier
Siyavu? Paa forced bagdefterdar Mahmud Paa to accept a large bribe from
hamr erriini Kirk Dokuz to accept his clipped coins with which the
Janissaries were paid in 1589383. Beglerbegiliks were sold for 50,000 altun,
but even then these officials were not sure that they would not be dismissed
before the end of their terms384. Clerks became begs and beglerbegis385. An
evil, corrupt, Arab money-changer and foreman (reis) at the Arsenal, 'Arab
Ahmed, was promoted to beglerbegi of Cyprus (and later murdered by the
local Janissaries)386. An unnamed beglerbegi of Rum (Sivas) robbed the local
re'aya to make up for damages caused by a hailstorm in 1587387. Sinan Pa$a,
beglerbegi of Buda, succeeding the murdered Ferhad Pa$a in 1591/92, made a
fortune by selling offices388. Defterdars, as we saw above, were often former
small town cadis. Symptomatic of the debasement of the office was the
robbing of the estate of Joseph Nasi by three defterdars under Murad III389.
The defterdar of Shirwan, Ahmed C^elebi, absconded with a part of the
provincial treasury in the mid-1590s390. Emir Mehmed as badefterdar
wasted one yuk akfe per day391. Not Ottoman (RumI) scholars, but
worthless outsiders: Persians, Arabs and Turks, were appointed to high
offices392. Competent writers who were potential ni$ancis were no longer
protected and appointed393.
380 KA/ M II/ e:3*, B, 119a-b; KA/ M III/ 18*, B, 608b; quoted in full below, in Chapter
Three; cf. above, pp. 150, 153.
381 KA/ M II/ e:3*, B, 119b; cf. above, p. 8 8 .
382 KA I, 38; KA/ S 1/ 6 , B, 238b; KA/ MU III/ 56*, B, 594b-595a.
383 KA/ MU III/ 7, B, 493b; ibidem, 35, B, 570a.
384 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 6 , B, 369a.
385 KA/ M II/ e:2*, B, 113a.
386 KA/ MU III/ 8 , B, 493b-494a; KA/ S II/ derya beglerbegis/ I, B, 460a.
387 KA/ MU III/ 34, B, 569a.
388 Ibidem, 37, B, 573a-b.
388 Ibidem, 6 , B, 492a.
3 .0 Ibidem, 32, P, 477a.
3 .1 Ibidem, 56*, B, 596a.
3.2 Cf. above, p. 92.
3.3 Cf. ibidem.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 159

(d) The bureaucracy

In the bureaucracy, 'aceml oglans were preferred to scholars394. Incapable
sons of rich people were admitted as clerks, not thoroughly examined, and
high office was occupied by idiots395.

(iv) The irresponsible behaviour of important individual statesmen

A great many causes and symptoms of decay are directly ascribed to the
misbehaviour of the leading statesmen of the time.

(a) Rustem Paa (grand vizier, 1544-1553; 1555-1561)

He was held responsible for having persuaded Sultan Suleyman to kill Prince
Mustafa, this being the first cause of Ottoman disruption396. Rustem Paa
was related with, as well as predisposed towards a number of princes (namely
'Abdallah, Bayezld, Cihanglr and Mahmud) who were brothers of his wife
(Mihrimah) their mother being Hiirrem Sultan (Roxelana) , whereas
Prince Mustafa was the son of another wife of Sultan Suleyman. In order to
satisfy the population, Rustem Paa had to be dismissed and was replaced by
Ahmed Paa as grand vizier, but after two years Mihrimah Sultan persuaded
her father (literally: set his heart to fire, kalb-ipakini... ate-fean etdiler) to
have Ahmed Paa murdered and Rustem Paa reinstated397. Rustem Paa
was also accused of being the originator of corruption, but he only accepted
money from worthy men, the amounts were relatively small and once
appointed, the incumbents were not lightly dismissed398. He was also the first
who appointed a small town cadi as defterdar. Nor was it to his credit that
he disliked poetry and persecuted the poet Yahya Beg who accused him of
complicity in the killing of Prince Mustafa in his famous mersiye (elegy) on
the latters death399.

(b) Sokolli Mehmed Paa (grand vizier, 1565-1576; 1576-1579)

In many places in his work, 'All pointed to Sokolli Mehmed Paas great
power under Selim II. Thanks to Selim IIs drinking habit, he was able to
take measures that threatened to infringe or did in fact infringe the kaniin. He
is accused of nepotism and favouritism although many of his proteges
were worthy men ; the introduction of new taxes, levies exacted from

394 Cf. above, p. 93; cf. MN, 34.

395 Cf. above, ibidem.
396 KA I, 34; KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5b.
397 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 6 , B, 360b; cf. A.D. Alderson, The Structure o f the Ottoman
Dynasty (Oxford, 1956), table xxx.
398 Ibidem, 360a.
399 KA/ SU/ poets/ 118, B, 425b.
160 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Turcomans; and the appointment of cadis as kdzT'askers and defterdars,

which stimulated corruption400. A bad example of his favouritism was the
appointment of 'Arab Ahmed Paa as beglerbegi of Cyprus401. Another one
was the appointment of Duhanzade Mustafa elebi, defterdar of Egypt, who
enriched himself at the expense of the country402. He is also accused of
tolerating Sinan Paas evil activities as beglerbegi of Egypt and serdar of the
Yemen campaign. He even promoted him to vizier403. His power was
checked under Murad III thanks to the influence of Sa'deddin, Shaykh uca',
Uveys (Jelebi and emsl Ahmed Paa: his relations were not longer given
posts, his protege nianci Feridun Beg was dismissed and banished, his
zeamets and those of his clients were confiscated404.

(c) Lala Mustafa Paa (preceptor of Prince Selim; serdar in the Cyprus,
Yemen and Caucasus campaigns)
He is severely condemned for his treacherous role in the rivalry between the
Princes Bayezid and Selim in 1558-1561. He was originally a protege of the
former, but was against his will appointed laid of Prince Selim by Rustem
Paa. He revenged himself on the latter by tricking Bayezid into revolt. He
was punished by never becoming grand vizier405. Although strongly accused
of mismanagement of the Shirwan campaign in the Nushat, this criticism is
not repeated in the Essence and the actions of the pasha are for the rest
positively evaluated in the history.

(d) Hoca Sa'deddin (preceptor of Murad III and Mehmed III)

He is accused of scheming and participation in the humiliation of Sokolli
Mehmed Paa406. He is also accused of a boasting display of his own
qualities as wifd-writer in his recommendation of the worthless book, Hasslye-
tii Irinsaniye, by his fellow-Persian, the ehndmeguy Seyyid Lokman407.
Together with Bostanzade Muhylddln, he vied for the post of eyhii Irtslam,
trying to find support in the Harem by means of flattery, threats and bribery.
Once in power, both had incapable relatives appointed to 'ilmiye posts408.

400 Cf. above, pp. 154, 157.

401 KA/ MU III/ 8 , B, 493b-494a.
402 Ibidem, 31, B, 555a.
403 KA/ S II/ 3, B, 439b; ibidem, Appendix, P, 395a.
404 KA/ MU III/ 9, B, 494a-b; KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 9, B, 362b; cf. above, p. 154.
405 Cf. above, p. 46.
406 Cf. above, p. 154.
407 KA/ MU III/ 54*, B, 592b.
408 Ibidem, B, 593a-594a; cf. above, p. 156.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 161

(e) emsl Ahmed Paa (musahib of the Sultans Suleyman, Selim II and
Murad III)
He is consistently pictured as an evil character: mean, rude, haughty,
inconsiderate409. He is particularly accused of efforts to lead Murad III
astray and ruin the dynasty. His motif was revenge: on Sokolh Mehmed Paa
and the dynasty for having subjugated his ancestral land of Isfendiyar. He
persuaded the sultan to see all petitions by himself, write hatt-i hiimayum
(Imperial decrees) instead of letting the grand vizier confirm telhis by
buyruldis (rescripts) of his own accord, thus ignoring the responsibility of the
latter functionary in matters of promotions and appointments. Instead
of informing himself by means of trustworthy spies, decision-making was
drowned in a sea of, soon completely unread, paper, and palace aghas and
Harem women got their chance to interfere in the affairs of state410. He also
persuaded the sultan to require payment for postings from officials411 and by
his poisonous slander contributed to Sokolh Mehmed Papas humiliation412.

(f) Sinan Paa (grand vizier, 1580-1583; 1589-1591; 1593-1595 (February);

1595 (July-October); 1595 (October)-1596 (April))
Sinan Paa stands out as the main villain in the narrative of the last part of
the Essence , and to his name an enormous number of vituperative epithets
were attached of which the stupid Albanian was perhaps the least offensive.
He is accused, as beglerbegi of Egypt, of scheming (in 1568-69) against Lala
Mustafa Paa, so that he was appointed serdar of the Yemen campaign
instead of the latter, of trying to eliminate Ozdemirogh 'Osman Paa as
beglerbegi of Yemen, and of claiming the latters successful campaign against
the Zaydl rebels for himself. His introduction of the trusteeship of Jidda
ruined the commerce of that harbour by increased tax-pressure413. In 1579,
he hampered Lala Mustafa Paa, his fellow commander in the coming
Shirwan campaign414. Sinan Paa was also responsible for Lala Mustafa
Papas dismissal in 1580, and his own appointment as serdar and grand vizier
in his stead by false petitioning, boasting of his La Goletta and Yemen
campaigns, and blackening his rivals reputation415. Then, he was accused of
inciting his crony Suleyman Aga to murder Doganci Mehmed Paa in the
Beglerbegi Incident in 1589, and defterdar Seyyid (Emir) Mehmed in

409 KA/ SU/ beglerbegisl 24, B, 367b-368a.

410 KA/ MU III/ 1, 2, B, 489a-b.
411 KA/ MU III/ 5, B, 491a-492a; cf. above, p. 105.
412 KA/ MU III/ 9, B, 494b.
413 KA/ S II/ 3, P, 387a-390a; ibidem, Appendix, B, 394b-395b.
414 KA/ MU III/ 10:i*, L, 338b-339a.
415 Ibidem, 16, 17, B, 520b, 521b.
162 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

1593416. He was also accused of appointing Sinan Paa the Egg-seller as

governor of Buda in 1591-92, and sharing the latters profits gained from the
selling of offices417.
To the criminal actions of the last phase of his long career belonged his
mismanagement of the long war against Habsburg in spite of the booty
'All judged the campaign to be nothing but a waste of money and gazi lives,
and only inspired by Sinan Papas vain passions418. In order to revenge
himself on Telli Hasan Paa, who, as boslancibai had not done enough to
acquire property for his residence, he denied the latter military assistance and
glory, thus causing his death on the Bosnian border in 1593. Then, he
appointed his incapable son Mehmed as beglerbegi of Rumeli, and himself,
despite his old age, serdar in order to acquire fame419. In the same year, he
squandered tax-money by raising the salary of Janissaries, sacrificed unneces
sarily a number of border fortresses because of the defeat at Istolni Belgrad
(Szekesferhervar) as well as the life of the agha of Janissaries in Hungary, but
blamed beglerbegi Hasan Paa while boasting of his and his sons bravery420.
Without consulting the sultan, he replaced a Bosnian agha by an Albanian
crony, and turned, wastefully, the occupied Tata and Szentmarton into one
district (liva), only in order, again, to enhance his glory421. In the next year
(1594), his son fled during the siege of Hatvan, but he rewarded him
nevertheless with a jeweled sword, a gold-embroidered hilat and a vizie-
rate422. Sinan Paa was dismissed after having offended Gazi Giray by
refusing to send him barley for his horses and having caused the capture of
the sancakbegi of Karahisar after having him sent to Yamk (Gyor) for winter
quarters423.
During his fourth and fifth grand-vizierate, Sinan Paa unwisely protected
the rapacious Emir Mehmed as badefterdar and beglerbegi of Egypt424. By
spreading rumours about Ferhad Paas poor capacities as serdar, he had
himself reappointed grand vizier for the fourth time in July 1595 and ordered
the latters execution425. Then, he did not stop until Ferhad Paa was
murdered (this was unjustified because of the latters good record as serdar in
the campaigns against the kizilba$426), for which he bribed $eyhii l-Islam

416 Ibidem, 39*. B, 575b.

417 Ibidem, 37, B, 573a-b.
418 Ibidem, 48*, B, 584a.
418 Ibidem,39*, B, 576a-577b.
420 Ibidem, 42*, B, 578b-580a.
421 Ibidem, 45*, B, 582a-b.
422 Ibidem, 43*, B, 580a-581a.
422 Ibidem,49*, B, 587a-b.
424 Ibidem, 56*, B, 596a; cf. above, p. 158.
425 KA/ M III/ 8 *, B, 601a.
426 Ibidem, 12*, B, 603a.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 163

Bostanzade Muhylddln with 30,000 dinar to produce a slanderous fetva in

which the pasha was accused of supporting the enemy427.
In the Moldavian campaign of 1595, before reaching Bucarest, Sinan Paa
caused the defeat of his army by failing to join the troops of Hasan Paa428.
Later, he fled from the fortress in panic, leaving behind the treasury and all
supplies429. He curtly refused to send a relief force to his son in the besieged
Esztergom430. The subsequent terrible defeat at Yergogi (Giurgiu) was also
largely a result of Sinan Paas inactivity and his scheming to prevent GazI
Giray Khan from joining the Ottoman troops431 this led to his fourth
dismissal. His bad character also was shown by his refusal to consult
'ulema432, and in many instances of unnecessary and harmful rudeness
towards Ottoman officials433; vassals and allies: Sherif Abu Numayy b.
Barakat and his representative, Cadi Husayn434; the Habsburg King
(Rudolf II)435; and GazI Giray K han436.

(g) Ferhad Paa (grand vizier 1591-1592; 1595 (February-July))

Ferhad Paa, like Sinan Paa, a despicable Albanian, is, although praised for
his heroic role in the eastern campaigns, accused of mismanaging the Molda
vian campaign of 1595. As lieutenant (ka immakam) under Sinan Paa, he
replaced the voyvodas of Wallachia and Moldavia after the Moldavian revolt
in early 1595, by an incapable young protege. When the latters mission
threatened to fail, the rapacious Mustafa Paa of Mar'a was sent with
troops, but was killed in battle. People who complained about the Moldavian
raids were thrown into prison437. He is also accused of cowardice in not
fighting the Syrian Janissaries who had been sent by Sinan Paa to kill him
and convincing them of the senselessness of the order438.

(v) The consequences for society at large

The consequences of the irresponsible behaviour of sultans and officials were
enormous. The prestige of the sultan himself was seriously undermined439.

427 Ibidem, 11*, B, 602a-603a; cf. above, p. 156.

428 KA/ M III/ 13*, B, 604a-b.
429 Ibidem, 16*, B, 606a.
430 Ibidem, 17*, B, 608a.
431 Ibidem, 19*, B, 609a-b.
432 Ibidem, 22*, B, 611a.
433 Ibidem.
434 KA/ S II/ 3/ Appendix, P, 395a-b.
435 KA/ MU III/ 41*, B, 578a.
436 Ibidem, 46*, B, 583a-584a.
437 Ibidem, 51*, B, 588a-b.
438 KA/ M III/ 10*, B, 602a.
439 KA/ MU III/ 35, B, 571b-572a.
164 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

The appointment of stupid and corrupt grand viziers contributed to the decay
of patronage440. In the medreses the standards of scholarship fell: mtiderrisin
who had obtained their jobs through bribery and favouritism were hardly
able to teach441. Scholarship and literature, including historiography, and
especially the art of letter writing, were on the wane442. Good scholars
remained jobless443. Wasteful expenditure at the court increased. ehname-
guys were given excessive salaries444. Other Harem proteges were also
provided with high Hass incomes445. The continuing debasement of coins
stimulated the raising of prices and set off Janissary revolts in the provinces:
in Cairo446, in Tabriz in 1586447, in Shirwan in ca. 1595448, and led to the
dangerous Janissary revolt in the capital in 1589449. Lack of pay which
'All thought already far too high also caused the Janissary revolts in
Bosnia and Buda in the early 1590s450, against ba$defterddr Emir Mehmed in
15934S1, and the two-day revolt of the boliik halki (the cavalry troops of the
Janissary corps) in Istanbul in April 1595452. During the Moldavian cam
paign in 1595, the revolt of the Albanian units caused the fall of Dugute
(Tirgovite)453. The blocking of the bridge of Yergogi by greedy Janissaries
contributed to the fall of the town454. The vainglory of an unchecked, evil
grand vizier such as Sinan Paa, as we saw above, and the extortion of the
voyvoda by uncontrolled palace officials and Janissaries was considered to be
the main cause of costly wars in Hungary and Moldavia in the 1590s.
Competent officials suffered from dismissal and investigations, thereby losing
all their possessions. Emirs and sipahis were reduced to poverty. Ze'amet
holders turned into re'aya4SS. A symptom of the impoverishment of the
ruling classes was their inability to function as hosts in their own houses and
caused them to frequent disreputable coffeehouses in the capital456. The
wasteful expenditure at court, the long wars, the increasing number of
officials and the growing corruption, particularly of provincial cadis, brought

440 KA I, 38; KA/ SU/ poets/ 61, B, 4I0b.

441 KA/ M II/ e:2*, B, 113b-114a.
442 KA I, 34, 38; KA/ MU III/ 54*, B, 592a.
443 KA(IV)/ Author's Preface, L, 6 b.
444 Cf. above, p. 154.
445 KA/ M II/ e:3*, B, 118a.
446 KA/ MU III/ 7, B, 493a.
447 Ibidem, 32, B, 559b-560a.
448 Ibidem, P, 477a-b.
449 Ibidem, 7, B, 492a-493b; ibidem, 35, B, 569a-572a.
450 Ibidem, 36, 37, B, 572a-573b.
451 Ibidem, 56*, B, 596a.
452 KA/ M III/ 5*, B, 599b-600a.
453 Ibidem, 15*, B, 605b.
454 Ibidem, 19*, B, 609a.
455 Cf. above, p. 92.
456 KA/ SU/ 54/ Appendix, B, 340b-341a; cf. above, p. 95.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 165

about a cumulative burden on the tax-paying re'aya . Sipahls, ze'amet holders

and begs oppressed the populace in order to compensate for their decreasing
income457. Corrupt defterdars added to it by demanding ever higher taxes458.
Nevertheless, by 1006/1597-98, Ottoman expenses far exceeded state
income459. Poverty and social degradation were the result, and scarcity of
goods and high prices occurred ever more frequently460. Rural areas were
deprived of inhabitants461, particularly in the border provinces directly
affected by warfare462.

***

Although this survey of the causes and symptoms of the second Ottoman
decay as occurring in the Essence may seem very comprehensive: with
admirable attention paid both to generalities and concrete historical particu
lars, we must not be misled. However expansive and detailed, all facts and
reasonings still fit into the theoretical framework used by 'All to analyse the
fate of dynasties in the Fusul: the mechanism of the Ottoman polity was
disturbed that such a disturbance was no moralistic fantasy of the author
is beyond doubt463 because Suleyman at the end of his reign and his
successors behaved irresponsibly. Their lack of authority in turn made it
difficult for them to check the basest instincts of their flock, from grand
viziers down to re'aya. Consequently the Ottoman culture and economy were
ruined, the populace suffered and their rage, as had often happened in
history, might well bring down the dynasty.
This schematic concept of Ottoman decline is the more striking because of
its abrupt character. Massive change, ultimately caused by fate, according to
the Essence , set in all of a sudden after the 1550s and contrasted sharply
with the good reigns of the early sultans (with the exception of the period of
the first decay around 1400). Nevertheless we also find accounts of bad
measures taken by sultans, internal revolts, evil scheming and oppression of

457 KA/ M III/ 14*, B, 605a

458 K A /M II/e :3 * , B, 118a.
455 KA I, 258-259; cf. above, p. 89.
460 KA I, 34.
461 KA/ M II/ e:3*, B, 118a.
462 KA/ MU III/ 10/ ii*, L, 339b.
463 Aspects of the increasing disruption of the Ottoman order, such as the growing
population; the financial crisis; the undermining of the traditional military establishment; and
regional rebellions, are also documented in the writings of other Ottomans (cf. also below, Part
(III)), Ottoman archival sources and reports of foreign travellers; cf. for a survey: Ya$ar Yiicel,
Osmanh devlet tefkildtina dair kaynaklar. Kitab-i miistetab. Kitdbu mesalihil muslimin ve menafi'il
muminin. Hirzii' l-miiluk (Ankara, 1988), ix-xiv, 49-55. See also: Halil tnalcik, The Ottoman
Empire. The Classical Age 1300-1600, 41-52, for which the Essence is also used as a source, cf.
ibidem, 45 (referring to KA/ S II/ 3/ Appendix, P, 395a).
 166 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

viziers, disastrous military campaigns, unjustified executions, injustice

towards specific Ottoman subjects, and the succession of a child to the throne
(as in the case of Mehmed II) in the narrative as well as the biographical
sections on the previous periods. But they occur as isolated phenomena and
temporary aberrations. Were the seeds of the late-16th-century Ottoman
problems not already present from the beginning in the Ottoman way
itself, with its uneasy marriage of revealed and secular law, and the proble
matic fusion of the ilmiye, the tfevyirme-recruited administration, and the
local aristocracy into one ruling institution, the modern scholar might ask.
Was the system, the success of which (theoretically) depended on the charac
ter and behaviour of one person, not doomed to fail? Did all Ottomans really
live in peace and prosperity during the first 250 years, to be made completely
miserable during the last half century?
Whereas in a work such as the Essence (and indeed in any other pre
modern history), God, fate and the character, morals, feelings and passions of
individuals are held responsible for the course of events, a modern scholar
would look for more abstract forces connected with institutional, social,
economic and cultural change. Not the apathy of the sultan or greed of
officials, but population pressure and inflation due to the massive import of
American silver contributed to the disruption of the system, he would be
inclined to reason464.
American silver brings us to another striking element in 'Alls picture of
the crumbling Ottoman system: the almost complete disregard for the increa
sing pressure from without, both in theory and historiographical praxis.
Nevertheless, the outside world could not be completely disregarded. How
did 'AIT approach this subject?

(e) The role of Islam and the Ottoman Empire in the world and its history
In order to answer this question, I will give a survey of (1) the information
about the world outside Islam and the Ottoman Empire given in the
Essence, and (2) data concerning the history of the Dar al-harb" (the
Dominion of War, i.e. the countries outside the Dominion of Islam), both as
a subject in itself and in relation to the Dar al-Islam" (the Dominion of
Islam).

(1) Information about the world outside Islam and the Ottoman Empire

464 Cf. Yiicel, Kaynaklar, xi-xii; Inalcik, The Ottoman Empire, 49; see, especially on the
methodological difficulties in establishing an increase in population and population pressure in
the history of rural Anatolia, M.A. Cook, Population Pressure in Rural Anatolia 1450-1600
(London, 1972), passim.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 167

(i) Geography
Although educated Ottomans, to stick to our example, must have been aware
of the existence of America in the 1590s465, the continent 'AlFs work was
not exceptional in this respect is not mentioned in the Essence. Infor
mation about Europe insofar as it did not belong or had not belonged to the
Islamic world is fragmentary and contradictory. The world described in the
geographical chapters of the first pillar of the Essence was essentially that
which is at present called the Middle East, with a few dashes into sur
rounding, preferably highly exotic and politically secure regions such as non-
Islamic Asia. Although we find elsewhere in the Essence short descriptions
of Europe and China, data were mostly vague or, as in the first case, based on
antiquated sources466. India is described thus:
It is quite a big country... Its inhabitants generally worship idols. They falsely
pretend that they have had them for 200,000 years and that they were passed
on to them by their ancestors... The population of this country does not
slaughter animals, nor eat them. They absolutely do not allow the consumption
of cows and only do so if all other animals have died. Everyones beards reach
down to their knees... They mostly burn their dead... Their emperors are
endowed with complete majesty and pomp. If they go somewhere they mount
an elephant wearing a crown set with jewels. They are surrounded by no less
than 100 women riding along fully adorned up, frolicking among themselves all
the time...467

At the end of the geographical part in the first pillar, 'All stressed his Islam-
and Ottoman-centered approach by comparing the landmasses of the earth to
the human body, the nervous center of which was more or less situated in
Istanbul: the Golden Horn is equated with the the tongue of the bodys head,
the Black Sea with its mouth, and the Mediterranian with its body, the Straits
being its nether orifices 468.
The few details given about Europe, indicated by the term Frengistan
(we also come across the term Low (Dib) Frengistan, by which apparently
Italy was meant469) were obviously also based on the antiquated sources
mentioned in my first chapter. No separate iklim-i orfi, as in the cases of
Anatolia and Rumeli, is dedicated to it and 'All deliberately paid as little

465 Inalcik, The Ottoman Empire, 180; Thomas D. Goodrich, The Ottoman Turks and the New
World. A Study o f Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi and Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Americana (Wiesbaden,
1990), 9-16.
466 Europe is described on the example of RashldaddTns Jami'at-tawarTkh in the final part of
the first pillar, A-2, 200a-b; cf. above, p. 46; China is described on the example of Seyyid 'All
Akbars Khatay-nama, ibidem, 133b-139b; cf. above, Chapter One, (1), n. 81.
467 KA I, 230-231.
468 Ibidem, 237.
469 It was the country where Prince Cem fled, KA/ M II/ Introduction, B, 8 8 b; Kemal R eis
raided its coasts, KA/ B II/ IS, B, 182a.
168 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

attention to its geographical description as he thought he could afford.

Enumerating the capitals of the world, 'All writes that the capital of Genoa is
Rome, of France Paris, of Venice Venice, and goes on to state that he will
pay no attention to the capitals of other provinces of the adulterous
infidels... 470.
In the paragraphs on towns, we find only short articles on Genoa (Cenuve,
the capital of the Spanish (Ispanyol) 471), Venice, anachronistically named
Bunduklye instead of the usual Venedik it is described as a small
town in eastern Lombardy 472 , and a longer one on Rome, the biggest
city of Europe 473. Its walls are described as well as its churches, one of
which has walls 600 cubits long and is decked with marble. Under its golden
pulpit is a cellar containing the grave of Peter. The town is provided with
running water and marble ponds474.
In the chapter on islands, we surprisingly find a description of England
(Ingiltere). It is, again, disappointingly vague and uninformed:
Its capital is the city of London (Londrin). The island, measured from
south to north, is 530 miles long and, in its center, 200 miles broad. It contains
silver and gold mines. It has also been established that its extremity is
[permanently] frozen. Its winters are extremely hard and no grapes grow there.
Therefore, its ships become treasure groves for pure gold on their departure
and are filled with purple wine, like the juice of pomegranates, when they
return. 475

We also find a line about Britanlye situated in the seventh ikllm. It is

described as an island in the Ocean (Circular Sea) 476 and can either,
again, be identified with Britain, or with Brittany islands and peninsulas
were considered one category in the old geographical literature.
Elsewhere, discussing the Franks and their descent from Yafith, 'All
mentions that they populate ninety cities ruled by a famous emperor477. One
of these cities is called Brude (Bordeaux (?); elsewhere we find Bur-
dil 478). The Franks consist of fourteen tribes. Most of them are Christians
(Nasara), but there are also many star- and fire-worshippers among
them479.

470 KA I, 237.
471 Ibidem, 213.
472 Ibidem, 216.
473 Ibidem.
474 KA I, 216.
475 Ibidem, 154.
476 Ibidem, 218.
477 KA II, 94.
478 KA I, 100.
479 KA II, 95.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 169

'Alls notions about the political structure of Europe, as must already have
been clear from the above, were equally antiquated and vague. In the short
passages in the first pillar based on Rashidaddins Jami at-tawarikh480
(which in turn were based on Bar Hebraeus World Chronicle481 and a
compendium of the history of Popes and Emperors of Martin of Troppau (d.
1278)482), we find the following picture.
The highest authority in Europe is ascribed to the Pope (Pap), the
successor of the Messiah. Secondly comes the Emperor (Kaysar, Anbarur),
thirdly the hereditary King of France (Rida Frans = Rey d lfrans), who in
turn is obeyed by twelve padishahs and 36 kings (malik), and fourthly the
King (Re = Rey). The passage closes with a description of the election of a
new Emperor by a council of ten notable Franks. Having received the silver
crown in Allemania (Alaman), the steel one in Lombardy, and the gold one
in Rome ( Rumiye-i kubra) from the hands of the Pope, he acquires
superior authority over the realm of the Franks after the Pope, stepping on
the new Emperors head, neck and outstretched body, has mounted his
horse483.
In another context, but probably relying on the same sources mediated
through the History of Idris BidlTsI, 'All gives a similar picture (but in this
case, using the dz-past in stead of the aorist, 'All was aware that he was
describing a historical situation rather than a contemporary one). The monks
seated on the throne of Rim Pap had a similar status among the ifrenc
as the Abbasids among the Muslims. Europe also counted 14 Christian
padishahs, rulers of countries such as Hungary (Engurus), France
(Firenc), the Slavs (Sakalib), Portugal (Portukal) and Germany
(Alman). They were vassals of the Pope who were crowned and girded with
their swords by him484.

(ii) Religion
The non-Islamic peoples of the world and the same is true for those who
had converted relatively late or partially, such as the Circassians, or those
among the Muslims who were suspected of heresy, such as the kmlba
Turcomans received on the whole a hostile treatment in the Essence .
The scanty information about their religion religion being the core of
identity, the essential distinctive characteristic between men in pre-modern
Islam485 is again based on antiquated literature, uninformed and highly

480 Cf. above, p. 37.

481 Cf. above, Chapter One, (1), no. 48.
482 Cf. Jahn, Frankengeschichte, 13.
483 KA I, 250-251; c f Jahn, Frankengeschichte, 46-47; Lewis, The Muslim Discovery, 209-210.
484 KA/ M 11/ c: 8 *, B, 104a.
485 Lewis, The Muslim Discovery, 171.
170 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

biased. Even if reliable facts are given, it is made clear that non-Islamic creeds
and ceremonies were wrong and evil.
The most common fault of non-(sunni) Islamic communities was poly
theism: the worship of idols (by the Indians486; Copts487; the pre-Muham-
medan Arabs488; Byzantines489); stars (by Christians490), fire (by the Per
sians491; Christians492), or their own rulers (pre-Jewish Khazars and
Turks493; Byzantines494). They are also accused of practising demonic magic
(the Copts) and all kinds of filthy customs, especially adultery (Cauca
sians495; the kizilba$ Safavids496).
Religious writings of Jews and Christians, the Pentateuch and the Gospel,
were, we should presume, easily available in the Empire with its large Jewish
and Christian minorities. Gospels were sometimes also obtained as war
booty, as in the Moldavian campaign of 1538497. But Ottoman scholars
generally were not interested in gathering up-to-date information about
Judaism and Christianity498. On a number of occasions, 'All refers to the
Pentateuch, the holy book of the Jews499, and the Gospel, that of the
Christians500. 'All, remarkably, states that he had personally seen an Arabic
translation of the first work501. He used the Book of Genesis for its version
of the creation of the universe in six days, but we find erroneous and correct
citations alongside each other. A sentence such as He created the heavens
and the earth in six days and His throne was above the water 502 does not
occur in the Bible503, but others were nearly literally translated, such as on
the seventh day the will of God was satisfied with what He had created 504.
Nevertheless, 'All does not seem to have really studied the contents of these
books but, as was common in his time, seems to have relied, directly or
indirectly, on old secondary sources.

486 Cf. above, p. 167.

487 KA I, 238-239.
488 KA I, 240-241.
489 Cf. Paragraph (2), below.
490 Cf. above, p. 168.
491 KA 1, 239-240.
492 Cf. above, p. 168.
493 KA I, 239-240.
494 C f Paragraph (2), below.
495 C f above, p. 143.
496 C f Paragraph (2), below.
497 KA/ SU/ 36, B, 310b.
498 Lewis, The Muslim Discovery, 175.
499 C f above, Chapter One, (1), no. 97.
500 C f ibidem, no. 96.
501 KA I, 60.
502 Ibidem, 60-61.
503 C f Genesis 1.
504 KA I, 61-62; cf. Genesis 2:2.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 171

Describing the contents of the two mentioned books, we read that the
Pentateuch had come down to Musa in parts. The first book deals with the
creation, the later ones with rules, precepts, conditions, prayers, stories and
sermons 505. Later, tablets came down with a synopsis of the Pentateuchs
commandments 506. But the book wrongly did not explain the circumstances
of the resurrection and the bounties of the hereafter, nor communicate any
particulars about heaven and hell. It only deals with worldly affairs: pious
men are rewarded with a long life, victory over their enemies and riches.
Renegades are punished by death, drought, heat, war and darkness. Nothing
is written about renunciation, asceticism and fear of God (takva), nor how to
pray well507.
The Gospel, then, had come down to 'Isa. It contained the stories about
the life of the Messiah from the day of his birth, which took place on the
night of December 25, until that of his ascent. The book was written by four
of his companions: Matti (Matthew) who wrote in Hebrew in Palestine;
Markus (Mark) who wrote in Roman (Rumiye) in Rome ( Rum); Luka
(Luke) who wrote in Greek ( Yunanlye) in Alexandria; and Yuhanna (John)
who wrote in Greek in Ephesus508. Discussing the various Christian prelates
and the three attributes of God, 'All ends by quoting the Kitab Khamis of ad-
Diyarbakrl509, in which it was reported that the Gospel was handed down to
'Isa in Syriac, but that it was read in seventeen languages. The first sentence
was: In the name of the Father, the Mother and the Son , by whom were
meant the Spirit, Maryam and 'Isa. The last words were: God is the third
part of the trinity . Refuting the Christian concept of the trinity, 'All
concludes that the Christians had left the path of righteousness and had
lapsed into deep ignominy510.
In the same chapter, 'All also outlines the main mezhebs of the Jews and
Christians, and their religious feasts511. Of the main Christian sects, 'All
mentions the Melkites, Nestorians and Jacobites and the differences of their
dogmas. 'All here again contents himself with reproducing early medieval
information, in the same way as was done later by Katib Qelebi in his Irshad
al-hayara ila tarikh alrYunan wa ar-Rum wa an-NasaraS12.
Elsewhere, 'All gives a more general description of the religion of the
Chistians (Afasara). They reportedly fast on Saturdays and Sundays, marry
only once, do not keep female slaves and do not drink intoxicating wine.

505 K.AI, 236.

506 Ibidem.
50, Ibidem.
508 K.A I, 249.
509 Cf. above, Chapter One, (1), no. 93.
510 K.A I, 250.
511 K.A I, 246-247, 248-249.
512 Cf. Lewis, The Muslim Discovery, 175-176.
172 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Their Messiah rose from his tomb on the night of a Sunday, therefore it is
their holy (azfz) day. Because it was also the day of his ascent to heaven, they
do not perform ablutions on that day. They only worship after a formal
resolve (niyet). They do not eat offerings (kurban) without saying This blood
and flesh is yours . Concerning heritages, two parts go to women and one
part to men because women are unable to earn their living. 'All adds that
nobody but their padishahs may wear red, soft slippers (if edik), but that the
heir apparent usually wears one red and one black one. They only eat in the
company of their pages while being entertained with recitation and music513.

(2) Non-Islamic history

Although the Essence is a universal history, it pays little attention to non-
Islamic history, and if at all, mostly to that of the ancient, pre-Muhammedan
period, which is dominated by the stories of the prophets. The latter subject,
moreover, is nearly completely seen through the looking-glass of Koranic and
traditionary literature. In this 'All clearly followed the example of his major
historiographical sources and had most probably no direct knowledge of non-
Islamic sources (with the exception perhaps of the Arabic translation of the
Pentateuch mentioned above). On a few occasions, sources are quoted which
ultimately went back on non-Islamic works, such as histories of the Per
sians514, the Jews515, Copts516, the Compendium of Bar Hebraeus517 and
histories of the Romans and Byzantines518. Probably indirectly, 'All also
knew works of Aristotle519 and Ptolemy520. In one occasion in the fourth
pillar, 'Ah surprisingly quotes information obtained from an infidel 521.
Short, separate chapters are devoted, then, to the history of the ancient
kings of Egypt522 ; the kings of Babylon523; the kings of Israel524; the
Persian kings and the Ptolemies 525 ; the kings of China526527; the kings of
India627; the kings of Rome and the Popes 528; and, partly overlapping with
the last category: the dynasties which ruled from Constantinople529.

513 KA II, 80.

514 Cf. above, Chapter One, (1), no. 100.
515 Cf. ibidem, no. 102.
516 Cf. ibidem, no. 148.
511 C f ibidem, no. 48.
518 C f ibidem, nos. 45, 46.
519 C f ibidem, no. 1.
520 C f ibidem, no. 95.
521 C f above, p. 57.
522 KA(I), A-2, 98a-130a; KA II, 41-71.
523 KA(I), A-2, 130b- 131a.
524 Ibidem, 169a-199b.
52 5 Ibidem, 131a-I33b; KA(II), 1-15, 248b-254b.
526 KA(I), A-2, 152b-166a.
527 Ibidem, 166a-169a.
528 Ibidem, 200b-231b.
529 Ibidem; KA/ M II/ c*, KA V, 261-280 > B, 100b-108b.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 173

(i) The Ancient World and Byzantium

AIT had only fragmentary notions of Ancient European history. On several
points in the Essence , we find references to classical Greece. 'AIT sometimes
mentions the ancient sages , philosophers and scientists, as well as their
intellectual centre: Athens530. He refers to Homeros (associated with the
origins of the Greeks531); Empedocles 532; Plato (his tomb was believed to be
situated in K onya533); Pythagoras534; Galenus (Iskilinus, who ruled Greece
(Yunan) in the time of the Prophet Idris this contradicts the idea that
Yunan descended from Sam after the Deluge535). But their historical reality
was hazy. They are not situated in any concrete historical context and it is
uncertain when they had lived. Homeros either appeared 568 years after the
death of Musa or 74 years after the birth of 'Isa 536. Empedocles was said to
be a contemporary of Davud, and Pythagoras of Sulayman537. Only the
descendents of the somewhat enigmatic figure of the Greek Iskandar, the
Ptolemies, the same is true for the Roman Emperors, descendants of
Romulus are treated as a more or less coherent whole.
Relatively much space is dedicated to the remarkable story of the last
Ptolemy queen, Cleopatra. 'AIT notes that 280 years after the death of
Iskandar, Agustus (Augustus), ruler of Frengistan and Rum , and first
kaysar (which term, according to 'AIT, literally meant removed from a split
womb), in reality he was not yet emperor, and still called Octavian
attacked her in Egypt. He commanded a naval expedition to the east, and
finally laid siege to Alexandria. Realizing that she stood no chance, she
decided to kill herself before he could capture her. A poisonous snake was
put into a box amidst a mass of flowers, sweet basil, herbs, roses, hyacinths,
and jasmine scattered around her throne. When the Emperor entered the
throne room, the snake emerged from the box, attacked the Queen and killed
her. Although he could not lay his hands on Cleopatra alive, he was able to
subjugate Egypt, Syria, Greece and Jerusalem, the capital of the Jewish King
Herodes, to the Empire. Although the story is remarkably accurate even by
modern standards, no reference is made to the larger historical background,
in particular the power struggle of the late Roman Republic, and the
important role of Octavians rival Antony in this story538.

530 KA I, 212.
531 KA I, 247.
532 Ibidem, 248.
533 KA/ M II/ 18, B, 130b.
534 KA I, 248.
535 Ibidem, 37-41.
536 Ibidem, 247.
537 Ibidem, 248.
539 KA(II), 1-15, 254a-b; cf. Arthur E.R. Boak and William G. Sinnigen, A History o f Rome
to A.D. 565, 5th ed. (New York and London, 1965), 254-255.
 174 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Even more interesting from the point of view of Ottoman history the
subject is deliberately given a central place in the fourth pillar , is 'AlFs
description of the history of dynasties which ruled Constantinople. The
subject had also been treated in some of the early Ottoman chronicles and in
the Histories of Idris BidllsI (this was 'AlFs main source; BidlisFs version was,
at least in part, directly based on Rashidaddins Jami' at-tawarikh) and
Sa'deddin539. The history of Constantinople had four main phases.

(1) 4600 years after the appearance of Adam, Yanko b. Madyan, a descen
d e d of 'A d 540, and ruler of Greece (Yunan), Rome (Rum), Europe (Ifrenc),
including the regions stretching beyond those of the Bulgarians, Slavs and
Russians, Egypt and Armenia up to the Persian border541, decided to take up
residence in the abandoned castle of Shamsiya, wife of the prophet and king
Sulayman, which was situated between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean
the Bosporus was still to be cleft by Iskandar. He built a big city on the
spot. It was destroyed by an earthquake as punishment for the unbelief of its
inhabitants, in which Christian elements (the town had contained 1000
churches; the dominant creed was based on the Pentateuch and the Psalms)
were mixed with even more abject elements: the practice of satanic magic and
idolatry of the ruler542.

(2) After forty years (710 years before the birth of Muhammad), the town
was rebuilt by Yankos son Byzantin543. History repeated itself, and the town
was again destroyed by God, this time by the plague544.

(3) After 550 years (260 before the birth of Muhammad), the town was
conquered by Kostantin (Constantine the Great, ruled 306-337) from a king
called Darandu (? = Diocletian?), ruler of Europe (Ifrengistan) and Rome
(Rum). The town was rebuilt, again with all kinds of magical buildings, an
obelisk topped by the emperors stutue on horseback the emperor was
to die from nose-bleeds after he had personally topped it with a cross as
well as the Hagia Sophia545.

The legendary history of the town was, from this point onwards, mixed with
data based on Rashidaddlns History. I will give a summary in the following.

339 Cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 112 ff.

540 Cf. above, p. 141.
541 KA/ M II/ c: 8 *, B, 105a.
542 KA V, 262-273; KA/ M II/ c:8*, B, 105a; cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 124-133.
543 Cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 322, 324.
344 KA V, 273-274; KA/ M II/ c: 8 *, B, 105a.
S4S KA V, 274 ff.; KA/ M II/ c:9*, B, 105b; cf. also the following.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 175

Constantine was succeeded by his son Kustus (Constantius II, 324-361), who
ruled for 15 years546. His son (in fact his brother Julian, 360-363) succeeded,
but he abandoned the (Christian) faith of his ancestors and became an idolator
(putperest). He allowed the Jews to rebuild the Temple. After two years and
eight months, he was killed in battle against the Persian Chosroes near
Diyarbekr on the Tigris547. Another fifteen Emperors succeeded him. Among
them was Istunbanu (Justinian I, 527-565), who is mentioned in the following
chapter as the demolisher of the temple of fireworshippers (ate^kede) and the
builder of the Hagia Sophia on the same spot548. His nephew and successor
tstunbus (Justine II, 565-578) is mentioned as the Emperor who ordered a
column with Justinians statue to be erected opposite the Hagia Sophia on the
latters final request (this was the Column of Constantine, in reality erected
in 330549, and still visible in Yenigeriler caddesi). Before the statue had been
placed, the cupola of the Hagia Sophia collapsed (this happened in reality
shortly after its dedication in 537 during the previous reign and was the result
of an earthquake550). The architect Agnadius was punished and imprisoned on
top of the empty column, but he managed to escape to Europe with the help of
his wife551.
The fifteenth ruler after Julian, Yustiniyanus (Justine II, 565-578), wished
to revenge his ancestor, but was defeated by the father of the Persian
Emperor Nusherwan and died in Antakya. With him, the line of Frankish
emperors died out and the Greek line of Caesars ( Yunan kayasarasi )
came into being 552. It acquired fame in the time of the Prophet with Harkil
(Heraclius, 610-641)553. He was famous for his justice and knowledge of
history and astronomy as well as for his piety. He ruled Rum, Syria (am)
and Europe (Frengistan). He declared to the scholars of his meclis that there
were indications in the Gospel that the Prophet was about to appear.
Muhammad, indeed, invited him to embrace Islam (his letter and the empe
rors answer are reproduced in the text), which he secretly did554. Harkil was
succeeded (in 641) by Kostantiniyus (Constantinus III) during whose reign of

546 Cf. Jahn, Frankengeschichte, 65.

547 KA/ M 11/ c:9*, B, 105b, nearly literal from Rashldaddlns History, cf. Jahn, Franken
geschichte, 65-66; elsewhere he is called Aliyanus, but said to be a successor of Constantine,
ibidem, B, 105b.
548 Ibidem, 105b-106a.
549 Cf. Hilary Sumner-Boyd and John Freely, Strolling through Istanbul. A Guide to the City,
2nd ed. (Istanbul, 1973), 153.
550 Ibidem, 41.
551 KA/ M 11/ c:9*, B, 107b-108a the story was probably invented to explain the features
of the column.
552 Cf. Jahn, Frankengeschichte, 70.
553 KA/ M II/ c: 8 *, B, 104a-b; cf. Jahn, Frankengeschichte, 72.
554 KA/ M II/ c: 8 *, B, 104b; cf. Jahn, Frankengeschichte, 72.
 176 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

more than thirty years 'Um ar made his conquests in Syria 555. The eighth
emperor after him I will not give all details was Kostantin (Constantine
V, ruled together with Leo III, 717-741, and 741-775) during whose reign
Constantinople was besieged by the Muslims556.

(4) The town was for the last time turned into a ruin in 256/869-70 by Ja'far
b. Battal, but rebuilt for the fourth time after seven years by K antur557. It
prospered ever afterwards and was subjected to Islam by Sultan Mehmed II
during the reign of Emperor Balinus (Constantine XI, 1148-1453)558.

This is the only comprehensive survey of east-Roman/ Byzantine history

occurring in the Essence , but even so it is highly confusing for any reader
perusing its two main variants559. The identity of Constantine in particular
is highly enigmatic. In the first version, he is a descendant of Byzantin and
fought for the possession of the town with Harkil (Heraclius) who belonged
to the same line of emperors560. In the second version, Constantine was a
Roman Emperor of the Frankish line, a descendant of Augustus,
contemporary o f'Isa, who conquered the town from Darandu. Heraclius was
here, more historically, the first ruler of the Greek line, ruling 300 years
thereafter. In the first version, there also occurs a grand-son of Constantine
who is called Heraclius and who, as the Heraclius of the second version,
converted to Islam561. In the first version, the Hagia Sophia was built during
the reign of Constantine, but in the second version under that of Justinian. In
both cases, we find stories concerning the flight of the architect to Europe
after the partial collapse of the church562.
Besides being a mixture of legendary materials and historical facts, it is
striking that they are molded, albeit in a confusing way, into the eschatolo
gical, cyclical pattern as presented elsewhere in the Essence and in the
Fusiil. dynasties, cities, even worlds (as in pre-human history), were bound to
disappear if their rulers and populace did not observe Gods laws. Their
disobedience, their sinning against Islam, is, as in the case of the ante-diluvian
dynasty of Egypt, depicted in the most gaudy colours, and much space is
devoted to the detailed description of the repulsive practices of idolatry,

555 KA/ M II/ c: 8 *, B, 104b; cf. Jahn, Frankengeschichte, 73; in reality he reigned for only
some months in 641.
556 KA/ M II/ c: 8 *, B, I05a; cf. Jahn, Frankengeschichte, 75.
551 KA/ M II/ c:7*, B, 103b; this should be Basil I, 867-886; Kantur was the name of Yanko
b. Madyans vizier, cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 119; 125.
558 KA/ M II/ c: 8 , B, 105a.
559 Represented in KA/ M II/ c:l*-7* and ibidem, 8*-9*.
560 KA V, 273-274; KA/ M II/ c:7 , B, I03b.
561 KA V, 279-280.
562 Cf. Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 133-135.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 177

satanic magic and fire-worship. That certain architectural features survived

destruction at all was also because they were destined to serve Islam, as in the
case of the Hagia Sophia which was destined to become a mosque563.

(ii) Non-Islamic history in pre-Ottoman times

Describing Islamic history in the third pillar of the Essence , we find only a
few references to non-Islamic history.
'All pays some attention to the pre-Islamic history of the Tatars 564. He
recorded the lineage of Chingiz Khan from Oguz and Gun (Kun) Khan.
Chingiz was destined to become a sahib-kiran who would never be defeated in
combat. At his birth, his hands were already stained with blood. He was
favoured by the Mongol ruler Ong Khan, but court intrigue turned his
patron against him. After a series of battles, Chingiz was victorious and all
Mongol chiefs pledged loyalty to him (in 1206). A dazzling series of conquests
followed, by which Chingiz laid the foundations of an empire stretching into
four directions that took a years travelling each 565, but which soon
crumbled after his death (in 1227) because his sons did not heed their fathers
counsel to stick together like a bunch of arrows.
The Chingizid dynasty which changed the face of the Islamic world and
also partly adopted Islam, could hardly have gone unnoticed by Islamic
historiography, in particular since the attention payed to it by Rashldaddln in
his authoritative Jami at-tawarikhS66. But this was not the case with the
Byzantines and the Franks who were the inevitable losers, or were at least
depicted as such until the contemporary period. The third pillar only curso
rily reports the early Islamic conquests and raids into Byzantine territory,
diplomatic missions (Caliph Mu'awiya, for instance, is reported to have sent
a threatening letter to the kaysar of R um 567), the campaigns against Con
stantinople (although a separate paragraph is devoted to the nine sieges of the
town in the fourth pillar568), and later against the Crusaders in Palestine and
Egypt. Only very occasionally a hardly recognizable name of a Byzantine
emperor or Crusaders leader occurs in the running narrative of the
Essence . The same is true for the military expeditions against the Turks
or Turcomans on the northern borders of the Caliphate, or the Berbers in
the Maghrib. It is exceptional that we hear anything about the Christian
population in the conquered areas. In 351/962, during the conquests of the
Fatimids in northern Africa, we are told, their governor ( 'amil) of Sicily,

563 KA V, 280.
564 KA(III), 1-15, 353b-254b; cf. FH, 65a-68b.
365 FH, 67b.
566 Cf. Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography, 147.
567 KA IV-1, 4.
568 KA/ M II/ c:6*, B, 110b-103a.
178 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Amir Ahmad, was ordered by Sultan Mu'izz (953-975) to record the names of
boys who had not yet been circumcized. The mentioned Ahmad... found
15,000 uncircumcized boys, he gave them new clothes and had them trea
ted. 569 Later they were given 1000 dirham and 50 camel loads of goods in
compensation 570.
China is mentioned twice in the third pillar. First, to compare its royal
justice favorably with Islamic practice under Caliph al-M ansur571. Secondly,
in connection with the campaigns of Qutayba b. Muslim in the east. After he
had conquered the vilayet of Kashgar (in 96/715), he sent a delegation of 300
envoys to the capital of China, an enormous city [surrounded by] a wall
with 90 gates 572, and enjoined its king to adopt Islam or pay harag,
otherwise war would be declared. The envoys were thrown into prison but
afterwards allowed to return with abundant provisions573.
Finally, we find fragments, mostly of an anecdotical type, about the pre-
Islamic history of Sind and Georgia. Before the first country was conquered
by Muhammad b. Qasim (in 711), it was reportedly ruled by a padishah
named ShahistT. His vizier Ram protected a certain Hajj (probably identical
with C ac574) around whose beautys Kaaba lovers, wishing to unite with
him, performed the circumambulation (tawaj). He was the son of the scholar
Silaj who was able to read the four revealed Scriptures. Hajj later became
vizier and even padishah, and married ShahistFs daughter Rani. After fifty
years, he was succeeded by his brother Haydar and afterwards by his son
Dahir who ruled until the Islamic conquest 575.
In the fourth pillar, 'All writes that according to penetrating historians ,
probably Georgian chroniclers, the three main ruling houses of Georgia,
those of Ba Aguk, Luvarsab and Levend, were descended from Emperor
Tamar-Vahteng. He was succeeded by his daughter, Tamar-Didopal576. She
had a master of the horse (mirahor) called Osikama.
One night, his pretty beloved (the princess) lay down, intoxicated by pure
wine. The dexterous young man, thinking that this was his chance while
nobody was around, gave his love to his lady. He had arranged for a crystal
bowl to be soiled with ruby wine. She awoke, either from its bitter taste or a
sense of rapture, and realized that it was the shameless Tavat (the tribe of his
origin) who had dared to enter her private parts... S77

569 KA IV-2, 12.

5.0 Ibidem.
5.1 KA IV-1, 183; quoted in full below, in paragraph (iii).
572 KA IV-1, 92.
573 Ibidem.
574 T.W. Haig, Sind , E l1.
575 KA IV-3, 52-53.
576 KA/ MU III/ 10:6*, B, 501a-b; ibidem, 29, B, 544b-545a.
577 KA/ MU III/ 29, B, 545a.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 179

A daughter was born and, according to local custom, not regarded as a

bastard. She married King Bakraduvan of Bekrashan (Pekre$en near Van).
Her sons, who were to become the ancestors of the three ruling dynasties,
were given Kiitatis, Tiflis and K ahet578. 'All closes the short paragraphs with
a survey of later events, with data on the contemporary descendants with
whom the Ottomans had to deal, and the main geopolitical divisions of the
country.

(iii) The Ottoman Empire and its historical relations with foreign powers
(1) Ottoman-centrism and universalist claims
In the fourth pillar, Islam-centrism is replaced by an equally dominant
Ottoman-centrism. In this, 'All even succeeded in outdoing a contemporary
historian such as Selaniki in propagandistic narrow-mindedness. (Striking is,
for instance, Selanikfs description of the arrival of the British Ambassador
Edward Barton in Istanbul in 1593 (Muharrem 16, 1002) in which up-to-date
information about England is given, such as the fact that the country was
ruled by a woman (Queen Elizabeth I) and that it was populated by
Protestants ( Luteran) 579 in the Essence detailed descriptions of
Western embassies do not occur at all.)
The Ottoman Empire is pictured as an expanding world empire, the rulers
of which were potential, if, alas, not actual world-conquerors of the rank of
Iskandar or Chingiz Khan. Although Mehmed II, Selim I and Suleyman had
been assisted by God (mii'eyyed min 'ind Allah), that is: had never been
defeated on the battlefield, Selim I had most closely approached such honour
and would have subdued the earth if he had lived longer580. 'All in his short
essay Hakayikii l-ekallm, True facts about the climes 581, claimed that the
Empire under the contemporary sultans already ruled the world anyway.
Sultan Murad III, a true sahib-kirdn (presumably in a general laudatory
rather than a strict technical sense) and brilliant khaqan, ruled the seven
climes (iklims), from Yemen and Ethiopia in the first up to Tartary and
Venice in the sixth, and Bulgar and Akkerman in the seventh582. Contem
porary states, if not already subjected to the Porte, acknowledged and
respected the sultans dominant position on earth. This idea is elaborated in
the authors preface to the fourth pillar.
The powers surrounding the Empire are Safavid Persia, Shaybanid Trans-
oxania, the Moghul Empire of India, the Emirate of Mecca and the Khanate
!7S KA/ MU III/ 10:6*, B, 501b; ibidem, 29, B, 545a; cf. Kirzioglu, Feth, 87 (n. 10), who
compares these data with the Georgian Chronicle .
!79 Tarih, MS NB H.O. 57, 166a; Lewis, The Muslim Discovery, 161.
!8 KA V, 17; KA/ S 1/ Introduction, B, 223a.
!81 MS 10 Turkpe, 36b-39a (hereafter HE); cf. INAL, 91-92; AB, 13, 41, 49-50.
!82 HE, 37a-38a.
180 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

of the Crimea 583. Of these, the last two were subject to Ottoman sovereignty,
whereas the first two respected the Ottoman dominance: the shah of Persia
(with whom the Ottomans in the year of writing, 1596, lived in (temporary)
peace) and the Khaqan of the Turks send complimentary letters on every
occasion and persistently offer their respect and love... 584 The Moghul
emperor has the same intention, although the long distance between the
capitals makes this impossible in practice 585.
Other polical powers are hardly worth mentioning: it is only necessary to
attach importance to the sultans of the people of Islam, that is, the above-
mentioned powerful emperors. 586 All others: the Spanish (Ispanyol), the
French (Frangko), the Pope (Rim Pap), the Lutherans, Georgians, Circas
sians, Mingrelians, Transylvanians, Wallachians, Russians (Rus), Molda
vians, Poles and Bohemians (Leh ii Ceh), the Emperor (Car), Hungarians
and Germans, are no more than tribute-payers to the Porte, and always
prepared to jump up and crawl on all fours to present their humble service in
submission to the sultan587. A number of these nations we already encoun
tered as useful, but mostly dubious, producers of dev$irme recruits to the
Porte 588.
In the narrative of the fourth pillar, this idea of the utter superiority of the
Ottoman Empire is maintained, particularly by ignoring the precise geogra
phical, political and historical identity of the non-Islamic opponent. Although
this deliberate down-playing of the European powers slightly decreases
towards the end of the pillar 'All obviously also let himself be influenced
by his sources on this point , it is never entirely abandoned. The actions of
the enemy remain fragmentary, are never given historical perspective, and are
exclusively seen through the self-righteous looking-glass of Ottoman superio
rity. I will illustrate this in the following.

(2) The European powers and the Porte: identity

The Byzantines, the main opponents of the dynasty before 1453, are never
mentioned as such, but always pictured as an anonymous crowd of infidels
who are led by a local chief styled tekvur and ultimately obey the authority
of the equally anonymous highest tekvur (or tekfur ), sometimes also
called kaysar 589. The Greek populace of Constantinople at the time of the
last Ottoman siege, are indicated as Christians (Nasara) in order to

583 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 3b-4a.

584 Ibidem, 4a.
585 Ibidem.
586 Ibidem.
587 Ibidem.
588 Cf. above, pp. 142-144.
589 Cf. e.g. KA V, 81, 250.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 181

distinguish them from the Franks , the Latin communities of G alata590.

'AIT did not take the trouble to connect these data with those concerning the
early history of the city as it occurs in the chapter of Mehmed I I 591.
This vague and anonymous treatment is also given to the other European
opponents of the Empire in the 14th and 15th centuries. The Serbians,
Bosnians, Wallachians and Albanians who were defeated in the first Battle of
Kossovo in 1389, for instance, are simply indicated as local unbelievers (ol
etrafdaki kiiffar592). The Crusaders army confronted in the Battle of Niko-
polis in 1396, is similarly indicated as the army of the infidels (le$ker-i
kiiffar*93). The vague term Franks also occurs frequently and was mostly
used for the maritime nations of Europe, such as the Venetians and the
Portuguese594.
Towards the end of the volume, titles and names of European nations and
rulers, kings , voyvodas, and even individual military commanders, occur
more frequently, but they nearly exclusively belonged to men by whom the
Ottomans were directly confronted at their borders. We find, to give some
examples, the names of kings of Hungary 595 the lion Sultan Suleyman
was said to confront the ant King Lavu? (Lajos II, ruled 1516-26) in the
plain of Mohacs in 1526596 ; voyvodas of Wallachia, Transylvania and
Moldavia; the Spanish king and a commander, who was a nephew of the
French king (the latter was captured and beheaded at Midilli (Lesbos) in
1501 597); the Habsburgs (indicated as the king of Alman and ^eh, or
king of Vienna, Bee ); and the scheming corsair Endre Turi (the Genoan
doge and famous admiral Andrea Doria (1466-1560))598. King Karlo
(Charles V) is pictured as the commander of all polytheist sultans and
successor to the German crown (kurune) 599. The Venetian governor and
defender of Cyprus, Marco Antonio Bragadino, who was tortured to death in
Famagusta in 1571, is, apart from being disparaged as a filthy dog , vaguely
indicated as beg of the infidels600. The Habsburg wars in the 1590s were
primarily waged against the king of Be? whose dynasty had ruled the
infidels for 1500 years since the time of the Sassanid King Bahram G ur601.

590 KA V, 250, 254.

591 Cf. above, pp. 174-177.
592 KA V, 72-73.
593 Ibidem, 79-80.
594 Cf. e.g. KA V, 212: Franks sent a fleet of sixty kadirgas (galleys) to plunder the
Muslims; KA/ B II/ 41, B, 197a: Franks threatened the Hijaz from the sea prior to 1511.
595 From KA V, 45.
596 KA/ SU/ 13, B, 282a.
591 KA/ B II/ 34, B, 193a; cf Danismend, Kronoloji, I, 409.
598 KA/ SU/ 35, 37, B, 306b, 311a.
599 Ibidem, 25, B, 294a.
600 KA/ S II/ 7, P, 400b.
601 KA/ M III/ 25*. 1-43, 535b, 537b.
 182 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Out of fear of the approaching sultan (Mehmed III), the rabid dog and
blood-shedding swine handed the crown to his son Maksimyano (Arch
duke Maximilian, 1558-1618, the commander of the Habsburg troops602).
The main generals were indicated as Erdelogli (probably Sigismund Ba-
thory, commander of the Transylvanian army), Kara Hersek (probably
Count Hardegg), Nata$h (probably Thomas Nadasdy) and Silver Foot
(Gumi ayakli (?))603.
In the same way, we find an increasing number of European and Asian
place names (the latter concerned the Portuguese strongholds on the coast of
Persia and India), not mentioned elsewhere, which were the target of military
campaigns and thus came within the orbit of the Dar al-Islam. The vague
Low Frengistan, for instance, becomes somewhat more specific as Pulya
(Puglia) in the description of the occupation of Otranto in 1479-81 by Gedik
Ahmed Paa604, the fortress of Kastelye (Castello) in the account of the
expedition of Hayreddln Paa in 1536605, Kalavriye (Calabria), and the
Island of Messina (Sicily) in the story of the expedition of 1574 against
Tunis606.
On many occasions when the Ottomans confronted one or more of the
European nations, the enemy is described by means of a similar stereotyped,
undifferentiated list of nations and powers, as the one quoted above from the
Preface, not unlike the list of Barbarian tribes mentioned in Tacitus History.
The Papal coalition with Venice and Hungary of 1463 which led to a
protracted Ottoman-Venetian war is presented as an alliance of the rulers of
Frengistan, the King of Spain, the Doge of Venice, the king of Hungary,
Moldavia, Poland (Leh), the Emperor (Qasar), Albania and the Rus 607.
Shortly after the succession of Sultan Bayezld II in 1484, it is related, envoys
of the padishah of Hind, the Mamluk Sultan Kaytbay (al-Ashraf Sayfad-
dln Qait Bay, ruled 1468-1496), the kings of France ( Franca), Hungary,
Poland, Wallachia and the Emperor (Qasar) came to subject themselves to
the authority of the sultan608.
Elsewhere, the main powers of Europe were said to be the Pope, France
(Frangko), Spain (Ispanyol) and the Venetian doge, all of which/whom
strove for world leadership (padi$ahlik). The threat to build a large fleet was

602 Ibidem, 537b.

603 Ibidem, 541a; cf. Alfons Huber, Geschichte Osterreichs, 4 vols. (Gotha, 1892), IV, 378-
379; GOR III, 357.
604 KA/ M II/ 33, 36, B, 145a-146b.
605 KA/ SU/ 33, B, 305b.
606 KA/ S II/ 16, B, 456b.
607 KA/ M II/ 19, L, 193a; cf. Stanford Shaw, History o f the Ottoman Empire and Modern
Turkey, I, Empire o f the Gazis: The Rise and Decline o f the Ottoman Empire, 1280-1808
(Cambridge, 1976), 65.
608 KA/ B II/ 2, B, 176b-177a.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 183

in itself enough to induce the begs (!) of France ( Fransa), Venice, Cyprus
and Dubrovnik after three months to offer three-years worth of hardf to the
Porte609610. The same boastful notion, that a large fleet was enough to
destroy the whole of Frengistan is also expressed in the description of
the preliminaries to the naval expedition of Piyale Paa in 1571 el.
In 1582, 'All relates, orders were sent to the sharif of Mecca, the khan of
the Crimea, and even to the ruler of Hindustan to attend the circumcision
festivities of that year in Istanbul611. In the Camiu l-buhur, from which the
event was summarized612, 'All gives a detailed list of the envoys and their
gifts, and mentions among the foreign and vassal powers who thus paid their
compliments: Transylvania, Moldavia, Rus, Wallachia, Poland, Dubrov
nik, Venice, Spain and Portugal613. Separate chapters are devoted to the
presents of the sharif, the Uzbek khan, the Tatar khan, the shah of Persia,
and the begs of Venice and Dubrovnik614615. In 'All's account of the long war
against Habsburg, Yamk was reportedly defended in 1594 by Hermatya
(Archduke Matthias, 1557-1619), commander of Hungarian, Polish, Spanish,
Venetian, Transylvanian, Moscovian ( Moskov), French and Papal begs61s.
The Egri (Eger) campaign of 1596 was launched to defeat the alliance of the
seven kings of Poland, Moldavia, Wallachia, Transylvania, Austria
(Nemqe), Hungary and France, which was planning to seize Buda616.
Perhaps the best documented description of the European political situa
tion of the early and mid-16th century was that which was based on a
diplomatic report from the Maghrib. In the Spring of 1570, envoys from the
west arrived at the Porte who requested naval assistance against the infidel.
They explained what had happened in southern Spain (Endelus) during the
previous seventy years. They told about the Spanish conquest, the suppres
sion of Islam and Islamic culture, including the Arab language, the reforma
tion (the revolt of the Luteran) and the recent revolt of Muhammad al-
Mansur of the Banu Ahmar (the dynasty had ruled Granada before the
Spanish conquest of 1492) and their defeat of the big dog dispatched by the
king with 60,000 men (Philip IIs half-brother Don Juan of Austria, 1541-
1578). A temporary truce was brought about because the king had launched a
military campaign against the Luteran (meant is probably the revolt in the

609 KA/ S 1/ 6, 8a-b; this probably refers to the Venetian embassy of 1517, when tribute for
Cyprus, formerly paid to the Mamluks, was paid to the Porte, cf. Dani$mend, Kronoloji II, 45.
610 KA/ S II/ 8, B, 454a; the expedition only resulted in the plundering of Tunis, Corfu and
Cephalonia, and the capture of a few Maltese ships, as is clear from the event it self.
611 KA/ MU III/ 19, B, 527a.
612 Cf. above, Chapter One, (4), no. 7.
613 CB, MS TKS Bagdat Kosku 302, 5b.
614 Ibidem, 24b-29a, 35a-36a.
615 KA/ MU III/ 45*, B, 582b.
KA/ M III/ 24*, 1-43, 535b.
 184 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Netherlands). From Western sources we know that a Morisco insurrection

began in Granada on Christmas day, 1568, and that the rebels were driven
out of Granada in December 1570. The embassy to the Porte itself was
reported by the Genoans in July 1569. The Ottomans could not provide naval
assistance because of the Cyprus campaign, but a guerilla was maintained for
years afterwards617. The Ottomans also sent envoys to the Moriscos as well
as the Netherlands618.

(3) The European powers and the Porte: conflicts

As we saw above619, it was one of the primary duties of a sultan to keep an

eye on the situaton on the borders of his realm and prevent the scheming of
potential enemies. The history of the relations with foreign powers in the
Essence is largely restricted to series ofl on the whole, unconnected wars
which originated from this duty. We find the following casus belli: the
forestalling of mischief on the frontier (which caused the the Battle of
Kossovo in 1389620 the Szigetvar campaign of 1566 was initiated because
of rotten and damaging activities of Herzegovinian and Hungarian rus
tics (hoyrats) in the area621 to which was also reckoned the forming of
threatening alliances (between, for instance, Byzantium and the false Prince
Mustafa in Hamid in 1421622; in 1541, infidel begs, particularly the king of
Spain and Ferendu? (Ferdinand I, 1503-1564), King of Leh and Qeh, plotted
day and night in order to capture Hungary623) ; a power vacuum (the
death of King Yanko (Matthias Corvinus, 1458-1490) and the strife between
the bans about the succession, induced the Ottomans to interfere and occupy
Belgrade624625); the punishment of ingratitude : the refusal to submit to the
benificent rule of the sultan (mostly in the form of the refusal to continue to
pay hardf. as by the voyvoda of Moldavia Petri (Petru Rare) in 15 38 625 and
by the king of Be? in 1596626); or the threat of revenge (in 1538 the oft-
defeated Christian nations wanted to take revenge on the Muslims with the
help of Kizil Elma (Rome) and Portugal627).

617 KA/ S II/ 6, B, 449a-b; cf. Ferdinand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean
World in the Age o f Philip II, trans. by Sian Reynolds, 2 vols. (London, 1975), II, 1060-1073.
618 Cf. A.H. de Groot, The Ottoman Empire and the Dutch Republic. A History of the
Earliest Diplomatic Relations 1610-1630 (Diss. Leiden, 1978), 84-85; Lewis, The Muslim
Discovery, 177.
619 P. 132.
620 KA V, 72-73.
621 KA/ SU/ 57, B, 351b.
622 KA V, 202.
623 K A /S U /4 1 .B , 313b.
624 KA/ B II/ 17, B, 184a.
625 KA/ SU/ 36, B, 309a-b.
626 KA/ M III/ 25*, 1-43, 535b-536a.
627
KA/ SU/ 36, B, 308a.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 185

Only on a few occasions the Essence mentions the existence of diplo

matic relations. We read about the mission of Mustafa Aga to Rome in order
to get the Pope to agree to a treaty in which he promised not to release the
rebellious Prince Cem628. In 1532, at the beginning of the German cam
paign , both King Ferdinand and King F ra n c o , ruler of an empire by the
sea (Francis I of France, 1494-1547; the term is also used for the French or
France in general629) sent envoys to the Ottoman camp (ordu) in Nis630. But
hardly anything is reported about the negotiations or their results.
The all-pervading idea of the triumphant Ottoman state also induced the
historian sometimes to represent defeats as victories. In 1443, the Ottoman
army was defeated in the Balkans by a Crusaders army commanded by Janos
Hunyadi and hard-pressed by an alliance of Byzantium and Karaman. As a
result, Sultan Murad II was forced to conclude unfavourable peace-treaties
with his opponents. Although in the Essence 'All indeed describes the
Balkan debacle (but nothing is said about Byzantium and Karaman), the
peace is represented as a victory over the infidels who were most eager to
bring down the dome of obedience on their necks, and uttered supplica
tions of bondage and bashfulness. 631
If defeats are fully admitted, they are never caused by the superiority of the
enemy, but always blamed on difficult circumstances or the misbehaviour of
the Ottoman troops or their commanding officers. The failure to occupy
Rhodes in 1480, for instance, is blamed on the greed of the troops, who,
having entered the main fortress through a hole shot in the wall, began,
instead of finishing off the infidel defenders, to plunder the castles riches.
They were consequently cut off from the main army and slaughtered632. The
tendency of self-accusation is dominant in the description of the long
Habsburg wars of the 1590s. Its disasters were represented as symptoms of
contemporary Ottoman decay. Telli Hasan Pa$a was accused of initiating the
war in 1592 by raiding Austrian territory, thus violating the treaty with
Habsburg, and Grand vizier Siyavu Pa$a of ignoring the justified Venetian
protests633. Then, Moldavia was driven into the war by the unbearable and
increasing extortion of the Porte634. Sinan Pa$a is particularly accused of
mismanagement of the war, unnecessarily provoking the king by letters, and

418 KA/ B II/ I, B, 176a; cf. Hilal Inalcik, A Case Study in Renaissance Diplomacy. The
Agreement between Innocent VIII and Bayezid II on Djem Sultan, in: Journal o f Turkish
Studies 3 (1979), 209-230, 209, 218 (n. 5).
919 Cf. above, pp. 180, 182.
630 KA/ SU/ 25, B, 294a-b.
631 KA V, 210-211.
832 KA/ M II/ 35, B, 146a.
633 KA/ MU III/ 39*, B, 576a-577a.
634 Cf. above, pp. 88, 158, 163.
186 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

the series of defeats should be considered a divine punishment of disobedient

Muslims635.

(4) Foreign states as mirrors for the ideal polity

In his impassioned description of the causes and symptoms of decay, 'AIT
even went so far as to contrast Ottoman chaos with infidel order, in the same
way as he contrasted the virtues of the ideal Muslim and Ottoman past with
the deplorable present. The most striking example is the, doubtlessly fanciful,
report of Mustafa avu$ presented to the sultan.
This kapucibai (head of the palace doorkeepers) reportedly had been
captured by the enemy. He was soon afterwards, in 1594, set free on the
orders of the king of Be?, but not before he had been shown around the army
and our wellfilled stores . So it happened. The man arrived in the palace
with letters and told Sultan Murad fearlessly what he had seen: that justice
reigned in the heretic realm soldiers were even executed for stealing
chickens from village farms and mistreating their owners , that the army
was well-supplied, that the treasury was full, the soldiery well-paid, and that
the kings troops were many, all of which contrasted sharply with the
Ottoman situation. Four Commanders: Mati, Zerrinogli, Kara Hersek and
Papa (meant are probably Archduke Matthias, Georg Zriny, Count Hardegg
and Nikolaus Pallfy636*), disciplined the army. Disloyalty was punished by
death. The king, realizing that he was not a good general, had, in his great
wisdom, appointed his brother commander (meant is probably Archduke
Matthias who was appointed Feld-General-Obrist631). He finally told
Mustafa:
A country may last with the wrong of disbelief, but cannot with oppression: the
country of a just infidel may exist, but not that of a Muslim but tyrannic
padishah, as has been explained by your Prophet. I, like Nushervan, was born in
an epoch of justice... If you are not able to keep your army in check, and the
lowest Janissary tyrannizes the flock, you are not be able to help the oppressed.

The sultan, finally, was strongly advised to take matters into his own hands
and restore order in his realm, in the first place among his rampant sol
diery638.
We find other examples. Describing the conquest of Tabriz by 'Osman Pa$a
in 1585, and the citys beauty, 'AIT concludes with the remark that the
Ottomans did not deserve such a city, inclined as they were, unlike Persians

635 Cf. above, pp. 13, 162-163; below, Part (III).

434 Huber, Geschichte Osterreichs, IV, 378-379.
437 Ibidem, 379, 392.
438 KA/ MU III/ 44*, B, 581a-b.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 187

and Frankish infidels, to sloth and destruction639. Scoffing at the lack of

discipline among the contemporary Janissaries, 'All again contrasted it with
the examplary behaviour of the Christian soldiery. A za'Tm had witnessed
that infidel troops near Esztergom, although they were hungry for booty, had
not even dared to stretch out their hands to the fruits in the surrounding
Muslim-owned orchards640. In one case, infidel soldiers are depicted as direct
critics of unsuccessful Ottoman warfare: during the siege of Komran (Koma-
rom) in October 1594, the Christian soldiery, realizing that the siege was
doomed to fail because of the approaching winter, challenged the Ottomans
(while leisurely drinking wine on the ramparts!) to bombard the town. They
praised the bravery of Hasan Pa$a and, spitting down the walls in contempt,
deprecated Mehmed Paas cowardice641.
These passages were probably the ones that convinced orientalists from
Cantemir onwards of 'AlFs objective attitude vis a vis Christians. But it is
obvious that the episodes which depict an ideal Habsburg order represent not
so much an objective analysis of existing realities as Islamic cliches about the
ideal state, which for the rhetorical effect of contrast were only lightly
disguised in Christian garb. The Habsburg Empire could easily be replaced
by, for instance, China.
Caliph al-Mansur (754-775), not unlike the contemporary Ottoman rulers,
was accused the words are Hizirs of seclusion. Although he should
have seen to the affairs of the Muslims, he had put forward viziers, chamber
lains and doorkeepers. These had prevented those who were not ready to pay
bribes from having access to him. Thus the oppressed could not speak with
him and had no means of seeking redress. Recently I went to China , he
continued,
its king was somewhat deaf and however loud one shouted, he did not hear
you. What will become of me standing before God if I have not been able to
hear the complaints of the oppressed?, he wept day and night... Finally, he
ordered that the oppressed should don red cloaks around their necks and make
themselves visible to him. Thereupon, he mounted an elephant every day and
toured around. Whenever he saw someone in a red cloak, he had the latters
complaint recorded and made public. If a polytheist does justice to polytheists
in such a way, would it not be suitable that you, a true believer, did the
same? 642

639 KA/ MU III/ 30, B, 554a.

640 KA/ M III/ 18*, B, 608b.
641 KA/ MU III/ 49*, B, 586b.
642 KA IV-1, 183.
188 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

(5) Conflicts with Islamic states

During the three centuries of expansion, only interrupted during the short
Timurid interval, the Ottoman dynasty not only came into conflict with non-
Islamic nations, but also with Islamic neighbours. The description of the
leadership and supporters of these belligerents as well as the causes and
course of these conflicts followed similar procedures as those described above.
Islamic opponents were often in these cases described as heretic or having the
support of dubious elements, particularly of inferior races.
The case described in most detail was that of the Safavids, the major
Ottoman enemy, aside from the Habsburgs, in the 16th century. The dynasty
originated in 1501 when the upstart and pervert Isma'Il Haydarogh (ruled
1501-1524) occupied the throne of Tabriz and styled himself shah. He
unjustifiedly annexed a sayyid pedigree going back on the venerable saint
Shaykh Safladdin (d. 1374), in order to provide his line with a respectable
genealogy (neseb), and even dared to associate it with his Isma'Il!-'Alid creed.
This alone justified the Ottomans in declaring war against them, as was laid
down in a fetva of eyhii lAsldm Ebussu'ud643. The dynasty had the support
of a bunch of evil scoundrels (evbaf) and carousing levends (adventurers),
whom Isma'Il made wear caps of red cloth 644. These Turcomans were
nothing but a crowd of despicable perverts, who shouted the name of their
leader instead of God, shared each others clothes, cut off the ears and noses
of deserters, and ate frogs to enhance their strength645.
Individual shahs were pictured as cowards, who dared not confront the
Ottoman armies (Isma'Il in 1514 one of Selims letters to him was
accompanied by a womans dress646; Tahmasp (ruled 1524-1576) in 1553: he
had dared to attack and sow the seeds of rebellion (fitne) in eastern Anatolia
when the sultan was campaigning in Europe647) or ascribed great cruelty
(Isma'Il, having fallen from his horse during his flight after the Battle of
Caldiran, was found by travellers, and offered a watermelon; they were
executed for lese majeste648). Later shahs were also pictured as idiots. Isma'Il
II (ruled 1576-1578) had become mad after 25 years of imprisonment in
Qahqaha Castle, and reportedly died of the excessive consumption of opium
and ber$6*9. The half-blind and effeminate Khudabanda (ruled 1578-1588)
used to wear jeweled pearls on his ears and brow for the justification of
which he procured fetvas from shi'ite muftis650. His wife was killed by
643 KA IV-3, 6; KA/ S 1/ 2, B, 227b-228a.
644 KA/ B II/ 36, B, 193b.
645 KA/ S I, 3, B, 229b.
646 Ibidem, 231a.
641 KA/ SU/ 48, B, 323b-324a.
648 KA/ S 1/ 3, B, 233b.
6451 KA IV-3, 11.
650 Ibidem, 13.
 THE PATTERN OF HISTORY 189

kizilbas elements before his very eyes. Characteristically, Shah 'Abbas (ruled
1588-1629), who had concluded peace with the Ottomans was pictured as a
good ruler. He had proved his valour when he, as a twelve-year-old governor
of Khurasan, had personally handled the guns of the fortress besieged by his
fathers (Shah Khudabanda) army during the night651.
The exotic but repulsive features of the Safavids and their court are
elaborated in a number of anecdotes occurring in the Essence, but also in
other works. Shah Isma'Tl II, it is told, raped the daughter of his vizier
Ahmad Khalifa in her own house after he had sent the father away for a
drink, and had the girl dragged from her quarters by force. The other viziers
and emirs, fearing for the honour of their womenfolk, sent the girl a poisoned
handkerchief with the instruction to rub it on the shahs intromittant
organ 652. Prince 'Adil Giray, captured in November 1578 by the kizilbaf
enemy near Shamahi in the Caucasus, was reportedly seduced by the shahs
wife and sister at court653. The three of them were killed by palace guards on
the orders of the blind shah (Tahmasp), who in realty was not blind at all and
had secretly witnessed the lurid scenes654. 'AIT commented:
It is generally known that they (Safavids, kizilba$) are notorious for their total
ignominy and adultery, and known by all for bloodshed and murder because it
is clear that this bunch of red-heads has strayed from the path of the
honourable sharfa and loosened their grip on the women under their autho
rity... 655

Prince MIrza Hamza, son of Khudabanda, was murdered in his bathhouse by

his friend, the barber Shaytan, so that the latter might avoid his own
execution for making a pass at the sherbet-bearer under his masters eyes656.
Although the heresy of the Safavids alone justified Ottoman military
action, we find casus belli which disturbed the sultans patience similar to
those mentioned in connection with the European wars. The Essence
mentions plotting at the border for 1553657 and 1577 (the friendly recep
tion o f deserted Kurds by the Safavids658; the stealing of sheep at Canbaz

651 KA IV-3, 16.

652 Ibidem, 12.
655 KA/ MU III/ 11, L, 361b; the story, which also occurs in later histories, was elaborated in
the novel Cezmi by Namik Kemal (1840-1888), cf. Cevdet Kudret, Edebiyalimizda hikaye ve
roman I, 2nd impr. (Istanbul, 1977), 99-107.
654 KA/ MU III/ 13, B, 519a-520a; cf. NN, 232a-238a.
655 KA/ MU III/ 13, B, 519a.
656 KA IV-3, 15; see for another scandalous story about the Safavid court, MH, 65-67: two
employees of Shah Tahmasps painters workshop tried to kidnap the shahs favorite slave boy
MIrza Muhamma to India; their plans were frustrated, the culprits noses and ears cut off, and
the shahs beloved imprisoned but soon released, so that the ruler could again drink the pure
water o f their union .
657 Cf. above, p. 188.
658 KA/ MU III/ 10:iv*, L, 341a-b.
 190 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Cukurt659), and the sudden appearance of a power vacuum (in 1577: the
crumbling of the red-heads unity upon the murdering of I small II 660). An
important argument for fighting the Safavids was but this is only indirectly
suggested in the Essence also the kizilba$ tendency of which most
leaders of the oft-recurring Anatolian insurrections were accused661. That the
Ottomans never succeeded in conquering Persia is either not further discus
sed, or, upon one occasion, blamed on the unruly behaviour of the Janissaries
who prevented the sultan from spending the winter in Tabriz in 1514662.
Despite the glorious course of the last Safavid war as pictured in the
Essence, 'AIT nevertheless makes it clear that he had his doubts about the
undertaking and explains at the very beginning of his account that the war in
fact only brought misery663.
Other major adversaries were the Anatolian principalities, the most formi
dable of which were those of the Karamanids and the Akkoyunlis, and the
Mamluks. The justification of the subjection of the Anatolian principalities
was mostly based on their ingratitude vis a vis the Porte. This argumenta
tion again presupposed as a matter of course the superiority of the Ottomans,
much as the RumI Seljuks before them 664. Time and again treaties with the
Ottomans were broken and the suzerainty of the Porte challenged, until
Ottoman sultans decided to put such troubles to an end by conquering the
province in question665.
The Akkoyunli ruler Uzun Hasan is accused both of plotting at the
borders and ingratitude : he raided Karaman (after it had been annexed by
the Ottomans) and northern Anatolia, despite the fact that his cousin 'Osman
had been lavishly entertained by the sultan666. Like the Safavids, the dynasty
also had the support of congenitally evil Turcomans, who performed badly in
the decisive Battle of Tercan in 1473, trying to avoid combat with the
Ottomans667.
In the case of the Mamluks, the Ottoman campaigns against them are
again justified with the arguments of treachery, ingratitude, and heresy
combined with the support of an unreliable race. The wars of Bayezld II
against Sultan Kaytbay in 1485-1491 in south-eastern Anatolia were initiated
because the latter, a treacherous and boorish Circassian, who had supported

659 Ibidem, iii*, L, 340a.

660 Ibidem, i*, L, 338b.
661 See, e.g., KA/ SU/ 15, B, 285a: the appearance of bands of harici (heretic) murderers who
claimed kizilbaf affiliation.
662 KA/ S 1/ 'ulema/ 35, B, 262b-263a.
J KA/ MU III/ 10:ii*, L, 339b.
664 Cf. KA/ M II/ 18, B, 130a: Karamanids already perfidiously killed servants of Sultan
Ghiyathaddln.
665 Cf. for the case of Karaman: ibidem, 130a-b.
666 KA/ M II/ 24, B, 137b.
661 Ibidem, B, 138a-b.
CONCLUSION: WAS ALT AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 191

the rebellious Prince Cem, confiscated accession presents from the Indian
Sultan Shah BahmanI and himself refused to congratulate the new Ottoman
Sultan66*668. The last ruler, Kansu Gavri (al-Ashraf Qansuh al-Ghawri, ruled
1501-1516), is accused of spoiling his father-to-son relationship with Sultan
Selim I by establishing relations with the heretic shah and fostering intentions
to attack the Ottoman army from the rear if it should move into Persia669.
Selim had a fetva produced in which it was stated that war with the
Circassians was justified, nay religious duty, because they supported unbe
lievers, sent their children for their education to infidel Circassia and allowed
their coins, which showed the ehadet, to be soiled in the pockets of unclean
members of the worlds 72 nations. Thank God, the woman Gavri was
crushed by the lion Selim, and the Circassian insects were not able to
withstand the Muslims for more than two hours! (meant is the Battle of Marj
Dabiq of 1516)670

(III) C o n c l u s io n :
W AS 'AlI A N IN N O V A T IV E , O B JE C T IV E O R S C IE N T IF IC H IS T O R IA N ?

Having given a survey of the major ideas occurring in the Essence related
to 'Alls world picture and conceptions of history, we should return to the
scholarly debate and try, all facts considered, to formulate an answer to the
important problem of how we should judge 'All's historiographical qualities.
How original a historian was he really, how objective, impartial impartia
lity was regarded as conditional for good historiography by the author
himself671 or scientific was his stance vis a vis past and present?
Summarizing the arguments of this chapter, we might say that:

(1) 'Alls general world picture was traditional and naive ; it resulted
mainly from an uncritical compilation of age-old literature whereby
much space is devoted to anecdotical and legendary material from works
in the acayib genre.
(2) 'All was a thoroughly Islamic historian in the sense that God played a
decisive role in world history; the world outside (sunni) Islam was
considered irrelevant and had hardly any influence on the history of
Islamic states; if attention is given to the non-sunn/Islamic world at all,
we find highly uninformed descriptions of an exotic and denigratory

66S KA/ B II/ 10, B, 179a.

669 KA/ S 1/ 11, B, 247b.
670 Ibidem, B, 248a-b.
671 KA I, 43.
 192 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

nature; in the fourth pillar Islam-centrism makes place for a similar

Ottoman-centrism.
(3) 'AlFs ideas about society and political history were also traditional, which
meant: reactionary: historical developments are judged by the fixed and
simple standards of the ideal, Islamic, state, and for the Ottomans: the
ideal situation, in itself an Ottoman elaboration of that same ideal state,
which had existed during the century from, roughly, 1450 to 1550; in
both schemes the central role in history is attributed, apart from God, to
the sultan, at most: important statesmen; their sex, race, and temper
determine the fate of mankind.

I am inclined to reply, then, that 'All was not, as Fleischer maintained

unhampered by traditional moralistic-historical schemata but was firmly
limited by traditional Islamic paradigmata. I am also inclined to reply that
'Alls objectivity was limited, and that his famous tolerance for Christians
was in fact non-existent.
Modern historians have been particularly impressed by three facets of the
Essence and the related Fusul: (1) its daring criticism of comtemporary
chaos ; (2) its sophisticated, scientific, analysis of historical processes
'Ali is compared in this aspect to Ibn Khaldun and its unique compre
hension of Ottoman history. These points deserve closer inspection.

(A) 'All: an exceptional critic o f the Ottoman present?

One of the major themes, as we saw above, was the detailed analysis of
contemporary Ottoman decline. 'Ali may have been original (and daring) as
regards the mentioning of particular facts unknown, or if known, unex
pressed, by other historians, and particularly in his habit of attacking specific
personalities (which was generally avoided by contemporary writers dealing
with the subject), but certainly not regarding the general argumentation
which was based on the age-old concept of the ideal Islamic state. In his
concern with contemporary decay 'All, moreover, was not alone. This was,
even in most of its details, shared by his contemporaries. The major topics of
contemporary analysts were, again, the increasing powerlessness of the sultan
and disregard for $eri'at and kanun, and the desire to return to the ideal times
of Sultan Suleymans reign672.
Critical analyses and proposals for reform are found both in historical
works, such as SelanikFs History673 and Ta'liklzades ehname-i hu-
mayun674, and in nasihat-names (books of advice) or petitions offered to the

612 Yiicel, Kaynaklar I, xvi-xvii; Rohrborn, Promemorien-Literatur, 35.

673 Cf. BIOE, 130-131.
614 Woodhead, Ta'liki-zade's $ehname, 62-63.
CONCLUSION: WAS 'ALT AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 193

sultan or high state-officials. Of the latter category, I mention Hasan Kafi

AkhisarFs Usulu l-hikem f i nizdmi l-'alem of 1596675; the anonymous Hirzu
l-muluk offered to Murad III676; the anonymous Terifdtname probably
written in the first decade of the next century677; and the equally anonymous
Kitdb-i mustetab written in or shortly after 1620678. I will give three
examples.
In one long aside, for instance, Selaniki comments that the rulers of his day
the passage is dated May 1595 are egoists, heedless and vain, and
neglect affairs of state, thereby inviting aggressing by enemies. The devfirme
system has been abandoned: sultans no longer single out able persons and
educate them , ostentation and imperial pomp is increasing, money is squan
dered, taxes exacted by tax farmers weigh on the populace, bribery is
rampant, appointments insecure. Peasants bribe their way into the Janissary
corps, high officials do not accept good advice, 'ulema and shaykhs no longer
act according to the principles of the Koran and tradition, feudatories no
longer wish to fight and become martyrs, but only extort their subjects679.
The History, like the Essence, contains also ad hominem criticism, albeit
more cautiously expressed than in the Essence , in particular about the
behaviour of Grand vizier Sinan Pa$a680.
Hasan Kafi AkhisarT, witnessing the crumbling of the Ottoman order since
980/1572-73, pointed in his Usulu l-hikem f i nizdmi l-'alem of 1596, to the
increasing neglect of justice. The affairs of state were conducted by unsuitable
and untalented people. No 'ulema were consulted. Corruption, greed and the
pernicious rule of women undermined the order of the world. Then, the
Ottomans clearly lagged behind in the effective use of fire-arms on the
battlefield, the discipline of the army deteriorated. Morals in general the
habit of hanging around in coffeehouses was deemed symptomatic degene
rated681.
The Tefrifatname, a complaint destined for presentation to the Porte and
written during the following decade, to give a final example, criticizes the

615 Mehmet lp;irli, "Hasan Kafi el-Akhisari ve devlet diizenine ait eseri Usulu 'l-hikem f i
nizdmi Irdlem", in: TED 10-11 (1979-80), 239-278, 242-278.
676 Yiicel, Kaynaklar III, 147-169.
611 MS TKS Hazine 1601, lb-7b (hereafter TN); it is erroneously attributed to 'All on the
title page; he cannot have written it, because in it, ey'hu l-tslam Sun'allah Efendis first dismissal
is mentioned, which took place in 1601, cf. Mehmet lp;irli, eyhulislam Sunullah Efendi , in:
TED 13 (1983-87), 209-256, 215.
618 Yiicel, Kaynaklar I, xxii-xxiii.
I>7> Tarih, "a complaint about the wretched times , Ramazan 1003, MS NB H.O. 57, 235b-
236a; cf. lpsirli, "Mustafa Selaniki , 437-438.
680 Tarih, MS NB H.O. 57, 281b-282b; cf. KA/ M III/ 22*, B, 61 la-612a.
681 tpsirli, Hasan Kafi el-Akhisari , 242 ff.; cf. Pal Fodor, "State and Society, Crisis and
Reform in 15th-17th Century Ottoman Mirrors for Princes, in AOH XL (1986), 217-240, 225-
227.
 194 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

increasing chaos of the 'ilmiye and the neglect of the kaniin regulating
appointments within the institution since 1000-1003/1591-1595. Important
points were: the competent $eyhu klsldm Sun'allah Efendi was dismissed a
number of times for speaking the truth682, kdzi'askers are dismissed unti
mely, officials use their job to extort other people, miildzemets are bought for
5 to 10,000 akfe, ignorance abounds within the ranks of the miiderrisin. They
only care for status and ostentation, favouritism, rank and years of service
decide at present whether one becomes professor, instead of merit and age683,
corruption causes an increase in the numbers of miildzims (novices in the
ilmiye), and makes it impossible for learned candidates to get enrolled684,
cadis are dismissed on the flimsiest of complaints, petitions are no longer
heard, and the prestige of ulema has diminished in the eyes of the people685.

(B) 'Ali: a scientific historian?

The scientific and at the same time unique aspects of 'Alls Essence have
been associated by Fleischer, as I pointed out, with the qualities of Ibn
Khalduns Prolegomenon (Muqaddima). Both works, Fleischer has argued,
made profitable use of the scientific concepts of the central role of royal
authority in the state and that of the historical cyclism of dynastic states.
Both historians thus analyzed the processes of history by direct, prag
matic and non-doctrinal means686, and thus were revelatory events 687
constrasting sharply with the analytical dullness of the bulk of other Islamic
historical writings.
The association of the Essence with the Prolegomenon, however, is
misleading for two reasons. First, modern scholars have come to the insight
that Ibn Khalduns, and a fortiori 'AlTs, seemingly precocious attempt at
scientific systematisation 688 by which Western scholarship has been
impressed for 250 years, should after all be interpreted differently. Second,
particular historical conceptions found in the Essence which are apparently
similar to those occuring in the Prolegomenon can hardly be interpreted as
scientific conceptions in the case of the first work.
The tendency in scholarship to identify landmarks, to search for contrast,
and shift the sublime from the unremarkable in the fast expanse of historio
graphy is understandable: great historians have always been the subject of
mythification. Every age finds satisfaction in discovering its own ideals in the

682 TN, 4b-5a.

683 Ibidem, 5a-b.
684 Ibidem, 7a-b.
685 Ibidem, 7a.
686 Fleischer, Ibn Khaldunism , 205.
687 "Ibn Khaldunism , 217.
688 Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography, 195-196.
CONCLUSION: WAS ALT AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 195

past. Indeed, without them we would be unable to write the history of

historiography. Many myths about anachronisticallly brilliant, because
scientific, historians have come into existence in the past, particularly in the
early 19th century, which on closer inspection of the texts inspired by
different standards have appeared spurious: we could point to the example of
Thucydides684*689 and Otto von Freising (who has been directly compared with
Leopold von Ranke690). Besides 'All, the Ottoman historians Kemal Paa-
zade691 and Na'Im a692 have in a similar way been singled out for their
unusual perception of (Ottoman) history.
Among oriental historians, it was especially Ibn Khaldun who, after his
early discovery in Europe in 1613693, has been lionized, from Joseph von
Hammer and Sylvestre de Sacy onwards, as belonging to the greatest histo
rians ever, so much so that, exceptionally for a historian, his name has been
given to streets, schools as well as phosphoric acid tankers 694. But how
unique or scientific was the Prolegomenon really?
The revisionist scholar Aziz al-Azmeh has convincingly demonstrated
that although the Prolegomenon was exceptional for other reasons, it was
not innovative, nor unusually objective or scientific .
The main idea which guided Ibn Khaldun in writing the Prolegomenon
was to formulate a critical method which would enable the historian to
measure the veracity of sources against the recurrent pattern in the historical
development of polities (the Him alr'umrari). The essay offers, then, an
unusually and intricately structured (unusual because of its original admix
ture of wide-ranging methodical and conceptual elements) description of the
five moments of polities observable in the history of dynastic states695. The
elements of this description were completely traditional and based on existing
histories, geographies, mirrors for princes , and works of political philo
sophy696. The work, thus, provides description and not as has been thought a

684 Kieran Eden, Thucydides, Tragedian , in: R.H. Canary and H. Kozicky eds., The
Writing o f History (Wisconsin, 1978), 63-92, 63-64.
6.0 Cf. Ingrid von Tippelskirch, Die "Weltchronik" des Rudolf von Ems. Studien zur Geschichts-
auffassung und politischen Intention (Goppingen, 1979), 1; cf. on the equally misleading idea of
Ranke as the father of scientific history , Peter Gay, Style in History (New York, 1974), 61 ff.
6.1 erafettin Turan has pointed to Kemal Paazades unusual criticism (of the person of
Sultan Mehmed II), selection of sources, his insight into the translatio imperii from the Seljuks to
the Ottomans, his perceptive analysis of Ottoman expansion as compared to other Islamo-Turkic
dynasties, his lucid analysis of the Ottoman system, his breaking through the limitations of the
traditional chronicle form and his awareness o f historical causality, cf. his introductions to Ibn-i
Kemal, Tevarih, VII (1957), xlviii-lix, lxv; I (1970), 25-29.
6.2 The scholar Fuad Kopriilii has pointed to NaTmas objectivity and realism, the writer
Halide Edip to his psychological penetration , cf. Thomas, A Study o f Naima, 2-3.
6 Al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun (1981), 58 (n. 1).
6,4 Ibidem, v.
645 Aziz al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun. An Essay in Reinterpretation (London, 1982), 147-151.
6,6 Al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun (1981), 33; ibidem (1982), 9-13.
 196 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

theory about the rise and decline of cultures which could be applied to
the study of history697. The essay therefore was not a precursor of scien
tific or objective historiography, an early study of sociology, anthropo
logy or economics698, but is only concerned with narrative (akhbar) on the
subject of state power and with the only significant form it took: the dynastic
kingdom (mulk). Hence the authors exclusive concern with states, kings, or
at most: viziers, and only incidentally with functionaries of lower status699.
Ibn Khalduns vision of world history was in fact not different from that of
other Islamic historians. Between the fixed points in time of the creation,
particularly: the Deluge, and the Last Day, an unstructured chronological
sequence of genealogically connected nations ruled by dynasties of kings,
including the caliphs, is found700.
The temporal universe is inhabited by the progeny of N oahs sons Shem,
Cham and Japhet701 and mankind organized in states under the absolute rule
of a king protected by G od702. These states were always self-contained units
which could never qualitatively differentiate ultimately states are no more
than names , could never be changed from within and only, at most,
disappear703. They are affected by the changing heavenly constellations and
punctuated by divine interventions, the most important of which were the
miraculous actions of prophets704. The basic function of the theory : the
possibility of applying source criticism to a plausible pattern of historical
events, was not in itself revolutionary and did not mean much in any
practical sense: Ibn Khaldun in his own work, including the main Kitab air
'ibar, did not do more that the conventional sifting of authorities on the basis
of what was supposed to be commonly accepted information, or at most: of
what was plausible705. This analysis of Ibn Khalduns historical methods and
ideas quite reads like one of 'Alls historical oeuvre as may be clear from what
I have said about it so far, and stresses the fact that both authors stood in the
same tradition, and were, if scientific at all ('All anyway was the lesser
scientist because he never formulated his ideas of kingship and cyclism as a
model of source criticism, although he sometimes followed the method), not
really successful in applying their science.
The lack of a real paradigmatic shift in Ibn Khalduns work, combined
with its unusual mixture of elements also, according to Al-Azmeh, explains

697 Ibidem, 29, 151.

698 Ibidem (1981), 56, 159.
699 Ibidem (1982), 13-14.
700 Ibidem (1981), 135-140.
701 Ibidem (1982), 15.
702 Ibidem, 29.
703 Ibidem, 19, 39-40.
704 Ibidem, 26.
705 Ibidem, 33-34, 137.
CONCLUSION: WAS ALT AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 197

why a Khaldunic school in Islamic historiography never came into exis

tence, why the work was only used in a non-systematic way, and only
piecemeal adoptions of certain pronouncements took place706. Turkish
scholars nevertheless have proudly pointed to the fact that the work of Ibn
Khaldun might have been largely ignored by pre-modern Arab historians, but
did receive sympathetic response from Ottoman historians, certainly from
Katib elebi onwards707, but no one has as yet demonstrated any profound
influence on them708. Perhaps 'All even knew the Prolegomenon directly
although he did not mention it explicitly the Khaldunic reception began
earlier than has been hitherto believed709 but such knowledge was
obviously not conditional for his adhering to similar, commonly held presup
positions about history.
Fleischer has also tried to prove the similarity between Ibn Khalduns
Prolegomenon and the Essence by pointing to the fact that both works
had specific points in common such as the fundamental distinction between
the ante- and post-Mongol periods in Islamic history the religiously
legitimized Arab Caliphate made way for regional empires primarily legiti
mized by steppe traditions of authority710 , and the notion that the ideal
state, in both works the standard against which the health of historical
states was measured, could not survive without the solidarity ('asabiya) of
supporting clients, which idea was expressed in the Essence by the soli
darity of the dcvjirmc-recruited officialdom and household army of the
Ottomans711. 'All, furthermore, used these ideas to analyse the history, in
particular the contemporary history, of the Ottoman state, one of the post-
Mongol regional states in which both the Islamic and steppe political and
legalistic concepts, particularly the marriage of divine erVa and dynastic
kanun, were combined712. Scientific objectivity in both cases was rooted in
the use of non-Islamic (non-doctrinal) criteria for the diagnosis of polities.
This in itself was a legacy of the steppe ideology in which the state did not
find its legitimacy in $erfa and an Islamic, Arab, hereditary dynasty, but
exclusively in just and therefore justified kingship.

106 Ibidem, 146, 159-160.

707 Z. Fahri Fmdikoglu, Turkiyede Ibn Haldunizm, in Fuad Kopriilii Armagam (Istanbul,
1953), 153-163, 153-156, defending Ottoman culture against the simplistic and denigratory
concept of Turkish barbarity formulated by the Egyptian scholar and writer Taha Husayn.
108 Fmdikoglu, Ibn Haldunizm, 157; Fleischer, Ibn Khaldunism, 202.
109 Petra Kappert, Zur Charakteristik osmanischer historisch-narrativer Quellen des 16.
Jahrhunderts, in: XIX. Deulscher Orientalistentag, Freiburg 1975. Vortrdge (Wiesbaden, 1977),
1204-1209, 1205, pointed to the fact that Ibn Khalduns work was already known by the early
16th-century historian Bostan.
110 BIOE, 205, 205-207.
711 Ibidem, 215.
712 Ibidem, 273 ff.
 198 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

Although these finds, as far as the Essence is concerned, largely confirm

what I have stated above about 'AlFs ideas concerning the ideal state and the
use of those ideas in the explanation of dynastic cyclism and the analysis of
Ottoman crises, it seems an exaggeration to present them as proof for 'Alls
unusual scientific insight.
Reading through the Essence, I did not get the impression that 'AIT was
particularly aware, or more aware than other Ottoman scholars, of two
fundamental phases in Islamic history. Proof is minimal: Fleischer points to
'Alls intention to devote the second pillar of the Essence to the history of
the Arab Caliphate, the third to the Turkish and Tatar dynasties713. As
Fleischer himself points out, the steppe theory of kingship is equally
applied to the Caliphate, or rather the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties (the
justified overthrow of 'AIT or rather: Hasan, by Mu'awiya and of Musta'sim
by Hulegu K han714) and later, partly also contemporary dynasties which
were by no means all ruled by Turkish or Tatar dynasties. The Umayyads
and Abbasids, therefore, had in 'AlTs view a similar status to all other
historical dynasties. Neither am I convinced (2) that 'All was particularly, or
more aware than other Ottoman scholars, of the steppe inheritance in
Ottoman history. I do not believe that 'AIT considered the Ottoman Empire to
be simply one among a number of regional empires which succeeded the
Caliphate. (This idea is mainly based on 'AlTs survey of the contemporary
political situation in the preface of the fourth pillar which I quoted
above715). As I have tried to show, 'AIT wrote about the Ottoman Empire as
a potential if not already realized universal state (one might argue: in the
steppe tradition of the Chingizids and Timurids) much superior to and
entitled to dominate if not fundamentally different from neighbouring
Islamic states. I am not convinced either (3) that 'AIT was particularly, if at
all, aware that dev$irme or the co-existence of geri'a and kanun not only
Chingizids had kanun\, but all states, including ante-diluvian ones were the
result of the integration of steppe elements in the Islamic culture of the
Empire716. 'AIT mostly, as far I can see, adheres to the conception of the
equal status of $eri'a and kanun, the latter in the sense of the sound kanun
of the Conqueror. 'AIT doubtlessly must have been aware of the inherent
contradiction between the two systems: at two or three places in the
Essence , 'AIT either defends geri'a against orf (common usage)717 or kanun
against $eria 11B.
713 Fleischer, Ibn Khaldunism, 205; reference is made to KA I, 13-16.
714 BIOE, 283-286; Ibn Khaldunism, 208-209.
715 BIOE, 277; Ibn Khaldunism , 206; cf. above, pp. 179-180.
716 Cf. BIOE, 284, where Fleischer suggests that 'Alt equated Chingizid kanun with yasa;the
latter word does not however occur anywhere in the text.
717 Cf. BIOE, 260, where Fleischer quotes KA I, 36-38, but I doubt whether orf here can be
equalled with the venerable kanun of the Conqueror.
718 See. e.g., KA/ SU/ 19, B, 288b.
CONCLUSION: WAS ALT AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 199

Other arguments, such as 'Alls respect for the prestige of Chingizid and
Timurid dynasties and their individual rulers, such as the ideal patron
Husayn Bayqara719, the quotation of an Oghuz sentence720, the associa
tion of the Ottoman dynasty with Turks and Tatars (Mongols)721, do not
convince either. 'AIT pays full respect to other dynasties and rulers, also as
ideal patrons, such as Atabeg Zangl722, a single Oghuz sentence is not
much amidst hundreds of folios of Ottoman-Turkish, Arabic and Persian
text, and all Ottoman historians were of course aware that the Ottoman
dynasty was of Turkish origin and therefore genealogically related to Turks
and Tatars. Finally, I should point to the fact that the notion of the ideal
state is indeed principally non-Islamic, and also used to judge non-Islamic
states. But the non-Islamic dynasties discussed in the Essence and Fusul are
very few and belong nearly exclusively to the shadowy pre-Muhammedan
past. The non-Islamic character of the theory, moreover, is hardly given
room: in the end the fate of all states is in the hand of God. God may
tolerate a just but unbelieving ruler for a while but not indefinitely, and the
fall of many dynasties is directly attributed to the infringement of Divine
Law: from the ante-diluvian Pharaos, to the pre-Ottoman rulers of Con
stantinople and the Batinids. In the end the Chingizids became sunnl
Muslims, and the Christian dynasties of Europe would succumb (if they had
not al-ready been subjected de iure) to Ottoman rule, that is: if the Ottoman
sultans would repent of their evil ways.
More important for the measurement of 'Alps scholarship is that 'Alps
ideas and their application were not original, nor really scientific in the
sense we would give to the word nowadays. Fleischer points to the fact that
contemporaries such as Kinahzade and Celalzade had the same ideas about
the state723, and that both 'All and Ibn Khaldun stood in the same
philosophical tradition, the islamicized synthesis of Greek and Iranian
thought 724. Then, the level of abstraction of the theory is not very high
in the end it considers the temper of individuals to be the only force in history
and the use of such a crude theory, not much more than a loosely
structured metaphor, had only the most superficial, if at all, also restrictive,
effect on the integral description of the basic facts and arguments, which were
to a large extent inspired by, an unfavourable critic might argue, prejudice, or
even spite.

719 BIOE, 276.

720 Ibidem, 277; it is found in KA/ M III/ 17*, B, 607b.
721 Ibidem, 254, 278.
722 Cf. above, p. 89.
723 Ibn Khaldunism , 208-209.
724 Ibidem, 217.
200 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

(C) All: a truthful and objective historian?

Even if 'All may not have been an original historian insofar as theoretical
notions and methods are concerned, was he not, even within the limits of the
16th-century Ottoman paradigma, a true, honest, even objective historian?

(a) Fact and fancy

Regarding the last, contemporary period of Ottoman history which is described
in the Essence for factual information about the earlier period, 'All was
nearly exclusively dependent on literary sources , scholars, such as Pe?evT,
Hammer and also Fleischer, have pointed to the fact that 'AIT was not as
scrupulous in his presentation of facts as would have been desirable. As far as I
can see, this criticism is, in the cases where such facts are liable to falsification,
justified.
As we have seen above, 'AIT was not averse to inserting pieces of what
should be regarded as fiction into his work for the effect of contrast: I have
pointed to the idealistic description of Habsburg order which was intended
to function as a mirror to Ottoman disruption 725. To the same category
should also be reckoned Sinan Papas provocative letter to the Habsburg
king which induced PegevT to write his angry marginal comment726. PegevT
most probably was right in denouncing it as fancy: it is highly improbable
that the grand vizier would have written a letter in which he announced his
intention to destroy the kings dynasty, sever his head and, if need be, rip off
his skin, scoop out his eyes and cut off his nose and ears. The same is true for
the reply, in which the king adressed Sinan Paa as a stupid, old man, pointed
to his inept military tactics and the devastating effect of his policy on the
Ottoman Empire727. The passage was clearly meant to further blacken the
reputation of the grand vizier, one of the evil genii of the age.
Most striking is 'Alls careless handling of figures, particularly in the dating
of events. This is especially obvious in the last part of the fourth pillar
describing the events after 1594. If dates are given at all, the years are often
wrong728. This carelessness may be explained by the limits imposed on
manuscript age scholarship, but then we could point to the painstakingly
precise dating found in the Tarih of SelanikT who worked under similar
circumstances. More probably, we should explain it by a lack of interest: not
so much the diary-like chronicling as the impassioned argumentation about
contemporary decay inspired the writing of that part of the Essence .

725 Cf. above, p. 186.

726 Cf. above, p. 13.
727 KA/ MU III/ 41*, B, 578a-b.
728 For example: KA/ M U III/ 45*, B, 582a; ibidem, 48*, B, 584a: 1001 should be 1002.
CONCLUSION: WAS 'AL AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 201

Moreover, the work was not completed and a lack of revision may have
contributed to the errors.

(b) Contemporary Ottoman decay

The dominant theme of the fourth pillar, we have seen above, was contem
porary Ottoman decay. Were the facts and reasonings, even if their selection
was limited by restrictive conceptions, really, as Fleischer maintained, those
of the cool observer who had detached himself from a disappointing career
and consequently personal involvement in contemporary institutional his
tory? This is doubtful.
We should observe, firstly, that 'All did not really, indeed could not afford
to, retire and abandon careerism and take distance. His expressions of
disappointment in his career and the workings of patronage, poverty, world-
weariness and his intention to retreat into mystical contemplation and
emigrate, as they particularly occur in the general introduction of the
Essence 729, were perhaps more inspired by literary cliches than real
intentions730. 'Alls later career clearly points to this: during and after his
writing of the Essence he overtly requested official jobs and was for longer
or shorter periods employed as defter emlni, yehigeri katibi, sancakbegi, mal,
defterdari, again sancakbegi and emin.
Secondly, Fleischer himself convincingly demonstrated how elements of
'Ahs institutional criticism can be explained by his outlook and personal
experiences: as medrese-tducated scholar and stylist in the service of, mostly,
the lower and middle ranks of the provincial bureaucracy, he could not but
deplore the growing difficulties in pursuing a career or even in holding a
position due to increasing competition. The rapidly expanding bureaucracy
after the middle of the sixteenth century increasingly recruited personnel
which had, or had practically acquired, specialized skills, had lower qualifica
tions, or had no dev$irme and 'ilmlye background at all. The formerly more
clearly separated career-paths in the middle levels of central and provincial
institutions had begun to blur. Hence 'Alls (vain) wish to retire from the
financial department, which most rapidly professionalized, and become nian-
ci, the mufti of kanun", one of the few functions for which medrese
knowledge still was useful. Hence his criticism of the abandonment and

729 KA I, 27-33, 38-40.

730 See for the topoi on the difficult circumstances of writing : Peter Hardy, Historians o f
Medieval India (London, 1960), 59; on that of the decay of learning and literary standards in
contemporary society : Freimark, Das Vorwort , 79; Hardy, Historians, 95; on that of
poverty of the author : Halil Inalcik and Rhoads Murphey, The History o f Mehmed the
Conqueror (Minneapolis and Chicago, 1978), 18; in many of the biographies in the Essence we
find the theme of the disappointed scholar who leaves Istanbul and the Ottoman court to
emigrate to Mecca; a famous case was that of the historian Idris BidllsI, cf. KA/ B II/ 'ulema/ 31,
B, 212a.
202 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

change of the rules of the kanun, the employment of outsiders and

ignorants, the decline of the patronage of 'ulema. Hence 'Alls bureau
cratic consciousness, and his dominant concern for contemporary institu
tional problems in the first place731.

(c) Contemporary personalities

Much of the narrative about the contemporary age was concerned with the
morals and actions of individuals, individuals, moreover, who influenced
'Alls own life directly as actual or potential patrons or indirectly, because of
their key-role in the Ottoman government and administration. Was 'All really
a detached observer of the actions of his contemporaries, particularly his own
patrons, a number of whom were the object of devastating criticism?
The principal politically influential contemporaries figuring in the latter
part of the Essence were, apart from the Sultans Selim II, Murad III and
Mehmed III: Sokolh Mehmed Pa$a, Lala Mustafa Paa, Ozdemirogli 'Osman
Paa, Hoca Sa'deddin, emsl Ahmed Pa$a, Sinan Paa and Ferhad Paa. Of
less importance were Ferhad Paa (not the grand vizier, but the sancakbegi of
Klis, Bosnia and Buda), Doganci Mehmed Paa, Shaykh uca ', Gazanfer
Aga, Ibrahim Paa and (^igalazade Yusuf Sinan Paa. Of these personalities
only Ozdemirogli 'Osman Paa (for his untiring campaigns in Yemen and
against the Safavids and their allies between 1578 and 1585), Damad Ibrahim
Pa$a732 and Qigalazade Yusuf Sinan Paa733 were, despite the latters
irregular promotion734, the object of unqualified praise. The other persona
lities either were completely blackened by censure: emsl Ahmed Paa,
Shaykh uca', Doganci Mehmed Paa, both Ferhad Paas735 ; were censured,
but also sometimes praised: Hoca Sa'deddin (praised as historian, and for his
moral support of the sultan in the Battle of Ha 90va (Mezokeresztes), but
otherwise condemned736), Gazanfer Aga: excessively praised as 'All's patron,
but condemned for his support of Sinan Paa737); received a tempered
critical treatment: Sokolh Mehmed Paa738; or were mainly praised but
incidentally censured: Lala Mustafa Paa739.
In a number of cases unequal treatment can be explained by the patchwork
character of the text, into which chapters, largely unaltered, were adopted

731 Cf. BIOE, 214-231.

732 Hailed as new grand vizier in 1595, KA/ M III/ 23*, B, 613a.
733 Praised for his heroism in the Egri campaign of 1596, KA/ M III/ 25*, 1-43, 535b-546a.
734 Cf. above, p. 157.
735 Cf. above, pp. 154ff.
736 Cf. respectively, KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 6b; KA/ M III/ 25*. 1-43, 541b quoted
at length in Chapter Three, below.
737 Cf. respectively, above, pp. 105, 157.
738 Cf. above, pp. 159-160.
739 Cf. above, p. 160.
CONCLUSION: WAS 'ALT AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 203

which had served as petitions for jobs. The excessive praise of Sokolh
Mehmed Pa$a on one occasion740 had been directly adopted from 'A lfs
earlier work Heft meclis which had been dedicated to the grand vizier741. The
same happened in the case of Sinan Paa who is only praised in the fragment
adopted from the Fursatname which had been commissioned by him 742. The
excessive praise of Qigalazade (together with, notably, Mehmed III743) occurs
in a chapter which is only found in a few MSS and contains an indirect
request to the new grand vizier for a high position744745.
What had been 'Alls relation with these statesmen? (I will not consider
here the sultans who were, although perfunctorily praised in many passages,
also heavily criticized most remarkably also in the case of the contempo
rary Mehmed III, who was a potential patron during the time of writing in
others and, as we saw above, ultimately responsible for the deteriorating
support of scholars and litterateurs, including the author himself).

(1) Sokolh Mehmed Paa was a reluctant protector of 'A lfs direct patron,
Lala Mustafa Paa, and of'A ll himself. He did not react to 'A lfs petitions for
jobs between 1569 and 1577745. He played a dubious role in neutralizing
Mustafa Papas influence and damaged the latters career by manoeuvring
him into a position of conflict with the hard-boiled Sinan Paa746. 'All
probably never met him.

(2) Lala Mustafa Paa was 'Alls direct patron; 'All served him as secretary
during the years 1563-1569 and 1578-1579. The latter was brought into a
difficult situation upon Mustafa Paas dismissal as serdar of the Shirwan
campaign in 1579, but criticism of his mismanagement of the campaign is
only found in the Nushat747, and not in the Essence 748.

(3) Ozdemirogh 'Osman Paa, serdar in the Yemen and eastern campaigns
and grand vizier (1584-1585), arranged 'Alls posting as trial defterdari and his
deputy-commandership in Erzurum in 1584749. 'All met him a number of
times from 1568 onwards750. With Lala Mustafa Paa, he belonged to the
anti-Sinan faction.

740 KA/ SU/ 57, B, 352b.

741 Cf. above, Chapter One, (4), no. 2.
742 Cf. ibidem, no. 5.
743 Cf. Schmidt, The Egri Campaign, 132-133.
744 BIOE, 166 (n. 73); cf. also below, Chapter Three.
745 BIOE, 58-59, 65-67.
746 Ibidem, 47-48, 50.
747 NS 17/131 - 20/135.
748 Cf. BIOE, 86-87.
749 Ibidem, 115.
750 Cf. above, p. 56.
204 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

(4) Hoca Sa'deddln was a patron of'A ll, and mediated with Sultan Murad III
to obtain the authors appointment as campaign secretary under Lala Mus
tafa Paa in 1578. 'All wrote many petitions to him to obtain jobs, dedicated
work to him, such as the Menakib of 1587, and the hoca probably arranged
'Alls short-lived posting as defter emlni in 1592-93, and his commission to
write the Fethname on the occasion of the subjection of Yamk in 1594. He
also stimulated 'All to write the Fusul and Meva id in 1598-99. A negative
point in 'Alls opinion must have been his involvement in the anti-Sokolli and
pro-Sinan faction at court751.

(5) emsl Ahmed Paa belonged to the same anti-Sokolli and pro-Sinan
faction at court. After having frequented his meclis in Uskiidar from 1569
and vainly tried to curry his favour in promoting his own career, 'All felt
offended by the mans straightforward refusal to help him and his overt jests
at his expense752.

(6) Sinan Paa was the enemy and almost the murderer of Lala Mustafa Paa
he accused the latter of having caused the execution of his brother Ayas
Paa who had helped the rebellious Prince Bayezld escape to Iran and
'Osman Paa, both patrons of the author. After Mustafa Paas dismissal in
1579, 'All tried to find favour with the grand vizier while at the same time
publicly accusing his former patron of nepotism. In 1580-81 'All wrote the
Fursatname for him. During Sinan Paas second grand-vizierate, 'All wrote
verse in which Sinan Pa$a was compared to the Dajjal but also petitions in
which he asked for a posting. In 1593, Sinan Paa, during his third grand-
vizierate, dismissed 'All as defter emlni. Nevertheless the author again tried to
cultivate his favour by congratulating him for the capture of Yamk (in 1594).
Then, 'All was commissioned by him to write the fethname on the towns
occupation753.

(7) Ferhad Pa$a, the grand vizier, does not seem to have played a direct role
in 'A lfs life, nor to have been approached as a possible patron by the author.

(8) Ferhad Pa$a, the sancakbegi of Klis, Bosnia and Buda, and cousin of
Sokolli, was 'A lfs direct superior in Bosnia in 1570-1577. He also commis
sioned the author to write Zubdetu t-tevarlh. No conflict seems to have
occurred between the two m en754.

731 BIOE, 74, 92, 108-109, 125, 127, 150-151, 177.

752 Ibidem, 56, 74-75.
753 Ibidem, 51, 88-89, 108, 135, 137, 146, 150-151.
734 Ibidem, 60-69.
CONCLUSION: WAS 'ALl AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 205

(9) Doganci Mehmed Paa was a potential patron of 'AIT whom the latter
sent requests for official positions from 1586. He commissioned 'All to write
M irdtu l-'avalim in 1586, and Kava'idii l-mecalis in the next year. No conflict
seems to have occurred between the men755.

(10) Shaykh iica' was a potential patron, who belonged to the pro-Sinan
faction at court; 'AIT sent him requests for patronage from 1577, probably
without result756.

(11) (jazanfer Aga was an important patron of 'AIT; he arranged the

presentation of 'All's Nusretname at court in 1584. 'AIT courted his favour in
1586-1587 without result, and in 1596-1599. The author dedicated Mahasinii
l-adab to him after Grand vizier IbrahTm Paas dismissal, (jazanfer Aga also
presented 'All's Kirk hadis (of 1597) to the sultan. 'AIT apparently received
money from him. He belonged to the pro-Sinan faction at court. Later, he
worked for the dismissal of 'AlTs patron Grand vizier IbrahTm Paa in favour
of (^igalazade Yusuf Sinan Paa757.

(12) Damad Ibrahim Paa (grand vizier July-October 1595) was a patron of
'All. The latter wrote requests for assistance and jobs to him from 1583. 'Alls
Mahasin was dedicated to him before he was dismissed as grand vizier.
Ibrahim Pa$a seems once to have visited 'All's house758.

(13) (^igalazade Yusuf Sinan Pa$a (grand vizier 1576 and October-December
1596) was a potential patron. After his instatement, 'All sang his praises in
the final chapter of the Essence and vainly sent a laudatory poem to him
with a request for an official position. He had the support of Sa'deddln and
(jazanfer Aga759.

If we, then, estimate 'AlTs judgement of these men in the light of his relations
with them, we should conclude that 'All was not on the whole inspired by
personal feelings of spite or, on the other hand, gratitude. An exception are
the passages, mostly unfittingly, adopted or added to the Essence in which
'All directly appealed or had appealed to a patrons protection and help. In a
few cases, notably that of emsl Ahmed Paa and possibly that of Shaykh
uca', 'Alls negative judgement could have been inspired by rancour. His, on
the whole, positive treatment of Lala Mustafa Paa ('AlTs criticism of him in156*8

155 Ibidem, 125-127.

156 Ibidem, 74-75.
7S7 Ibidem, II, 125, 126, 169, 170-172.
158 Ibidem, 109, 117, 133 (n. 73), 165-166, 170.
759 Ibidem, 169.
 206 WORLD PICTURE AND THE PATTERN OF HISTORY

the Essence was related to the fact that he never became, at least de facto,
grand vizier, which would have been propitious for his own career760) and
Ibrahim Pa$a was perhaps largely due to feelings of gratefulness or expec
tation, in the first case possibly also for the effect of contrast: the good
Mustafa Paa as victim of the evil Sinan Paa.
In the other cases there is no direct relation between 'AlFs criticism and
personal experiences. Generous patrons such as Sa'deddin and Gazanfer Aga,
former masters such as Ferhad Pa$a and Doganci Mehmed Pa$a with whom
he apparently had never been at odds, were the object of abuse. Nor can the
aggressive criticism of Sinan Paa solely be explained by 'Alls personal
experiences with the grand vizier, which had not been altogether bad,
although those of the grand vizier with his former patrons had been.
We should conclude, at least on the basis of the data known to us ('All
may of course have had troubles with some of his patrons which have not left
traces elsewhere), that 'All in his depiction of contemporaries was above all
inspired by his concern about contemporary decay and his urge to contribute
by his moralizing to the restoration of the ideal state and ideal patronage by
which he would also benefit. Ottoman decay and its symptoms were after all
not the product of 'Alls fantasy (although accusations of some individuals
apparently were based on rancour and slander) and his judgement of the
sultans and statesmen not completely bereft of truth. 'Alls judgement of the
main protagonist Sinan Paa, for instance, was shared by other historians
such as SelanikI761. Sinan Pa$as brutal behaviour, notably towards ambassa
dors, is also reported by Western sources762. The contemporary traveller
Salomon Schweigger called him der Bluthund 763.

(d) Epilogue
Even if we should come to the conclusion that 'All was a rather traditional
history-writer and not the theoretically or methodologically scientific or
completely objective historian which many scholars have believed him to
be, that is not to say that 'All was not a great historiographer. Historio
graphy, although primarily a search for truth, is not only concerned with
theory and facts, but also, and primarily, with writing, words, sentences and
overall structure of texts, that is, literature. From what I have said so far, the
importance of this latter aspect in the Essence already must have become
obvious: I have pointed to 'Alps method of literary elaboration of source

760 Cf. above, p. 46.

761 Cf. above, p. 193.
762 $erafettin Turan, Sinan Pa$a, Koca, IA.
763 Salomon Schweigger, Ein newe Reyssbeschreibung auss Teulschland Nach Constantinopel
und Jerusalem (Nuremberg, 1608), Heidi Stein, ed., Zum Hofe des tiirkischen Sultans (Leipzig,
1986), 78.
CONCLUSION: WAS 'ALl AN INNOVATIVE, OBJECTIVE OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORIAN? 207

materials; his preference for adopting legendary material, mirabilia, and

anecdotes; his use of numerology in the composition of his work; his
insertion of fiction for the sake of effect; his indulgence in richly laboured and
impassioned criticism of individuals; social satire; and his great attention to
biography and autobiography. Not only the learning and facts, but also the
language, style, and their application to the major themes of the Essence ,
should be analyzed in order to arrive at a balanced judgement of the work.
This I will undertake in the next chapter.
.IbftSislR' vlHbr< 4&3i 1gitHijto&B 'loT ^nittSH H a^iY f
 CHAPTER THREE:
THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

PRELIMINARY REMARKS

The Essence , then, was not simply an unadorned report of facts whether
'All had meant it to be such, as Fleischer has stated1, or not. 'All was a great
stylist as Tietze has demonstrated with the help of abundant examples from a
number of the authors works, and was able to turn Ottoman Kunstprosa into
a flexible and efficient medium to express his opinions, even his emotions.
Walsh has pointed, as we saw, to the literary character of all Ottoman
histories. Other scholars observed both a relatively simple style or a mixture
of complex and simple style levels in the history. This points again to the, at
least partial, literary character of the work. Would 'All really have wished to
abandon one of his major trump-cards which could bring him fame and
position as a court litterateur or bureaucrat: his unequalled mastery of
Ottoman prose and avoid literary display in his magnum opus? This would
have been impossible also regarding the development of 16th-century Otto
man historiography in which the use of elaborate rhymed prose had almost
become mandatory, but the question remains how 'All made use of style in
the different and thematically highly divergent parts of the Essence . First
we should ask ourselves what 'All had in mind when he wrote the Essence :
what were its subjects, its major themes, its language and style, and for whom
did he write it? This question will be analyzed in the first part. In the second
part I will discuss the thematic and stylistic features of the work as they
present themselves to the reader. In the final part, I will try to formulate my
conclusions.

(I) 'A li s statements on themes, style and pu b lic , and their value

(A) Themes, style and public

'Although 'All presents the reader with a somewhat superficial survey of the
contents of the four pillars in the general introduction2, points to the

1 Cf. for the following, above, Introduction, pp. 18-19.

2 Cf. above, Introduction, p. 2.
210 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

originality of certain chapters3, and sometimes briefly discusses the formalistic

arrangement of certain parts4, he only fleetingly touches upon the major
subjects and themes of the Essence : the biography and the description of
warfare5 or their arrangement into chapters and paragraphs, or, to use the
language of Muslim historians: stories (khabr, pi. akhbar), which term
appears in the title of the work itself.
But 'All is more forthcoming on the subject of style and the public to which
it was to appeal. Already in the first sentence (in Arabic rhymed prose) of the
general introduction which follows the formula: In the name of God, the
Compassionate, the Merciful (besmele), we are in medias res. The author
prays God to shed light on the truths of [his] poetry and prose 6 to be
applied to the most beautiful stories and tales (samar, lit. nightly chats). He
continues:
Dissolve the knot of my tongue and its tendency towards odd words and
endless appositions, so that my language becomes more easily understandable
and they (the public) can grasp what I say and become enraptured by the
worlds of thought which You conveyed to me. 7

The literary style applied to the stories of the work was thus declared to be
a combination of poetry and prose, the so-called (rhymed) in$a-prose, the
only medium fit for the expression of thought8. ('AIT calls himself here a
miin$T of the time 9.) The authors style should not contain odd words
which would hinder communication between the author, ultimately God, and
his public. The historiographer indeed had a didactical task vis a vis the
Muslim community. Muslims had the duty to study10, therefore the author
should provide pure water of knowledge to those thirsty for it11 and his
stories should 'All repeats his earlier statement in other words be
intelligible to them:
As regards the matter of stories which not only consist of excellent admoni
tions but are also expressed in a beautiful style and a graceful diction, a
superabundance of words (huruf, lit. letters), odd and long series of appositions
and obscurities of language of whatever kind which spoil [true] eloquence,
should be avoided... and the maxim the most beautiful language is that which
is favoured by perfection and is understood by both the elite and the common
people" should be followed, so that... they (the stories) will be useful both to
3 Cf. above, p. 108.
4 Cf. above, pp. 85-86.
5 Discussed in detail below, Part (II).
4 KA I, 2.
7 Ibidem.
8 KA I, 14.
9 KA I, 9.
10 KA I, 12-13.
11 KA I, 5; KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 8 b.
 'ALT'S STATEMENTS ON THEMES, STYLE AND PUBLIC, AND THEIR VALUE 211

noble persons and commoners: everyman will partake in the understanding of

them... while the perfect, most noble man, the erudite, versed in the sciences,
will be satisfied by the brilliant in$a and beautiful style which occurs in some of
the admonitions for the sake of excellence. He should know, though, that daily
idiom is desirable and that the notion the choicest language is that which turns
on the tongue of the people" should be realized in the court of their natures. 12

In the verse which follows, the statement is illustrated by similes: the ideal
prose is compared to a smooth-cheeked youth whose face should be free
from dimples. 1314His beauty needs no further embellishment.
Nevertheless, another element is added to the requirement of an under
standable, beautiful but simple style: the well-educated literary reader should
not be neglected and should be given pleasure with some fine samples of
excellent in$d-prose. Elsewhere, 'All maintains this duplicity.
In his Meva id, 'All advised men of culture to enrich their language with
the rhetorical figures of style and formulation of the literate city raga
muffins ($ehr oglanlari)"14. This statement could point to the preferment of
common language, at least of that used by elements of the city population15,
by 'All, but this is misleading. Borrowing from the language of a certain
group of the lower classes is not the same as writing in the language normally
used by them or even understandable to them. ('Alls counsel is moreover
given in the context of the description of the ideal meclis, and the presence of
young, beautiful poets and these city boys in them most probably also
had not only a literary but also an erotic purpose16.)
The language 'All uses is the composite medium of Ottoman Turkish,
perfectly brillant and composed of four languages, the language which
is nowadays current in Rum 17. But the Turkish of the common man
should be anathema for the eloquent 18. Although the Ottoman Turkish is
said to be current in the Empire, a clear distinction is now made between

KA I, 9-10.
12
KA I, 10.
13
MN, 225; quoted by Tietze, Prose Style , 312; BIOE, 223-224.
14
Milan Adamovic has described the third phase of Anatolian/ Rumelian Turkish, namely
13
that during the period 1450-1600, as consisting of three layers: that of (1) the literary language
(used as means of communication by the political and cultural elite); (2 ) the spoken language,
Umgangssprache (used as oral means of communication by the same group as well as the
inhabitants of cities; it was strongly influenced by (1)); and (3) popular language, Votkssprache
(the dialectically-varying, spoken language of the rest of the population). These linguistic units
interacted, especially (1) and (2), while (3) gradually but persistently changed (2) and to a lesser
extent (1), cf. his Konjugationsgeschichte der tiirkischen Sprache (Leiden, 1985), 319-328. Accor
ding to this scheme, common language here should be equalled with (a substratum of) category
( 2).
14 The presence of a multitude of male and female whores, on the other hand, was
disapproved, cf. KM, 23a.
17 KA I, 11; this points to categories (1) and (2) in Adamovic scheme.
18 Ibidem, cf. BIOE, 22.
212 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

the language of the commoner, the ignominy of the Turkish idiom 19 of

some, doubtlessly also the early, works of historiography20, and that of the
educated. No exception is made here for the attractive idiom of the city
ragamuffins or the choicest language spoken by the common people.
'All indeed wished to avoid figures of style originating from pure Turkish
expressions and rustic manners in his Essence : by listening to them, the
soul is lacerated, by reading them, pious men suffer plain torture. 21 I
deemed it suitable to travel toward the spacious pages [where I would gather
my] revenues with phrases of compound words 22, but , 'AIT continued,
I did not let loose the reins of the bay horse of my pen [riding] through my
discourse [and I suppressed] the proficiency of an exordium which does not fit
in a story [nor did I allow it to trample on] the leaves of morning and evening,
spring and autumn full of words, the [store] rooms of my fantasy. Thus, I kept
myself in check and did not go on with my work as soon I felt myself steering
toward the path of recitation and ina, so that simple minds belonging to the
middle classes would not be precluded from understanding my words and
would not censure and abuse the writer if they were unable to understand
certain parts of his stories and histories. Sometimes, nevertheless, the quick
horse of my pen, black and white like night and day, did not wait and the reins
of good counsel and imagination did not keep the hasty one on course... At
times, the inspiration of my Lord caused all kinds of brilliant and colourful
fantasies. Its itching and recession were not only reckoned a blessing like the
removing and extension of the pike of my pen toward the beloved catamite...
but also considered as a special gift to the class of perfect people who are
outstanding men. On the other hand it was thought unsuitable that men who
are perplexed by the poverty of ignorance should have no part in this wide
range of endless gifts and should be unaware and have no notion of their great
impact. 23

The same bias is maintained here: on the one hand 'All again states that he
intended to curb his fantasy and avoid too involved sentences, on the other
he does not wish to withhold from perfect men the most precious and
inspired parts of his fn^d-prose such as they occur in exordia, the introductory
parts to his stories . Significantly, the simple, common men (a vamm) of
the earlier statements have now been changed into the middle classes
(evasit-i nas"). In a later part of the general introduction, the middle classes
are especially singled out for the authors invective and described as greedy

19 K.A 1 ,11.
20 The categories here implied seem to be (3) in the scheme of Adamovic, and Turkish
elements from the first two phases (spanning the periods 1290-1340/30 and 1340/30-1430) in the
development of the language in Rum (cf. Konjugalionsgeschichle, 313-319).
21 K.A I, 13.
22 K AI, 11.
23 K.A I, 11-12.
 ALT'S STATEMENTS ON THEMES, STYLE AND PUBLIC, AND THEIR VALUE 21 3

ignorants24. This would mean that despite all pious declarations to the
contrary, the Essence as a whole was only meant to be fully understandable
for the upper classes25. (This would be in line with the theory of dissimu
lation and its concomitant suppositions about the division of the public into
elite and common people, the first being able to understand the sense, the
esoteric element, of human events, the latter only the externals, the exoteric
part, of history26.)
Apart from the ideal of a polished, concise 27, and (relatively) simple
style, the avoidance of elements of crude (lower-class and antiquated)
Turkish, and the vague as well as conditional reference to a broad public, we
find no further specifications by 'AIT concerning his own style and its use. As
we saw above28, the same vague criteria are used in criticising the style of
other historians. This is not surprising. Even the most advanced Ottoman
works on rhetoric which existed at that time, the abbreviations and commen
taries on the Asrar al-balagha of al-Jurjanl (d. 1071) which were used in the
medreses and doubtlessly known by 'AIT, did not contain any consistent,
elaborate theory of the widely used in^a-prose29. The ideal of the elegant but
simple style is also defended in that work: the writer of (Arabic) rhymed
prose should avoid a superabundance of wordplay words should serve
thoughts and not the other way round and rhyme should come natu
rally30. The avoidance of undue prolixity and the attention to conciseness
moreover belonged to the topoi of the literary introduction31 and were, as
our examples quoted above show, not applied, paradoxically enough, to the
text where these ideals were put forward. It thus could hardly have been
understood by the common or middle class reader.
Elsewhere in 'AlTs work, literature and scholarship, particularly historio
graphy, are indeed nearly always depicted as the domain of perfect men ,
genuine 'ulema who were also great poets32. Nevertheless, it was an ana
chronism in the 1590s to picture the craft as being the exclusive domain of

24 KA I, 35.
23 That is, the group of category (1) in Adamovic scheme. The statements further confirm
Alps conservatism (which also was a general caracteristic of the category ( 1) language) and
professionally justificated phobia for upstarts from the non- 7/mfye-educated middle class (city
population in Adamovic scheme), cf. also below.
26 Cf. Al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun (1981), 89; Hardy, Historians o f Medieval India, 25; see also
above, p. 74.
27 KA I, 46.
28 Pp. 63-64.
29 See: Christopher Ferrard, The Development of an Ottoman Rhetoric up to 1882. Part I:
The Medrese Tradition , in: OA III (1982), 165-188, 170-172; Freimark, Das Vorwort, 3, 29-
30.
30 Abdalqahir al-Jurjanl, Asrar alrbalagha, Hellmut Ritter, trans., Die Geheimnisse der
Wortkunst (Wiesbaden, 1959), 10, 20-21; cf. Freimark, Das Vorwort , 18.
31 Freimark, Das Vorwort, 4, 51.
32 K A I, 4, 21.
214 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

'ulema-, most Muslim historians after the 11th century, as we have seen, had
been men of the pen rather than religious scholars33. The combination of
the scholarly with the literary element in histories from that age onward
seems also to point to the fact that they were written for a wider public than
the perfect , the 'ulema. What was that public?

(B) The public, an excursus

(a) Scholarly opinions

It has been presumed by scholars that the earlier Ottoman histories, because
their authors generally wrote in a simple language, were enjoyed by the lower
social strata, whereas the Persian and Ottoman works of greater literary
intricacy (including the Essence) were aimed at the higher classes. This
relation of social class with style level for single works of literature is
implausible, particularly for the histories of the classical period, for the
simple reason that most of them were written in a highly varying style34.
Fleischer nevertheless hinted at a similar difference between the public for the
early histories which should be associated with frontier-campfire story
telling 35 and buyers of MSS of the Essence who must have included
scholars, educated statesmen, and the growing body of Ottomans, such
as professional bureaucrats and merchants, who were literate in Ottoman
Turkish but might not have the knowledge of Persian and Arabic, or the
wealth and leisure, to build or use large libraries 36. It is questionable
though, whether the early historians wrote for a different public from that for
which a historian such as 'All wrote: some of the early historians were
attached to the court (AhmedI, Shukrallah, Ruhl37), others offered their work
to a sultan (NejrT38). Then, the different style level by no means implied a
different content: Walsh has pointed to the fact that the simple histories
were no more than imitations on a lower literary level of rhetorically
elaborated court productions39 and it thus seems more likely that the early

33 Cf. above, pp. 106-107; Waldman, Theory o f Historical Narrative, 38; this was also true for
Ottoman historians, with the notable exceptions of Kemal Pa;azade and Hoca Sa'deddln.
34 Cf. Barbara Flemming, Bemerkungen zur turkischen Prosa vor der Tanzimat-Zeit , in:
Der Islam 50 (1973), 157-167, 164.
35 BIOE, 239; his idea is probably based on Menages parallel with the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle, The Beginnings of Ottoman Historiography, 178; cf. also Inalcik, The Rise of
Ottoman Historiography, 152, 157; Ozdemir, Volkskunde, 3-4.
36 BIOE, 247; this interpretation is a rather fanciful if not necessarily untrue, cf. below
interpretation of KA I, 13, where 'All explains the compilative nature of his work, which made
much knowledge easily available to the reader.
37 Cf. Menage, Edirneli Ruhl , 328.
38 V.L. Menage, Neshri's History o f the Ottomans: The Sources and Development o f the Text
(London, 1964), 6 .
39 Historiography , 198.
 ALT'S STATEMENTS ON THEMES, STYLE AND PUBLIC, AND THEIR VALUE 215

histories catered for the same public, which included the court, but that the
level of literacy of this public rose and their taste became more refined after
the fifteenth century. Thomas, without referring to the identity of its public,
pointed to two different purposes of historiography, namely scholarly perusal
and public entertainment. He maintained that the work of Na'ima was read
by the businesslike reader or recited chapter-wise in literary gatherings
after which discussion of the passage in question followed. Listening to
readings from history was a standard diversion which had the function of
our theater, cinema and television 40. This might have been true, but hardly
any evidence is given to support these points of view.

(b) Private study and public entertainment

Although historiography was not a formal part of the medrese curriculum41,
it was taught at institutions of higher learning as part of other sciences,
notably that of hadith42. The presence of innumerable MS copies of histories,
including the Essence , in the libraries connected to institutions of religious
education points also to the active study of historiography by religious
students43, but we find no further documentation in the Essence . Some
times we read in biographies of scholars that they stayed up at night to read,
but this invariably concerned the reading of the Koran. Thus, Mevlana
MuhyiddTn was reported to have died while reading Sura YasTn**.
From the scholarly reception and codicological traces, we know that the
Essence was studied by historians, and owned and read by officials,
especially those connected with the Istanbul court, provincial governors, but
also lower ranking bureaucrats and 'ulema, both of high and low rank45. This
aspect is hardly highlighted in literary sources however. Of Solak Ferhad
Paa it is said that he studied histories and books 46. The historian Katib
Qelebi wrote that he often stayed up at night to read books, especially
histories and biographies he reportedly collected a library consisting of
1000 histories alone47. We are better informed about the, what we might call
collective, aspect of literary, and by extension historiographical, reception.
'All informs us that historiography along with poetry was meant to be
recited in scholarly/literary seances (meclis be-meclis)48. Such gatherings were
40 A Study o f Naima, 117, 148.
41 Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography, 45.
42 Al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun (1981), 152 (n. 114).
43 Eriinsal, Vaktf Kiituphaneleri, 74-76; cf. also Appendix II, below.
44 K.A/ M II/ 'ulema/ 32, B, 157a.
45 Cf. above, Introduction, pp. 4-5; Appendix II, below.
46 KA/ SU/ beglerbegis/ 12, B, 366.
41 Gokyay, Katib tylebt, 10; this number most probably is fanciful, c f Eriinsal, Vakif
Kiituphaneleri, 37, on the exaggerated number of books ascribed to individuals in literary sources.
48 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 5b-6a; in the introduction to Idris Bidllsfs Hasht bihisht the
same point is made, c f Walsh, Historiography , 198 (n. 1).
216 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

ideally attended by, again, ulema, but in reality also by other men belonging
to the ruling classes who were attracted to polite conversation (muhazarat49).
In the Kava id and Mevaid, 'AIT discusses the mores of such gatherings. In
them non-erudites from the lower and middle classes were treated with
suspicion: outsiders who do not know poetry or in^d-prose should not
interrupt intelligent conversation50. Lowly persons should not interrupt
notables (a'yan) with nonsensical talk that is completely beside the point,
and, for instance, bring up the subject of Khotan if Yemen is being discussed.
Ignorant bores who like to criticize young, brilliant poets, should be silenced.
The same is true for drug-addicts who do not know what is being discussed
and tend to pour out an uncontrollable stream of unintelligible words. They
should be chased away and if necessary given a thorough beating. Ideal
members of mecalis are: great emirs, scholars, experienced sages, and attrac
tive youths of sweet speech51. Literate idiots, often people of non-Muslim
origin ('Abdallah ogullari) who utter heretical nonsense about sufism,
Koran interpretation and hadith\ beasts who like to recite pointless and
metre-less (popular) poetry of others which they claim to be their own, and
moreover defend its broken metres and peculiar words, should be kept safely
at a distance52. People who can only sing and not recite should not be
tolerated53.
Discourse should develop in an orderly manner and discussions should not
degenerate into the cackling of insects as is the wont among the commoners
(avamm). This is a torture for scholars and intellectuals. One should avoid
the company of people of inferior race (na-cins). Poets and sages should
associate with perfect dervishes , learned students, miista'idds, and intel
ligent as well as literate city ragamuffins 54. One should take care not to
serve too rich food and drink, such as chicken kebab, sweet giillag (sweet
made from starch wafers) and coffee, to lowly people (erazil) and middle class
men (evsat-i nas) 55. Idiots who do not know anything of the Arab sciences
should not take along books on tafsir or hadith for the purpose of showing
o f f 56.
Although class distinctions are not very precise, we find here, as in the
introductions to the Essence , a clear indication that the world of scholar
ship and literature belonged, if not exclusively to the higher, in any case to
the educated classes and the otherwise talented: dervishes, young poets and

49 Cf. MN, 3.
50 KM, 16a-b.
51 MN, 47-50.
52 Ibidem, 65-68.
53 Ibidem, 127.
54 MN, 223-225; cf. also above, p. 211.
55 KM, 23b.
56 Ibidem, 25b.
 AL.S statements on themes, style and public, and their value 217

literary-minded city boys . Men from the lower and middle classes, inclu
ding those belonging to inferior races, are again met with suspicion.
The seances in which 'All himself participated, we should note, seem to
have mostly consisted of poets, once of 'ulema 57, but always dedicated to the
reading of poetry, often the most recent work of the participants and
improvisiation of witty verse in response to lines quoted by friends58.
Works of literature and historiography were not only written for refined,
intellectual pleasure, but also had a clear didactic purpose59, particularly also
with regard to leading statesmen and the sultan60. 'AIT therefore advises
writers, scholars, shaykhs and poets to attend the mecalis of the great once a
month or a year, especially in order to explain stories about the upright
(salih) great of the past so that the host may profit from the precious counsel
contained in them. A good historian is comparable to a sage in the time of
Adam61. It is doubtful, however, whether histories were much recited to
leading statesmen. The Essence mentions only two cases: on the night
before the grand viziers murder, the eunuch Hasan Aga read from a Tarih-i
al-i 'Osman to Sokolli Mehmed Paa, coincidentally the story of the martyrs
death of Sultan Murad I in the Battle of Kossovo62. Vizier (^igalazade Yusuf
Sinan Paa reportedly told true stories and histories about wars of the past
to Sultan Mehmed III while they were en route to Egri in 159663. In the
introduction to the Meva id, 'All complained that works about the exploits
(menakib) of prophets and saints (ev/iya) or the campaigns of the sultans
had become unpopular64.
The mecalis 'All primarily had in mind for the recitation of his own work,
were doubtlessly those held at court. As mentioned above, the Essence was
not dedicated to the sultan, but it contains direct personal appeals to Sultan
Mehmed III65. Although 'All may have hoped to profit from the work, his
hopes were probably not high; the court of Mehmed III, if perhaps not as
bad as that of his father who preferred to spend his time among singers,
buffoons, imitators and story-tellers 66, was not really a fount of literary
patronage. Although he did away with the more objectionable companions
and buffoons (but not the hated ehnameguys) of his father67, he was not an

57 KA V, 230-232.
59 Cf. above, p. 98.
50 KA I, 40-42; KA II, 75: the stories of the great of the past are intended as counsel for the
intelligent.
60 Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography, 58: histories were traditionally read to rulers.
91 MN, 130; cf. Al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun (1981), 152 (n. 114).
62 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 9, B, 362a.
63 K A/ M III/ 25*. 1-43, 537a.
64 MN, 12.
65 Cf. above, p. 87; Schmidt, Preface, 69.
99 MA, 113a; cf. above, p. 154.
97 KA/ M III/ 3*, B, 599a.
218 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

intellectual68. It was rumoured that he became easily weary of the recitation

of long stories and highly artificial narratives {menkabeler)69. Nonetheless,
after 'AlFs death many MS copies were acquired by court personages or came
in the possession of the palace library in the 18th century70. They may have
been recited to sultans who had more taste for historiography than their late-
16th century predecessors.

(c) Summary
The data given so far might be summarized as follows:
(1) Structure and themes: the Essence was to have a four-fold structure in
which the central narrative element was the story ; the author is vague
on its thematic elements, but points to the importance of biography and
the description of military exploits in his work.
(2) Language: 'All preferred the composite medium of Ottoman in$a and
wished to avoid crude Turkish, although popular elements might be
adapted to the prose.
(3) Style and style level: 'All professed to write a succinct Ottoman prose,
allowing himself a few dashes toward the heights of an elaborate style;
but his statements on this subject are rather vague, contradictory and
belong to the topoi of the prefatory essay.
(4) The public: although 'All professed to write for a broad public, state
ments of the author elsewhere as well as text-historical evidence indicate
that it was meant to be restricted to the well-educated and literarily
talented, and that the book was written for scholarly perusal, literary
entertainment and moralistic instruction, preferably of the sultan.

For a full comprehension of the first three subjects we clearly cannot depend
on the authors statements alone and these require further study of the text it
self. In the following, I will do so and discuss the stylistic features of the
Essence in its broadest sense: (a) its structure; (b) its language and style,
and (c) the relation between (a) and (b): between the subjects and themes that
make up the work, and their literary form.

69 Cf. above, p. 155.

MN, 14.
70 Cf. Appendix II, below.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 219

(II) T hematic and stylistic features of the essence

(A) Structure, subjects and themes

If we try to obtain a comprehensive picture of the structure of the Essence,

that is, the order of its subject-matter, we find the following main features.
The book, as 'AIT had envisaged, consists of four volumes, each of which
contains, from a thematic point of view, only a vaguely circumscribed, mostly
chronologically ordered, number of subjects.
The central element of the story, by which in practice was primarily
meant the event (vakia or hadise) was largely a historical notion71 and has
for the Essence only a superficial, formal meaning: paragraphs thus
indicated could vary in length from one sentence to fifteen folios, and if
lengthy, might further be divided into sub-chapters and other digressions
sometimes styled stories, anecdotes or appendices . These sub-units are
not necessarily logically connected, although a temporal coincidence often
occurs. On the other hand, occurences which we would regard as one
narrative unit are sometimes divided into more than one event .
For our purpose, it would be more useful to distinguish between polemical,
descriptive and narrative parts. The first category comprises passages relating
to the work itself: its writing, its contents and language, and discussions
of scholarly notions and historiography these parts have been discussed
in the previous chapters. The second category includes the enumerative
and encyclopedical parts of the Essence . The last group concerns history
proper: biographies and narrative concerning aspects of political, military
and natural history: military campaigns, court ceremonies, diplomatic mis
sions, the appearance of comets or natural disasters; the narrative on these
themes is often interrupted by comment of the writer, anecdotes, often
highlighting the character of a protagonist, or lyrical and panegyrical epi
sodes.
There are few unifying elements connecting the various parts of the work,
apart from the authors endeavour to give as much information as he could
gather on his subject (or rather: the subjects that were traditionally reckoned
to belong to the genre of universal history) in as short a space as possible.
Among the unifying elements we find (1) the alphabet (in the encyclopedic
chapters); (2) chronology (in a part of the encyclopedic chapters, namely the
biographies, and the events); (3) the main historical protagonists: prophets,
kings, sultans, imams, leading statesmen, and the personality of the author
himself (in the running narrative of events); (4) the subject of contem
porary Ottoman decay (especially in the last part of the fourth pillar)72; and
71 Cf. Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography, 66-71.
72 Cf. Fleischers analysis of the chapter on the reign of Sultan Murad III, BIOE, 293-307.
220 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

(5) cross-references in all parts of the text73; these were not systematically
inserted and must anyway have been of a limited usefulness to the scholar
who worked under the conditions of the manuscript age which did not
know a fixed folio- or page-numbering74.
But none of these unifying elements mentioned is able to bridge the
dominant patchwork character of the Essence, the impression of which
is enhanced by the repetition of certain topics, nor are there indications that
the author had any intention of avoiding the essentially encyclopedic and
record- or chronicle-type structure of the work. This first aspect: the
repetition of certain topics, sometimes of entire passages, might have resulted
from confusion; one should remember that the Essence was unfinished at
the time of the authors death75. This is perhaps most clearly the case in the
treatment of the Ptolemy dynasty; identical passages on this subject are found
in the first and second pillars76. There does not seem to be a structural,
narrative, reason why the subject should be brought up two times in the
work. In other cases, repetitions could perhaps also be explained as an
intentional, structural-narrative device. The story on the tower of Babil and
the resulting confusion of languages, for instance, which occurs twice in the
first pillar is, firstly, part of the introduction to that pillar77 where all kinds of
general historical phenomena are shortly explained in this case, that of
languages , and is, secondly, part of the history of the prophets78. In the
latter case the thematic emphasis is on the ethnic diversification of mankind.
The essential patchwork character of the Essence regarding its subject-
matter is accompanied by a remarkable divergence of language. This would
suggest that the study of our historys style would profit from the stylistic
analysis of its various elements. The question now arises: is there a direct
relation between these elements and the language and style used in them? To
answer this, we should take a closer look at this second aspect, language and
style.
(B) Language and style
(1) Levels of elaboration
'Alls preference for the composite Ottoman language and his aversion to

73 See for an example, above, p. 3 (n. 8 ).

74 Cf. Rosenthal, Technique, 37-39. The occurrence of such cross-references (as well as a fairly
clear division of the work into parts, chapters and paragraphs), nevertheless, makes the work
more accessible than many other pre-modem Islamic works in which the arrangement of the
contents were often deliberately held imperspicuous in order to force the reader to read them
completely.
73 Cf. also, above, Introduction, p. 3, and Appendix II, below.
76 A-2, 132b-l33b; 1-15, 252b-254b.
77 KA I, 251-53.
78 KA II, 76-77.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 221

crude Turkish is not completely realized in the Essence . Although it is

true that the greatest part of the book is written in the first medium, which
for the rest does not contain any Chagatay elements as 'All seems to claim79,
very simple Turkish is by no means absent. 'AlFs style level varies in the
Essence as in his oeuvre as a whole, in the words of Andreas Tietze: from
unadorned dry, factual narrative to the most involved and elaborate
Kunstprosa" 80. In order to briefly illustrate this aspect, one should compare
two fragments from the story of Yusuf which bridges the first and second
pillars.
The early morning of the day on which Yusuf was to be abducted by his
brothers is described thus:
At the moment of dawn when the world-illuminating sun began to smear the
centre of twilight with blood and the old man of the vault, full of anguish,
envisaging the morning of separation, was tortured by grief and regret (verse)
Let not time become more difficult than the present moment
The time when a man must part from his friend
Separation from the beloved is a disaster to the heart
Yearning for the beloved is deadly poison
the reverent old man (Ya'qub) and the honorable and heart-soothing Yusuf
rose from the sheets of sleep and began to prepare for prayer and ablutions.
(bir seplde dem ki afitab-i 'alem-tab miyan-i afakda alude-i dem ve plr-i
gerdun-i pur-iztirab $eb-i firak tasavvuri ile mubtelayi hasrat u nedem oldi nazm
olmaya bundan ozge mujkil dem
anda yanndan ayrila adem
furkat-i dost afet-i dildur
hasret-i dost zehr-i katildur
hazret-i plr u hazret-i Yusuf-i dil-peztr came-i hab kalkdilar salat u vuzu
mukaddimatina kildilar) 81

The story continues after a few pages in the second pillar:

Thereupon, all the brothers took Yusuf. They came near the pit on the road
from Damascus to Jerusalem. Yusuf, peace be upon him, was perfectly intel
ligent and seventeen years old on that date. They took his shirt from him...
(pes cumle karinda$i Yusuf aldilar amdan Kuds-i $erlfe giden yol uzerindeki
kuyu yanina geldiler Yusuf-i 'aleyhi s-selamun tamam 'akli bainda ve kendusi
ol tarlhde on yedi yainda idi andan gomlegini cikardilar...)82

79 Cf. KA I, II; BIOE, 22; the number of four languages (of which Arabic, Persian and
Turkish are explicitly mentioned by Ah) which made up Ottoman probably had a numerological
value rather than a realistic meaning.
80 Tietze, Prose Style , 298.
81 KA II, 244.
82 KA III, 2.
222 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

Whereas in the second fragment of 27 words (and four names), 18 words are
Turkish in origin, in the first fragment of 34 words (and two names) only four
are Turkish. In the second example only short sentences conforming to the
Turkish syntax83 occur the two izafets (nominal compounds) are only of
the traditional epithet-type , by contrast in the first one we find two
parallel main clauses preceded by an adverb of time to which a lengthy ki-
clause is added. Nearly every noun is moreover provided with compounds of
various types. Whereas in our second fragment no rhyme or other literary
devices occur, in our first passage, we find a poetical fragment, rhyme,
alliteration, phonic association, and the graphic, metaphoric association of
the unhappy features of the morning sky, also compared to an old man, with
the suffering of Yusufs father who already foresees his sons doom. The dry,
factual tone of the human scene in the second fragment, contrasts with that
of the cosmic drama approaching its dramatic climax in the first.
The elaborate in$a prose had more linguistic and stylistic devices at its
disposition than those occurring in our example: Arabic and Persian prefixes,
Arabic quotations, balancing clauses, alliteration, wordplay, the combination
of Arabic, Persian and Turkish synonyms, antonyms and homonyms, homo
graphs, figurae etymologicae, thematic associations, proverbs and popular
expressions, and comparisons84. All of these are found in the Essence .

(2) Poetry
An important feature of the medium 'All himself often refers to the
doublet prose and poetry 85 were its poetical intermezzi. The phenome
non is little studied, and I shall pay some attention to it here.
In the Essence we find hundreds of such fragments. Most of them are in
Turkish, a minority are Persian and fewer still are Arabic. They vary in
length from one to 32 hemistichs. Sometimes we find indications of a formal
nature: fragments are said to be kasides, gazeh, k ita, tarihs etc. or parts of

83 Another, and indeed more intriguing, question is how we should evaluate the Turkish itself
in its various aspects, such as lexicon, morphology and syntax, especially in the light of what has
been said above about 'Alfs public, the stratification of the language and the periodisation of its
history the Essence was written in a time which soon was to see important changes toward
modernisation (cf. Adamovic, Konjugalionsgeschichle, 328-331). My impression is that 'All
generally, as he intended to do, used the Ottoman written language current his time with
exceptional lapses into archaisms such as the use of the word singm (rout) or the optative
suffix (1st pers. sing.) on -am/-em belonging to older phases of the language (cf. below, (3, ii),
Battle of Uhud; (2), the moaning Ya'qub); Adamovic, Konjugalionsgeschichle, 328). But to arrive
at more precise conclusions, the scholar needs more systematic studies of the language of the
period and of 'Alfs works. In the present study I will largely direct my attention to questions of
theme and literary style.
84 For a survey, see: Tietze, Prose Style , passim; Woodhead, Ta'Kki-zade's ehname-i
humayun, 71-72.
85 See, e.g., KA I, 2.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 223

them. Mostly we have the indication by the author (limun^tihi, limiiel-

lifihi), which however does not absolutely guarantee that the verse was
written by 'AIT himself86, or poetry (nazm), which generally indicated
quotations. Only in a few occasions the author of such quoted verses is
indicated87.
As in the case of the famous prose works of Sa'di or JamI, models for the.
author88, verses are generally integrated in the prose context. They illustrate,
support or embellish the narrative or argument (and act, on the whole, as a
diversion from the complexities of the prose 89), or, as in the case of the
poets biographies, they form the subject of the anecdote or discussion itself.
If we left out the poetry, the narrative or argumentative thread of the prose
would not be broken apart from a very limited number of cases in which
essential information is contained in the verse, in most cases verses con
taining sentences spoken or thought by historical protagonists. An example is
the following taken from the story of Yusuf. During the night preceding the
day that Yusuf was to be abducted by his brothers, Ya'qub broke down and
moaned:
What senseless words were those by which my permission was given? Is this to
be the last night that we are together? Will it be possible, after tomorrow, to
become united again with my beloved?
Will I ever see {goremmi) his face again?
Will I ever rub (siiremmi) my face against his again?
Will I ever after separation again
Be able to make my heart touch (ergurremmi) the loved one?,
until morning he secretly wailed. 90

The close integration of the intermezzi in the prose context contributes to the
fact that themes of the poems are generally adapted to those of the prose
context. In the introductory chapters91, for instance, we find the themes of
the writer and divine inspiration, in those which deal with battles, we find
many and often nearly identical poems on sword and blood, deprecation of
the enemy and praise of the hero, and in critical asides we find satire, scolding
verse and poems of self-pity.

86 The Persian distich occurring in KA II, 189, for instance, is also found in MIrkhwands
Randal, I, 40.
87 Cf. for a survey, above, Chapter One, (3).
88 See, e.g., KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 8 b.
89 James Norman Gehlhar, A Stylistic Analysis of the Development of Literary Persian and
Turkish as seen in versions of Kalila wa-Dimna, the Fables of Bidpay (Diss. Edinburgh, Ann
Arbor, Michigan, 1976), 160.
90 KA II, 243.
91 Discussed below, paragraph (i).
224 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

The frequency of verses is equally concomitant with the quality of the

surrounding prose. Simple prose is almost bereft of poetry, extremely flowery
prose tends to be furnished with many and longer units of, now often Arabic
or Persian, verses. The introductions to the first and the fourth pillars, written
in an elaborate style, contain the great number of 103 poems, varying in
length from one hemistich (misra) to 21 distichs (beyts). Of the 82 poetical
fragments in the general introduction, four are in Arabic (none of them
longer than two distichs), 27 in Persian (most of them containing two
distichs) and 51 in Turkish (ten of them counting ten or more distichs). The
style level of the prose does not seem to have influence on that of the verse.
Elaborate prose may contain both simplistic jingles and high-flown Persian
gazels: compare the last verses o f'A lls praise of his own work
Bravo, bravo, o 'AIT
May God elevate your rank!
You brought to life the names of the dead,
May you remain alive until Judgement Day as well!
(aferin aferin ey 'AIT
Hakk seniin kadnn eylesiin 'all
nam-i emvati eylediin zinde
olasin zinde ha$re deg sen de)92

with the following quatrain in which 'All deplores his terrible fate:
In my hand [1 hold] a string of pearls, but my wallet is empty,
In my bosom [1 keep] a treasure of art, though 1 am a ruin.
The more steadfast of step I become, the more perplexed I am,
My work is to give God his due; is it strange that I am bewildered?"
(kefimde giiher 'ikdi tehl hemyanum
slnemde hiiner genci veil vlranum
sabit-kadem olduk^a ki ser-gerdanum
karum da huda hakki 'aceb hayranum)93

The first fragment, part of a long mesnevl in the hafif metre, is full of brisk
wordplay (zinde / sen de; 'Alt / 'alt) and the Turkish vocabulary balances the
Arabic-Persian element. The quatrain on the other hand, is heavy by its many
long verse-feet. The vocabulary here is, apart from the Turkish predicate
suffixes and the verb, nearly completely Persian. This also gives a strong
association with mystical poetry: 'AIT figures as the rejected lover and
(materially) unrecognized artist. In the first verses, 'All has the somewhat
sarcastic distance of the successful author who speaks to himself in the second
person singular (we could well compare the fragment to the fahrlye (self

92 K A I , 17.
93 Ibidem, 29.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 225

glorification) part of the panegyric kaside); the second poem represents 'AIT as
the inwardly turned, confused dervish. The mesnevi, crudely outspoken in its
eulogy, is nearly devoid of complex metaphors; the quatrain reflects the
imagery of writing, inspiration and recognition abounding in the chapter: the
pearls of the words or concepts, the treasure in the heart of the writer, and
the purse of the merchant of ideas (but also of the poor, neglected poet) and
other images conventionally used in love poetry.

(3) Style, style levels and personal style

Scholars in the past, apart from dismissing in$a out of hand as being clumsy
and unsuitable for historiography94, have tried to describe in$a prose by
distinguishing its levels of complexity. Following the theory of medieval
rhetoric, they differentiated between simple (sade), medium (orta) and orna
mented prose {siislii nesir)95. Fahir Iz even went so far as to attach the label
of each of these style levels to the works of the classical Ottoman prose
writers. He maintained that 'AIT, with for instance SelanikT, wrote middle
prose 96.
But such a simple classification does not do justice to the medium and lz
classification of 'AlFs prose is absurd, as the example quoted above already
made clear97. The Ottoman authors themselves did at most distinguish
between the extremities of the lowest (edna) a and highest (a'la) level98. The
fun for the in$a artist lay in the almost unlimited freedom of variation which
the linguistic and stylistic devices of Ottoman prose, or rather: prose and
poetry, offered him. 'A$ik Qelebi preferred prose above poetry for this very
reason:
Prose is a pretty boy, purer and more refined than poetry; prose is a deep sea
from which the boat of the pen comes ashore by every wind... its immense
space too ample to be measured by the yardstick of metres... 99

This is not to say that it gave him the freedom of the modern prose writer,
who, in the terms of Northrop Frye, writes in a descriptive language
(contrasting with the earlier phases of metaphoric and metonymic
writing)100. He was subject to the conventions of the genre101, which in the
94 Cf., e.g., the remark o f Franz Rosenthal who found that the true technique of the prose
rhyme was hardly suited for a truly artistic treatment of history , Muslim Historiography, 179.
93 Cf. Flemming, Bemerkungen zur turkischen Prosa, 158-159.
96 Fahir lz, Eski Turk Edebiyalmda Nesir. X IV yuzyddan X IX yuzyil ortasma kadar yazmalar-
dan sefilmif metinler I (Istanbul, 1964), xiii.
97 Pp. 221-222; cf. Flemming, Bemerkungen zur turkischen Prosa , 162.
98 Ibidem, 163.
99 Mefa'ir, 7b, quoted in Flemming, Bemerkungen zur turkischen Prosa, 163.
100 Northrop Frye, The Great Code. The Bible and Literature, paperback ed. (London, 1983),
24-25, passim.
101 Walsh, Historiography , 198.
226 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

practice of an essentially composite work such as a world history, meant: its

main themes. Even if they were not rigid 102 or precisely circumscribed
(and thus only indirecty understandable to us), the unwritten conventions of
the ina prosody were many as is clear from literary criticism found in the
Essence itself. Judging by the criterium of stylistic intricacy, one cannot but
come to the conclusion that 'All, despite all restrictions, was able to exercise a
large measure of freedom. Although one could say that the most elaborate
prose of the Essence in conformity with tradition is found in the polemical
parts, especially in the introductions and the conclusion, as well as in
panegyric fragments, and the most simple style in the descriptive and narra
tive parts, such as the enumeration of military encampments, the short
encyclopedical lemmata, and the summary treatment of Islamic and early
Ottoman history, one finds in all other parts, as I showed for the stories of
the prophets , a wide variance of stylistic elaboration. This freedom meant
also, as shown in Chapter One, the possibility to simplify or, by contrast,
elaborate literary source materials. Freedom did not only mean the possibility
of varying style levels, but also that of exercising stylistic originality: the
expression of the temperament, taste and artistic pretensions of the author
which had to be won against the pressures of the collective or period
style of the genre and his age103.
The staggering length of the Essence and the lack of time to write it must
have put limits to 'Alls stylistic freedom and pressed him to fall back on
routine even if this meant the use of a fairly elaborate style, such as he used in
the last three quarters of the fourth pillar. But it practically ruled out a
continuous high level of originality and brilliance as sustained in his Nushat
and Kava id analysed by Andreas Tietze. Examples of this personal style are
mainly found in 'Alls critical asides, of social satire and abuse of individuals
connected with contemporary decay.
So far for generalisations. The question now arises: how did the pattern of
style levels and the expression of personality work in practice? How did 'All
use language and stylistic stratagems in the various parts and thematic units
of his History? In other words: to what extent was the Essence in its
entirety a work of literature? To demonstrate 'AlTs style and the literary
qualities of the Essence , we should turn to the text itself. In the following, I
will dicuss its main themes and literary motifs. They include: the prefatorial
essay, the narrative of the military campaign, the description of towns and
court ceremony, social satire and the portrayal of individuals and their
behaviour: the biography, eulogy, and invective.

102 Ibidem.
103 Tietze, Prose Style, 297.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 227

(i) The prefatorial essay: the metaphors of pen, ink, writing, inspiration and
self-pity

The genre of the literary preface, which had its origins in the pre-Islamic art
of oratory and letter-writing104, had a rich tradition in Arab, Persian and
Ottoman literature. From the beginning, prefaces were written in an elevated
style, including rhyming elements, which clearly set them off from the work
proper105. Most of 'AlFs Ottoman predecessors wrote prefaces to their
histories: short and relatively simple in the History of 'Aik Paazade, to
longer and stylistically ever more elaborate in the histories of Neri, Kemal
Paazade, Celalzade, and Sa'deddin. The Essence in this respect forms a
culmination point: the work contains two prefaces, of which the first alone
was longer than any other until then written in the language. The number of
subjects treated in them was also impressive, and included nearly all themes
and topoi of the genre: formulas of praise and prayer; the character of good
historiography and its benefits; the motives, purposes and methods of the
writer; the contents of the book, and more specific as well as original: the
patterns of Ottoman history and an analysis of contemporary chaos106.
But foremost, the prefaces served to introduce his work to the reader and
whet the latters appetite for the most brilliant specimina of his literary style.
Although 'All adduces a number of facts in these parts, particularly in the
autobiographical and historical sections, the dominant characteristic is that of
literary play connected with the highly artful description of the process of
inspiration and writing. It belonged to the traditional themes of prefaces it
also occurs for instance in the preface to 'Aik Paazades History (we find,
e.g., the imagery of the tongue of the pen which spoke to the whiteness of
the heart on the field of paper 107 but 'All was able to turn it to
original effect by an intricate application of antithesis and association with his
biography.
The theme is elaborated in extensive wordplay with the concepts of pen,
ink, script, words, style, books, knowledge, and heavenly inspiration. The pen
is often compared to (and was indeed manufactured from) twigs of reed 108
which were moved by the breeze of eloquence or yielded the fruit of
sense. 109 Also other comparisons are made: the pen stands for a gallopping
horse that can hardly be held in check, or even exceptionally the penis which
moves to the catamite, the white-complexioned youth standing for the

104 Freimark, Das Vorwort , 72-73.

105 Ibidem, 13.
106 Cf. Appendix I, below.
107 F. Giese, ed. Die altosmanische Chronik des 'Asikpasazade (Leipzig, 1929), 2-3.
108 KA I, 2.
109 Ibidem, 10.
228 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

paper110. The point of the pen, its tongue is equated with the eloquent
tongue of the writer, whose mouth is the ink-well111. The white page is also
compared to sheets of fine silver or white marble 112, or, on the other
hand, the plate of wisdom 113 or the plain of the imagination 114. Black
ink is equated with musk and ambergris115, the flowing script with an
unfolded, black, turban116. Red ink is compared to blood from the tears of
the writer117.
Eloquent words, as for that matter, concepts and books, are pearls or
precious gems for which the writer has to dive into the sea118. (The ink-pot in
this imagery is compared to the mother-of-pearl.) False words are of the
substance of earthenware119. The pearls will bring the unraveling of the
mysteries of knowledge, the secrets of Gods will which is compared to the
sea120. Sometimes the eloquent style is compared to a beautiful youth121,
the script with his fragrant down122, and the contents to a fairy-like
maiden 123. Inspiration nearly always is compared to an oozing of the
water of knowledge 124 which seeps to the heart of the writer, or is the
flowing fountain of paradise which, through the ink of the writer, fertilizes
the earth from which spring his words125.
The writer is sometimes compared to the bridegroom looking for the
secrets of virginal thoughts126. He stamps cash of pure gold of wisdom
which is to circulate on the market of knowledge 127. The Essence itself
is compared to the door to a treasure-house of inspiration 128, or to a
building with four walls (its four pillars, riikns), preferably the K aaba129 or
the Palace of Khawarnaq of Persian legend130, or even a city of black

110 Cf. p. 212, above.

111 KA I, 39.
112 Ibidem, 4.
113 Ibidem, 9.
114 Ibidem, 11.
113 Ibidem, 9.
114 Ibidem, 6 .
117 Ibidem, 12.
118 Ibidem, 8 .
119 Ibidem, 44.
120 Ibidem, 13.
121 Ibidem.
122 Ibidem, 9.
123 Ibidem, 13.
124 Ibidem, 5.
225 Ibidem, 11.
224 Ibidem, 12; cf. for this topos, Flemming, Fahn , 128-132.
227 KA I, 29.
228 Ibidem, 5.
229 Ibidem, 13.
230 Ibidem, 45.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 229

ink 131, built by the writer using his pen as a measuring ro d 132. 'All
compared his catharsis of the year 1000, when God inspired him to write his
history, to the sudden inebriety of the nightingale of the heart which is sitting
dejected in the rose garden and is awakened by the song of the nightingale of
paradise133. Writers of quality such as 'All are roses134, while thick-headed
idiots smell foul like onion or garlic135. Nearly all this imagery seems to have
been taken from poetry, is endlessly repeated and seems to lack the stamp of
'Alls personal style.
The rarefied atmosphere of the theme of writing is enhanced by the fact
that the argument seems to be located outside any concrete time and place.
Many sentences have the form of tautological statements in which the
predicate contains verbs in the aorist or the inferential past: in the introduc
tion to the fourth pillar, 'All describes the ideal activity of the writer in the
following terms (we recognize the metaphors of the writer compared to a
diver for pearls and to an honest merchant):
The swimmer in the sea overflowing with ink, who is a diver in the ocean of
divine inspiration and assistance, has always brought, it seems, jewels of sudden
thought to the surface from the mother-of-pearl of inkpot and pen-and-ink-
case, and has always offered ready money on the market of good repute where
business is brisk, and in the street of creditable bankers and moneylenders. 136

In 'Alls commentary on the conditions of his life and times which dominates
the second part of both prefaces, the august imagery of writing and inspira
tion is turned to its contrary: roses wither, nightingales become ravens and
rooks, pearls are crushed, true scholars are tortured on the skewer, young
boys turn into bloodthirsty falcons the similes of the earthenware coins
and foul-smelling crooks have been taken from these paragraphs. In a final
characteristic example, in which 'All deplores the lack of patronage from
which he suffers, perfume is turned into stench, the treasure-house of the
authors works has become their tomb, the black turban of their sentences
their stifling shroud:
In truth, while the smell of the cadaver of the world corrupted their (i.e. of the
usurping idiots who occupied the place of former patrons) taste for greed and
avidity, and the capacity of their nostrils to smell the scent of the words will
not the Perfumer restore what time has corrupted? had finally been anni
hilated; and although they had seen that more than ten of my books were
stored in their coffers and that I had plunged into the sea of perplexity for every

131 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 3a.

132 KA I, 17.
133 Ibidem, 6-7.
134 Ibidem, 29.
133 Ibidem, 31.
136 KA V, 6 ; cf. Schmidt, Preface, 23, 49.
230 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

pearl of their contents, they (the books) remained hidden in their dark treasury,
every pretty boy of meaning being wrapped and deplored in the black scarf of
their black lines as a result of their (i.e. the idiots) stinginess to me and their
useless refusal of what was mine by right.
(by the author)
Because of my sorrow, [my] letters became wretched,
Because of my grief, the pretty boy of meaning was emaciated like a ghost.
The lines of [my] book were in disarray through deep despair,
[My] pen was broken, its face blotted by ink. 137

(ii) Warfare: facts, propagandistic boasting and human suffering

One of the primary subjects of Islamic historiography was, right from its
origin, war and the events concerning the Islamic expansion138. In the
beginning of the general introduction 'All stresses the point by characterizing
historiography as a description in a pleasant style of the glorious holy
wars and the victorious, bountiful conquests of the sultans. 139 Most
events in the Essence indeed describe military activities. In the fourth
pillar alone, 227 chapters are dedicated to war, whereas only 21 deal with
Ottoman dynastic affairs, seventeen with institutional developments, twelve
with natural disasters, ten with the death or murdering of viziers and nine
with diplomacy.
As I have tried to show in the preceding chapter, 'Alls world picture as
expressed in the Essence had a strong Islam- and Ottoman-centred bias.
The subject of the glorious campaign lent itself well for reinforcing the
propagandistic function of the history, if not by facts, then at least by the
addition of strong colour. The Essence presents a complete history of the
genre, developing from the relatively factual descriptions of the first battles
waged by the young Islamic community in the Hijaz to the ever more fancy
superlatives connected with the reports of the major battles in the Safavid
and Habsburg wars which were based on official fethnames. In the following I
will illustrate the development with some examples.
The Battle of Uhud, which took place in 3/625, is described as follows:
In that battle, the commander of the unbelievers was Abu Sufyan (leader of
the Qurayshls and father of the first Umayyad Caliph Mu'awiya) who had
come with 3000 men. Except for 200 horsemen, they were camelriders, 700 of
them fully dressed in armour. At the right flank stood 500 men under Khalid b.
Walid and on the left flank were 500 troops under Tkrima b. Abu Jahl. As
regards the Apostle of God (Muhammad), he had left Medina with a thousand
men, but many hypocrites (munafiq) had turned off the road and he stood with

137 KA I, 33.
138 Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography, 20, 38.
139 KA I, 3.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 231

his back towards Mount Uhud (two miles to the north of Medina) with a mere
700 men. He put on two heavy coats of mail and girded on two swords...
Opposite Khalid, he arranged a hundred men with Zubayr b. 'Awwam and
opposite 'Ikrima, a hundred men with Maddad b. Aswad. Having begun the
battle with cries of Allah is greatest, the Muslims fiercely defeated the
unbelievers and scattered them, but wisdom is with God. Afterwards, the
unbelievers gained victory and Hamza (uncle of Muhammad) fell as a martyr.
Abu Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman were wounded. 'AIT fought hard that day and
performed various acts of bravery so that even his sword broke in two. He went
to the Pride of the World (Muhammad) who took his (sword) Dhulfiqar from
his sash and girded it onto 'AIT. Thereupon 'All fought even harder... In short,
the rout (singin) was so fierce that few Helpers (Ansar) and Emigrants (Muhajirm)
remained at the side of the Pride of the World... 140

After this passage, 'AIT gives particulars from other sources which had
different versions of the role of Muhammad in the battle. One version
reported that Muhammad was wounded by stones and javelins at his mouth,
between the eyes, and in his thigh. Upon this, he fell from his horse, was
trampled underfoot and considered dead. Another version had it that
Muhammad was the only combatant left on the field and was rescued by Sa'd
b. AbT Waqqas who began feverishly shooting arrows in the direction of the
enemy. When he lost an eye, it was put back in its right place by the Prophet.
When the latter was attacked, he killed the aggressor with his javelin and sent
him straight to hell. There were, 'All concluded, seventy Muslims killed141.
Striking in this passage is (1) the simple, paratactic Turkish which is most
probably inspired by the simple Arabic of 'AITs source, al-Ijfs Ishraq at-
tawarikh142; (2) the factuality of the report which gives ample, if not very
detailed, information on the number of troops, the names of commanders,
the position of the units, the geographical situation of the field of battle, the
deeds of the individual heroes, the outcome of the battle (defeat) and a listing
of casualties these subjects remained standard features of most battle
descriptions ; and (3) the elaboration in precise, bloody, details, of the
heroic role of the main commander in the battle: Muhammad. The ideal of
gaza and martyrdom connected with heroic leadership, preferably of the head
of the Muslim community, which stood central in Islam, remained also one of
the standard themes of the battle description.
The central role of the warrior-martyr, is, not unexpectedly, most stressed
in 'Alls lengthy as well as stylistically highly elaborated, description of the

140 KA 111, 139; cf. W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammed at Medina (Oxford, 1953), 21-29;
John Bagot Glubb, The Great Arab Conquests, paperback ed. (London, 1980), 70-72.
141 KA III, 139.
142 Cf. above. Chapter One, (1), no. 57.
232 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

Battle of Karbala, which took place in 61/680, and was probably based on
the Kanz al-ghara ib143.
Near the town, a battle developed between the Imam Husayn, son of 'All,
with eighty of his men, and a thousand horsemen of Caliph Yazid (ruled 680-
83). The description of Husayns death is the central scene of the narrative.
When already many of his brothers were choking in blood, Husayn
appeared like a unique pearl 144. He was attacked by an infidel who
knocked the turban from his head, thereby wounding him. He was provided
with a new one. At that moment, his nephew Qasim, son of his brother
Hasan, a full moon alike, a boy of balanced beauty, gracefully strutting
about 145, was attacked and injured by the evil 'Um ar b. Sa'd. Husayn,
infuriated, struck him on the knee. The latters cry induced a group of Iraqis
to come to his assistance. Weeping, Husayn pressed the boy who could not
move against his breast but it was too late. Exhausted, Husayn sat down
before his tent. Realizing that he was to die soon, he embraced and kissed his
son 'Abdallah and took leave of him. Immediately, the boy was hit by a
poisoned arrow. Husayn, wailing, raised his hands, covered in blood, to
heaven, begging God for revenge, thereby breaking the hearts of the
inhabitants of the highest heaven 146. Another son and four nephews, sons
of 'All, were killed. Finally, Gods eternal will came to fulfillment. Husayn,
almost dying of thirst but unable to obtain a drop of water, was hit by an
arrow. He tore it out, blood spurting from the wound. Again directing his
imprecations to heaven, he was attacked by other pigs until, decapitated,
he fell from his horse. The angels of the sky, the huris and boys of paradise
were appalled, the universe shuddered, and all living beings, including the
fishes at the bottom of the seas, wept. The Imams possessions were looted
and the clothes of his relatives (ehl-i beyt") torn from their bodies. Husayns
body showed 33 arrow holes and 34 sword cuts147.
Not all historical battles were considered important enough to be described
at great length. Many summary descriptions are found in the third and the
beginning part of the fourth pillar. But brevity did not always stand for
stylistic austerity. The Battle on the River Zab between the troops of the last
Umayyad Caliph Marwan (ruled 744-50) and the Abbasid leader Abu 1-
'Abbas which took place on February 26, 750, is described as follows:
Unexpectedly they (the two armies) clashed near Mosul in an encampment full
of tents called Zab, and entered the battle and combat like two deep seas full of
fire. Their daggers were bare, their arrows a rain, their swords scattered fire,

143 Cf. ibidem, no. 78.

144 KA III, 374.
145 Ibidem.
146 KA III, 375.
141 Ibidem.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 233

their spears injurious like flashes and the thunder bolts of their maces spelled
doom with their rumbling. Not only rains of blood-drops could be seen, but
heaps and heaps of corpses and cadavers were piled up on both sides, the
wounded bowed their heads and were stained with blood, and the water of life
of most was mixed with earth and blood. Thus the army of Marwan was
defeated and his courageous heroes made miserable, while the the troops of
'Abdallah (uncle of Abu 1-'Abbas and commander of the army) were victorious
and not in the least wishing to pursue the Syrians... 148

The striking aspect here is: the use of a dominantly Persianite language,
which is full of compounds and rhyme. Although parataxis is still dominant,
we find now also complexer syntactic arrangements expressed through (Tur
kish) participles and gerunds (olub, oldukdan ma'ada etc.). The facts are
limited to two names: the place of combat and one commander, and the
outcome of the battle. Dominant is the literary aspect, particularly the
sustained simile of the natural, even apocalyptic, disaster reinforced by
gruesome details of human carnage.
The first major battle described in the fourth pillar is that of Kossovo of
June 15, 1389. It is similar in its scarcity of facts and stylistic elaboration.
After Sultan Murad had decided to attack the plotting infidels, he and his
two sons moved to the field of battle. Upon arrival
the warriors posted themselves opposite each other, regiment against regiment,
and wished to fight like planets before a full star. One saw the unbelievers
drown in the blue steel, prey simply to the dashing waves of the seas, their
multicoloured banners trembling with fear, and the cry of Allah! seized the
world. From night to night, the arrows and swords deafened the gazis while the
right and left wing of archers caused a rain of arrows... and most malevolent
unbelievers rolled in earth and blood, the group of warriors for the faith with
the help of God the highest confirmed the secret [of the words] we assisted
them, therefore they were victorious", whereas the adulterous heretic poly
theists, being killed and defeated, faced the warning words of there the
unbelievers were lost." 149

Striking is again the colourful imagery and the emphasis on human carnage.
What is more marked here than in the previous example, is the partiality
expressed by the strong contrast between the religiously justified heroism of
Ottoman gazis and morally inferior, because religiously mistaken, unbelievers
(Christians). They are accused of sexual aberration, and this was one of the
traditional characterizations of both the enemy, non-Muslim, even non-sunm,
foreigners and opponents, as we saw in the previous chapter.

148 KA IV-1, 160; Hugh Kennedy, The Early Abbasid Caliphate. A Political History (London,
1981), 46-47.
149 KA V, 72.
234 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

The stylistic elaboration culminated towards the end of the Essence ,

both in the genre of battle descriptions and that of the sieges of fortresses.
The lengthy description of the Egri campaign of 1596 at the end of the fourth
pillar contains examples of both. After the surrender of Egri, the Habsburg
troops were with great difficulty defeated in the plain of Hagova and the near
defeat which after all turned into victory gave the author the chance to
demonstrate his capacity for dramatic narrative to the full. We may summa
rize 'AlFs description as follows:
(1) the Ottoman troops moved in the direction of the enemy forces near
Tokaj;
(2) a detailed description of the Habsburg army: the number of units,
number of soldiers, their nationality, the commanding officers,
weaponry, and pay of individual soldiers;
(3) the sultan (Mehmed III) immediately decided to attack the heretics ;
(4) the initial skirmishes at the fringes of the swamp which separated the
two main forces; the sultan watched the fighting; (^igalazade Yusuf
Sinan Paa fought harder than any other commander; guns thundered,
bullets rained down, smoke and dust made the enemy invisible, noise
deafened the participants, the Day of Resurrection seemed to have
arrived;
(5) the second day: the Habsburg troops counting more than 350,000 men
routed the Muslims, the Anatolian Turks and Tatars first, despite Sinan
Paas endeavours to hold them back;
(6) enemy troops penetrated the Ottoman ordu where panic broke out;
(7) the sultan, surrounded by the paraphernalia of Muhammad, remained
praying before his tent and his firmness inspired others, particularly
Hoca Sa'deddln, to resist;
(8) the sultan mounted his horse and ordered his pages to attack;
(9) in a few hours they were able to chase and kill more than 100,000 enemy
troops, who left heaps of corpses behind;
(10) Sinan Paa who had joined the fight, alone killed 20,000 enemy soldiers;
(11) details on the booty obtained from the enemy;
(12) the appointment of Sinan Paa as grand vizier150.

The dramatic turning point (7) is described as follows:

Thus the mass of erring polytheists, stooping to plunder, pillage and booty,
and cutting through family relations and pedigrees, hurled themselves into the
sea of the Imperial ordu. Seeing the defeat of those who had fortified themselves
in their tents and the ignominious desertion of those who left the sea-like camp,
they tried hard and were eager to pursue them until the great sultan, pivot of

190 KA/ M III/ 25*, 1-43, 539b-544b.

 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 235

the world, his tent fixed in the sphere of his order, planted his horsetail and
standard in front of him and arranged his regiments in battle order... [Those
who hesitated to flee] saw that the great sultan stood firm in his solid,
auspicious tent, humbling himself in prayer on his prayer rug and lamenting
copiously... in his lap one of the lustrous swords of the Prophet called Qadib, he
looked like a mountain with sword and belt, endowed with majesty and
splendour. He begged for the victory of the Muslim soldiers, praying: O my
Lord, do not permit the community of Muhammad to be defeated by unbe
lievers!, he wailed and really, he did not stir from his abode of glory. It
appeared that neither great nor small moved from his mansion of adoration.
The proud vekils (deputies) at his side, the preceptor of his glorious father
Sultan Murad Han upon him be the mercy of the Beneficent King , equal
in stature to Ebussu'ud, and two so-called kazTaskers, famous among learned
'ulema, and most of the time endowed with alchemic eyesight, now gradually
awoke to investigate glance for glance the place and the great, more determined
minute by minute... Observing the manner in which the powerful shahriyar
affirmed his excellence, they offered him, as it were, pleasant praises with such
select attributes:
(by the author)
O Prince, master in the declaration of war!
O ArdashTr of the field of battle, ferocious lion of war! lsl

In 'Alls description of the battle we do not only find literary elements: the
linguistic elaboration of a limited number of historical facts, such as the
deprecation of the enemy with series of standard epithets such as dogs ,
infidels, and in the end: heaps of corpses ; the vague but colourful
description of the melee (as in (4)); the heroism of the main protagonists
the role of the sultan closely resembles that of Husayn in the Battle of
Karbala (as in (7)); the application of a great number of rhetorical devices
especially endless rhymes on -am, -am/em, and -dr in our example151152 are
striking , but also a clear distortion of historical facts. 'AIT here went
farther in this than any of his contemporaries, with the exception of the
author of the official fethname, Lam 'AIT Qelebi153. The number of enemy
troops was highly exaggerated, as were the roles played in the final combat by
the sultan and (^igalazade Yusuf Sinan Pa$a. Western sources even main
tained that both men had fled before the confrontation in the ordu took
place154.

151 Ibidem, 541b.

152 We find, e.g., the following sequences with rhyme on -dr in our fragment: gormi$ler ki
hiidavendigdr-i biizurgvdr otag-i iistuvdr-i sa'adet-asannda ber-kardr seccadeleri iizre tazarru' u
zarileri bisydr... ;im;Ir-i abddr kendiiler kiihsdr-i sahib-i tig ii kemervdr miihabet ii salabetle
a$ikdr...
153 Cfi. Schmidt, The Egri-campaign, 133.
154 Ibidem, 132-135.
236 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

Other examples of dramatic inflation were the exaggerated description of

fortresses. The stronghold of Egri, which had been subjected before the Battle
of Ha?ova, was described as follows.
Really, [the soldiery] saw a fortress of elevated altitude, its castle more
eminent than the Montain Qaf, its fortification and structure endlessly more
exemplary than each of the nine steel citadels and twelve bastions of solid
structure (the signs of the zodiac), its castle deeply entrenched like the foun
dations of the Palace of Khawarnaq, its towers and bastions and subterranean
dungeons like nine heavens of suspended parlours in the apex of the Pleiades,
its stony structure reaching out to the vault of the highest heaven... Due to
melancholy spleen, there was no end to its arms and approvisions, no end to its
cannons and bafalugkas (type of gun), and the weapons of the cursed inside
were ready and arranged, its concavity seemed a place full of snakes, centipedes
and scorpions. But although the height of the castle which reached the zenith
was uncommon, in the eyes of the shahriyar it appeared no higher than the
nadir, like the surface of the earth... 155

In reality, as Austrian archival sources tell us, the town was not more than a
small double fortress on a mountain, normally occupied by a garrison of at
most a thousand poorly paid and clothed soldiers156.
A similar border fortress, that of Kars, which was reconstructed by the
Ottoman troops in the summer of 1579 'All was present as secretary of
Serdar Lala Mustafa Pa$a , is described in similar cosmic terms:
Its seventh tower is its highest and a castle of rare penetration; it is the inner
castle, an elevated tower called Narin, a Saturn in the zenith of purity... Not
only is it a fortress of the highest rank, like the seven layers of heaven lively
with its seven planets and strong as those seven skies, but the division of
Janissary cavaliers, auspicious stars alike, began to build, unit for unit, demon
strating its might and majestic power... 157

Literary elaboration and dramatization contributed to the fact that most of

such descriptions do not distinguish themselves by subtlety. But here and
there we are struck by a remarkable change of tone. Describing the troops
participating in the Battle of Tercan of August 11, 1473, 'Ah exceptionally
compared the flanks of the Ottoman troops to the opening lines of a poem:
Without fail, the Rumelian troops under Mahmud Pa$a and the Anatolian
heroes under Davud Pa$a formed two wings and marched ahead; they
marched, and made the confused enemies turn into a maelstrom, surrouding
them like the Ocean (Circular Sea). The two units became like the opening
distich of a martial ode of powerful meaning, the redif (a word following the
the first rhyming letter) of which was associated with the word war and the

155 KA/ M III/ 25*, 1-43, 536a-b.

156 Cf. Schmidt, The Egri-campaign, 130.
151 KA/ MU III/ 12:i*, B, 513a; cf. NN, 197b-199b.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE * 237

consonants of its rhyme showing the t of fight, its lines full of adorn
ment rhyming on Mahmud and Davud, its contents spelling victory and
triumph... 158

Descriptions of military campaigns were not only exercises in richly coloured

superlative and bombastic self-righteousness, even if now and then inter
rupted by more subtle lyrical passages. Wars go together with immense
human suffering, both by the soldiery and the civilian population, and the
historian duly paid attention to this aspect of military reality. We find
references to cruelties suffered by the local population such as murder and
enslavement; the killing and injuring of men on the field of battle we
already came across examples above ; the suffering and death of soldiers en
route due to lack of supplies, rough weather and difficult terrain; the
starvation of garrisons besieged in fortresses; and the killing and mutilation
of prisoners of war severed heads were favourite trophies of war. In these
cases self-righteous superlatives were often exchanged for more succinct
descriptions of realistic detail, although they were hardly ever bereft of
literary elaboration. I will give some examples.
The suffering of the populace of Constantinople during its pillageing in
1453 is described in the fancy style of the fethname and is probably based on
Idris BidlTsFs History:
The broad-pillared town, a mark of highest paradise for the Muslims and a
matchless heaven for the earth-like unbelievers, turned into a blazing furnace
like deepest hell: some of them (the unbelievers) had arrows and shafts in their
necks from night to night, many others were full of mace and sword wounds in
their lusterless heads. It was impossible to hear a word because of the wailing
and lamentation. Because of the flashing of the mass of swords and arrows, the
short-handed ones were lame and powerless. The crying of monks, the shouting
of uncircumsized (garral) children, about whose prepuces (gurat) the begs
harboured fantasies, and suffering women reverbated (yangulandi) a gainst the
vault of heaven in the tones of the diigah and sihgah modes: it was as if the
cock of Yanko b. Madyans soul was roused (ku$kulandi) in his dark grave. 159

Revan (Yerevan) was occupied by Ottoman troops in October 1579. The

local ruler, Tokmak Khan, fled and his palace was set on fire. The Armenian
populace was enslaved:
Then they made numberless male (ner) and female (made), perhaps even some
hermaphrodite (nermade) slaves and sold 20,000 souls by auction in the
Imperial ordu160156

156 KA/ M II/ 24, B, 139a; L, 203b.

159 KA/ M II/ 5, L, 136b; cf. KA V, 258; the word garral does not seem to be included in any
dictionary; B has the less rare but suspect variants of 'azl for gural and gazal for garral, 92b.
160 KA/ MU III/ 12:iii*, B, 517b.
238 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

The attempt to subject Rhodes in 1480 led to disaster for the Ottomans. The
enemy watched how many Muslim soldiers drowned. W hat they saw is
graphically described as follows:
The wicked infidels saw from the turrets of their fortress that the sea became
adorned with white turbans and sashes of cloth, conical hats without heads,
almost bubbles, and thousands of perplexed crowns appeared on the surface of
the sea, between them, here and there, red felt caps of 'azebs (marines), which
looked like tulip petals fallen into the stream. 161

Particularly the lengthy descriptions of the Caucasus campaigns of 1578-1580

in which 'AIT himself had participated contain information on the Ottoman
army and its occasional suffering. At the end of the first year, 1578, the army
returned to Erzurum. On Friday, October 24, between Ere and Tiflis, 'All
wrote,
an extremely cold wind began to blast. The second day, a Sunday, Ruz-i kasim
(? November 8), a current [of air] of the format of a gale became apparent, that
is: winds that reportedly blew in the days of the deceit of the Deluge of Nuh,
or, as was confirmed, the ruthless breeze that descended on the 'Adids, the
people of Hud. But wisdom is Gods. On Saturday again astonishing winds
blew, so that 10,000 tents and marquees were torn to pieces, scattered, collected
in the air and dispersed in a moment like small silver coins. In the middle of the
following night, it began to snow, and the tents of the gazis turned into cupolas
covered with crude silver.
Quickly the winter moved against the hair-cloth [tents]
And satisfied the gazis, drowning them in pure silver
She brought down to earth as if from paradise a soft river
Every tent of ours seemed to be a bubble on this river
Or a fleet of ours that was launched to its farther shore/ Transoxania
The numberless tents seals on the White Sea (Mediterranean)
When it snowed on the black soil, the winter caught the army
And turned white veterans and youngsters alike
Wisdom is Gods. [The troops] were moved away from the magic, but when the
stoppingplace was reached, there was no spot suitable for settling down and
they marched until the late afternoon. Five, six thousand men were killed by
the ferociousness of winter and much baggage and provisions were dropped on
the roads, prey to the unbelievers of Georgia..."162

A similar situation arose the next year already in August, and 'All described
the falling of the first snow in equal terms although without referring to
human suffering:

161 KA/ M II/ 35, B, 145b.

162 KA/ MU III/ I0:xiv*, B, 508a.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 239

Within one week, the heat of summer was exchanged for the cold of winter:
one day it snowed uninterruptedly from sunrise until sunset as if the old woman
of the world all at once milked the cow of the constellation of Taurus to the
full.
It snowed on the verdigris tents
Jasmine was scattered on the green field
The tents gathered a big treasure
All of a sudden they found themselves buried in great riches 163

Passing the high mountains beyond Tiflis in the same autumn of 1578, 'All
continued,
[the soldiery] passed through many narrow mountain passes in some parts of
Georgia so that they regularly were delayed and had to wait for two, three
hours and sometimes even longer, imprisoned behind the horses because of the
crowding of beasts and men. This even made them forget the hardships suffered
from crossing water, and regard the trial of prison walls far worse. Finally, the
sea of the army again rose in waves by the winds of their marching, until they
climbed the mountain tops, ridges that were belts [stretching] toward the zenith
of heavens, and hills. These looked like the scattered remains [of land] buffeted
and dashed by the waves of the Deluge of Nuh... Then some camels fell from
the summit of a mountain together with their string, and the troop of
Janissaries who were near the spot where they had plummeted to the earth
swarmed to them like flies, immediately bandaging their feet with their skins as
impostors come down in the world (?) and went so far as to eat their
flesh... 164165

In the following year, during the same campaign season that Kars was
rebuilt, the Ottoman garrison was besieged in Tiflis. After four months,
supplies ran out, and everyone feared for his life.
Now that the provisions (zahlreler) had been exhausted, they began to suffer
from dysentery (zahlr) and everyone despaired for his life. At first, they had
begun to eat kebab from baked meat of animals such as horses, mules, donkeys
and camels. Then it was the turn of cats and dogs. The extraordinary thing was
that they found them savoury like conserve of roses, [but this is not so strange
if one realizes that] during the last days of the siege even the filthy meat of
snakes, frogs and toads was eaten, indeed the warriors of the faith even ate
carcases! They stripped gourds, straps and leather boxes, soaked them in water
for many days, and thanked God for them... 16s

Tabriz was besieged for eleven months in 1586-87; the garrison was struck by
a similar fate:

163 Ibidem, 12:iv, B, 519a. ,

164 KA/ MU III/ 10:xiv, B, 508b.
165 Ibidem, B, 515b.
240 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

Then, the provisions of the besieged soldiers were exhausted. Nothing had
remained of the animals and beasts of burden; they had all been eaten. There
had remained one mule belonging to their commander, but they got it and
slaughtered it as well and began to eat it with full relish. They even liked its
offal and blood. It had cost them 80,000 akfe...166

(iii) Townscapes
Although the description of nature is rare in the Essence despite the fact
that its imagery, often connected with the ideal garden and, as the examples
above show, the spheres of heaven, was often used, we sometimes find both
dry, factual , if not very informative, descriptions of towns in the geogra
phic chapter in the first pillar167 and, by contrast, the elaborate, often fancy
panegyric concerning towns and fortresses in other parts we already
encountered these in descriptions of military campaigns. This kind of pane
gyric was especially devoted to 'Alls birthplace Gallipoli. Describing the
occupation of the town by the Ottomans in 758/1356-57168, 'AIT sang its
praises in prose and poetry:
They took the fortress of Gallipoli, situated on the seashore in the ancient
House of Holy War, the ancient nest of royal falcons... known for its freshness
and pleasantness as the gardens and meadows of paradise. 169

Sultan Murad I had a lofty palace (bir 'all saray) built in the town, the
ruins of which were still visible at the time of writing170. The sultan preferred
it as residence above the palace in Edirne. 'AIT adds the following mesnevr.
The land is my place of birth
My figure found there its power and luster
My father was Ahmed b. 'Abdallah
Preceptor of good and sober men
Beneficent to scholars
His generosity and kindness were extraordinary
It is situated on the seashore, that pleasant town
Its gardens and meadows models of pure sweetness
A quarry of devout men, a beautiful pearl
A shore to pause drowned in jewels
Thus this land, abode of pleasure
Became a source and suitable place for geniuses
No one is idle there
Everyones situation is well arranged

166 KA/ MU III/ 32, B, 555b.

167 For an example, cf. above, p. 94.
168 Cf. Dani$mend, Kronoloji I, 28, who has 755/1354. ,
169 KA V, 48.
170 Ibidem, 74.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 241

Some are scholars, some warriors of the faith

Some are satisfied with their lot, others worshippers
There is no end to its rakes
No limit to its flirts
May that place be prosperous until the Last Day
May mankind make it a flourishing house (Kaaba)!171

Lofty panegyric with the usual metaphors of paradise and the heavens, may
be combined with the mentioning of statistical data, sometimes also based on
official documents. Describing the city of Tabriz, 'All wrote:
The prosperous town of Tabriz worthy of attack and strife was (the city was
destroyed by the Ottomans, 'AIT later adds) a place of paradisical qualities,
situated between the Ujan and Ktzil Dag, two well-known mountains, resplen
dent from afar like a gilded cupola, its buildings clad and adorned in azure
robes, unifying not only its houses, even most of its shops in glazed tiles, its
palaces the roofs and domes of them with gilded borders, and the
beauties of ornament and decoration of a mosque, the private initiative of the
Karakoyunlu [Sultan] Jihan Shah, its twenty, thirty domes reportedly of the
same height as the heaven of nine spheres... 172

'AIT continued to describe the unequalled great mosque of Uzun Hasan, its
minarets seemingly clad in brocade and well-proportioned like the bodies of
young men 173. The passage ends in a series of concrete, if perhaps some
what exaggerated, data, although rhyme and profuse adjectives are not
abandoned:
[the town] was adorned and illuminated by, on the whole, nineteen heart-
ravishing mosques, 21 life-prolonging bathhouses, a matchless caravansaray
with more than 200 gates, and 12,000 shops and markets. Although according
to the custom of the provincial register (kitabet-i vilayet) 80,000 houses were
recorded, the tax office had not yet arrived... 174

Finally there were spacious gardens with numberless ponds175.

(iv) Court ceremony: the display of luxury, patronage and power

A favourite theme of later Islamic historiography was the description of court
ceremonies: official departures, banquets, weddings and circumcision feasts.
It gave the historian the opportunity to indulge in minute and artful descrip

171 K.A V, 47-48; similar, partly identical lines occur in 'All's poem Sadef-i sadgiiher, Lustre
of a Hundred Jewels , MS MKI, Ali Emiri Efendi TiirkQe manzum 978, 2b, 7a, written in
Gallipoli in 1593; cf. BIOE, 147-148.
172 KA/ MU III/ 30, B, 553b-554a.
173 Ibidem, B, 554a.
174 Ibidem.
175 Ibidem.
242 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

tions of processions of state dignitaries176 and the useless luxury which was
the appurtenance of majesty 177: endless courses of food consumed by
guests, lavish gifts heaped upon bridegrooms, and intricate and costly shows
put on for the populace for weeks on end. Banquets and court receptions also
served as the background to the narrative of political intrigue.
On December 17, 1583 Prince Mehmed (the later Sultan Mehmed III)
departed from the capital on his way to Manisa. State functionaries lined up
according to precedence in order to take leave of him. Firstly, Sultan Murad
appeared:
Then, a strange rumbling became manifest. All of a sudden a world-illumina
ting sun (Sultan Murad III) appeared from the zenith of his glory drowning
[the world] in golden luster... First of all, Siyavu? Pa$a, the grand vizier, a most
proud country-adorning counsellor, an illustrious minister, a man of foresight,
and grandee inclined to travel a good deal, approached and gave good advice
regarding the care of the flock. All others approached in similar fashion.
Having arrived at the quay from where one crosses to the Oskiidar shore, they
boarded a kadirga en masse. The successful prince sat down conspicuously in
the rear, as proudly firm as his great ancestor, Nuh the Confident, while
crossing the sea. In this way he passed the Bosphorus. Thus they took leave of
the inheritor of the Crown and Throne while they scattered pearls of prayer
and praise as far as his eyes could see... 178

In 1509, Prince Korkud was lavishly entertained at the Mamluk court in

Cairo. He was received with rich presents:
Sent were nine lines of horses, nine strings of mules, twenty files of camels...
three herds of dromedaries, two files of adorned camels, chosen for their
elegance and beauty because they were to carry the private baggage of the
prince. Sent were also 150 horses, and seventy files of camels for his men and
tent. Another forty files of camels were destined for his kitchenware. Apart
from these, there appeared 90,000 most noble coins, nine superior gold-embroi
dered robes of honour, nine beautiful and tulip-cheeked choice pages carrying
gold jeweled banquet utensils... 179

At the following state banquet, 'All noted, were consumed: 500 sheep, 50
kantdr of honey, the same amount of clarified butter, 53 mud of rice, 2000
chickens, 200 goose, 50 yuk of sugar, many yiik of paste and dressing, and
five cases of trifles180.

176 Such descriptions were still popular in Western literature in the eighteenth century, cf. the
description of a procession generate of the citizens of Montpellier in 1768: Robert Darnton, A
Bourgeois Puts His World in Order: The City as a Text , in: The Great Cat Massacre And Other
Episodes in French Cultural History, paperback ed. (London, 1985), 105-140, 113 ff.
177 Walsh, Historiography, 198.
178 KA/ MU III/ 24, B, 535b-536a.
179 KA/ B II/ 37, B, 195a.
180 Ibidem, 195b.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 243

In 1585, Ibrahim Paa returned from Egypt in order to marry Princess

'Ayie Sultan. The riches in which the ceremony was drowned were briefly
described by 'All in most intricate in$a prose:
It became clear that from the inner [palace] the kedbanu (mistress) of the
Harem, a woman of Maryam-like qualities called Canfeda and from the outer
[palace] the respected agha, that is: the so-called kapu agasi with the nature of a
lion (gazanfer; this was also his personal name) and marked as one, had
renewed the perfecting of the trousseau, and had found, in conformity to what
had been wished, 200 female slaves with huri-complexion, twenty eunuchs
called kapu oglanis (messengers) all ready, most utensils and vessels of gold and
bejeweled:
(by the author)
Two hundred adorned slave girls
Agile, merry and quick like the east wind
Jewels that the world reckons to be cheap
Its cheapest though a heavenly star alike
So many rosaries strung of royal pearls
All of them necklaces brilliant like the Pleiades
Rich bracelets, the jewels of which
Ever so many rubies and garnets; rings
And many earrings; jeweled sheets
Some of them ruby, others pure garnet
So many precious cushions, many sleeping robes
All of them wonders, one for one a delight
So many hundred chests with woolen veils
Containing ever so many brocade dresses
So many pouches with coins: dinars and dirhams
All provisions to embellish the Harem
Goods and solid treasuries all right
Coins, textiles, girls and boys
all in perfect order... 181

The first detailed description of circumcision festivities, those of 911/1505-06,

is found in the chapter on the reign of Sultan Bayezld II. Orders were sent to
the Princes (Ahmed, Mahmud and Mes'ud) and groups of entertainers:
players, singers, jugglers, among whom the famous Pythagoras of the time ,
the luteplayer 'Abdelkadir, flocked to the capital to amuse the crowd. The
young princes, accompanied by a procession of mounted aghas and hocas of
the Palace, and the coeval sons of the great, were brought to the private
hotbaths where the chief surgeon stood ready. He

181 KA/ MU III/ 30, B, 554a-b.

244 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

cut a most laudable petal from the unblown bud, that is: he showed the
notables a piece of clearly redundant flesh like a piece of meat to be roasted at
the banquet of circumcision... and sounds of May God bless him filled the
horizons. 182

A similar metaphor is used in the description of the castration of'AlFs patron

(jazanfer Aga and the latters brother Ca'fer Aga:
It was approved that the wicks of their night-candles should be cut off.
Immediately the Chief Surgeon 'AbdalganI was summoned and the garden and
meadow of the two of them were divested of their unblown buds 183

Letters of congratulation and presents arrived in the capital and poets recited
verses on the occasion. ,
Later in the century, in the spring of 1582, Prince Mehmed (the later Sultan
Mehmed III) was circumcized. Festivities lasted two months, and a short
playful description of the public performances is given in the Essence :
There was no end to the strange rarities and wondrous things. There were
columns like minarets poking their heads into the highest heaven, of which
some stated that they consisted of one piece of stone, others that they had been
constructed... Although it had been deemed impossible to ascend to the skies,
some scoundrels were lucky and found their way up like ravens of death and
decay to their dead bodies. But most strange was a fellow who lay down on his
back. Ironworkers put an anvil on his belly and went to work as they are used
to do. They forged a lot of pieces of cold iron, saying that the work caused no
pain at all (?)... 184

Sometimes we are introduced to the privacy of the sultans mecalis, which

ideally time was spent reciting poetry and scholarly discussion. Thus Sultan
Selim II, 'All noted in the eulogistic introduction to the rulers reign,
of noble hart, who was provided by fortune with a healthy (selim) nature, was
a choice guide of men of quality and learning, a magic and artistic poet who
caroused with his companions, drinking rose-coloured wine. Sometimes, in
order to prove himself, he was inclined to study various poems and rhymed
compositions, and brilliantly conversed with his eminent (celalt) friend, the
private companion Celal Beg (Celali) or had intimate (nihani) companionship
and elegant colloquys with the famous statesman and agreeable friend Turak
gelebi (Nihani)... 185

182 KA/ B II/ 35, B, 193b.

183 KA/ M U III/ Introduction:4*, L, 328b; quoted in INAL, 127, who criticizes this and
other passages in which explicit reference is made to sex and genitalia as unsuitable and immoral;
cf. above, Introduction, p. 19.
184 KA/ M U III/ 19, B, 529b-530a.
185 KA/ S II/ Introduction, B, 432b.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 245

Private banquets could also be the dramatic background for murder of state
officials, the humiliation of sultans and the undoing of dynasties.
Thus 'AIT described the preliminaries to the execution of Grand vizier
Gedik Ahmed Pa$a in 1482:
The mat of jollity and drinking was spread out and the great viziers,
beglerbegis and begs of good reputation... present in the famous capital were
invited to the private banquet... Thus, cups were drained, the tailor of gifts and
presents was summoned and robes of honour cut out for everyone. Afterwards,
the country-adorning shahriyar stated and communicated what he had on his
mind, ordering: How should a person who is ungrateful and malicious, indeed
a useless peril in my fortunate gathering be punished? The ministers and emirs
jumped to their feet as one man and every one of them spoke praise and
encomium and answered: Such an ungrateful one should be killed and
destroyed without delay! Lo, that double dealer is he!, [the sultan] said
pointing to Gedik Ahmed Pa$a. At the same time, he ordered his killing, which
was done. Then, the banquet guests were given permission and dispersed to
their abodes. 186187

After Sultan Bayezld I had been defeated by Timur, he was once invited to
attend the latters banquet. It was described by 'AIT on the authority of the
historian Ibn 'Arabshah as follows:
One day, [Timur] had the mat of conviviality ready, augmented his jeweled
plates with appetizers distinguished by nuts to a greater number than the stars
of the ninth sphere, made his band of musicians tune their instruments, and
invited the eminent padishah (Bayezld) to quaff fair wine and to drink cups of
tawny in his meclis. The intoxication of the wine lifted the veil of embarrass
ment and produced complete familiarity and intimacy between them. Dancers,
turning about, danced; the drinkers contemplating this delight, passed away
from the real world. A heart-soothing banquet and brilliant abode was arran
ged such as experienced men had never seen.
(by the author)
Give the glass, cupbearer, let us make taste joyful
Singer, sing your songs, let us fill the banquet with music
Cupbearer, what wisdom is this that you heard from physicians:
Pleasure-giving wine is a potion against the trouble of grief?
(prose) Such gazels were read and it was as if the words of the singer touched
Bayezld. They brought the coquettish beloved of the shahriyar, the Serbian
daughter of an infidel ruler, to the meclis, and made her, according to Mongol
custom, pass the glass of the famous king, because it was their habit to have
female slaves serve as cupbearers at banquets. 181

186 KA/ B II/ 4, B, 177a-b.

187 KA V, 99; 'All did not believe that this scene had taken place, cf. above, p. 71.
246 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

Upon the fall of Baghdad in 1258, the last Abbasid Caliph Musta'sim was
imprisoned and not given food or drink for three days. Thereupon, 'All wrote
in a much more sober style,
he was brought to the tent of Hiilegii and seated upon a throne. A silver cup
was filled with gold coins and a mat spread according to ancient custom. When
they, acting as if they served food, set the cup before him, [Hiilegii] directed
himself toward him with the words: Here you are, you will be hungry after
these few days!" The caliph was perplexed, laughed and said Are these gold
coins edible...? 188

After the khan in a lengthy diatribe had reproached the caliph that this had
been the food denied to his subjects, the latter was trampled to death189. The
caliphs excessive carousing had come to light when seventy camel-loads of
golden, jeweled and silver goblets, glasses and other banquet utensils had
come forth from the tower that had served as the oppressors tavern ($arab-
hane)190.

(v) Social satire

One of the important themes of the Essence, we recall, was criticism of
contemporary Ottoman disruption. A symptom of the increasing chaos
was, in 'AlFs view, the disruption of the social order; the morals and
behaviour of classes had changed for the worse. In a number of passages, 'All
gives a graphic description of their depravity and these fragments belong to
those in which 'All was able to vent his anger and concern in a personal style.
Satirical prose, as in the case of the famous satirical verse of a poet of the
next generation, Nef% was of a dominantly vituperative and invective
nature191, whereas the humorous, at the same time most personal, original,
elements were the unexpected rhetorical turns of phrase. In the examples
below, we find the strong contrasts of the high and low, wise and stupid,
heavy and light, and repeated accusations of hollow extravagance and
lechery. These were combined with unexpected images and expressions: a
boiling Bosphorus (Straits of the Black Sea, which stood for black coffee), the
five fingers (associated with the finger-counted metre of folk poetry) and the
hundred plaits of enormous turbans.
An element of social, at the same time: literary, decay, as we saw, was the
appearance and popularity of coffeehouses in Istanbul. 'All vented his
indignation thus:

188 KA IV-1, 216-217.

189 Ibidem.
190 KA IV-1, 211-212.
191 HOP III, 256.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 247

The esteem and prestige of men of honour and repute was scattered into the
soil of baseness like dregs of wine; people of all trades and from a multitude of
workshops/ brothels (karhaneler ) became in their lewdness and lust attached to
coffeehouses where they, as if from a streaming river called Black Water",
drank watery coffee. It was as if the Straits of the Black Sea (Bosphorus) had
began to boil and hiss and that so many coffeehouses had appeared from its
overflow... When the cares of the time turned the behaviour of great and small
upside down and condemned the grandees of lofty repute by discordant fate to
ignominious lowness, people denied what they knew and everyone was only
aware of the known on a level of ignorance. Therefore the company of
knowledge left the coffeehouses and words of calumny and slander made their
appearance. Necessarily the word-knitters of more or less and up and down
were infected by the slander of idiots, and as soon as new poems were read,
they censured and cursed their subtleties according to their intelligence as
defective words of calumny... But for the rhetors among the eloquent words
actually are not as flat as the five fingers of man (reference to parm ak hisabi: the
syllabic metre of popular poetry), nor do knowledgeable intelligent men inter
rupt and oppose the words of the eloquent, nor is it possible that wise rhetors
do not understand this and ascribe ignorance to masters of wit... 192

There was perhaps no group in society which roused the wrath of the author
so much as the 'ulema, the majority of whom according to 'AlTs view forsook
their cardinal duty of upholding the morals of sultan and subjects. Describing
their decadence around 1002/1593-94, 'All wrote:
Finally, they began to don silk, mount Arabian horses, to use in every respect
prosperous smooth-faced boys, to wear coats of lynx and sable fur, to oscillate
in nightly intercourse with wenches, to frequent the mansions of the great by
day in order to obtain a means to enter high posts, to cultivate their bodies by
eating fine foods, and were for the same reason unanimous in spreading their
beds and enjoying the huris and boys of this earthly paradise. Those who did
not follow their whims and share their intercourse, were humiliated and met
with hostility because they remained outside the hundred" (saddan haric, i.e.
the hundred plaited folds of the miicevveze turban worn by the pretentious
'ulem a193). While I write this, evidently in the year 1002, the disruption of the
circumstances of the 'ulema has reached such a point that they have become
nothing but slim-wasted young men, wearing narrow turbans, tight and short
caftans with open-worked sleeves, and particularly sugar-loaf turbans on their
heads, even, in order to enhance their number and prestige, children who have
not yet reached the age of discretion and have begun to adorn their boots with
golden spurs and jeweled tassels, being passionately in love with money and
goods and mad for rank and prestige. Even if they did not choose an emir
career, it is clear that they all the same wear brocade, and silver and gold-
embroidered silk, adorn the saddles of their horses with golden chains, and in
order to gradually attain their goal, they seem to belong to the class of fairy
faced slaves and youths who are the envy of pages and are clothed in brocade,

192 KA/ SU/ 54/ Appendix, B, 340b-341a.

193 K A/ M 11/ e:2*, B, 114b.
248 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

satin and golden trappings. Reading and writing has become a fault altogether,
scholarship has disappeared among them because it has become impossible to
require personal qualities, and rotten thinking to appoint excellent men as cadis
without asking for a purse. In our time, they obtain a post as molla or judge
(mevlevlyet) because they are in the first bloom of youth, and most of these
whose rank is only a fleeting shadow are themselves sons of such men who,
after the highest medreses, attain the cadiship (kaza) of small towns with 70, 80
ak(e which is an unexpected blow (kaza) to mankind... 194

The same theme of the 'ulema who no longer knew their place in society and
trespassed the sumptuary mores is found at other places in the Essence 195.
'All ridiculed their unsuitable ambitions by exploring the contrast between
outward splendour and inward hollowness. Doing so he particularly indulged
in colourful descriptions of their attire. Elsewhere, in the same chapter, 'All
described the clothes of the 'ulema of various rank and ambition in six
parallel rhymed clauses:
In short, in our time most philosophers in high offices are characterized
(mevsuj) by wool (suf). Professors of the inner medreses as well as ulema of
higher rank, as is well known (ma'ruj), are distinguished by fringed homespun
broadcloth. They are characterized (mevsuf) by eight, nine turbans each of
which express their power and greatness. But those of weak will are afflicted by
two turbans and two, three vaklyes (5.6 to 8.4 lb.) of cotton. Those who are
very proud are recorded (masruf) as being distinguished by lynx and sable furs
as well as by their great number and idleness. It has also been discovered
(mekfiif) that those who boast very much are specialized in hoarding food and
an abundance of properties and means... 196

In the general introduction, in a much angrier tone, 'Alt wrote:

Thereupon, the work and seclusion of the 'ulema became insufficient. Ex
changing the rules of the $enat for the principles of customary law (or/),
swelling their turbans while donning, every one of them, fringed cloaks made of
scarlet broadcloth, decking out their horses with jewelry, mounting golden
stirrups, their turbans growing bigger and their baggage heavier, they began on
the whole to decrease their weight while actually inflating their turbans of
wrapped and folded cotton because some weaklings did not decapitate them for
loading themselves with power and riches. 197

Another group that roused 'AlTs anger were the Janissaries who were a
disaster for the country. In his description of their disgraceful ways, we again

194 Ibidem, B, 115a; L, 169a.

195 q ( for a more general treatment of this subject based on data from KM, MN and NS,
Tietze, Mustafa 'All on Luxury, passim.
196 Ibidem, B, 115a.
197 KA I, 37.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 249

find the characteristic references to greed, sexual abuse and the vestiary
symptoms of their situation.
This contemptible unit and cursed group... called boliik halki are soldiers
commanded by six aghas. In our time, most of them come out of the Imperial
Harem, a second group is produced by the Janissaries corps and used by the
same. A third group are sons of their own who are enrolled in the boliik with a
salary of, at first, ten akfe daily, and the fourth group consists of former
artillerymen (topfus) and armourers (cebecis), slaves of the great or slaves from
Egypt, Syria and Baghdad... Most cases of perversion and revolt appear from
the ill-mannered ones of this fourth unit and the valley of their ingratitude;
they indeed mostly belong to the class of scoundrels and the inauspiciousness
and ignominy ascribed to the loathsome army is mostly due to these lowly ones.
(by the author)
They do not possess one atom of culture
Most of them are disgraced and of criminal background
Their task and talent is to make mischief
To resist all authorities
They look mean and depraved
You can tell: together with tyranny they are the greatest disaster
If they are marched off with staff and flag
That means the melting of the heart oil of (causes anxiety to)
thousands
One of them ruins a village
And tortures its populace
Two of them bring disaster to a great city
Once they form a group, they are a disaster to the age
They revolted against two padishahs (Murad III and Mehmed III)
All of them belong in the Fire (...)

In truth, three or four akfe would suit a Janissary well, and with a golden
knitted cap (iiskiif), a silver yiihliik (the part of the cap where a plume or
aigrette was placed) on his head, a silver-ornamented sword in his belt, and a
regular salary his affairs would be in order. But this soldier who gets a salary of
forty, fifty akfe is ungrateful and malevolent. Wherever you see a disgraceful
person, it is he, and wherever you find an unfortunate person in vile clothes or
wearing a filthy turban, and you ask the class to which he belongs, you will find
that he is a member of the boluk halki. 198

(vi) Biography: careers, characters, mores, eulogy and invective

Perhaps the most important single subject of the Essence is the biography.
As we saw in the previous chapter, the individual and his passions, particu
larly the individual endowed with power, was considered to be the driving
force of history. Islamic historiography in fact had its very roots in the closely

198 KA/ M III/ 6 *, B, 599b-600a.

250 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

related sciences of biography and genealogy199. In his general introduction,

'AIT explicitly justifies the activity of the historiographer by stating that it is a
religious duty of mankind to remember the deceased, and he compares the
historian to the Prophet 'Isa who had the gift of reviving the dead. By
keeping alive their memory, especially of those who are worthy of that
honour, such as pious men, scholars, poets, sultans and statesmen, man is
able to continue to profit from their good example, or, on the other hand,
learn from their faults and mishaps, even after their death200.
The material presented in the Essence is enormous. The second and
fourth pillars contain long chapters consisting of biographies consisting of,
respectively, 35 + 284 and 1053 separate lemmata which vary in length from
one sentence to a number of folios. But that is not all: in the chapters
recounting the events of history, the biographies of prophets, imams, kings,
caliphs, sultans, important statesmen, but also men of lesser rank dominate
their narrative content and contribute to the coherence of the work as a
whole.

(a) Scope, content and development

The short, separate biography in its most elaborated form as it occurs in the
Essence contains data about the subjects names; origins, ethnic and genealo
gical; years or dates of birth (seldom) and death; the circumstances of his
conversion (in the case of Muhammads companions and followers) I write
his and he, because hardly any woman appears in these sections201 ;
outward appearance; education, career, rank, the device on his signet-ring,
important relations, amplified with data on his increasing or decreasing income
and occasional gifts; inventions, literary and scholarly products; remarkable
achievements; a characterisation of the subjects morals, behaviour and
religious activities, such as the pilgrimage, as well as longer stories which
exemplify specific points, such as an, often, we might expect, fanciful,
explication of his name or mahlas (pen name), a character trait or important
occurence in which he was involved, or anecdotes in which literary puns,
often cast in the form of witty conversation, play an important role; and
finally, the circumstances of his death, particulars about his grave, and
sometimes his afterlife as reported in the dreams of saints. In this, 'All, also in

199 Cf. B. Kellner-Heinkele, Osmanische Biographiensammlungen , in Anatolica VI (1977-

78), 171-194, 171-172.
200 K A I, 2-4,40-41.
201 The lives of fourteen women are described among the companions and followers of
Muhammad, KA III, 250-348; in the fourth pillar, biographies are devoted only to three women:
the poetesses Zeyneb Hatun (M II/ 14, B, 170a), Mihri (B II/ 37, B, 220b) and HubbI Hatun (S II/
11, B, 475b).
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 251

sections belonging to the original parts in the fourth pillar, followed the
traditional form and scope of his sources202.
The description of historical events in all pillars, then, is more or less
modelled on genealogy and biography, that is: arranged according to dynasty
and the chronological sequence of the reigns of individual rulers. The
separate chapters on individual reigns moreover are mostly headed or closed
by, or simply consist of, summary biographies of prophets, imams, kings or
sultans. We find in most cases also separate paragraphs on outward features
and clothing; a summary of miracles or charitable deeds; and a description of
the circumstances of the death of the personality in question and details on
his tomb.
If we try to give a short characterisation of the biographical content of the
Essence in its respective pillars, we might say that the dominant religious
and pious approach of the first and second pillars gradually gives way to a
secular one in the third and fourth.
Many of the descriptions of the early saints: prophets, companions and
followers of the Prophet as well as the twelve Imams, have either a strong
hagiographic character, or could be reckoned to belong to the mirabilia genre
or were a combination of both: prophets and other religious figures and
this is also true for a great number of biographies of ulema and shaykhs
described in the fourth pillar were, for instance, ascribed enormous ages:
Adam was said to have reached the age of 940 years203 and 'Isa: 112204.
Prophets, imams and shaykhs were believed to be able to bear almost
inhuman suffering and self-torture, and perform all kinds of miracles205.
The culmination point of the hagiographic tendency is perhaps found in
the chapters on the Imams, mainly based on the Fusul al-muhimma206. One
gets the impression that they were even more unworldly than the prophets
and certainly Muhammad himself. Their features are said to be strikingly
similar to those of the Prophet or 'All. Being the true inheritors of Muham
mads prophethood, supernatural powers are ascribed to them : being able to
predict future events, to heal wounds, escape from prison cells (Imam
Muhammad al-Jawad207) and other feats. They supposedly stood in direct
contact with the angels and God, and emanated the Light. When the Imam
202 Cf. for a survey of possible elements, J. Stewart-Robinson, The Ottoman Biographies of
Poets, in: Journal o f Near Eastern Studies XXIV (1965), 57-74; Kellner-Heinkele, Biographien-
sammlungen, 171-194; for a thorough analysis of the biographies of poets based on the tezkires
of Sehi, Latlfi and 'A$ik Qelebi, see: Harun Tolasa, Seht, Latifi, Aftk (felebi Tezkirelerine gore 16.
Y.y.da Edebiyat A ra ftirm a ve Eleftirisi I (Izmir, 1983). For 'AlTs biographies of poets in the
fourth pillar, see Isen, Tezkire kismi .
203 KA I, 325.
204 KA III, 98.
205 See for examples, above, Chapter Two.
206 Cf. above, Chapter One, (1), no. 73.
201 KA III, 409-410.
252 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

'All b. Musa ar-Rida showed his face to the scholars of Nishapur, it

appeared to them as a sun discharging abundant light 208.
This predilection for the exotic perhaps reached its apex in the story o f'U j
son of 'Anaq, the biblical progenitor of the giant race of the Anakim209. In
accordance with the Durr-i meknun210 and the Kiiab KhamTs211, 'Anaq was
said to be a rejected daughter of Adam and Hawwa (Eve). She was most ugly,
having two heads like a dragon and eleven fingers, furnished with two nails
each, on both hands212. The monstress gave birth to a son called 'Uj who
was conceived by her twin-brother in adultery213. He was able to bewitch
devils after he had stolen a wand from Hawwa when she was asleep. Finally,
God sent a lion, big as an elephant, that swallowed him214. He was of
enormous proportions: forty cubits taller than the highest mountains so
that the water of the Deluge only reached up to his knees. He was so heavy
that he could only be moved by 2000 carts drawn by 1000 oxen progressing
half a mile per day215. He lived for more than 3000 years and was still able to
pester the people of Musa at the end of his life. Once, he broke off a large
stone from the top of a mountain and intended to throw it at them, but
fortunately God interfered and an angel hollowed the stone, wherupon it fell
around the giants neck. According to the same tradition, 'Uj finally was
killed by Musa who hit him on the heel with a long stick. The resulting
wound killed him. Falling to the ground, he crushed 6000 men to death.
According to one tradition, the corpse fell into the Nile and served as a
bridge for great and small during many days216.
In the biographies of the companions and followers of Muhammad,
particularly those based on al-Bidaya of Ibn Kathlr217, more secular aspects
are stressed. We come across Umayyad rulers and other worldly functio
naries, female slaves and poets. They often led adventurous and anything but
exemplary lives (for instance the apostate Jabala b. Ayham Ghassani218), and
the descriptions of their person and lives are less cliched and contain more
surprising details, often presented in the form of anecdotes, than those based

208 Ibidem, 399.

209 Cf. al-KisaI, Qisas al-anbiya, W.M. Thackston, trans., The Tales o f the Prophets (Boston,
1978) , 353 (n. 107).
210 Cf. above, Chapter One, (1), no. 74.
211 Cf. ibidem, no. 93.
212 KA II, 67.
213 Ibidem, 6 6 .
214 Ibidem, 67-68.
215 Ibidem, 68-69.
216 Ibidem, 6 8 .
217 Cf. above, Chapter One, (1), no. 54.
218 KA III, 270-273; cf. R.A. Nicholson, A Literary History o f the Arabs, reprint (Cambridge,
1979) , 50-51.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 253

on the Ishraq at-tawarlkh219. People are not only vaguely described as

beautiful, but also as exceptionally ugly (for instance Abu Muhammad
MakkT220), or sluggish: Safwan b. M u'attal was said to have slept so much
that he always risked missing the morning prayers221. The chapter is enli
vened by commentary of the author222, a varying of style and the quotation
of verse.
In the descriptions of the non-Muslim dynasties, and those of the Muslim
ones in the third pillar, the biographical aspect again looms large. The history
of, for instance the Persian kings, is nearly completely restricted to the lives of
the individual rulers: the years of their rule, their features, the cities and
'imarets (complexes of public buildings supported by a vakf) they built, their
inventions and scholarly activities. The same is true of the Islamic rulers,
particularly from the chapters on the reign of Caliph Harun ar-Rashid
onwards223. Reading through the third pillar, we are, as it were, led through
a long portrait gallery of sultans of the most diverse character: from the
gluttonous Caliph Sulayman (ruled 715-717) who died after he had eaten 400
eggs and two baskets of figs224, to the sleepless Tulunid Sultan Khumaraway
(ruled 884-896) who spent the night on a bed floating in a pond filled with
quicksilver225, and the poison-eating Sultan Muhammad Ghiyathaddin
Zahri of Chapur, who drowned in the pond in his garden which he used to
cool off from the burning heat caused by his unsavoury diet226. We read
about the cruel and austere Hajjaj b. Yusuf, who as a baby preferred blood to
his mothers milk227. He spent his nights reading the K oran228 and finally
killed more than 120,000 Muslims at the time of his death 30,000 women
and 50,000 men were still languishing in prison, and 33,000 prisoners had no
roof over their heads229. His cruelty contrasts sharply with the pious and
whimpering Caliph 'Umar b. 'Abdal'azTz (ruled 717-720), who never possessed
more than the shirt he wore on his body230 and as a child burst out weeping
when he realized the meaning of death231. Generous rulers such as the
IkhshTdid Sultan Kaffir (Camphor, ruled 966-968), a black Ethiopian slave
219 Cf. above, Chapter One, (I), no. 57; KA III, 196-248; see for instance the lively dialogue
between Mu'awiya and Arwa bt. Harith b. 'Abdalmuttalib in which the latter scolded the caliph
for usurping the rightful position o f "AIT, KA III, 263-264.
220 KA III, 336.
221 Ibidem, 283.
222 Ibidem, 298, 318, 334.
223 KA IV-1, 205 ff.
224 Ibidem, 106.
225 KA IV-2, 3.
226 KA IV-3, 49-50.
227 KA IV-1, 85.
228 Ibidem, 89.
229 Ibidem, 91-92.
230 Ibidem, 112.
231 Ibidem, 109.
254 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

by origin who had been bought for eighteen filuri and of whom the poet
Muhammad b. 'Asim said:
Egypt does not shudder from normal fear
But dances to celebrate his justice"232

contrast sharply with tyrants such as the mad Fatimid al-Mansur Hakim
(ruled 946-953) who trespassed the rules of the shari'a and oppressed Mus
lims, Jews and Cristians alike233.
Also in the fourth pillar, the personalities of the sultans are central both to
structure and content. But particularly this volume is characterized by its
great volume of serial biographies, the number and length of which increases
toward the end. Their development also reflects that of the genre among the
Ottomans as well as their history, especially in its social and cultural aspects.
The biographies of the early reigns, from 'Osman up to Mehmed the
Conqueror, are 'AIT was for this period dependent on comparatively scarce
source material only few as well as vague (whereby often the lack of
concrete data was compensated by wordy sentences): we do not find much
statistical material , nor on the other hand illuminating stories . The
biographies here are dominated by the dervishes who were the close com
panions of the warrior-sultans, such as the famous Shaykh Edeball, at the
same time mufti, miir$id (spiritual guide) and damad (son-in-law) to Sultan
'Osman234, the first BektajT shaykhs who settled in Anatolia in the 13th and
14th centuries whose often miraculous lives are traced in the period of
Orhan235 and 'ulema, mostly educated in Persia, Syria, Egypt or the Anato
lian principalities, who tentatively began to set foot in the Ottoman domains,
such as Mevlana Davud Kayseri who taught at the first Ottoman medrese in
Iznik236.
From the time of Orhan onwards, we begin to find biographies of, more
strictly secular figures, the first viziers, honorarily styled pashas, and
kdzfaskers, in the beginning mostly members of the Ottoman dynasty, and
sancakbegis, who were increasingly, from the reign of BayezTd I, of dev$irme
origin237. The type of secular biography only fully develops in the period
of BayezTd II, where for the first time more factual details are found we
now also for the first time come across defterdars and nifancis , and, in
particular, that of Selim I. The begs of the early period are mostly described
as heroic and blood-thirsty warriors. HacT tlbegi, for instance, was said to

232 KA IV-2, 8 .
233 Ibidem, 16-17.
234 KA V, 39.
235 Ibidem, 52 ff.
236 Ibidem, 51-52.
232 Cf. Ishak Beg, slave of Yigit Pa$a, KA V, 108.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 255

have participated in the killing of 50,000 infidels238, but the primitive gazi
continued to capture 'All's attention: also in the later reigns we find series of
short lives of such men we must not forget that 'AIT had been one himself
in the service of Ferhad Paa in Bosnia and knew the milieu from his own
experience. Examples are Maikop Beg, whose sons 'All had met in Klis and
who once, enraged by complaints sent to the Porte, killed 300 complaining
Ziaraf-payers239, and the stern Hamza Beg, sancakbegi of Pojega, who had
personally cut off the head of a infidel mlr {beg) and, though rich, refused to
spend a penny on his sword or the trappings of his horse 'All may also
have met him 240. But on the whole, the rustic mores gradually changed into
more wordly and refined ones: already 'AIT Paa of the Qandarh family is the
first who was said to have maintained a residence with private quarters
staffed with rose-faced slaves and provided with a well-furnished table241.
Another characteristic of the sections in their entirety, was 'AlTs preference
for figures connected with his native Gallipoli, particularly if they spent
money on pious foundations in the town, such as Saruca Paa242, and
Fazlallah Beg243, but they also in the later sections concern people I have
mentioned the cases above244 , whom 'AlT knew personally: masters,
friends and acquaintances, and the memory of whom he did not want to be
lost to later generations, despite the fact that they mostly were not very
outstanding 'ulema and poets 'AlT in this respect was not essentially
different from LatffT whom he criticized for his bias for men, truthfully or
imaginarily, originating from the latters native Kastamonu245.
Poets only made their appearance in the chapter on the period of BayezTd
I, where 'AlT in a short introduction explains, as he had done in the
introductory paragraphs to the first and fourth pillars, that in early times
only simple souls, Tatars, Turks as well as infidels inhabited Rum; the first
real poets rustic figures such as Shaykh Yunus Emre could hardly be taken
seriously246 were introduced by Timur247. With the portrait of the great
Suleyman elebi, whose Mevlud-i nebi was still recited, as it is today, in 'A lfs
own time in thousands of meclises every year248, a gallery of famous, for the
later periods also of less famous, versifiers opens, their biographies amply
provided with their own verses (sometimes also accompanied by nazlres of the
238 KA V, 75.
239 KA/ SU/ emirs, 4, B, 372a.
240 KA/ S II/ sancakbegisl 3, B, 462a.
241 KA V, 74.
242 Ibidem, 74-75.
243 Ibidem, 142.
244 Cf. above, pp. 96-97.
245 Cf. above, p. 64.
246 KA V, 127-128.
247 Ibidem, 115.
248 Ibidem, 115-116; cf. HOP I, 239.
256 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

author) and anecdotes. But not until Neslml249, the first who made Turkish
poetry famous 250, and particularly Necati251, the Hafiz of Rum, and
Hayall, the first great poet of the Rum! style 252, did there appear men
whose verse was written in the language and style acceptable to 'All and his
contemporaries. The biographies of their predecessors, such as those of the
famous eyhl, AhmedI, Ahmed Paa and Nizami are furnished with critical
remarks on their faulty eloquence, however much their diction was acceptable
to their contemporaries253.

(b) Historical data and literary elaboration

Particularly the serial biographies of the fourth pillar allow us a rich insight
into 'Alls historiographical method which we also encountered in other parts
of the work: historical facts and conceptions are reinforced and elaborated
with the greatly varying literary means at the authors disposal. In the
following, I will discuss and illustrate some of the important aspects of the
genre: (1) description of features; (2) socio-historical data; (3) data on
cultural history; (4) description of character and behaviour; and (5) judge
ment of individuals: eulogy and invective.

(1) Features
Although physiognomy had a scientific status among the Ottomans and was
attributed an important role in institutional history254, descriptions, often
vague and idealized, of the outward appearance of men are nearly always
limited to those of prophets, imams and sultans, and rarely occur in the serial
biographies. Such descriptions are equally given of personalities living in a
distant past and contemporaries. The Prophet Adam, for instance, was said
to be
tall; he had dark hair which was dishevelled but full of grace, and he was
regularly built. His teeth were like hidden pearls, he was of perfect beauty; his
eyes, brows and cheeks were extremely well-proportioned, and he had no beard
or mustachios... 255

Of Sultan Murad III, 'All wrote that his brow was thick-haired and reddish,
his face round, his complexion rosy-white and his stature of medium size256.

249 KA V, 240-243.
2S Cf. HOP I, 354.
251 KA/ B II/ poets/ 38, B, 220b-222a.
252 KA/ SU/ poets/ 29, B, 400a.
253 Cf. KA V, 191.
254 Cf. above, pp. 116-117.
255 KA I, 273.
2S KA/ MU III/ Introduction:!*, B, 485b.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 257

Of Mehmed III it was said that his brows joined over the nose, his teeth were
regular, his face round, his body fat, his stature of average size257.
In the serial biography, outward appearance was mostly given attention
because of its exotic character. Mevlana Musliheddln, nicknamed the Red
Mule (Bagl-i ahmer), had a thin beard, a reddish complexion and was so fat
that no horse or mule could carry him258. Divan secretary 'Abdi was the
object of hilarity because of his feminine, colourful, attire259. The poet Meall
was described as thin-bearded and having a funny face: it was hard for
people not to burst out laughing when they saw him because he looked like
a camel with his nose in a hump. 260 $eyhii l-islam Ebussu'ud was said to be
tall, having meagre cheeks and long legs. He used to wear an unceremonious
turban, but behaved and dressed as a molla. 261 M umin was an untidy and
dishevelled-looking person: his countenance was always disgusting and
antipathetic, his turban and cloak with a hundred holes, his face unwashed
and his beard and mustachios unkempt. 262 FazlI always had a grim
expression on his face, and was plump and moody263.

(2) Socio-historical data

The serial biographies, especially those of the fourth pillar, are extraordina
rily rich in concrete historical data regarding the lives of the personalities
under discussion, and give us a far more detailed as well as contradictory
picture of Ottoman society and its development than the main narrative of
the Essence . In contrast to 'AlTs schematic periodisation of Ottoman
history with, apart from the short interlude around 1400, its ideal, ordered
society in the past and disruption on all fronts after ca. 1550, we are here
confronted with a tyrannic behaviour of a good sultan such as Mehmed
II264, cases of bribery which occurred in the same golden age : kaztasker
Mevlana Mehmed b. Mustafa, for instance, sold cadiships for money265. Nor
did the system of career legislation and patronage under the Old Sultans
(Mehmed II, Bayezid II, Selim I and Suleyman) seem to have worked as
satisfactory as 'All elsewhere suggests: many are the cases of talented literary

257 KA/ M III/ Introduction, B, 597a.

258 KA/ M II/ 'ulema/ 52, B, 159b.
259 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 8 , B, 361b.
260 Ibidem, poets/ 86, B, 420a; this passage was literally adopted from 'Ajik Qelebi, cf. Edith
Ambros, Candid Pen strokes. The Lyrics o f M e dh, an Ottoman Poet o f the 16th Century (Berlin,
1982), 18.
241 KA/ S II/ 'ulema/ 29, B, 469a; cf. 'All b. Ball (Minik), al-'Iqdal-manzum ftd h ik r afadil ar-
Rum (Bulaq, 1299), 446, 449.
242 KA/ SU/ poets/ 97, B, 422a; cf. 'A$ik C^elebi, Me$a ir, 127a-b.
243 KA/ S II/ poets/ 37, B, 481b.
244 Cf. above, p. 87.
243 KA/ M II/ 'ulema/ 11, B, 152a.
258 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

men who languished, unrecognized, in provincial villages, fell victim to of the

ill-humour of their protectors, slander of envious colleagues, the breaking up
of courts or the replacement of protective literary viziers by more boorish
ones.
The productive scholar SeyyidI Ahlzade, writer of, among other things, an
Arabic commentary on Sa'di's Gulistan, was never granted more than the
cadiship of Edirne (his biography is supplemented with indignant verse by the
author)266. Necatl Beg was subsequently dismissed as secretary from the
court of Prince 'Abdallah upon the latters untimely death, and as nianci and
companion from the court of Prince Mahmud for the same reason, before he
finally obtained a salary of 1000 akge from Sultan Bayezld I I 267. Ahi, the son
of a merchant of Nikeboh (Nikobol), remained miilazim until his fortieth,
and, having irritated Sultan Selim I by a line in which an oppressive shah
was mentioned, died holding the obscure position of miiderris in Karaferye
(Beroia)268. FiganI was executed in 1526/27 on the orders of Ibrahim Paa
who had been informed by envious men that the poet (who was, in contrast
to 'Aik Qelebi, not highly esteemed by 'All) had written an insulting distich
in which he was accused of idolatry269. Gazall could only avoid his imminent
execution by Prince Korkud who had become angry with him during a
drinking session, by urging postponement with the hangman, who in turn was
nearly killed by the repenting prince both were saved by the reappearance
of the poet in the flesh270. Mevlana 'All (^elebi who had worked for twenty
years on his Hiimayunname, was told by Grand vizier Lutfi Paa when he
offered him his book, that he had wasted those twenty years of his life
(fortunately, Sultan Suleyman later recognized the authors merits, and
promoted him to cadi of Bursa)271. The salary of six 'osmam received by the
poet Cellll of Bursa from the generous Grand vizier Ibrahim Paa, was
reduced to a meagre three 'osmani by his successor Rustem Paa who, as he
told Yahya Paa, did not like texts split in the middle , i.e. poetry272. Upon
the execution of the same grand vizier, Kandl lost his income, and was no
longer able to feed his beloved birds and dogs273.
The uncertain fate of poets was shared by that of statesmen who could
become victim of the death of their patrons, or the sudden wrath of powerful
sultans. Six biographies of viziers out of the twelve treated in the chapter of
Selim I, end in execution. It seems that, as Celalzade told 'All, there did not

266 KA/ B II/ ulema/ 32, B, 212a.

267 Ibidem, poets/ 38, B, 220b-222a; cf. HOP II, 93 ff.
268 KA/ S 1/ poets/ 1, B, 267a-b; cf. HOP II, 289.
269 KA/ SU/ poets/ 69, B, 415a; cf. HOP III, 34-35.
270 Ibidem, 64, B, 412b-413a.
271 KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 49, B, 378a-b; cf. above, Chapter One, (4), no. 6 , and pp. 49, 55.
272 KA/ SU/ poets/ 21, B, 396a-b.
273 Ibidem, 74, B, 417a.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 259

pass a month when a vizier was not killed. A common curse among the great
was to wish ones foe a vizierate. Grand viziers were happy as new-born
babies if they escaped alive from an interview with their master!274
On the other hand, we find also a number of, sometimes spectacular, cases
of social rise, indeed most of the time due to lucky patronage, and this proves
that Ottoman society was, on the whole, not the rigidly structured affair 'All
himself suggests in other places of his work. 'AlFs own life, so richly
documented in his work, is, although not considered particularly successful
by himself, of course the first example: son of re'aya, or perhaps better
described as the upper level of the commercial middle class, he became, as we
saw above, subsequently 'alim (the 'ilmiye career was theoretically at last
open to all members of society), katib, and 'asker (soldier) through a great
number of functions, ranging from miildzim to defterdar.
But 'Alls was certainly not an unique, though exceptionally documented
case (personalities of his status: that is, moving in the middle and lower ranks
of the bureaucracy who were not also famous literary men, are hardly ever
described) nor, indeed, was his career only the result of contemporary chaos.
Especially within the ranks of 'ulema, shaykhs and poets, we find many re'aya
by origin, people generally disregarded in the main narrative of the history:
sons of a baker (Shaykh Ham id275), a gardener (Ezheri276), merchants
(Mevlana Hocazade277; AhT278), a court sweeper (Ha$iml279), a slave of a
court usher ( Muhzir Kuh Sinan Qelebi280), a bookbinder (Mevlana
SeyyidI281), a saddler (FazlT282283); or men who were themselves household
slaves (Mevlana ZTrek, who served a rich merchant for a salary of twenty
ak(e2a3; $evkl, slave of the wife of a pir in Bursa284; Necati285); a tanner
(Mevlana Taceddin, he became mufti of Kefe (Feodosiya)286); an inkseller
(Enveri287); a shopkeeper (SubutT288); a druggist (RahTkT289); a city raga
muffin (Sihri II 290); a confectioner (Kandl291); an incenseburner at the

274 KA/ S 1/ viziers/ 11, B, 257b.

275 KA V, 112.
276 Ibidem, 189-190.
277 KA/ M II/ ulema/ 4, B, 150a.
278 KA/ S 1/ poets/ 1, B, 267a-b.
274 KA/ B II/ poets/ 43, B, 222b.
280 KA/ SU/ shaykhs/ 30, B, 392b.
281 KA/ S 1/ 20, B, 261a.
282 KA/ S II/ poets/ 37, B, 480b.
283 KA/ M II/ ulema/ 3, B, 150a.
284 KA/ B II/ poets/ 21, B, 219a.
285 Ibidem, 38, B, 220b.
286 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 115, B, 388a.
287 Ibidem, poets/ 14, B, 394b.
288 Ibidem, 18, B, 395b.
284 Ibidem, 33, B, 402a-b.
290 Ibidem, 46, B, 405a.
291 Ibidem, 74, B, 416a.
260 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

Bayezld Mosque (Ke$fi292); a skullcapmaker (Helaki293); a farmer (Mevlana

Manav SeyyidT294295); a bookbinder and guard at Yedikule prison ('Azlzl29s);
or those who were originally members of a minority: Defterdar 'Abdes-
selam296 and a number of court physicians, such as Hakim Y a'kub297, had
been Jews. (They apparently could not completely escape suspicion of
fostering malevolent plans against the Muslim community: Soft Mehmed
Paa was said to have been poisoned by a Jewish doctor, who had already
murdered forty Muslims with the name of Mehmed298). The latter profession
was also practised by, of origin, Christians, such as Hakim Ishak299.
High state officials were, even in the time of the Old Sultans , not only
recruited, as the kanun of the Conqueror prescribed, by dev$irme: Grand
vizier PIri Paa began his career as a cadi of a small town300; Uveys Paa was
a muderris with an income of fifty ak(e before he became beg301; a second
Uveys Paa, the governor of Yemen, was a bastard-son of Prince Selim302;
Dervi 'All Paa, was a levend from the common people303; Mihalogh Arslan
Paa was a Rumelian cadi304; Captain Dellal Mustafa Paa was originally a
vendor on the Istanbul fleamarket305. Grand vizier Ozdemirogh 'Osman Paa
was the son of a Circassian , that is, a Mamluk horseman, of the type of
coarse warriors often encountered in these pages: during the Indian
campaign of Suleyman Paa in 1539, he enthusiastically jumped, seated on
horseback, from on board the ship that was approaching the Arab coast and
made his way to the shore he was said to change clothes only twice a
year306.
Many of the 'ulema and other state functionaries were, during all reigns,
members of prestigious Anatolian dynasties, many of which had been forced,
somewhere in the past, to recognize Ottoman authority, but which must have
remained an important political factor in the Empire afterwards. This aspect
only seldom, as in the case of emsl Ahmed Paa who vented his plan to
revenge the Isfendiyaroghs in the presence of the author307, comes to the
surface in the Essence .

292 Ibidem, 78, B, 4I8a.

293 Ibidem, 116, B, 425a.
294 KA/ S II/ ulema! 32, B, 470a-b.
295 Ibidem, poets/ 32, B, 480a.
299 KA/ S 1/ defterdars/ 2, B, 258a.
297 KA/ M II/ physicians/ 4, B, 160a; cf. above, p. 117.
298 KA/ SU/ viziers/ 7, B, 363a.
299 Ibidem, physicians/ 4, B, 388b.
300 KA/ S 1/ viziers/ 10, B, 257a; cf. NS I, 67/165, where his career is considered exceptional.
301 KA/ SU/ beglerbegis/ 3, B, 364a.
302 Ibidem, 6 , B, 365a.
303 KA/ S II/ beglerbegis/ 11, B, 460a.
304 KA/ SU/ beglerbegis/ 18, B, 367a.
305 KA/ S II/ derya beglerbegis/ 2, B, 460a.
306 KA/ SU/ beglerbegis! 7, B, 365b.
307 Cf. above, p. 105.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 261

Social rise and decline must have been of enormous consequence for those
involved if only because of the aspect of income: the gap between abject
poverty and fabulous riches seems to have been enormous. Although it is
difficult to estimate the purchasing power of the gold and silver currency, we
may safely accept that an income of below, say, twenty akge per day was
meagre: we hear, as mentioned above, about the penury of 'AlFs friend
Mevlana Agehl of Gallipoli he had an income of fifteen akge per day308.
We come across men who even earned less, such as HacI Mehmed Beg, who
in his youth earned three akge per day as a day-labourer in Salonica309;
Shaykh 'Abdarrahim who, as mutevelli in Merzifon had a salary of eight
akge310', the poet Miimin, a hoca of the halberdier (baltaci) corps at the
palace who, despite his boasting of superiority to Jam! and Hafiz and
somewhat ridiculous claims of royal descent, did not receive more than six
akge daily311; or Mevlana emseddln, who as a singer, after having been
dismissed from the court of Mehmed II, had to earn an income by singing in
the streets of Bursa, receiving for each song one 'osmanl312. 'AlFs teacher
Mevlana Musliheddln Suriiri, who had become hdca of Prince Mustafa, was
dismissed on the instigation of the princes laid and cupbearer (saki), and as a
result, suffering from headaches, died in poverty, having been dependent on
almonds from the sailors of Galata and Kasimpa$a313. 'AlFs relative Dervl
Qelebi, imam and hatib of Sultan Suleyman because of his beautiful voice,
was dismissed by Sokolli Mehmed Paa after the sultans death, had to sell all
his possessions and ended with an income of one hasene (a gold coin) per day
from the Egyptian treasury314.
These amounts contrasted sharply with the salaries and enormous gifts
received by persons such as the court physician Hakim Kutbaddln who had a
salary of 500 akge per day, increased with a round sum of 20,000 akge every
month and large occasional bonusses315. His case was not exceptional: of
Hayall, for instance, it is said that there did not pass a week that the poet did
not receive some hundreds of hasenes or a month that the sultan (Suleyman)
did not give him 1,200,000 ftlurl316. Higher state officals were often able to
acquire fortunes from their landed property or fiefs, and to keep large
households staffed by numerous servants: Suleyman Paa was said to have
employed 1000 slaves317, Rustem Paa even 1700318.
308 KA/ S II/ poets/ 2, B, 472a; cf. above, 97.
309 KA/ SU/ 25/ Appendix, B, 296a.
310 KA V, 186.
311 KA/ SU/ poets/ 97, B, 422a.
312 KA/ M II/ ulema/ 53, B, 159b-160a.
313 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 98, B, 382a-b.
314 Ibidem, shaykhs/ 30, B, 392a.
315 KA/ M II/ physicians/ 1, B, 106a.
316 KA/ SU/ poets/ 29, B, 399b.
317 Ibidem, grand viziers/ 5, B, 359a.
318 Ibidem, 6 , B, 360a.
262 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

(3) Aspects of cultural history

The biographies, particularly those of the fourth pillar, also contribute to our
knowledge of Ottoman intellectual history. They document the copious
production of books and essays, largely commentaries and super-commenta
ries of popular handbooks, of essays on different subjects, anthologies, and
poems. The endless copying, reproduction and elaboration of standard works
could adopt absurd forms. When Cadi HelakT Karamam boasted to Grand
vizier 'All Paa that he was proficient, not merely in the conventional twelve,
but in the 72 sciences, and offered to fill the world with many books about
them (at the grand viziers expense), 'All Paa advised him to rather fill the
Golden Horn with them so that Muslims would be spared the expense of
ferries319.
There are some references in the Essence to the exact sciences or
technology, as we saw above320, such as astronomy, mathematics, engineer
ing, physiognomy, and medicine, but these are rare. The world of learning
was dominated by the religious sciences and their related fields, such as
grammar and rhetoric. Through the biographies, we are introduced into the
world of schools, medreses, and their curriculum in the first place,
exceptionally, by those which contain reminiscences of the author himself.
'All clearly remembered how he studied under Mevlana Hablb-i Hamid! and
Shaykh Sinan Hallfe321.
Although it is reported that scholarly gatherings were held by professors,
we do not know in contrast to the more literary mecalis about which 'All,
who enthusiastically participated in them, reports in detail322 what was
discussed in them. We hear that sometimes the sermons of ulema were rudely
interrupted by protesting dervishes. Kemal Paazade the historian, but in the
first place the greatest 'alim since 700 323, once was interrupted by Shaykh
Sinaneddln who told him that scholarship alone was not enough to attain
perfection. The $eyhii l-lslam scolded the black-turbaned one and ridiculed
the idea that his ignorance could ever lead to any knowledge at all324. The
tarlkats seem to have had a great appeal, also to those who had originally
chosen a 'ilmiye career: of a great many shaykhs it is related that they at
some point became disappointed with scholastic learning or perhaps the
strains of a difficult career and abandoned the path of scholarship for that of
the Truth. The ambivalent feelings of religious men hesitating between the
ilmiye and the tarfkats are nicely expressed in the biography of Shaykh

319 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 8 , B, 361b.

330 Cf. above, pp. 116-118.
331 Cf. above, p. 97.
333 Cf. above, p. 217.
333 KA/ S 1/ ulema/ 1, B, 259b.
334 KA/ B II/ shaykhs/ 23, B, 216a-b.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE "ESSENCE 263

Sondik Kogaci Dede . He took the cadi of Istanbul, who had protested
against the practice of dancing and sema (whirling dance) of dervishes to the
$eyhu l-islam (Afzalzade), to his house. After food, the cadi was invited to
participate, in all dignity, in the zikr (the praising of God with recitation of
litanies). After the shaykh had whispered some words into the cadis ear, it
was not long before the latter cast off his robe and turban and whirled
around with more fervour than the sufis who were present. The spell could
only be broken by the shaykh at sunset, and the cadi had to admit that,
indeed, the practice of dervishes was completely involuntary325.
As is the case with the contents of medrese learning and scholarly discus
sions, we do not read much about either practice or the intellectual back
ground of the tarikats (the denominations of which are not often made
explicit) in the biographies of shaykhs. We do not hear anything about the
often, doubtlessly, esoteric ideas bordering on heresy held by them, such as
the abominated huriifism, a form of onomancy, belief in which caused the
death of the poet Neslml326 and, later, of an anonymous halife of Fazlallah,
the originator of the sect, who at first had found favour at the court of
Mehmed II, but whose ideas were vigorously disputed (on unknown grounds)
by Mevlana Fahraddln 'AcemI327. Sometimes we are given information
about the tortuous road murids, had to follow before they were acceptable for
their pirs, as in the biography of Shaykh Gumuliogh328, or about a shaykh
lecturing his murid about the principles of the orders practices, such as the
uselessness of abstemiousness and the importance of believing in the spiritual
leader, as in that of Shaykh Hacc Halife329.
Most attention is paid to the spiritual powers of the individual shaykhs;
extreme forms of asceticism, supernatural faculties and the gift for miracle-
working330.

(4) Health, character and behaviour

Data about Ottoman medicine are accompanied by some curious data about
the health of Ottomans. Many Ottomans seem to have suffered, with damaging
consequences for their careers, from gout (Defterdar Mustafa Qelebi331;
Kazi'asker Mevlana Mehmed b. 'Abdalkadir332; Cadi Hizir Qelebi333) or
in a world without spectacles! weak-sightedness and blindness (Muderris
325 Ibidem, 19, B, 215a-216a.
326 KA V, 240; cf. HOP I, 346-347.
327 KA I, 183.
328 KA/ S 1/ shaykhs/ 2, B, 266a.
329 KA/ M II/ shaykhs/ 14, B, 165b.
330 Cf. above, Chapter Two, (B).
333 KA/ SU/ defterdarsj 6 , B, 370b.
332 Ibidem, ulenial 46, B, 370b.
333 Ibidem, 47, B, 378a.
264 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

PIr Mehmed Fenarl334; Mevlana Salih Celalzade, the brother of the histo
rian335; Gunahl336; Makall II 337). Ni$anci FTruz Beg pretended that he
could read. He was put to the test: a highly offensive letter was inserted into
the bag with hukms (decrees); he signed it without hesitation. It was shown to
the grand vizier and he was promptly dismissed338. Of some old men it is
observed that they died in the possession of a complete set of (natural) teeth:
Mevlana 'Alaeddln, age ninety339 and Ahl elebi, age 96340.
Much more data are given about the biographees tempers and behaviour.
The preoccupation of the biographer with careers, patronage and money,
seems also to have contributed to the fact that, among all possible character-
traits described, much attention is paid to his subjects generosity or tight-
fistedness. Grand vizier Ibrahim Paa, who together with Sultan Suleyman
both disguised as sipahis roamed the markets of Istanbul disbursing bahi,
was reputed to be incomparably generous341. Vusull, a poet and emir was
said to be so liberal he continuously entertained 300 to 400 men at his
house, including five to ten poets that he often was literally left naked and
was only able to go out after he had succeeded in getting a new robe from his
tailor342. This sharply contrasted with the extreme parsimoniousness ('All
criticizes 'Aik elebi on his contrary opinion) of the rich Hayall Beg343, and
the stinginess and insincerity of Musahib emsT Ahmed Paa344.
In the biographies, saintly scholars, such as 'AlFs friend and teacher
Kinahzade 'All ^elebi, full of excellent personal qualities and unlimited
knowledge 345, are discussed alongside lowly robbers and murderers. The
greedy trustee of the Imperial Kitchen (matbah emini) RevanI was said to
have stolen the surre, the annual gifts sent to Mecca by the sultan346.
Mevlana Mehmed, son of PIr Mehmed Paa, was accused of having poisoned
his father, and was burnt at the stake347. Mahmud Paa, who as commander
of the guards ('ulufecibai) in Egypt recklessly spent his money on his
Janissary-companions, bought lavishly from merchants who passed the port
of Bulaq, but never paid the bills. Promoted to the governorship of Yemen,

334 Ibidem, 48, B, 378a.

335 Ibidem, 111, B, 387b.
334 KA/ SU/ poets/ 79, B, 418a.
337 KA/ S II/ poets/ 48, B, 484a.
338 KA/ S II/ nifancis/ 7, B, 461a-b.
339 KA/ B II/ ulema/ 58, B, 213b.
340 KA/ S 1/ physicians/ 1, B, 265b.
341 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 2, B, 357b-358a.
342 KA/ S II/ poets/ 51, B, 485a.
343 Cf. above, p. 70.
344 KA/ SU/ beglerbegis/ 24, B, 367b.
345 KA/ S II/ ulemd/ 23, B, 467b.
348 KA/ S 1/ poets/ 6 , B, 268b; cf. HOP II, 317-319.
347 KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 17, B, 375b.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 265

he killed and robbed the local rich. Dismissed, in Istanbul, he satisfied the
appetites of Sokolli Mehmed Paa and the great with rare and valuable gifts
and thus, as the first, opened the door of corruption. He died at the hand of
conspiring Egyptian begs3*8.
Series of hardly further specified mollas and shaykhs, who are often merely
qualified as pleasant or respectable, contrast with those of vehement
tempers and obstinacy, often combined with dirt phobia. Mevlana emseddln
el-Gurani, hoca of Prince Mehmed and later cadi of Bursa, tore up orders
from Mehmed II if they were incompatible with the erfa (this led to his
temporary exile to Egypt), refused to shake hands with the sultan or to visit
the court in rainy weather348349. Mevlana Hatibzade considered himself supe
rior to sultan and viziers, and even dared to doubt the words of Bayezid II in
the rulers meclis (which was immediately disbanded); he even wrote a risale
defending his views. The perplexed Ibrahim Pa$a did not pass it on to the
sultan and gave the molla 10,000 ak(e for it from his own pocket, for which
he was furiously told that this indeed proved the meanness of the sultan350.
Shaykh Vefa often refused to receive Sultans Mehmed II and Bayezid II. He
ordered his murid Velieddin, who brought him 40,000 akge from the sultan by
way of Shaykh Kocavi who had kissed the hands of the ruler, to wash his
hands first of all things351.
When the Persian Shaykh Ebu Sa'Id, a protege of 'All Paa, received a
sable fur from his protector, he felt thoroughly embarrassed and began by
hanging it outside in his courtyard so that it should be washed by rain and
snow . After two months, he let his servant scrub it with a clean handker
chief, but the costly fur had turned into leather as prepared by the tanner .
When the servant touched it, the hair immediately let loose, scattering over
his courtyard. The loss of one hair already would have sufficed to dishearten
him profoundly, and now loads of them lay around! He burst into tears
[and] abused 'All Paa for having sent him such a rotten fur, cursing his
stupid fate at the same time . The next day, he decided to have fifty day-
labourers endowed with sharp eyesight remove every single hair from the
courtyard. It took them thirty days to carry out the job. Afterwards, when
the sultan (Suleyman) invited him to kiss his hands, he avoided touching him
and greeted him by stretching out his hand at a distance. The sultan, amused,
ordered the grand vizier to double the shaykhs income in order to cover his
expenses for soap and enable him to wash off his dirt phobia 352.

348 KA/ S II/ beglerbegis/ 4, B, 459a-b; cf. NS I, 68/165.

349 KA V, 226-228.
350 KA/ M II/ 7, B, 151a-b.
351 KA/ M II/ shaykhs/ 13, B, 165a-b.
352 KA/ SU/ shaykhs/ 4, B, 390a-b; cf. "AIT Mimk, al-'Iqd al-manzum, 401-406.
264 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

PTr Mehmed Fenari334; Mevlana Salih Celalzade, the brother of the histo
rian335; Gunahl336; MakalT II337). Nianci FTruz Beg pretended that he
could read. He was put to the test: a highly offensive letter was inserted into
the bag with hiikms (decrees); he signed it without hesitation. It was shown to
the grand vizier and he was promptly dismissed338. Of some old men it is
observed that they died in the possession of a complete set of (natural) teeth:
Mevlana 'AlaeddTn, age ninety339 and Ah! (^elebi, age 96340.
Much more data are given about the biographees tempers and behaviour.
The preoccupation of the biographer with careers, patronage and money,
seems also to have contributed to the fact that, among all possible character-
traits described, much attention is paid to his subjects generosity or tight-
fistedness. Grand vizier Ibrahim Pa$a, who together with Sultan Suleyman
both disguised as sipahis roamed the markets of Istanbul disbursing bah$i$,
was reputed to be incomparably generous341. Vusull, a poet and emir was
said to be so liberal he continuously entertained 300 to 400 men at his
house, including five to ten poets that he often was literally left naked and
was only able to go out after he had succeeded in getting a new robe from his
tailor342. This sharply contrasted with the extreme parsimoniousness ('AIT
criticizes 'A$ik elebi on his contrary opinion) of the rich HayalT Beg343, and
the stinginess and insincerity of Musahib emsT Ahmed Pa$a344.
In the biographies, saintly scholars, such as 'Alls friend and teacher
Kinalizade 'AIT (^elebi, full of excellent personal qualities and unlimited
knowledge 345, are discussed alongside lowly robbers and murderers. The
greedy trustee of the Imperial Kitchen (matbah emint) RevanT was said to
have stolen the surre, the annual gifts sent to Mecca by the sultan346.
Mevlana Mehmed, son of PTr Mehmed Pa$a, was accused of having poisoned
his father, and was burnt at the stake347. Mahmud Pa$a, who as commander
of the guards ( 'ulufecibai) in Egypt recklessly spent his money on his
Janissary-companions, bought lavishly from merchants who passed the port
of Bulaq, but never paid the bills. Promoted to the governorship of Yemen,

334 Ibidem, 48, B, 378a.

333 Ibidem, 111, B, 387b.
338 KA/ SU/ poets/ 79, B, 418a.
337 KA/ S II/ poets/ 48, B, 484a.
338 KA/ S II/ nifdncis/ 7, B, 461a-b.
330 KA/ B II/ ulema/ 58, B, 213b.
340 KA/ S 1/ physicians/ 1, B, 265b.
341 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 2, B, 357b-358a.
342 KA/ S II/ poets/ 51, B, 485a.
343 Cf. above, p. 70.
344 KA/ SU/ beglerbegis/ 24, B, 367b.
345 KA/ S II/ ulema/ 23, B, 467b.
348 KA/ S 1/ poets/ 6 , B, 268b; cf. HOP II, 317-319.
347 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 17, B, 375b.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 265

he killed and robbed the local rich. Dismissed, in Istanbul, he satisfied the
appetites of Sokolli Mehmed Paa and the great with rare and valuable gifts
and thus, as the first, opened the door of corruption. He died at the hand of
conspiring Egyptian begs3*8.
Series of hardly further specified mollas and shaykhs, who are often merely
qualified as pleasant or respectable, contrast with those of vehement
tempers and obstinacy, often combined with dirt phobia. Mevlana emseddln
el-Guranl, hoca of Prince Mehmed and later cadi of Bursa, tore up orders
from Mehmed II if they were incompatible with the geri'a (this led to his
temporary exile to Egypt), refused to shake hands with the sultan or to visit
the court in rainy weather348349. Mevlana Hatibzade considered himself supe
rior to sultan and viziers, and even dared to doubt the words of Bayezld II in
the rulers meclis (which was immediately disbanded); he even wrote a risale
defending his views. The perplexed Ibrahim Paa did not pass it on to the
sultan and gave the molla 10,000 akge for it from his own pocket, for which
he was furiously told that this indeed proved the meanness of the sultan350.
Shaykh Vefa often refused to receive Sultans Mehmed II and Bayezld II. He
ordered his murid Velleddln, who brought him 40,000 akge from the sultan by
way of Shaykh Kocavl who had kissed the hands of the ruler, to wash his
hands first of all things351.
When the Persian Shaykh Ebu SaTd, a protege of 'All Paa, received a
sable fur from his protector, he felt thoroughly embarrassed and began by
hanging it outside in his courtyard so that it should be washed by rain and
snow . After two months, he let his servant scrub it with a clean handker
chief, but the costly fur had turned into leather as prepared by the tanner .
When the servant touched it, the hair immediately let loose, scattering over
his courtyard. The loss of one hair already would have sufficed to dishearten
him profoundly, and now loads of them lay around! He burst into tears
[and] abused 'All Paa for having sent him such a rotten fur, cursing his
stupid fate at the same time . The next day, he decided to have fifty day-
labourers endowed with sharp eyesight remove every single hair from the
courtyard. It took them thirty days to carry out the job. Afterwards, when
the sultan (Suleyman) invited him to kiss his hands, he avoided touching him
and greeted him by stretching out his hand at a distance. The sultan, amused,
ordered the grand vizier to double the shaykhs income in order to cover his
expenses for soap and enable him to wash off his dirt phobia 352.

348 KA/ S II/ beglerbegis/ 4, B, 459a-b; cf. NS I, 68/165.

349 KA V, 226-228.
330 KA/ M II/ 7, B, 151a-b.
351 KA/ M II/ shaykhs/ 13, B, 165a-b.
352 KA/ SU/ shaykhs/ 4, B, 390a-b; cf. 'All Minik, al-'Iqd al-manzum, 401-406.
266 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

Apart from greed, cruelty, irascibility and dirt phobia, the biographers
protagonists were subject to alcohol and drug addiction. Mellhl353 and
RevanI354 were incurable drunks. 'IbadI was said to be addicted to both wine
and women355. The cadi of Damascus, Israfilzades brain had more or less
dissolved from the frequent use of drugs356. 'A irs teacher emseddTn died of
diarrhoea, caused by the consumption of ber357. Ahmed Qelebis stature
became curved like the letter dal because of his use of ber and opium358.
Nuhl died of opium and alcohol addiction359. The inebriated FTruz Beg was
often unable to return home at night and slept in disreputable barber
shops360. Dervl Beg ruined his stomach by the intake of opium and arak361.
'AlevI died of alcohol and sexual disease362.
This brings us to an aspect which is richly documented and artfully
described in the biographies: the sexual mores of the Ottomans. We find both
the platonic love of the poet for his male and, less frequently, female
beloveds, and the more pedestrian aspects of sex.
The ne plus ultra of luxury was to pass ones days, as in paradise, in the
company of attractive, young male and female slaves (as did Hakim Kutbad-
din363) we already came across a number of references to this ideal in
examples above. The author himself wrote that he enjoyed the love of both
pretty girls and handsome boys 364. Shaykh uca' was rumoured and
this was intended as criticism to sleep with idols (beautiful women) and
young men in one bed..., inseparable from them as the stylus from the kohl-
case. 365
These examples seem to point to a discrepancy between the ideal and the
practice of love and sex. The attitude of Muslims was ambivalent. The ideal
form of love: that of striving for unity with the divine was identified with that
of the love of a man for a young boy, whereas the pedestrian aspect of sex was
to be practised by men with women366. The practice of sex between males,
certainly if it did not conform to the ideal, was rejected: sodomites (lull) who

353 KA/ M II/ poets/ 27, B, 172a-b.

334 KA/ S 1/ poets/ 6 , B, 268b.
333 KA/ S II/ poets/ 29, B, 479b-480a.
336 KA/ SU/ ulema/ 34, B, 376b.
337 Ibidem, 104, B, 385b-386a.
338 KA/ SU/ physicians/ 6 , B, 389a.
339 Ibidem, poets/ 107, B, 423b.
360 KA/ S II/ nifancts/ 7, B, 461b.
361 Ibidem, sancakbegis/ 1, B, 461b.
362 Ibidem, poets/ 35, B, 481a-b.
363 KA/ M II/ physicians/ 4, B, 160a.
394 BIOE, 23.
393 KA/ MU III/ 4, B, 491a; cf. INAL, 128.
399 See: Vanco Boskov, Zum Problem des Objekts der Liebe in der osmanischen Divan-
Poesie", in XVIII. Deulscher Orientalistentag, Vortrage (Wiesbaden, 1974), 124-130, 126.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 267

did it with everyone, irrespective of age, dryness, ugliness or attractiveness 367

as well as cowards who let themselves be misused by other men368 were
punished by transformation into elephants and bears. These last types of sexual
activity: indiscriminate fornication and the willingness to act as passive partner,
were particularly favourite with writers to ascribe to hated personalities369.
This situation seems to show remarkable parallels with that of ancient Greece,
where the ideal and approved relations between erastes and eromenos was of a
similar pattern as that of the ideal love of the older man for the young boy
among the Muslims370.
There was certainly not a complete taboo on sex between males in
Ottoman society, and the ideal type of love was not, or not always, restricted
to mystical sublimation371. This is also clear from the biographies in the
Essence . Whereas Mevlana emseddln Ahmed Efendis erotic preference
may have been limited to cerebral exercise he complained to Shaykh
Ezellzade of Konya about his attraction to smooth-faced boys, whereupon
the latter explained that they were apparitions from the spiritual world with
which he longed to get into contact372 it is clear that others went farther.
'AIT writes in his Meva id that beardless boys were more attractive to (male)
society than women on the simple, practical, ground that a free mixing
between men and members of the fair sex was not tolerated, and goes on to
discuss the sexual qualities of boys of the different ethnic groups of the
Empire373.
Many Ottoman poets, to a lesser degree also men belonging to other
groups, are said to have suffered from a passion for beautiful boys: Halili374,
Nizami375, Mevlana Muhylddin b. Niireddln376, Mevlana tshak377, Zey-
netl378, the mysoginist GazalT379, Giinahl380, Meali381 and 'A$ik Qelebi382.
In the aftermath of the Cyprus campaign of 1570-71, 'AIT wrote, the newly
appointed Mufti Mevlana Ekmel and the Cadi Mevlana Kami came into the

367 K A I, 80.
368 Ibidem.
369 Cf. Paragraph (6 ), below.
310 Cf. Boskov, Zum Problem des Objects der Liebe , 129-130; K.J. Dover, Greek Homo
sexuality, paperback ed. (New York, 1980), 16.
311 Boskov, Zum Problem des Objekts der Liebe , 128-129.
3 ,3 KA/ S 11/ 'ulemal 2, B, 462b^63a.
313 MN, 44-47; cf. Schmidt, Mustafa 'All van Gallipoli , 74.
314 KA/ M II/ poets/ 10, B, 169b.
315 Ibidem, 30, B, 173a.
376 KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 95, B, 382a.
377 Ibidem, poets/ 7, P, 353b-354b.
378 Ibidem, 40, B, 404a.
379 Ibidem, 64, B, 412a-413a.
380 Ibidem, 79, B, 418a.
381 Ibidem, 8 6 , B, 420a
382 KA/ S II/ poets/ 28, B, 478b.
268 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

possession of seventy to eighty barrels of wine and arak each. 'AlFs friend,
Mevlana Ruhl, began to frequent their taverns.
He became a novice to the muftfs son called Respectable, an elegantly
moving cypress and toper of pure rose-coloured ruby, and lifting the veil
opposite the drunken eye of that idol, he continuously passed his time with him
in intimate jollity and drinking and had his fill of joyous rapture, but after he
had thrown aside the rules of court procedure, he proved his statement that
intercourse lasting until sunset had taken place in the tavern of the cadi and he
went to the limit of consensus when it was signed by his friends who were still
heavy-headed after a drunken sleep... 383

Although the content and style of many of such stories as the one just quoted
were rooted in the literary cliches of mystical wine poetry, and were some
times intended to add to the verse of the poets in question a deceptively
realistic dimension TiraI, for example, wrote a verse, in which, conventio
nally, his beloveds locks are described as a chain (zinclr) that holds him fast;
in the biography it is maintained that Zinclr was also in reality the name of
the young man in question384 it is difficult to maintain that all cases of
homosexual longing (and, rarely, consummation) figuring here are merely
fictitious, especially if there is no clear relation with the topoi of love poetry.
Famous was the case of the poet Ahmed Paa who was disgraced when
slanderous rumours were spread that he had had sexual intercourse with an
ifoglan of the palace385. Some poets were said to be attracted by young,
Christian, sailors and went around the churches of Galata to ogle their direk
mahbublari (mast beloveds/ catamites): em'T386; MahremT, an assistant-
judge (naib), was dismissed by his superior, the cadi of Galata, for this387.
Mevlana ah Mehmed Efendi, having awaked during the night after his
marriage, was disappointed to see a womans hairnet instead of a young
mans kulah (conical hat) beside him388. Sihri II, by origin a city raga
muffin , accompanied Defterdar Siruzi Qelebi to Aleppo and was appointed
clerk of the horse market. He picked up a beautiful boy, took him to his
house, and made him drunk. Awaking the next morning, the boy found his
clothes torn. A complaint to Beglerbegi Kubad Paa (who was on bad terms
with the defterdar) led to the immediate execution of the poet389. Homo
sexual relations among the pages of the palace seem to have been current and
were considered to be a problem: young boys could easily be spoilt by older

383 KA/ S II/ 7/ Story, B, 452b.

384 Ibidem, poets/ 6 , B, 473a.
385 KA/ M II/ poets/ 1, B, 168b; cf. HOP II, 42-46.
386 KA/ SU/ poets/ 53, B, 407b.
387 Ibidem, 87, B, 420b.
388 KA/ SU/ 'ulema/ 102, B, 385b-386a.
389 Ibidem, poets/ 46, B, 405a.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 269

lovers390. Ahmed Paa, as related above, fell victim to rumours about his
relation with an igoglan of the palace. Janissaries, or rather sons of Janissaries
who themselves also joined the corps (kuloglis), were often the object of
adoration. Mustafa Aga fell in love with Ferdl391, Zeynetl392 and Meall393
were also enraptured by such boys.
Although dominant, the love of, particularly, elderly men for young boys,
is not the exclusive theme in the biographies. SunT fell in love with the wife of
a Gallipoli wine merchant and wrote gazels about her394. Grand vizier Lutfl
Paa, generally described as a boorish Albanian by 'AIT, was dismissed after it
had been discovered that he had a relation with a whore and had threatened
his wife with a mace395. 'AlevI, the son of a Russian female slave himself, was
especially attracted to Russian virgins396. Men in very high positions perhaps
had more chances to indulge in amorous relations with women and could
afford, like Murad III, to buy female slaves. The latters impotence vis a vis
two jaz-playing female slaves offered him as a present by his sister Ismihan
it was reportedly caused by their witchcraft was contemptuously described
by 'All:
for many days the arrow of Murad/ his will could not hit the target of their-
clay pots according to his hearts desire, that is: the uncovered and naked
phlebotomist was unable to draw blood from their vessels of voluptuousness
and sensuality with the lancet of his lust.397

Tacbegzade Ca'fer Qelebi was reputed to have committed adultery with

women at the court398. Grand vizier Ayas Paa had so many slave-concu
bines, that it occurred time and again that forty cradles were being rocked in
his palace at the same time. He was so randy, that, on his way to the
mosque, he had to close his eyes lest he spoil his canonical cleanliness; if he
were to come across a woman, he was sure that a seminal effusion would
have followed. 399 The ninety year-old HacT Mehmed Beg told 'All that he
was still a passionate lover of virgin female slaves400.

390 Cf. MN, 23; cf. also above, p. 249.

391 KA/ SU/ poets/ 6 6 , B, 414a.
392 Ibidem, 40, B, 404a.
393 Ibidem, 8 6 , B, 420a.
394 Ibidem, 55, B, 408a.
395 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 4, B, 358b-359a.
398 KA/ S II/ poets/ 35, B, 481a.
397 KA/ MU/ Introduction :3*, B, 486b.
398 KA/ S 1/ ulema/ 35, B, 262b; cf. HOP II, 265.
399 KA/ SU/ grand viziers/ 3, B, 358a-b.
400 KA/ SU/ 25/ Appendix, B, 296a.
270 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

(5) Judgement: eulogy and invective

Biographical descriptions nearly all have a strong moralizing tone: praise of
historical (and contemporary) personalities contrasts with condemnation of
others. A balanced, even if sometimes only contradictory, judgement of the
psychology of such men is rare, at most limited to contemporaries with whom
the author had come into close contact401. Praise and invective, as Gibb said
about NeFI: extravagant and bombastic flattery as against an excess of
filthy and foul-mouthed abuse 402, were reinforced by the application of all
kinds of rhetorical devices.
Describing the appointment as grand vizier of Qigalazade Yusuf Sinan
Paa instead of Ibrahim Pa$a after the Battle of Hai;ova, 'All praised the
mans heroism in a series of six rhyming clauses (of which I quote five here):
Without fail the namesake of Yusuf the Truthful, Sinan Paa, companion of
victory, stood firm in the midst of excitement, surpassing anyone as soul-
ravishing spear-head (sinan), nay pus-drawing arrow in the killing of fistula-
troubled enemies, indeed a strong edifice of experience, fortified by many
victories in his affairs: numerous battles and the drawing up in array of the
troop of reviving soldiers, therefore as person and by seniority foremost of
most viziers...403

The praise of the grand vizier in the following passage becomes mixed up
with the self-celebration of the author who recorded the events in his pearl-
raining in$a:
Really, the bow-shooting Zal alluded to this appointment by the sign of
Sagittarius in the highest constellation of heaven, incomparably exhorting and
applauding such suitable munificence: he struck the ear of the blood-drinking
Bihram called the Killer with the thundering of let he who holds the arrow
shoot it because the latter was the ascending Mars and while Mercury who
employs his pen full of fables, the writer of the vault of heaven, offered wonders
from the porcelain inkholder of the sky, he produced white (a neat copy) like
patches of black bile in the black core of the heart from the furious words of
he who brings down the sheet reads it thereby establishing roots and founda
tions so that he made the branches bear fruit by his pen in the apex of time and
filled the hand of sufficiency with leaves and blossom for the broker of spirits.
(by the author)
The viziers ring was taken from Ibrahim Pa$a
They gave it to Sinan Pa$a after the latters insolence
I said: what was the reason for such delay? Said the encomiast:
Because the Prophet Yusuf came after Ibrahim"404

401 Cf. above, Chapter Two, (III), (C), (c).

402 HOP III, 256-257.
403 KA/ M III/ 25*, 1-43, 544a.
404 Ibidem, MS SK Halet Efendi 598, 448a.
 THEMATIC AND STYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE ESSENCE 271

The serenity of high-minded abstraction, in which Sinan Papas (Bihram,

Mars) and the authors (Zal, Mercury) activities (arrow-shooting and writing)
are raised to the level of a cosmic drama, contrasts sharply with the
emotional, down-to-earth scolding of historical misfits. The literary means
which were particularly favoured in the latter genre were: punning on names,
comparison to animals and accusation of racial particularly a Persian and
Turkish background was considered bad and sexual abomination.
'All seems to have spared much of his inventiveness and originality for
these cases of invective, but the genre had a long tradition in Islamic
historiography. In Juwaynis Tarikh-i Jahan-kusha (a work which 'All
mentioned in his general introduction405), for instance, a whole chapter is
dedicated to the evil deeds of Sharafaddln of Khwarazm406. Three pages (in
the translation) are filled with abuse in which the man is called, among other
things, a fellow with a viper face and scorpion manners , a whore
monger, splendid in tyranny and oppression , a betrayer of every friend , a
pathic masquerading as a pederast , an afreet in human shape , a beast
on his hind legs , apelike in the number of his evil suggestions , wealthy in
his store of ignorance , greedy like a dog 407. He is also accused of having
offered himself to the malik (governor) of Khwarazm who had fallen in love
with him:
He became secretary (davati) to the malik, nay a pen-case (davati) for his pen,
a cure for his pain and a vessel for his dregs. And from constant use of the pen
he came gradually to know the difference between black and white...408

Similar stylistic procedures as well as the tapos-like accusation of readiness to

subject oneself to pederasty in ones youth occur in the Essence .
Thus, we find rhyming puns on the titles and names of evil characters or
the place names with which they were associated. The valide sultan who
appointed Ferhad Paa commander (sipeh-salar) is called that old hag of the
treacherous heavens ('aciize-i felek-i gaddar)*09. Of Sinan The Egg-seller ,
a protege of Grand vizier Sinan Paa and sancakbegi of Szekszard, 'All says:
thereupon the governor of Segsar (Szekszard) became famous for collecting
eggs like a voracious dog (segsdr). 410 The story-teller who became ehname-
guy, Nutkl, in a pun on his mahlas is called a talking animal (hayvan-i
natik) and a congenitally ignominious character, a boorish peasant who

405 KA I, 19 (no. 106).

406 Cf. Boyle, The History o f the World-conqueror I, xxx.
407 Ibidem, II, 528-530.
408 Ibidem, 531; the latter expression, which meant that he learned to write, probably also
had an obscene meaning, ibidem, n. 18.
409 KA/ MU III/ 28, B, 544a.
410 Ibidem, 37, B, 573b.
272 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

could be reckoned a Persian ('Acem) in all his clumsiness ('acemTlik)."411

Emir Mehmed (Seyyid Mehmed Paa) was called a poisonous black
serpent (mar-i vin) on the market of the small town of Mardin. 412
Sinan Paa, the dominating personality in the final part of the Essence , is
accused of spreading evil rumours about his opponents: the vizier in
question gossiped endlessly, day and night, and is called a chatterbox
(jajhay413). Departing for the Hungarian front he was by then in his
eighties , he seemed to be a moving corpse, a dead body on his way to
be buried outside the Edirne G ate414. As pursuer of Ferhad Paa, he,
inauspicious of heart, is compared to a smoking serpent, a torrential
stream and a cold wind blowing and is said to be roaring like a bear
whose tail had been trodden upon415. Almost drowning in a swamp in
Moldavia, a Rumelian royal falcon arrived in time to save the inauspi
cious owl 416. Dismissed for the fourth time, he is compared to a monster
(gu/417). At the time of his death, people had seen the black crow of his
spirit fly away and he is compared to a dog 418.
The colourful invective perhaps reached its apex in 'AlFs biography of
kizlar agasi Mustafa Aga, in which an intricate wordplay is elaborated with
the contrasting concepts of black-white, filth-cleanliness, hyacinth-camomile.
The usual accusation of passive pederasty is accompanied by racist prejudice.
I will quote the passage at length as a final example of 'Alps stylistic
versatility and dramatic power:
There broke forth an ignoramus, conceited but weak-minded and dull, who
outwardly seemed to be white-faced (beyond reproach) and captivating with his
appeals to knowledge, but intrinsically was depraved, fetid, cross-looking,
haughty and of sour countenance, and in particular disrespectful and shame
less, his impudence the more serious for his hypocrisy... He had come from the
loins of a bastard from the suburb of a fortress called Yaysa (Jajce) on the
Bosnian border, that is: of an ignoble, ill-bred and lowly Turk, and settled in
the carcase of a womb, only fit to be stoned, of a disgusting, bitchy, idiotic old
hag near the same castle. At the most sinister of hours he left it for the world of
life and death, and was raised on abominable, forbidden food. Childhood
passed and when he, mature, came of age, many boy-crazy blackguards found
the ragamuffins prickly datepalm mightily grown and though filthy and
crooked one of the scoundrels made him his provision for the road and
wrangled as if he were his chicken or female slave, his penis down to his loins.

411 KA(IV)/ Authors Preface, L, 7a.

412 KA/ MU III/ 56*, B, 595b.
413 KA/ MU III/ 18, L, 376a.
414 Ibidem, 40*. B, 577b.
415 KA/ MIII/ 10*. B, 601b-602a.
416 Ibidem, 13*, B, 604b.
417 Ibidem, 20*, B, 610a.
418 Ibidem, 22*, B, 612a.
 CONCLUSION 273

Having satisfied himself to the full and averse to further excess, he gave him
away to Mahmud Paa of Yemen419.
(verse) Any scoundrel that is given away
Be it a girl or a boy
Is the two in one
And always satifies however used!
(prose) The miserable Mahmud Paa compared him to a fresh virgin and many
a time he hit his arsenic kohl-case with his own vermilion-coloured stylus.
Dismissed from Yemen, he came to the Porte to ask for the Province of Egypt,
and offered the boy together with other presents. Certainly, the honoured
palace is an ocean of seven seas: anything clean or filthy gets lost and disappers
in it without a trace... But this traitor, this vicious, cruel, harmful creature
completely upset the Happy Threshold and caused the black-faced ones who
had passed before him to be remembered with blessings; he showed to men of
hope that it really was unsuitable that disagreeable, outwardly white-faced
ones, but in truth blackguards, held the place of black-faced slaves in the
service of the Painter of the eternal workshop, there being no effigy loftier
than a black one, as the hemistich has it. Lowly elements who were the
instrument for fulfilling his wishes were in no way impressed by this truth and
got him into the place of Sunbul Aga; not distinguishing white from black, they
dared to suggest in the lofty presence of the sultan that the camomile was well
worth the fragrant hyacinth (sunbiil).
(distich) What shortsightedness! What distorted nature!
He was not worth the cunt of his mother!420

Made superintendant of the pious endowments of the Holy Cities, he

misbehaved by having his ushers (kapucis) confiscate the villages belonging to
the Childrens Endowment , reducing the inhabitants to misery. He was
dismissed in 1004/1596.

(Ill) C o n c l u s io n

From the data and examples presented in this chapter, it must have become
even more clear that the literary aspect of the Essence is an important, even
an essential element, certainly in those parts of the work which were most
important for the writer as well as most voluminous: the introductions,
commentaries and asides, battle descriptions, and above all, the biographies
in which 'AIT manifested himself as an historian of exceptional qualities:
casting off the fetters of traditional hagiography and presenting a complex

419 Cfi for his biography, above, pp. 264-265.

420 KA/ M II/ e:3 , B, 121b-122a.
274 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

insight into historical realities. Although the aspect of scholarship: the

quotation, elaboration and criticsm of sources; the presentation of historical
reasoning; the theory and narrative practice of the development of states and
history; the description of events and biographical data; the mentioning of
facts, in short: the presentation of knowledge is fundamental, we cannot
reduce the second, literary, aspect to a matter of inconsequence, or think that
the author, despite some inevitable concessions to the stylistic mode of his
time, did not, as Fleischer has stated, really want to create a work of
literature but simply present the facts. 'Alfs statements about stylistic simpli
city in his general introduction are misleading, contradicted by the author
himself, as well as cliched. If he really had wished to write in unadorned prose
throughout, understandable to commoners and middle class people, what
would have prevented him from doing so, and writing the whole work in the
style of his Ziibdetl
The literary character of the work, then, presents itself in two ways. Firstly
by its contents. The Essence, a work of a patchwork-like structure,
contains a number of chapters and passages which we would reckon to
belong to literature in the more restricted sense of the word: those concerning
wonders ('acayib), anecdotes, the quotation of poems, pure fiction, satire,
eulogy, invective and autobiography.
Secondly, the language and style of the work as a whole contributes to its
literary character. Although chapters and passages written in dry, factual
Turkish occur, the greatest part of the work is written in ina prose, rhymed
prose alternated with poetical fragments, of a varying level of complexity
there is no question of a gradual simplification towards the end as Siissheim
maintained.
The dominant impression of the most literary , stylistically elaborated
parts of the work which occur in nearly all chapters, is that of the inextricable
admixture of fact and fiction, of the dramatization the ample use of
dialogue also contributed to this , or poetizing of even the most banal
aspects of historical reality. Obscure figures of legend became enormous
monsters, shy and confused princes, such as Sultan Mehmed III, are turned
into unwavering heroes of war, humble border towns acquired the aspect of
heavenly palaces, hardly-known corrupt officials were pictured as debauching
tyrants who ruined mankind, and even cash money was described as jas
mines in the garden of the Empire, the petals of which were reduced to mere
dew-drops by the process of clipping421. This literary procedure is rein
forced by the application of abrupt and strong contrast: between good and
evil, white and black, angels and devils, beauty and ugliness, and the
abundance of metaphor.

421 KA/ MU III/ 7, B, 335b, 336a.

 CONCLUSION 275

Men, things and phenomena were, as our examples above showed, conti
nuously compared to: (1) persons (the old man, the old woman, bridegroom,
smooth-faced boy, catamite, bride, idol, virgin); (2) clothes and expensive
textiles (turbans, brocade); (3) paradise and hell; (4) trees (datepalm,
cypress); (5) fruit and flowers (rose, tulip, jasmine, hyacinth, camomile); (6)
perfume or stench (musk, ambergris, onions); (7) precious stones and metals
(porcelain, marble, pearl, ruby, gold, silver); (8) animals (lion, horse, bear,
pig, dog, snake); (9) birds (nightingale, falcon, raven, owl); (10) insects
(centipede, scorpion, fly); (11) the weather (rain, thunder, lightning, the east
wind); (12) the sky (the spheres of heaven, pivot of the world, sun, moon,
stars: the Pleiades, Saturn, Mars, Mercury, Taurus, the planets); (13) geogra
phical elements (the sea, Black Sea, Bosphorus, Mediterranean, the Mountain
Qaf, the plain, the valley, the city); (14) script and literature (letters, verses);
(15) historical personalities and buildings (Nuh, Ibrahim, Yusuf, Hud,
Maryam, Pythagoras, Bihram, Zal, Khawarnaq, Narin, the Kaaba); (16)
administrative practice (court procedure, witness report, statement); (17) the
world of commerce (bankers, market, money). For the sexual organs, by the
graphic description of which so many scholars have been embarrassed, a
special set of similes were used: kohl-case/ stylus; clay-pot/ arrow; blood
vessel/ lancet. The genitalia of boys who were circumcized or castrated were
compared to unblown buds from which petals were cut.
The combination of the scholarly and literary in a work such as the
Essence is not surprising; it was characteristic for most pre-modem histo
riography, belonging, according to Frye, to the age of metaphorical narra
tive . The separation of historiography from literature, or, in the words of
Peter Gay: beauty with truth from truth without beauty , is a relatively
recent phenomenon which was only accomplished in the Western world in the
late eighteenth century and connected with the change of the craft into an
academic discipline. Only then did history begin to aspire to depict reality
devoid of all distortions by eloquence or didactics , and historians in their
concern with reconstructing the past, in the famous words of Ranke, wie es
eigentlich gewesen , began a sorting of wheat (the facts in the modern sense)
in which rhetoric appeared as a purely negative feature, an obstacle in the
way of truth 422. Before that time, histories were essentially works of art in
which the author wished to combine the utile, scholarship and the moralistic
instruction of the public, with the dulce of a pleasant style423. The Essence ,
422 Ernst Breisach, ed., Classical Rhetoric and Medieval Historiography (Kalamazoo, Michi
gan, 1985), Introduction, 1-4, 1; cf. Marc Bloch, Apologie pour Ihisloire ou metier d'historien
(Paris, 1949), 45, who spoke of ravages qu'une fallacieuse esthetique exer?a sur lhistoriographie
antique ou medievale .
422 D.R. Reinsch, trans., Mehmet II erobert Konstantinopel. Die ersten Regierungsjahre des
Sultans Mehmet Fatih, des Eroberers von Konstantinopel 1453. Das Geschichtswerk des Kritobulos
von Imbros (Graz, Vienna and Cologne, 1986), 16. In the same way, Birgitt Hofmann found the
276 THEMES, LANGUAGE AND STYLE

which is perhaps most comparable to the Western medieval world chronicle,

with its paratactic structure424, moralizing tendency, the confusion of fiction
with historical truth425, and mixture of styles426, was no exception. Although
the Essence was a work of art, it perhaps on the other hand goes too far to
say, as Bombaci has done for Kemal Pa$azade, that the historical reality only
served as a pretext per sfoggiare in pirotecnico scintillio tutto il repertorio di
iperboli e di immagini della retorica orientale 427.
The tendency of scholars to ascribe to a pre-modern historian such as 'AIT
a predilection for stylistic simplicity and a bare recording of facts, must, one
should suspect, be ascribed to the same anachronistic reasoning which
declared the Essence, together with other classics of pre-modern histo
riography, to be a specimen of scientific objectivity, thereby trying to bring
such works into conformity with the ideals of modern historiography.
Modern theoreticians, particularly structuralists, have even gone farther
and have tried to demonstrate that all historiography, however trans
parently written or furnished with technical details, is inevitably literature
with a varying connection with the historical substratum of reality428.
Narratives of history, as these scholars maintain, are always constructs of
human perception , and never mirror-images of reality and free from
rhetoric429. This also explains the existence of classics of historiography,
such as the works of Thucydides, Gibbon, but also of modern writers
including Ranke. They are so just because of their literary aspect and do not
become nullified by the discovery of new data430.
I am inclined to explain the fascination exerted by the Essence on
generations of readers by this same phenomenon of classics of historio
graphy. Not so much its facts, although there are many in it, but its literary
power have led scholars, even if they adduced different reasons, to recognize

Rustam at-tawarikh (completed in 1835) by Muhammad Hashim to be a Kombination von

niichtem-sachlicher Geschichtsdarstellung, moralisierender Unterweisung im Stil eines Fiirsten-
spiegels und von unterhaltsamen historchen , Die Imagination der Geschichte , 136. Radtke
came to the conclusion that, at least as far as Mamliik historiography is concerned, it is
nonsense to differentiate between the historian and the litterateur one of the historians
explicit ambitions was to astonish the reader, Zur Literarisierten Volkschronik" , 48-49.
424 Nancy E. Partner, The New Cornificius: Medieval History and the Artifice of Words,
in: Breisach, ed., Classical Rhetoric, 5-59, 7-18.
425 John O. Ward, Some Principles of Rhetorical Historiography in the Twelfth Century,
in: Breisach, ed. Classical Rhetoric, 103-165, passim.
426 Auerbach, Mimesis, 76, passim.
427 Bombaci, La lelleralura turca, 358.
428 Lionel Gossman, History and Literature. Reproduction or Signification? , in: Canary
and Kozicki, eds., The Writing o f History, 3-39, 27 HI; Louis O. Mink, Narrative Form as a
Cognitive Instrument , ibidem, 129-149, 145.
429 Eden, Thucydides , 91; Hayden White, The Historical Text as Literary Artifact , in
Canary and Kozicki, eds., The Writing o f History, 41-62, 45; Breisach, Introduction, 2.
430 Gossman, History and Literature, 59.
 CONCLUSION 277

the works importance: the richness of its subjects and themes, the variety
and splendour of its style, and last but not least: the personality of the
author which is not so much evident in the mere enumeration of facts or even
the authors insights into historiography or historical processes, which were
hardly original as I have tried to demonstrate in previous chapters, as in his
tone, and particularly 'Alls rhetorical outbursts of indignant anger.
How original 'Alps style and images were, even in the passages which most
expressed the persona of the author is, as for the later Islamic literature as a
whole, difficult to say with any precision. The freedom to vary conventional
images within a certain style level and certain thematic units was there, and
slavish imitation, to which 'AIT obviously was not inclined as we saw from the
labouring of his source materials, was regarded as unsuitable for good
literature, but the enormous number of examples available to the author
makes it difficult to gauge the originality of any single turn of phrase. Only
the systematic charting of all types of stylistic devices in a sufficient number
of important prose works may give us insight into this aspect.
Despite this proviso, 'Alps stylistic superiority among contemporary histo
rians is evident. He was able to avoid the almost unrelieved stylistic man
nerism of, to mention an extreme case of an earlier generation, Idris BidlisI,
and on the other hand the dullness of the, on the whole, more factual
chronicling of a SelanikT. 'Alps hope that his fame would not vanish has been
fulfilled so far, and parts of the work are even today highly entertaining
reading for a general, if indeed well-educated public. This cannot be said of
many Ottoman historiographers.
cteis'Sfcs
t
 EPILOGUE

To come full circle, we should, finally, try to formulate answers to the initial
questions raised by the scholarly debate on the Essence . These questions
dealt with its historiographical importance, its authors qualities as a histo
rian and its literary merit.
Taking into account the unfinished state of the work as we know it, we
may safely confirm the almost general claim of the Essence s importance as
a world history: the book cites sources which do not seem to have come
down to us and contains a wealth of original material, both of a factual and a
more purely literary nature: commentary on sources, comments on historical
situations and personalities, additions with the purpose of updating old
material, presentation of historical comparisons, personal observations and a
wealth of autobiographical data and literary elaboration of sources. The
Essence appears, on the other hand, to be far less important in regard to its
supposedly original as well as its lucid lucid, that is, from a theoretical and
narrative point of view vision of history, general, Islamic or Ottoman. I
found no evidence that 'All was more aware than other Ottoman historians
of the Ottoman politys specific position in the development of Islamic
history, or of its unique combination of Turkic/Mongol and general Islamic
elements. Neither 'All nor Ibn Khaldun, with whom he has been compared,
appear to go beyond the limits of contemporary thought; 'A lls vision on the
phenomena of the natural world and man, including all kinds of, from our
point of view, bizarre anomalies such as sorcery or numerology, fits perfectly
into the traditional Islamic world picture.
'Alls world picture, as far as the development of history is concerned, had
as its central conception the ideal state ruled by an ideal king, and this results
in a rather schematic vision of history as a concatenated series of thirty-five
rising and disappearing dynasties most comprehensively described in a work
parallel to the Essence , the Fusiil-i hall. The fate of any state is simplisti-
cally described as being dependent upon the behaviour of its ruler, and
ultimately, God. The Ottoman state was one of these historical dynasties. It
had, in 'A lls, and many of his contemporaries, opinion been in decline since
the middle of the 16th century. 'All as an administrator in the Ottoman
bureaucracy was seriously and justifiedly worried about this. Devoting the
most personal and impassioned passages in the Essence to this problem,
'All yet based his arguments on the same theory of statehood which was
rooted in the conception of the ideal state, and these arguments were not
essentially different from those put forward by contemporary writers such as
280 EPILOGUE

SelanikI, Ta'llklzade, Hasan Kafi Akhisari and others, who dealt with the
same phenomenon.
The Essence is almost exclusively devoted to Islamic and Ottoman
history. 'All, particularly in the fourth volume of his Essence, described the
Ottoman state as a world empire, albeit a world empire in a state of crisis.
Because 'All ascribed this crisis to the growing religious and moral weakness
of the Ottoman leadership, the outside world, Islamic and heathen, could not
and did not play a role in this development. This means that 'All did not hold
the cosmopolitan views ascribed to him and that he was not sympathetic to
Christianity, as has been suggested. 'Alls few idealized descriptions of
Christian or Chinese states are rhetorical and serve a moralizing purpose;
they should not be taken as instances of a cross-cultural approach.
'AlFs vision on the course of world history is moreover only sparsely made
explicit in the Essence and can only with much difficulty be reconstructed
from a limited number of passages scattered throughout the work. This
brings us to our second question: was 'All, from a scholarly, technical
point of view, an exceptional historian?
The answer to this question should on the whole be negative. The
Essence as a literary artifact shows a traditional unevenness, a patch-
work character, which, apart from imitating the chronicle structure of nearly
all pre-modern historiography, was conditioned by the practical limitations of
manuscript-age scholarship . This fragmentation of content breaks the line
of argumentation and promotes paradoxes and contradictions we should
recall the undermining of the schematic periodisation of Ottoman history in
the biographical sections, the contradictory judgment of identical personali
ties which the author was unable rather than unwilling to weed out. The
uneven quality of factual content can also be ascribed to an overwhelming
reliance in the earlier parts of the book on the canonical handbooks of
Islamic history such as the histories of at-Tabari and Mirkhwand and the
cumulative adoption of, sometimes, identical, similar or contradictory passages
in different parts of the book, adapted in a more or less literary way, from a
large number of less important works. 'AlFs use of and approach to sources,
of whatever kind, was completely traditional and not innovative as had
been maintained. Traditional, too, was his habit not to acknowledge his
contemporary written sources. And yet the author belonged to the excep
tional category of what has been called intelligent historians. In a limited
number of cases 'All compared his sources and opted for the most acceptable
version and added commentary, which often, again, referred to contemporary
Ottoman developments. As is to be expected, here, too, the author remained
within the framework of his world picture. This intelligent approach to his
sources partly earned 'All the reputation of being a critical historian, and
we may subscribe to this qualification if presumed within the limits of the
 EPILOGUE 281

scholarly method of his time. (The other element of this critical method
was his unusual outspokenness regarding contemporary abuse.)
It is more difficult to call 'All an objective, or even scientific historian
even within the limits of his Islam- and Ottoman-centred approach. The
Essence as most other Ottoman (and, again, Western medieval) histories
had an essentially moralistic purpose which in itself already precluded an
objective or scientific approach in the modern sense of the w ord: it was meant
to educate fellow Ottomans, the sultan in the first place, that is, give them a
lesson in adhering to the age-old ideals of Islam and its particular offspring,
the Ottoman way as it was ideally organized during its heyday under the
four Old Sultans . This moralizing tendency in itself was not completely
disinterested and at least partly inspired by the difficulties connected with
'Alls personal life, particularly his bureaucratic career, and much of his
criticism was directed at changing, in 'AlFs vision, degenerating bureau
cratic practice and the falling standards of patronage from which he himself
suffered. In writing his history, 'All without doubt also tried to impress
potential patrons even if the work was not explicitly dedicated to one. But
'All was not an untrustworthy historian; he appears to have been a reliable
user of archival sources and his description of contemporary personalities is
generally fair, although sometimes not free from exaggerated praise (mostly
in order to promote his own career) on the one hand, and invective on the
other, including forays into extreme vilification, as in the biography of
Mustafa Aga. There are passages for which 'All may be accused of untruth
fulness, of applying fiction , mostly to rhetorical effect, or inexactness we
mentioned exaggerated numbers (as in the case of the Ottoman budget for
1006/1597-98) and wrong datings (as in the case of the Habsburg campaigns
of the 1590s). In this respect we should also point to 'Alls inaccurate and
incomplete enumeration of the Essences 130 sources in the general intro
duction which is contradicted elsewhere and appears to have been partly
copied from Mirkhwands history.
The Essence had the purpose to instruct and at the same time, like
almost all pre-modern histories, to entertain. This is why it cannot be
characterized as a flat... representation of major, pertinent events and
historical facts . Its qualities lie to a large extent in its literary achievement,
to the point of neglecting or distorting historical truth. Perhaps with the
exception of the rather dry encyclopedic parts, the text abounds with literary
devices: the use of varying levels of intricate rhymed prose alternating with
poetical fragments, the use of direct speech and an abundant use of meta
phor. A reading of the Essence in its entirety disproves older claims as to
the relative simplicity or smooth development in the direction of a more
simple style towards the end of the book. Not only in some of his minor
works but also in the Essence 'All proved himself a master in using
282 EPILOGUE

Ottoman Kunstprosa which he was able to expertly tune to the various themes
of his book. Many of these themes were in themselves of an essentially
literary character: legendary material, mirabilia, and anecdotes, or were cast
in a literary rather than a scholary mold as in the prefatory essays, biogra
phies and even battle-descriptions. Outstanding are the many biographies,
particularly those of the fourth, Ottoman, volume, and they are doubtlessly
'Alls most valuable contribution to Ottoman letters. These biographies
contain an incredible wealth of data, much of which cannot be found in other
sources, and illuminating as well as highly entertaining stories about many
aspects of Ottoman life such as the literary gathering, social change and
careers, health, and sex. They give us a far more differentiated picture of the
development of Ottoman history, particularly of its social, economic and
cultural history, than is offered in the mainstream of the Essence s
stories.
 APPENDIX I:
THE CONTENTS OF THE K V N H V L-AHBAR

PRELIMINARY REMARKS

In the following, I will give a summary survey of the contents of the

Essence. It is meant to be a general guide for the scholar who intends to
work with the printed edition and/or MSS. The major subdivisions of the
work in its most complete form are the following (the roman numbers stand
for the pillars as found in the MSS1):
I (1) General introduction
(2) Additional introductory chapters, from the creation of the world
up to the history of the jinns and Devil, followed by the histories of
the prophets up to the story of 'Uj b. 'Anaq
(3) The prophets appearing after the Deluge, up to the departure of
Yusuf
(4) The histories of the post-diluvian Egyptian dynasty up to that of
the popes and Roman emperors
II (1) The story of the prophets from the departure of Yusuf up to the
descent of 'Tsa
(2) The history of Muhammad and the biographies of his companions
and followers up to the life of al-Ghazall (part one)
(3) The biographies of Muhammads companions and followers (part
two)
(4) The lives of the twelve Imams and the circumstances of the Last
Days
(5) The Persian kings and the Ptolemies
III (1) The history of the Tulunids up to that of the Circassians of Egypt
(first part)
(la) The Circassians of Egypt (second part)
(2) The history of the Umayyads and Abbasids
(3) The history of Sultan Husayn Bayqara up to that of the Indian
sultans
(4) The history of the Samanids up to that of the Khans of the Crimea
(5) The history of the Timurids up to that of the Seljuks of Anatolia
1 Cf. above, Introduction, p. 2.
284 APPENDIX I

IV (1) The history of the Ottomans until the period of Sultan Suleyman
(the Magnificent), including
(la) the Authors Preface
(2) The history of the Ottomans from the period of Sultan Suleyman
up to the life of Ibrahim Paa occurring in the reign of Mehmed III
(3) The Egri campaign and epilogue*2

Most attention is given to those chapters that are of particular interest for the
Ottomanist: the introductions and the fourth pillar, especially its unprinted
parts. The survey does not consistently indicate all chapter, sub-chapter, and
paragraph divisions occurring in the history. Years and other indications of
chronology in my survey of the fourth pillar are given as they are found in
the text. Chapter headings of the unnumbered events as they occur in the last
part of the fourth pillar are rendered in a somewhat abbreviated but, I trust,
easily recognizable fashion. Numbers provided with an asterix (in my survey
of the events of the fourth pillar) do not occur in the text. The same is true
for the numbers of the biographies in the same pillar. A survey of these
follows after the description of the events .
References are made to the printed edition (KA I-V), supplied by MS MK
A 68 (A-2 , see Appendix II, below, no. 10); MS SB Hs. or. quart 1090
( B, no. 35); MS IU Tiirkge 5958 ( 1-15, no. 23); MS SK Halet Efendi 598
(1-42, no. 69); MS TKS III. Ahmed 3083 ( 1-43, no. 70); MS BN
Supplement Turc 1028 (P, no. 43); and MS UB Or. 288 ( L, no. 47).

SUMMARY OF THE CONTENTS

1(1) General introduction (KA I, 2-47)

(1) 'All invokes Gods help and the Prophets mediation to facilitate the
fluency of his language in order to elucidate the mysteries of the
Essence of Histories (2-3).
(2) The writer justifies historiography which particularly stands for the
mentioning of the great and the pious men of the past as a meritorous
deed; especially the ulema are singled out for their heart-soothing
eloquence in giving voice to the past (3-4).

2 According to this scheme, the printed edition has the following formula (an asterix indicates
an incomplete part): KA I: 1(1+2*); KA II: I(2* + 3); KA III: 11(1 + 2 + 3 + 4); KA IV-1-2-3:
111(2+ 1 + 3); KA V: IV(1*); KA I breaks off after the story of Adam; KA II begins with the
story of Shith; KA V breaks off after M II/ c:5*; cf. above, Introduction, p. 7.
 APPENDIX I 285

(3) A good reputation is, like the lights of Islam , the only thing that is
left on earth after the death of man; it may serve the living as fresh
water to the thirsty (4-5).
(4) As regards the reason for writing the book: it is meant to be a gate
giving access to the spring of knowledge, yielding the gifts of Gods
inspiration (5).
(5) The author describes in a metaphorical way how he was in spired by
God to write the book in the beginning of December, on a Friday,
RebVu l-ahir 14, in the year 1000; he started working immediately he
had already longed for the moment for 20 years and continued to do
so for ten years; he regarded the result a great success (5-7).
(6) 'All thanks God for the good result and in particular for the fact that
from the year 1000 onwards, when he began to collect material for his
book, studying perfect and eloquent books and essays written in four
languages, he was spared further confusion and mishaps from which he
had suffered for 52 years; he expresses the hope that illustrious scholars
will appreciate its excellence (7-9).
(7) The book is written in a style intelligible to both the elite and the
common people (9-10).
(8) The book only contains true stories (10).
(9) 'All praises the qualities of his book in an exaggerated fashion; the
writing of it had been directly inspired by Heaven (10-11).
(10) 'All defends the qualities of the composite Ottoman language and
disqualifies simple Turkish (11).
(11) 'All tried to check his excessive flux of eloquence, but sometimes
gushing inspiration got the better of him; but then, the book was not
destined for ignorants (11-12).
(12) 'All adstructs the hadith the search for knowledge is a duty to all
Muslims with a conversation between Yazicizade Mehmed and
Shaykh Muhylddm (Ibn al-'Arabl) Akbar ; not to obey this duty
would be proof of base ingratitude for Gods gift of intelligence to man
(12-13)
(13) The book is a compilation of 130 brilliant works which thus come more
easily within the reach of the reader (13).
(14) The book is compared to a brilliant moon-faced virgin, the more
glamorous for being free from boorish Turkish expressions (13).
(15) The book, superior to all others, is divided into four pillars with the
following contents:
(I) the history of the creation until the time of the Prophet, including
a description of the nations of that period, the geography of the
earth, and the biographies of the ulema/ historians of the time;
286 APPENDIX I

(II) the history of the Umayyads and Abbasids, including the biogra
phies of Arab scholars;
(III) the history of Turkish and Tatar dynasties, including biographies
of ulema;
(IV) the history of the Ottomans, including biographies of shaykhs,
poets, physicians, grand viziers, viziers and emirs (13-16).
(16) About the mixed origin of the inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire
(Rum); more details are to be found in the introduction to the fourth
volume (16).
(17) 'AIT specifies the biographical contents to be found in the different
volumes of the book (16).
(18) The author extols his own work, in particular the unique introduction
to it (16-17).
(19) 'AIT discusses his 130 sources and his handling of them; he only paid
attention to healthy stories and also recorded histories from the
mouths of men; he did not for brevitys sake include all traditions
found in at-Tabari and Ibn KathTr (17-20).

(Chapter heading: on historiography and patronage)

(20) 'AIT justifies historiography in religious terms; the promulgation of the
story of Yusuf and other prophets, and, consequently, of those of the
historical nations, is a religious duty; historiography has its origins in
the words first taught to Adam by God (20-21).
(21) 'AIT points to the inequality of the members of the human race and the
privileged position of prophets, saints, shaykhs and the eloquent among
them (21-22).
(22) 'AIT praises God for his own privileged position as a poet and muni,
mastering the four languages; he lauds his own proficiency which will
outshine his death (22-23).
(23) The fame of writers is conditioned by four requirements:
(a) to produce works while alive;
(b) to travel and gain experience;
(c) to have good teachers;
(d) to receive patronage from the sultan (23-24).
(24) The names of sultans who protect artists are kept alive through the
work of those whom they protect; historical examples are:
(a) Sultan Mahmud (b. Sebiiktegin) and FirdawsT;
(b) Kizil Arslan and Zahir-i FaryabT;
(c) Uways and Khwaja Salman;
(d) Atabeg Zangl and Shaykh Sa'dT;
(e) Shirwan Shah and KhaqanT;
 APPENDIX I 287

(0 Husayn Bayqara/ Vizier 'AIT Shir and MIrkhwand / Jam!/ Husayn

Wa'iz KashifT/ 'Abdallah Marwarid;
(g) Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror dismissed Grand vizier Mahmud
Pa$a for his lack of zeal in finding apt proteges in distant countries
(24-27).

(Chapter heading: on justice, tyranny, the hardship of writers, the reason for
writing the book and a prayer to God)
(25) God ordered the earthly rulers to be just and protect ulema and
writers, their slaves, entrusted to them by Him, and to give them
suitable functions and patronage (27-28).
(26) Special attention should be paid to the ulema, litterateurs, men of the
pen and treasurers; if riffraff and ignorants are employed, dynasties, as
in the example of the Sassanids, are liable to collapse (28-29).
(27) At present, disorder rules supreme in the field of appointments as was
experienced by 'AIT himself; his talents were disregarded and he had to
live in poverty (29).
(28) Positions are being sold to the highest bidders or to relations; men of
merit are ignored despite the fact that bribery is explicitly forbidden in
hadith (29-31).
(29) 'AIT, being unprotected, was obliged to sell his books in order to pay
for the upkeep of his family and dependents; his frequent petitioning to
three sultans could not alter this situation; his requests were not
submitted to the rulers by their viziers; no answers were given, although
there had never been any complaints while he was tax-collector (31-32).
(30) While the world was uprooted and the dynasty threatened by eclipse
because of rampant greed, 'All's writing was negatively affected and
his pen broken (33).
(31) 'AIT sketches the origins of Ottoman decline: from the first flowering,
particularly that of scholarship among the mixed population after 700/
1300, justice disappeared and morality declined from 960/1553 onwards
because of the negative in fluence and scheming of the Harem dwellers
in concord with the develish ddmad" (Rustem Paa) to kill the heir-
apparent Prince Mustafa (33-35).
(32) 'AIT describes the three classes of the Ottoman population:
(1) the common people (avamm); their religion is often questionable;
(2) the middle classes (evsat-i nas); they are mostly greedy, hardly
literate, ignorants;
(3) the ulema-, this class comprises three groups:
(1) the highest: brilliant but unassuming professors, scholars and
practitioners of the law;
288 APPENDIX I

(2) the middle group, having only elementary knowledge, no cer

tain convictions and tending to heresy;
(3) the lowest, consisting of ostentatious, ill-reputed, heretic, Turks
(35-36).
(33) 'AIT sketches the history of the learned class in Rum: when Mevlana
Jurjanl visited the country, the local 'ulema were in poor condition;
under the Conqueror, Selim I and generally until the death of Suley
man, they found sound patronage, but decline set in afterwards; the
serl'at was abandoned and hollow pretense soared; corrupt grand
viziers no longer protected the learned (36-38).
(34) 'All judged that the situation was hopeless and decided to retire from
public life in order to retreat into union with God under the guidance
of a shaykh and, inspired by pious exhortations and the example of
Hafiz and 'Um ar Khayyam, to write; but work was made difficult by
unemployment and poverty; 'All longed to escape from the capital,
the furnace of his mishaps, and to travel abroad (38-40).

(Chapter heading:)
(35) The seven benefits of historiography:
(1) history imparts a lesson in ethics, especially through the biogra
phies of prophets, shaykhs and 'ulema;
(2) it enables one to share their pious counsel and reminders of the
transitoriness of the world;
(3) it enables one to, as it were, consult their spirits and join their
meclis in which specific historical problems are discussed and
solutions proposed;
(4) learning of the mishaps of the past may console us for those of our
own time: suffering is transitory;
(5) it provides arguments to 'ulema with which they may be able to
outwit opponents;
(6) it broadens the horizon of those who wish to know the world they
are living in;
(7) it works as a check on tyrants when they come to realize that their
evil deeds are recorded while the good examples of just rulers and
viziers are before ones eyes (40-42).

(Chapter heading:)
(36) The four conditions for being a good historian:
(1) he should be of sound, monotheist religion in order to avoid a
wrong interpretation of the past, especially regarding the early
caliphs and imams;
 APPENDIX I 289

(2) he should be impartial and truthful;

(3) he should write succinctly;
(4) he should follow sound traditions and indicate his sources (42-43).

(A warning:)
(37) 'All advises those who wish to buy his book to employ honest and
expert copyists; most clerks in his time are nitwits who confuse words,
erroneously correct the text, mix up letters and skip passages out of
greed; he implores God to make them better their lives (43-44).

(An apology:)
(38) 'All requests fair criticism from his fellow-litterateurs; they should take
into account the difficult circumstances under which he, alone, like
Sinimar, built his history like a palace of Khawarnaq (44-45).

(Conclusion; the merits of the book)

(39) Most histories are incomplete: they lack introductions and are not
concise enough; the Essence has four unique qualities, lacking in
most histories:
(1) a description of the creation and of history before Adam;
(2) a part concerning geography;
(3) a description of the mi'raj of the Prophet;
(4) a description of the circumstances of the descent of 'Isa in the final
days (45-46).
(40) Praise of the qualities of the book: its varying style, now speeding on,
than going more slowly, and its profiting from many histories; prelude
to the following chapters (47).

1(2) Additional introductory chapters: the creation, geography of the earth,

the historical nations, their languages, their revenue, chronology, historio
graphy, the prophets and their books, the history of the jinns and the Devil
before Adam, the story of the prophets (part one) (KA I, 48 - KA II, 71)

(a) The creation (KA I, 48-81)

(Chapter heading: introduction to the creation of the Light of Muhammad,
the world and everything in it, particularly the angels, devils, and jinns
created before man) (48)
(1) Introduction, first and second version of the creation according to
sound traditions (48-60; cf. above, pp. 74-76).
290 APPENDIX I

(2) The situation of the earth on a stone of yellow ruby, which stands on
an ox, which stands on a fish, which swims in a sea, which is situated
over a fire; different traditions on the creation of the world in six days
(60-62).
(3) The creation of different classes of men from the trickling lamp of
Muhammedan Light, attached to a chain, suspended from the Throne,
praising Gods names (62).
(4) Details and different traditions on the creation of the Throne, the
Tablet, the Pen, the Stool and the Dragon (62-64).
(5) The creation of heavens and earths (64-67).
(6) The creation of the angels, jinns and devils (67-70).
(7) The creation of Paradise and Hell (70-73).
(8) The creation of the Frequented House (the Kaaba) (73-74).
(9) The creation of the Enchanted Sea (74).

(Chapter heading: the remarkable high and visible as well as low and
invisible, created phenomena) (74)
(10) Most historians do not pay attention to the heavenly and earthly
events and the quality of the creation, but the historian should
explain the world and everything in it (74-75).
(11) The creation of the sun, moon, day and night (75-77).
(12) The rainbow (77).
(13) The clouds, rain, lightning and thunder (77-78).
(14) The seeds of God: an anecdote which proves that God always supplies
food to man (78-79).
(15) Hail and snow (79).
(16) Earthquakes (79-80).
(17) Metamorphoses (80-81).
(They concern: (1) the elephant, from an indiscriminately fornicating
homosexual; (2) the bear, from a coward who offered himself to a man;
(3) the hare, from an unclean woman; (4) the scorpion, from a
slanderer; (5) the lion, from a stealing bedouin; (6) the spider, from a
woman who bewitched a man; (7) the carp, from a pimp who brought
adulterers to his own wife; (8) the swallow, from a thief stealing dates
from Muslims; (9) the monkey, from a man who did not heed the
prohibition against work on Saturdays; (10) the pig, from a man who
disbelieved the story of the descent of the Blessed Table; (11) the planet
Venus, from the female singer Nahld who bewitched Harut and Marut;
(12) the shark, from a wicked calumniator; (13) the star Canopus, from
a rapacious tax-collector; (14) the hedgehog, from a person of bad
morals; (15) the dog, from a corrupt cadi; (16) the parrot, from a
stripper of grave-clothes; (17) the monster Segsar, from a neighbours
 APPENDIX I 291

robber; a companion of Musa who craved power had a similar, but

unrevealed fate; the source was hadith)

(b) Geography (KA I, 81-237)

(1) Introduction: on the desirability of including a description of the earth
in the Essence .
(Following the example of the Suwar al-aqalim, the chapter treats of the
world bordering on the Ocean (Circular Sea) and the Seven Climes,
their seas and rivers, and both their prospering and ruined parts; it also
deals with the dark regions (zulemat) beyond the Ocean, its Fountain of
Life and the twenty circles (deva ir) of the earth; 'All prefers to add
four circles to the number of his source) (81-83)
(2) Seas (83-100).
(3) Lakes and broad streams (batayih) (101-104).
(4) Big rivers (104-117).
(5) Famous springs (uyun) (118-120).
(6) Curious wells (abar) (120-126).
(7) Islands and the curiosities of the seas (126-161).
(8) Mountains and their curiosities (161-178).
(9) An appendix on the countries of the Seven Climes (178-181).
(10) An investigation on the measuring of the degrees, longitude and
latitude by the ancients and moderns (181-182).
(11) The cities of the Seven Climes (ordered per clime and alphabet) (182-
218).
(12) Countries and their disposition: Arabia, Syria, Jaghar (? = Sinai?), the
Clime of the West, Andalusia, Nubia, Ghur (? country of the people of
Lot), Palestine, Iraq, Khuzistan, Azarbayjan, Fars, Kirman, Kuhistan,
Tabaristan, Sanjistan, Khurasan, Khwarazmia, Turin, Toharistan,
Crimea, the Province of the Slavs, Diyarbakr, Kurdistan, Tibet, China,
India (Sind, Hind), and Yemen; 'All adds Anatolia and Rumeli to the
thirty ekallm-i 'orfiye of his source, the Awdah al-masalik, and gives his
reason for doing so; the capitals of each country, old and new (218-
237).

(c) Nations (KA I, 237-251).

(Chapter heading: the historical nations, their religion, history (deeds ,

efdl) and pillars (erkan))
(1) Introductory remark: on the desirability of discussing the subject summa
rily at the beginning of the Essence following the example of the
Rawd al-manazir and other works (237).
 292 APPENDIX I

(2) The nations: Syrians/Sabaeans, Copts, Persians, Arabs, Romans

(iimmet-i Rum, Banu Asfar), Armenians, Russians, Khazars, Bulgars,
Tatars, Circassians, Wallachians, Transylvanians, Moldavians, Jews,
Greeks (ummet-i Yunan), Christians (237- 250).
(3) The Christian leaders (serveran; description of the medieval leadership
of Europe) (250-251).

(d) Languages (KA I 251-252).

(Chapter heading: the building of the oppressive tower, its destruction by an

earthquake and the confusion of tongues) (251)
(The story of the tower of Babylon; 72 despots (in the fourth genera
tion after Sam b. Nuh) gathered to build a tower in order to escape
from another Deluge; the curse of Nuh forestalled their plans which
had been instigated by the Devil; their tongues became confused, and
the populace spread into 72 directions; Syriac made way for Arabic and
other languages (not specified).)

(e) Taxes (KA I, 253-259).

(Chapter heading: the explanation of a useful, necessary principle)

(An outline of the traditional revenue (haras) in dirhams and dinars
collected from the provinces of the inhabited earth they are limited
to Central Asia, Persia, Arabia, Syria, Rum , Egypt and Yemen
based on the Kitab al-Masalik wa l-mamalik; the chapter ends with the
salyane of Egypt and a commentary on the growing deficit of the
Ottoman treasury.)

(f) Chronology and historiography (KA I, 259-265).

(Chapter heading: a necessary introduction to histories)

(1) The etymology of the word tarih (date, history) (259).
(2) The necessity for a sound chronology (259-260).
(3) The historical systems of time-reckoning of the Sabaeans, the Israelites,
Romans, Greeks, Copts, Qurayshls, Persians, Muslims (260-262).
(4) The chronology of world history (261-262).
(5) The fundamental importance of the History of at-Tabari and its
continuators for historiography (262-263).
(6 ) 'Alls use of 70, 80 sources, the best of which was Mirkhwands
Rawdat as-safd (263-264).
 APPENDIX I 293

(7) Self-praise of the author who by 1006 had written fifty volumes and
four pillars of the Essence, on which he had worked for eight years
(264-265).

(g) The prophets and their books (KA I, 265-268).

(1) Different traditions as to the number of prophets (265-266).

(2) The order of their appearance, the number o f sheets handed down to
them and the four approved books (266).
(3) The ranks of prophets: nebi, resul, ulu l- azm, miirsel (267- 268).
(4) The descents of Jibril (Gabriel) and the Holy Spirit (268).

(h) The history of the jinns and the Devil before Adam (KA I, 268-272).

(1) After God had sent 800 prophets who did not succeed to reform the
jinns, He decided to create Adam (268-269).
(2) Five times the jinns were destroyed after having sinned against the
eriat (269-270).
(3) 'Azazfl (Iblis, the Devil) escaped, managed to ascend to heaven, to mix
with the angels and to become their leader (270-271).
(4) 'Azazfl destroyed the jinns for the sixth time; he became an arrogant
ruler and the centre of worship for the other angels whom he later also
inspired with jealousy against Adam (271-272).

(i) The stories of the prophets (part one) (KA I, 272 - KA II, 71).

(1) Adam (272-328)

(2) Shlth (Seth) (KA II, 2-6)
(3) Idris (Enoch/ Hermes Trismegistus) (6-15)
(4) The descent of Harut and Marut (15-19)
(5) Nuh (Noah) (19-37)
(6) The successors of Idris and the antediluvian kings of Egypt (37-66)
(7) 'Oj b. 'Anaq (Og, son of Anak) (66-71)

1(3) The stories of the prophets (part two) (KA II, 74-245).

(a) Introduction to the second book (ceride) of the first pillar (74-78).

(1) Praise of the Creator and the Prophet (74-75).

(2) The division of the Essence into four pillars, and the division of the
first pillar into two cerides (75).
294 APPENDIX I

(3) The stories of the prophets are meant as good counsel for the wise (75-
76).
(4) The passengers of the Ark and the survival of Iblis (76);
(5) The division of the earth between Nuhs sons; the story of the tower of
Babylon, the confusion of tongues and the genealogical origin of the
nations (76-78).

(b) The sons of Sam (Shem) (78-81)

(c) The sons of Ham (Cham) (81-87)

(d) The sons of Yafith (Japheth) (87-95)

(e) The stories of the post-diluvian prophets:

(1) Hud (95-107)
(2) Salih (107-125)
(3) Iskandar Dhu l-qamayn" (the two Alexanders) (125-136)
(4) Ibrahim (Abraham) (136-219)
(5) Lut (Lot) (167-174)
(6) The ten phases of the building of Mecca (193-211)
(7) Isma'Il (Ismael) (219-223)
(8) Ishaq (Isaac) (223-226)
(9) Ya'qub (Jacob) (226-245)
(The last part of the chapter consists of four events regarding Yusufs
(Josephs) beauty and the jealous reaction of his brothers (232-240);
Ya'qubs anxious dreams about the fate of his son (240-244); and
Yusufs departure (244-245).)

1(4) The histories of the non-Muslim, post-diluvian dynasties (A-2, 98a-231b).

(1) The tyrannic kings of Egypt, from Nasr b. Ham to Bruya (?) (98a-
130a).
(2) The Coptic kings (130a-130b).
(3) The kings of Babylon (130b- 131a).
(4) Dhu l-qarnayn the second and the miiluk-i tava i f (petty kings), including
the Ptolemies (131a-133b). (Note: the part on the Ptolemies in A-2,
132b-133b, is identical with 1-15, 252b-254b, cf. below, 11(5).)
(5) A chapter on Cathay, Khotan, China (Qn, Mafin) (133b-166a).
(i) Introductory part: the situation (ahval), geography and beliefs of
these countries as reported by travellers (133b-139b).
 APPENDIX I 295

(ii) The kaniin of their khaqans (139b-147b).

(iii) The wise men, magicians and poets of Cathay (147b-152b).
(iv) The kings of Cathay (152b-166a).
(6) The sultans of India (Hind), their beliefs and history (166a-169a).
(7) The kings of Israel, from Dawud to the kings of Babylon connected
with the Israelite exile (169a-199b);
(8) A chapter on Europe (Ifrenc), Armenia (Ermen) and the Christians
(.Nasara) (199b-231b).
(i) About the borders of Europe (200a-200b).
(ii) The sons of Romulus, and the subsequent emperors and popes up
to Adalbertus (Adalbert) and Banatatakus (Benedictus XI)
(200b-231b).

11(1) The stories of the prophets (part three) (KA III, 2-101).

(10) Yusuf (2-24)

(The chapter begins with the story of Yusufs abduction by his bro
thers.)
(11) Ayyub (Job) (24-27)
(12) Shu'ayb (Jethro) (27-29)
(13) Musa (Moses) (29-67)
(14) Yunus (Jonah) (67-70)
(15) Dawud (David) (70-74)
(16) Sulayman (Salomon) (74-81)
(17) Zakariya (Zacharia) (81-85)
(18) Yahya (John the Baptist) (83-85)
(19) 'Isa (Jesus) (85-101)
(20) 'Isas future descent and its aftermath (98-101)

11(2) The history of Muhammad and the biographies of his companions and
followers (part one) (KA III, 104-348).

(1) Introduction: praise of the Creator and the Prophet (104-105).

(2) Muhammads genealogy (105-106).
(3) The chronology of the appearance of prophets on earth since Adam
(106-107).
(4) The creation and transmission of the Light of Muhammad by way of
the Ark from Adam to the Prophet; the signs announcing his coming
(107-117).
296 APPENDIX I

(5) The circumstances of Muhammads birth (117-121).

(6) A list of Muhammads names (121-123).
(7) The continuing story of his life and times (123-151).
(8) The circumstances of his death (151-152).
(9) Muhammads features and character (153-159).
(10) His miracles (159-169).
(11) Muhammads journey to heaven (m iraj) (169-179).
(12) A description of the members of Muhammads household, close
companions, weaponry, domestic animals, and other belongings, such
as clothes and crockery; the biographies of his wives, female slaves,
sons, daughters, uncles, aunts, mother and step-mothers (179-196).
(13) The biographies of the Four Friends : Abu Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman
and 'All, and o f his ten most intimate companions (196-216).
(14) The biographies of Muhammads preferred companions, divided into
the group of eleven fuqaha (jurisprudents) and that of seven huffaz-i
hadith (persons who had learned traditions by heart); their respective
status is explained in a short introduction (216-232).
(15) The biographies of the four madhhab founders, the six primary hadith
scholars, and the following seven hadith keepers, up to that of Muham
mad al-Ghazall (232-248).

11(3) The biographies of Muhammads companions and followers (part two)

(KA III, 250-348).

(284 Biographies, from Talha b. 'Abdallah up to Yahya b. Zayd b.'AH,

based on al-Bidaya of Ibn Kathir.)

11(4) The twelve Imams and the circumstances of the Last Days (KA III, 348-
440).

(1) The biographies of the Imams, from the second, Hasan al-Mukhtar b.
'All, up to the twelfth, Abu 1-Qasim Muhammad al-Mahdl (348-425).
(2) On the continuing existence of 'Isa, Khadr, Ilyas, the Mahdl, the Devil
and the Deceiver (Dajjal) (425-426).
(3) The signs connected with the appearance of the Mahdl (426-429).
(4) The biographies of the Imams: the fourth, 'All b. Husayn Zayn al-
' Abidin, and the fifth, Abu Ja'far al-Baqir Muhammad (429-436).
(5) A confused chapter containing what is probably a fragment of the
biography of Muhammads companion 'Amr b. Kharam Ansari and
 APPENDIX I 297

four disconnected stories on respectively, the testing of King Iklimun

(Cleon?) by way of a portrait of Hakim Buqrat (? Hippocrates); the
reviving of the caliphs dead qassab (butcher) by Thabit b. Qurra; the
revival of Harun ar-Rashlds nephew Ibrahim b. Salih by Hakim Sa'Id;
and the conversion of King Kalidlokos (Philadelphus, 285-247 BC) to
Judaism, based on the History of Ibn-i Ghuruz-i Rahib (Bar Hebraeus)
(436-440).

11(5) The Persian kings and Ptolemies (I-15, 248b-254b).

(a) The first class (tabaka) : from Kayumarth up to Garshasp (248b-250b).

(b) The second class, the Kayaniyan: from Kayqubad up to Darab (250b-
251a).
(c) The third class, the Ashkaniyan: from Ashk up to Ardawan (251a-
251b).
(d) The fourth class, the Sasaniyan (Sassanids): from Shapur up to
Ardashlr ( = Yazdgird?) b. Shlraya ( = ShIruya?) (25Ib-253b).
(e) The fifth class, the Batalise-i Yunani (Ptolemies), from Iskandar b.
Filfus up to Cleopatra with a short note on later developments until the
conquest of Egypt under 'Umar (cf. above, 1(4)) (253b-254b).

Ill The Islamic dynasties

III(I) The dynasties of North-Africa, Egypt and Syria (KA IV-2, 2-58 > I-
15, 268b-270a).

(1) The Tulunids (2-6)

(2) The Ikhshidids (6-9)
(3) The Fatimids (9-27)
(4) The Ayyubids of Egypt (28-40)
(5) The Turkish (Bahri) Mamluks (40-51)
(5) The Circassian (Burjl) Mamluks until al-'AzIz Jamaladdln b. Yusuf
(1382-1438) (51-58)

III(la) The Circassian Mamluks from al-'AzIz Jamaladdln b. Yusuf to

Tuman Bay (1438-1516) (1-15, 268b-270a).
111(2) the Caliphate until the fall of Baghdad (1258) (KA IV-1, 2-218).
298 APPENDIX I

(1) The Umayyads (2-156)

(2) The Abbasids (156-218)

111(3) The independant dynasties of the central and eastern Islamic world
(part one) (KA IV-3, 2-78).

(1) The Timurids: Husayn Bayqara (ruled 1470-1506) and his sons
Muzaffar Husayn MIrza and Badf azzaman (ruled 1516) (2-6).
(2) The Safavids up to 'Abbas I (ruled 1588-1629) (6-17).
(3) The Shaybanids up to 'Abdallah II (ruled 1583-1589) (17-26); the
chapter includes the short biographies of seven 'ulema (25-26).
(4) The Akkoyunlu (26-33)
(5) The Karakoyunlu (33-38)
(6) The Zulkadriye up to the sancakbegi of Rumeli, Kara Han b. Mehmed
Han (in office from 977/1569-70) (38-45).
(7) The sultans of Gujarat, from Zafar Khan Muzaffar I (ruled 1391-1411)
until the Moghul conquest (1573) (45-49).
(8) The Ghurid and Khaljl sultans of Malwa (Chapur/ Chitur), from
Husayn Ghurl (ruled 1401-1405) up to governor Salim Khan and the
Moghul conquest (1555) (49-50).
(9) The rulers of the Deccan (Bahmanids), from Dinar Tawwash (?) up to
Karlmallah (= KalTmallah?, ruled 1525-1527) (50-51).
(10) The 'Adil-ShahTs of BIjapur, from Yusuf 'Adil-Shah (ruled 895/1489-90
- 916/1510-11) up to Ibrahim (ruled 988/1580-81 - 1035/1625-26) (51).
(11) The Nizam-Shahis of Ahmadnagar, from Nizam-Shah Burhan up to
Burhanaddln Nizam-Shah (ruled 999/1591 - 1003/1595) (51).
(12) The Qutb-Shahis of Golconda and Telingana, from Qutb-Shah up to
Muhammad Quli Qutb-Shah (ruled 989/1581 - 1020/1612) (51).
(13) The Tmad-Shahis of Berar, from 'Imadalmulk (ruled 890/1485 - 910/
1504-05) up to the conquest by the Nizam-Shahis (980/1573-73) (52).
(14) The Qasimids (Barld-Shahls) of Bldar, from Qasim Bawwab (ruled 897/
1491-92 - 910/1504-05) to Mahmud Band (?) (52).
(15) The rulers of Sind (the pre-Islamic situation, geographical situation, the
Arab conquest, a short survey of the ruling dynasties: Ghurids, Ghaz-
navids, Timurids, Moghuls) (52- 54).
(16) The rulers of Lahijan (Gilan), from Khan Ahmad b. Khan Hasan
(ruled from 911/1505-06) up to the Safavid conquest (975/1567-68) (54-
55).
(17) The rulers of Rasht (Gilan) (the Ishaqids), from Amir Ishaq up to the
contemporary governor Muhammad Shah b. Jamshld (ruled 991/1583 -
999/1590-91) (55-56).
 APPENDIX I 299

(18) The rulers of Mazandaran, from Mir 'Abdallah up to the contemporary

Mir Murad Khan, followed by an enumeration of provincial admini
strators (56).
(19) The Ramazan dynasty, from Mir Ahmad b. Ramazan (ruled 780/1378-
79 - 810/1407-08) up to the Ottoman governors of Adana Pin Beg
(later: Pa$a, 922/1516 - 976/1568-69), DervI? Beg (d. 977/1569-70),
Ibrahim Beg (ruled 980/1572-73 - 1002/1593-94, Mehmed Beg (ruled
1002/1593-94 - 1007/1598-99), and other governors of the same
dynasty: Kubad Pa$a (d. 966/1558-59), Suleyman Pa$a, Ahmed Pa$a,
'Omer Beg, Suleymans son Bekir (56-62).
(20) The Shirwan-Shahs, from Shaykh Ibrahim Darbandl up to the contem
porary Ottoman governor of Sheki/ Shaburan, Ebu Bekr MIrza (ap
pointed 985/1577-78) (62-65).
(21) The sultans of Hind (Delhi), from Qutbaddln Aybak (ruled 1206-1210)
up to the conquest by Babur MIrza (1526) (65-78).

111(4) The independent dynasties of the central and eastern Islamic world
(part two) (1-15, 344a-354b).

(1) The Samanids (344a)

(2) The Saflarids (344b)
(3) The dynasty of Sebiiktegin (Ghaznavids) (345a)
(4) The Seljuks of Kirman (345a)
(5) The Danishmendids (346a)
(6) The Atabegs of Mosul, Aleppo and Damascus (346b)
(7) The Khwarazm-Shahs (347b)
(8) The Muzaffarids (351a)
(9) The Ilkhanids (Jalayirids) (352a)
(10) The Ghurids (352b)
(11) The Batinids (353a)
(12) The Chingizids (the Mongol Great Khans) up to Toghan Temur (ruled
1272-1291) (353b)
(13) The Giray Khans of the Crimea up to GazI Giray II (ruled 1588-1596/
1596-1608) (354b)

111(5) Two dynasties of the central and north-western Islamic world (1-15,
356b-360a).

(1) The Timurids, from Timur up to BadFazzaman and Jalaladdin Akbar

(d. 1007/1598-99) (356b)
300 APPENDIX I

(2) The Seljuks of Anatolia up to Ghiyathaddln (Mas'ud III) (ruled 707/

1307-08) (357a-360a)

IV(1 + la) The history of the Ottomans until 1524 (KA V, 2-7 > L, 3b-8b >
KAV, 7-280 > B, 101b-270a).
(A) Introduction (KA V, 2-7 > L, 3b-8b > KA V, 7-25)

(a) Introductory chapters (first part)

(1) Formulas of praise, in particular to God, the Creator of the country of
Rum (2-3).
(2) The privileged position of the House of 'Osman and the justification for
describing its history (3-4).
(3) The twelve ruling Ottoman sultans and their nature (4-5).
(4) The content of the Fourth Pillar and a prayer for the dynasty (5).
(5) The ideal relation between the sultans and their re'ay a (5).

(b) The authors preface

(Chapter heading: the reason for writing the book and the main themes of
the fourth pillar (for a more detailed synopsis, cf. Schmidt, Preface, 71-73).)
(6) A statement on the authors inspiration, writing and acknowledgment
( 6 ).
(7) His work was intended to continue the tradition of previous historio
graphy (6-7).
(8) 'All gives a list of contemporary Islamic rulers (Shah 'Abbas I, 'Abdal
lah Khan (Shaybanid, ruled 1583-1598), Jalaladdln Akbar (ruled 1556-
1605), Sharif Hasan b. Abl Numayy (ruled 1553/54 - 1607/08), GazI
Giray Hassan), and infidel rulers and nations (the Spanish, French, the
Pope, the Lutherans, the 'Andl, Georgians, Circassians, Mingrelia,
Transylvania, Wallachia, Russians, Moldavia, the Poles, Bohemians,
the Emperor, Hungarians and Germans), indicating their relations with
the Ottoman dynasty (7 > L, 3b-4a).
(9) The historical expansion of the Ottoman state from one beglerbegilik
under Sultan 'Osman to forty beglerbegiliks under Murad III (L, 4b-5a)
(10) The decay (disruption , ihtilal) of the Ottoman state and the threate
ning collapse of its dynasty set in under Sultan Selim II, and was due to
the squandering of money by the court; the sultan, always drinking
wine, although he did not allow the abolishing of the kanun, was
unable to check the favouritism of Grand vizier Mehmed Paa
 APPENDIX I 301

(Sokolli); in general, immorality and greed were rampant, threatening

the health of the Empire; this situation was brought about by (1) the
murdering of Prince Mustafa instigated by Rustem Paa, (2) the
favouritism of Mehmed Paa, and (3) the perverting influence of
musahib emsl Ahmed Paa on Murad III; symptomatic was the
uprooting of officials under the influence of bribery; a first serious
protest was uttered in a kit'a offered to the court by Mevlana Fehml (L,
5a-5b).
(11) The memory of the glorious deeds of the dynasty persists in the poetry
and prose of ulema, recited in mecalis\ 'All lists a number of great
Ottoman historiographers and their works: 'Aik Paazade, RuhT,
Ne$rl, Mevlana 'Isa (author of the Cami'u Irmeknunat), Idris (Bidllsi),
Kemal Paazade, Celalzade, Ramazanzade, Sa'deddln and mentions
their literary qualities (L, 5b-6b).
(12) In 'Alis own time, the great were lusting for money, ulema pushed
aside and silenced, preachers and shaykhs corrupted, and jesters
found favour (L, 6b).
(13) Under these circumstances, obscure pseudo-litterateurs found favour at
court and were appointed $ehnameguy\ Seyyid Lokman, Nutkl and
Ta'llklzade Mehmed elebi; 'Ah satirized their background, preten
sions and bad art, criticizing (Sokolli) Mehmed Paa and (indirectly)
Sa'deddin for protecting Seyyid Lokman (L, 6b-8b).
(14) 'All was inspired by God to write his book after 52 years of aimless
wandering; he wrote it as a provision for the hereafter and to quench
the thirst of Muslims for knowledge (L, 8b > KA V, 7).
(15) 'All begged God for recognition in the world, in particular by Sultan
Mehmed III, and for a place in Paradise (7-8).

(c) Introductory chapters (second part)

(Chapter heading: the blending of the population of Rum and their

different races)
(16) The genealogy of the Ottomans; the gaza activities of the Seljuks and
Danishmendids in Anatolia; the arrival of the Ottoman tribes; their
mixture with unbelievers; the Ottoman expansion in Anatolia and
Rumeli; their further mixture with twelve slave-producing infidel
nations; their flowering, that is: the first harvest of local ulema, after
100 years (8-9).
(17) The origin, character and quality as state officials of the Albanians,
Circassians, Abkhasians, Herzegovinians, Franks, Hungarians, Geor
gians, Russians and Germans (9-14).
 302 APPENDIX I

(Chapter heading: a necessary introduction to the principles of physiognomy)

(18) Mehmed the Conqueror was the foremost architect of the Ottoman
order as lawgiver, inventor of physiognomy and its application in
selecting state officials; these selective principles were firmly upheld
under Selim I; the classes of kings and their terminology; the rank of
Iskandar Dhu l-qarnayn, Chingiz Khan and Timur; the titles of the
kings of Persia, the Turks, the Seljuks, the Arabs, the Yemenites, India,
Khwarazmia, the Sassanids, and Ptolemies; the rank of m ueyyid min
'ind Allah of Mehmed II, Selim I and Suleyman; the lack of a sahib-
kiran among the Ottoman sultans and the reason why Selim I did not
become one (14-18).

(Chapter heading: on the pedigree of the Ottomans and the activities of

Ertugril and 'Osman as feudatories of the Seljuks)
(19) The Ottomans descended from 'Is; the various opinions of Ottoman
historians on this point; the departure of Suleyman ah from Trans-
oxania to eastern Anatolia; his death on the Euphrates; his sons
Ertugril and Dundar moved further west to support the Seljuk Sultan
of Konya; the annihilation of the last Seljuk ruler 'Alaad-din Kayqu-
bad by Sultan Ghazan; chaos reigned in Anatolia, but it was already
clear that Ertugril and his son 'Osman would rule; their activity as
fighters for the faith (18-22).
(20) Further details on the establishment of Ottoman power in the ki$lak
(winter quarters) of Sogut and the yaylak (summer camping ground) in
the Tumanig mountains; the changing alliances and fighting between
Seljuks, Ottomans, Tatars, Turks, Karamanids, Russians, Circassians
and Franks based on the histories of Ruhl and Neri (22-23).
(21) The first dream of Ertugril which predicted his future saltanat (sulta
nate), based on the History of Ruhl (23-24).
(22) The second dream of Ertugril which predicted his saltanat, based on an
anonymous source from the time of Sultan Bayezld; the birth of
'Osman; the last combats of Ertugril; his reception by 'Alaaddln; his
death in 680/1281-82; his three sons (24-25).

(B) The reign of'O sm an (680/1281-82 - 726/1325-26) (25-40)

(a) Introduction: the years of 'Osmans birth, his accession; the difference
of opinion among Ottoman historians about the latter year; 'Osmans
features and sons (25- 26).
 APPENDIX I 303

(b) The events of his reign.

(1) The four military campaigns undertaken before his accession to the
throne (26-33); 'Osmans appointment as mir-liva by Sultan 'Alaaddin
(30); his acquisition of the saltanat in 700/1300-01 (33).
(2) The military campaigns after his accession: the Iznik campaign (33-34).
(3) Summary of conquests (34-35).
(4) The prediction by a dervish of Yalakabad (Yalova) of the conquest of
the fortress by the Ottomans (35-36).
(5) The healthy effects of the Yalova springs as exemplified by the recovery
of the daughter of the tekvur of Istanbul (36-37).
(6) The conquest of Bursa and the death of 'Osman (37-39).

(c) Biographies (39-40).

(C) The reign ofO rhan (726/1325-26 - 1360) (40-65)

(a) Introduction: the years of his birth and accession; his inclination to
carousing; the birth of Murad this was a good omen in the year
of the accession; the second good omen: the conquest of Semendire
(Smederevo); his two other sons; his features (40-41).
(b) The events of his reign.
(1) Summary of conquests (41-44); it includes a description of the accession
and proclamation of sovereignty in Bursa; the formation of infantry
and cavalry regiments recruited from Turkish re'aya; their abolition
and the creation of the first Janissary regiments recruited from the sons
of infidels (42-43).
(2) The activities of Serdar Suleyman Paa, son of Orhan; the first crossing
of the Dardanelles and the capture of Gallipoli and other castles; praise
of Gallipoli (44-48).
(3) The death of Suleyman Paa; the death of Orhan (48- 49).
(c) Charities (pious foundations) (49).
(d) Biographies

(D) The reign of Murad I (1360-1389) (65-77)

(a) Introduction: M urads character; his inclination to gaza and building

of mosques and medreses ; he was the first of three Murads; the years of
 304 APPENDIX I

his birth, accession and death; his frequent visits to the mosque of
Bursa; his curse of a falcon which turned into rags and bones; his
features, sons and conquests (65-66).
(b) The events of his reign.
(1) The Rumeli and Anatolia campaign of 761/1361 (66-67).
(2) The rebellion of Prince Savci, his execution and the preparations for the
conquest of Edirne (67).
(3) The conquest of Edirne (762/1361) (67-69).
(4) The campaign of Evrenos Beg against Ipsala and Malkara (762/1361);
the temporary cheapness of captured slaves (69).
(5) The conquest of Gumulcine (Komotini) by Evrenos Beg (763/ 1361-62)
(69).
(6) The conquest of Biga (69).
(7) The conquest of Siroz (Serrai, Serez) (787/1385-86) (70).
(8) The conquest of Hamldili (767/1365-66) (70).
(9) The circumcision of Bayezld Han and Ya'kub Qelebi (70).
(10) The conquest of Ni (Nis) (70).
(11) The defeat of the Karamanids (70-71).
(12) Military preparations against the Serbs and their allies; the conquest of
a number of Bulgarian fortresses (71-72).
(13) The Battle of Kosova (Kossovo), the death of the sultan, the killing of
Prince Ya'kub, the succession of Bayezld (72-73).
(c) Charities (73)
(d) Biographies (73-77)

(E) The reign of Bayezld I (1389-1402) (78-117)

(a) Introduction: the years of his birth, accession and death; the circum
stances of his death: he died of high fever after numerous battles with
Timur; his features, sons and charities (78-79).
(b) The events of his reign before the invasion of Timur, arranged per year
(79-80).
(1) A summary of Bayezlds successful actions against Aydin, Saruhan,
Mentee, Germiyan, Wallachia, Cadi Burhaneddin of Rum; the dis
persal of the Frankish fleet before Salonica; the Rumeli-campaign and
the capture of its mines (79).
(2) The conquest of Vidin by FIruz Beg and his raid into Wallachia (79).
(3) The conquest of Uskub (Skopje) by Yigit Paa and his raid into Bosnia
(79-80).
 APPENDIX I 305

(4) The subjection of tsfendiyar (80).

(5) Preparations for the conquest of Istanbul; the dispersal of the Hunga
rian army marching against Nikeboh (Nikobol) (80).
(6) The annexation of Aydin and Saruhan (80).
(7) The conquest of Nikeboh and Silistre (Silistra) (794/1391-92); the Mora
(Peloponnesus) campaign; the conquest of Karaferye (Beroia) and
Ruscuk (Rusje) (80).
(8) The death of Emir Barkuk of Egypt (795/1392-93); the conquest of
Malatya and Erzincan; the resulting fire of rebellion caused the
appearance of Timur in Rum (80-81).
(c) The events concerning the Timurid invasion (unnumbered).
(1*) The background of the invasion: the siege of Istanbul (793/1391); a
part of the town was surrendered by the tekvur and inhabited by
Muslims until the appearance of Timur (81).
(2*) The terrible event concerning the Rumls (81-93).
The origin of Timurid power: his India campaign; his move to Sivas
soon after 800/1397-98; the reason for his attack against the Ottomans:
Timurs request to hand over Kara Yusuf Karakoyunh and Ahmad
Jalayirl as well as the keys of Erzincan was resisted despite the advice of
'ulema: the Timurid envoys were killed and an insulting letter was sent
back; Timur moved to Qibukova near Ankara; the Ottomans were
defeated in battle; Bayezld, deserted by his allies, Tatars and infidels as
well as his sons was captured; the four reasons of the Ottoman defeat;
the fourth point: Bayezlds refusal to pay his gazis, is adstructed by an
anecdote based on the saying a bee does not fly to get honey at night .
(3*) Sultan Bayezlds respectful reception in Timurs meclis\ Timur ex
plained that he had only wished to safeguard the Ottoman subjects, and
promised to restore him to the throne; Bayezld was offered precious
hil'ats and a bowl of yoghurt (based on the Cami'u l-meknunat and the
History of Hamzavl) (93-94).
(4*) 'All, criticizing the histories of Sharafaddln 'AH Yazdl and Ibn 'Arab-
shah MunshI, defends Timurs reputation and the historical necessity
of his victory against Bayezld (94-96).
(5*) Timurs occupation of Anatolia: the ruthless subjugation and pillaging
of Sivas, which 'All defends as a justified punishment (97).
(6*) The further conquest of Anatolia by Timur and his sons: the plun
dering of Bursa (98-99).
(7*) The reception of Bayezld at Timurs banquet in the time of the
subjection of Bursa; according to Mongol custom, BayezTds beloved
one served Timur (based on Ibn 'Arabshahs History; 'AH believes this
to be untrue); a survey of Timurs annexations and subjections (99-
100).
306 APPENDIX

(8*) The subjection of Izmir and Edremid (100-101).

(9*) Bayezids death caused by quinsy and melancholia caused by the death
of his son Mehmed Sultan; the spurious tradition of Bayezids poisoning;
Timurs departure after eight months in 805/1403 (101-102).
(10*) The corrupting influence of Kara Yusuf and Ahmad Jalayiri at Baye
zids court; criticism of the judgement of Timur by Ibn 'Arabshah,
MTrkhwand and the Ottoman historians (102-103).
(d) The first administrative measures regarding cadis and the appearance of
corruption among the 'u le m a : whereas under 'Osman, Orhan and
Murad the morals of Muslims were impeccable, under Bayezid the first
killing of princes, depravity and oppressive behaviour of cadis became
apparent; the threatened execution ordered by Bayezid of fifteen cadis;
their rescue through the intervention of Bayezids Arab n e d i m ; a k a n u n
was issued which prescribed the tariffs payable to cadis: this stimulated
greed among the 'u le m a and the corruption of morals among the
r e ' a y a ; the discussion between a b d a l (dervish) Ak Biyik and a group of
mollas in the mosque of Bursa on this point (103-105).
(e) The fate of Bayezids six sons; 'All's criticism of the ignorance of most
historians; the origin of the k a n u n concerning the Rumelian b e g l e r b e g i
tl m a r s ; a summary of the struggle between Suleyman ah, Mehmed,
Musa and 'Isa (105- 106).
(0 Charities (106-107)
(g) Biographies (107-117)

(F) The reign of Suleyman Sah (1403-1411) (117-131)

(a) Introduction: 'All defends the principle of describing the reigns of

Suleyman ah and Musa separately; the erroneous historiography
about the struggle between Musa and 'Isa; a summary of the power
struggles between Mehmed and 'Isa and Mehmed and Suleyman Sah;
the defeat of Suleyman Sah at the hand of Musa caused by the
continuous carousing of the former (117-120).
(b) Suleyman Sahs defeat in Edirne; its reasons: his seclusion and conti
nuous consumption of wine in his bathhouse and the concomitant
estrangement of his b e g s ; his capture and execution (121-124).
(c) An appendix on the undermining influence of excessive wine-drinking
on the power of kings; historical parallels between Suleyman Sah and
Selim II; the examples of Caliph Musta'sim, and some Marwanid and
Seljuk rulers; another summary of the circumstances of Suleymans
 APPENDIX I 307

defeat; the length of his reign; his good character and protection of
scholars and poets (124-126).
(d) Biographies (126-130)

(G) The reign of Musa (1411-1413) (131-144)

(a) Introduction
(1*) A summary of Musas political background: the struggle between
Timur and Bayezid, the establishment of Mehmeds sovereignty in
Bursa, the untruth of the supposed battles between Musa and 'Isa (131-
133).
(2*) Musas expedition to Rumeli and his defeat of Suleyman ah; his
accession as $ehzade (prince) under the authority of Mehmed; his
treachery against his brother which was accompanied by the dismissal
of begs and preference of his own slaves and protection of a lowly
personage called Koyun Musa/Musasi (133-137).

(b) The events of his reign

(1) The appointments of the grand vizier, beglerbegi of Rumeli, kazi'asker
and mir-i 'alem (leader of troops) (137-138).
(2) The conquest of Pravadi (Prowadia), Mudurm, Kopri and Boh in the
second year of the accession (138).
(3) The siege of Silivri (138).
(4) The breakdown of Musas reign after the flight of Vizier ehmelik
A'var to the tekvur of Istanbul; the desertion of the begs during the
Serbian campaign; the conquest of Edirne by Mehmed; the execution
of Musa; punishments and rewards of Musas officials (138-140).
(c) Charities (140-141)
(d) Biographies (141-144)

(H) The reign of Mehmed I (1403-1421) (144-194)

(a) Introduction: the years of his birth and accession; his forty wars with
Tatars, rebels and his brothers; his success in turning the chaos threa
tening the Ottoman dynasty into order; his sons and features; his sound
policy initiated after he had heard about the capture of his father:
308 APPENDIX I

consultation of the intelligent among his begs and the despatching of

spies; his cautious move from Amasya to Tokat (144-145).
(b) The events of his reign (part one): before his accession in Edirne (144-
175)
(1) The tsfendiyar campaign (145-146).
(2) The campaign against Kara Devlet$ah of Rum (146-147).
(3) The relief of Niksar from the siege of the rebel Ibn-i Kubad (147-148).
(4) The conquest of Kangal (?) and the plundering of Canik (148).
(5) The rebellion and defeat of Ibn-i Inal (148-149).
(6) The rebellion of Gozliogli; the raising of his siege of Karahisar (149-
150).
(7) The war with Ibn-i Kelb (Kopekogh) (150).
(8) The confrontation with the rebel leader MezTd and his capture in Sivas
(150-151).
(9) Timurs invitation of Mehmed to his ordu and the troubles with Kara
Yahya of isfendiyar and Savciogh 'All Beg which prevented him from
accepting it (151-153).
(10) The confrontation with 'Isa elebi at the River Ulu-abad; 'Isas flight
(153-154).
(11) Mehmeds accession in Bursa (154).
(12) 'Isas release from Istanbul by Suleyman ah; his attack on Bursa; his
second flight (154-155).
(13) The third defeat o f 'Isa near Gerede (155-156).
(14) 'Isas fourth defeat near Izmir (156-157).
(15) The departure of Suleyman ah from Edirne in order to defeat Meh
med (157-159).
(16) The battle between Sultan Mehmed and Suleyman ah at (^akirbekar
near Yeni$ehir (159-161).
(17) Suleyman ahs retreat to Bursa (161-163).
(18) Suleyman Sahs move to Edirne; Mehmeds second accession in Bursa
(163-164).
(19) The arrival of Musas vizier Ibrahim Pa$a; the preparations to crush
Musas rebellion (164-165).
(20) Mehmeds move to Rumeli and the first battle with Musa (165-167).
(21) The revolt of Izmirogh Emir Cuneyd; the occupation of Izmir and
Aydin; Emir Cuneyds imprisonment (167- 168).
(22) The alliance with Zulkadrogh; Mehmeds move to Rumeli; the siege of
Edirne (168-171). "
(23) The defeat and death of Musa Qelebi (171-175).
(24) Mehmeds third accession in Edirne (816/1413) (175).
 APPENDIX I 309

(c) The events of his reign (part two): after his accession in Edirne (175-
180)
(1) The revolt of Karamanogh Emir Mehmed and his siege of Bursa (175-
176).
(2) The revolt of Borkliice Mustafa Sofi Kisra in Trabzon3; it was
crushed by Bayezld Paa (176).
(3) The campaign against Karaman (176-177).
(4) The battle near Konya; the subjection and appointment of Emir
Mehmed (177).
(5) The crushing of the revolt of PIr 'Omer of Erzincan, Ciineyd Beg and
the emir of Isfendiyar; the recapture of Canik and Karahisar (177-178).
(6) The threatening campaign against Hungary; its submission to the Porte
(178-179).
(7) The rebellion of Simavnaogli Shaykh Bedreddln; his execution in Siroz
(179).
(8) The rebellion of Torlak Kemal; his execution in Manisa (179-180).

(d) Conclusion: thanks to God Sultan Mehmed had been able to carry out
forty conquests in only ten years and turn chaos into order (180).
(e) The circumstances of Mehmeds death and the succession of Murad; a
summary of Mehmeds career (824/1421) (180- 181).
(f) Charities (181)
(g) Biographies

(I) The reign of Murad II (1421-1444; 1446-1451) (194-246)

(a) Introduction: the years of his birth and accession; his temporary
abdication and the reason for his return to the throne; the circum
stances of his accession; the role of Emir Mehmed Buhari, especially his
urging for action against the false Prince Mustafa; his miraculous
curing of Murads nose-bleeds; Murads features, sons and conquests
(194-197).
(b) The events of his reign
(1) The revolt of the false Prince Mustafa in Rumeli; his defeat and death
(197-200).
(2) The subjection of Teke (200-202).
(3) The revolt of Mehmeds brother Prince Mustafa, governor of Hamldili;
his defeat and execution (826/1423) (202).

3 Obviously erroneous for Karaburun, cf. Danimend, Kronoloji I, 179.

 310 APPENDIX I

(4) The attack on Istanbul (826/1423); the appointment of Ibrahim Paa as

vizier (202-203).
(5) The rebellion of Ciineyd Beg of Izmir; his surrender and execution
(203).
(6) The annexation of Aydm and Mentee (829/1425-26) (203).
(7) The Serbian campaign; the conquest of Alacahisar (Krusevac) (831/
1427) (203).
(8) The conquest of Salonica (833/1430)(203-204).
(9) The Isfendiyar campaign; its submission; the marriage of the sultan
with an Isfendiyar princess (204).
(10) The dismissal of the beglerbegi of Rumeli, Saruca Paa; the raids of
Evrenosogh 'All Beg into Albania (204- 205).
(11) The birth of Prince Mehmed (835/1432) (205).
(12) The solar eclipse of 836/1432; the unsuccessful raid of Evrenosogh 'All
Beg into Albania (205).
(13) The disastrous raid of ahmelik Beg into Wallachia (205- 206).
(14) The forty-day raid into Hungary (206).
(15) The circumcision of Prince Mehmed (206).
(16) The unsuccessful Belgrade campaign; the raid of Evrenosogh 'All Beg
into Hungary (206).
(17) The wedding of Princess Sultane with the emir of Isfendiyar (206-207).
(18) The unsuccessful raid of Mezid Beg into Hungary and his death (207).
(19) The unsuccessful raid of ihabeddin Paa into Hungary; his defeat by
Yanko (Janos Hunyadi) (207-208).
(20) The Karaman campaign of 839/1436-36 (208-209).
(21) The attack of the Hungarian King (Ladislas) on Alacahisar; the raid of
Murad into Hungary; the fortification of Yergogi (Giurgiu) (841/1437)
(209).
(22) The conquest of Semendire (209).
(23) The victory of Yanko over the Ottoman army near Ni; the mourning
of Murad; the surrender of Semendire (209-210).
(24) The conclusion of peace with the unbelievers; Murads abdication; the
Battle of Varna; the killing of the Hungarian king and the flight of
Yanko; an anecdote concerning the unsuitability of a child on the
throne (211-215).

(c) The departure of Murad to Manisa; the accession of Mehmed; the

arrangement of the second accession of Murad by the viziers (215-216).
(d) The events of Murads second reign
(1) The Mora campaign (850/1446) (216-217).
(2) The Albania campaign (851/1447); the second Battle of Kossovo (852/
1448) (217-220).
 APPENDIX I 311

(3) The wedding of Prince Mehmed (220-221).

(e) The circumstances of M urads death; the succession of Mehmed;

conclusion: a characterization of his reign (221).
(f) Charities (221-222)
(g) Biographies (222-246)

(J) The reign of Mehmed II (1444-1446; 1451-1481) (246-280 > B, 101b-

173b)

(a) Introduction: his two reigns; his great qualities; the dates of his birth
and accessions; the execution of his brother Hasan; his features: his
unsurpassed qualities as protector of poets and scholars; his appoint
ment of state officials according to merit based on the rules of phy
siognomy; his dress; his sons: Prince Cems longing for the throne,
wanderings and poetical correspondence with Bayezid; his conquests
(246-249).
(b) The events of his reign (part one): up to the fall of Constantinople
(1) The Karaman campaign; the request of bahi by the Janissaries; the
dismissal of Kazanci Aga (249-250).
(2) The subjection of Mentee (250).
(3) The construction of the fortress of Bogazkesen (Rumelihisari); Con
stantinople was cut off from the Black Sea (856/1452).
(4) The casting of a gun of 300 kantar by Saruca Ustad; preparations for
Constantinoples conquest; the threatened firing of guns (251).
(5) The conquest of Constantinople (251-261)
The hadith which predicted the conquest; the action of the Ottoman
fleet and the naval blockade of the Golden Horn; the offer by the
tekvur to pay hardf was rejected; the bombardment of the land-side
walls; the conflict between Franks and Christians (Greeks); the
peace-party, headed by Grand vizier Qandarh Halil Paa was over
ruled by the war-party led by Shaykh Ak $emseddln: the sultan
decided upon a direct attack and promised general looting; the fall of
the city on Rebiii l-evvel 21, 857/ April 2, 1453; chronograms were
composed; much booty was taken; the wailing of monks, women and
children; the consecration of the Hagia Sophia as a mosque and the
first Friday worship held in it; books found amidst the spoils were
gathered and translated with the purpose of reconstructing the history
of the town and the Hagia Sophia.

(c) The history of Constantinople and the Hagia Sophia

312 APPENDIX I

(1*) The transitoriness of all human civilisations; Hizirs observation of the

countries of the west which had turned into dust after centuries of
prosperity; the three-fold construction and ruin of Constantinople (261-
262).
(2*) The first construction of Constantinople: the palace built by Sulayman
for Princess ems!ye; her idol worshipping and the decay of Sulaymans
empire; the first building of the town by Yanko b. Madyan; the
flourishing of idolatry; his death and the destruction of the town caused
by Gods wrath (262-273).
(3*) The second construction of Constantinople: the restoration by Yankos
son Byzantin; the second destruction of the town caused by Gods
wrath; the appearance of Kostantin; the reconstruction of the town;
the war between Kostantin and Harkil (273-274).
(4*) The third building of Constantinople by Kostantin and Harkil; the
construction of the Hagia Sophia upon the death of Kostantins wife
Sophia; the fleeing of the architect; the scarcity of funds and the
discovery of a treasury by a youth with the help of the Prophet
Zakariya; the erection of an obelisk with the emperors effigy (274-277).
(5*) Further details on the construction of the Hagia Sophia: on the advice
of a 1700-year-old man, the new architect was found in a young man
who was able to make an egg stand on a slab of marble; its completion
in eighty years; the succession of Ilya (Leo?) and Harkil; the collapse of
the Hagia Sophia at the birth of Muhammad; its restoration with his
blessing (278-280).
(6*) The nine sieges of Constantinople by the Muslims (B, 100b-103a).
(7*) The fourth building of Constantinople by Kantur upon the ninth siege
of 256/870; his pedigree; an investigation: a chronological survey of the
constructions and destructions of the town (103a-103b).
(8*) A chapter (fast) based on Idris BidllsFs Hasht bihishf. the origin of the
Bosphorus; the Frankish and Greek lines of Roman emperors; the
conquest and first building of Constantinople by Kostantin, descendant
of Agustus; the political role of the Pope in Europe; Kostantins
successors; Yustiniyanus and Harkil; the latters correspondence with
Muhammad and secret conversion to Islam; the later emperors up to
the conquest of Sultan Mehmed; the two constructions of Constan
tinople by Yanko and Byzantin before the conquest by the Roman
emperors (103b-105a).
(9*) A second chapter based on Idris BidllsFs Hasht bihishf. the conquest of
Constaninople by Kostantin; his successors; the building of the Hagia
Sophia under Istunbanu by Agnadius; his instruction to Istunbus
(Justine II) to erect a column with his statue on horseback; the collapse
of the cupola of the Hagia Sophia; Agnadius imprisonment on top of
 APPENDIX I 313

the column and his escape to Europe; the change of the Hagia Sophia
and its related property into a vakf after the conquest (105a-108b).

(d) Architectural developments of Istanbul after the conquest

(1*) The building of the Old Palace, completed in 858/1454 (108b).
(2*) The building of the New Palace, ready in 866/1461-62 (108b-109a).
(3*) The building of the Eski Sultan Mehmed (Fatih) Mosque, completed in
875/1470 (109a).
(4*) The building of the Eight Colleges (medaris-i semamye); their units,
annexes, the provisions for their students according to the vakfiye, their
school, hospital and two bathhouses (109a-109b).
(5*) The construction of the Ebu Eyub and Ebulvefa complexes (109b-
110a).

(e) Institutional regulations as laid down by the sultan

(1*) The careers of the 'ulema (110a-112b)
Sultan Mehmed wished to ease the fate of the 'ulema; he consulted
Grand vizier Mahmud Pa$a and regulated the ranks (meratib) within
the 'ilmlye, thus perfecting the measures taken by Bayezld I, and had
the Eight Colleges built; the ranks, salaries, provisions and curriculum
for the students, teachers and other personnel of the Eight Colleges, the
Hagia Sophia, Ebu Eyub and the outer and inner medreses; the
promotion system, from dani$mend and miilazim to eyhii l-Islam and
hoca of the sultan, the tasks and periods of office; examples of
contemporary disruption of these rules: the irregular promotion of an
ignorant Egyptian to a 499-akfe cadiship; the reduction of the periods
of office; the promotion of small town cadis to defterdars.
(2*) The rules of precedence (the sitting order, tasaddur) of the Divan (112b-
115b)
Apart from an explanation of these rules, the chapter includes criticism
of contemporary disruption of the established order: medrese teachers
no longer respect the higher rank of begs and beglerbegis; the decline in
quality of the muderrisin caused by appointments through nepotism and
bribery; their greed for money and power as borne out by ostentatious
dress, rich and lascivious living, and courting of high state officials; the
disruption of the career paths which had been regulated by Sultan
Mehmed to give prosperity and peace to scholars.
(3*) The pillars and notables of the Ottoman dynasty (115b- 122a)
Sultan Mehmeds regulations concerning the careers of the ehl-i seyf
and ehUi kalem; a description of the ranks, tasks, rights, formal
clothing, income, honorary gifts, promotion lines, and servants of the
314 APPENDIX I

four pillars of state (grand viziers, kdziaskers, defter dars and nifdncis)
and members of the Divan, the officers of the Janissary corps and the
palace personnel; the chapter includes criticism of modern deteriora
tions: the increasing numbers of defterddrs and Janissaries; corrupt
practices regarding appointments, the resulting oppression of re'dyd
and the depletion of the Treasury; the rapacity of bafkapuciba$is and
the resulting ruin of Wallachia and Moldavia; the irregular career of
kizlar agasi Mustafa Aga and his extortion of peasants living on
dynastic vakf land.

(0 The events of Mehmed IIs reign (second part): after the conquest of
Istanbul
(6) The Serbian campaign and the capture of Sivri(hisar) (Ostrovica) (122a-
b).
(7) The conquest of Inos (Enez); the death of the Serbian King Despot
(122b-123a).
(8) The Serbian campaign of 859/1455; the conquest of Novoberda
(Novobrdo) (123a-b).
(9) The unsuccessful siege of Belgrade (860/1456) (123b-124a).
(10) The conquest of the Mora; the appearance of two comets in the eastern
and western sky (862/1457-58); the circumcision of the Princes Bayezld
and Mustafa (124a-b).
(11) The subjection of Serbia (862/1458) (124b-125b).
(12) The conquest of Semendire (863/1459) (125b-126a).
(13) The Isfendiyar campaign (126a-b).
(14) The conquest of Koyunhhisar and Trabzon (126b- 127b).
(15) The Wallachia campaign (865/1461) (127b-128b).
(16) The conquest of Midilli (Lesbos) (128b).
(17) The conquest of Bosnia and Herzegovina (869/1464-65) (128b-130a).
(18) A survey of the political history of Karaman since 1300; its relations
with the Ottomans; the appointment (in 868/1464) and revolt of PIr
Ahmed Beg (in 873/1468-69); the subjection of the country; the dis
missal of Mahmud Pa$a (130a-13 lb).
(19) The attack of the Frankish alliance against the Mora, Corfu and Midilli
in 869/1464-65; the successful Ottoman defense; Mehmeds move to
Yayce (Jajce); the fleeing of the Franks from Gallipoli (13lb-133a).
(20) The Bosnian campaign of 870/1465; the fleeing of the Hungarian king
from Yayge (133a-134b).
(21) The Albanian campaign of 871/1466; the building of the fortress of
Elbasan; its capture by Iskender Beg in 872/1468; his flight to Europe
(134b-135a).
 APPENDIX I 315

(22) The conquest of Egriboz (Euboia) (873/1468-69) (135a-136a).

(23) The subjection of'A laly e (Alanya) (876/1471) (136a-137a).
(24) The rise of the Akkoyunhs; Uzun Hasans rupture of good relations
with the Ottomans and his raids on Tokat and Kazabad; the attack of
Yusufca Aga on Karaman (877/1472); the Ottoman campaign against
Uzun Hasan and the Battle of Tercan; Uzun Hasans flight; Prince Ba-
yezld appointed heir-apparent (137a-140b).
(25) The campaign of Gedik Ahmed Paa against PTr Ahmed Beg of
Karaman; his flight and death in 879/1474-75 (140b-14lb).
(26) The death of Prince Mustafa; the appointment of Prince Cem as
Governor in Konya (879/1475); the unsuccessful campaign of Rum
Mehmed Paa against Karaman; his dismissal (141b-142a).
(27) The appointment of Mehmed Paa as governor of Karaman; his
victory over Kasim Beg (879/1474) (142a).
(28) The expedition of Gedik Ahmed Paa against Kefe (880/1475) (142a-b).
(29) The siege of iskendenye (Shkoder); the Moldavian campaign (142b-
144a).
(30) The conquest of Iskendenye (884/1479); the dismissal of Suleyman
Paa and the appointment of Ahmed Paa as governor of Rumeli;
Venice is made Aardf-paying vassal (144a-145a).
(31) The capture of Kuma (?) on the Azak (Sea of Azov) (145a).
(32) The conquest of Turul (145a).
(33) The cultivation of Bozca(ada) ad Susam (Samos); Gedik Ahmed Pa$as
raid against Pulya (Puglia) (145a).
(34) The raid of a number of begs into Hungary; they were defeated and
many killed due to selfish behaviour and internecine conflicts (145a-b).
(35) The unsuccessful siege of the fortress of Rhodes; the dismissal of Meslh
Paa (885/1480) (144a-146b).
(36) The retreat of Gedik Ahmed Paa from Pulya; his losses due to an
attack by Frankish corsairs; news of the sultans death (146b)

(g) The circumstances of the sultans death (147a-147b)

The date of his death; tormented by gout, he collapsed near Oskudar
on his way to Arabia and Persia; his rule of 32 years, equal to the
number of pronounced letters ; the killing of Grand vizier Karaman!
Mehmed Paa by the Janissaries; the succession of Bayezld; the
suppression of the Janissary revolt; Mehmeds burial.
(h) Biographies (147b-173b)

(K) The reign of Bayezld II (1481-1512) (B, 173b-222b)

316 APPENDIX I

(a) Introduction: Bayezlds character as a forceful but pious ruler, a good

patron of scholarship and beloved by his subjects; his aversion to
executions; the dates of his birth and accession; his youthful inclination
towards carousing and his asceticism during the last phase of his life;
his association with shaykhs and his oath to Shaykh Muhylddln Yavsl;
his features; his attire; his sons; his conquests; the plundering of
Istanbul by the rebellious Janissaries, mostly disguised adventurers and
thieves, after Mehmeds death; the temporary accession of Prince
Korkud; Bayezlds arrival and the pacification; the dismissal of Davud
Paa and appointment of Yahya Paa as beglerbegi of Rumeli; the
revolt of Prince Cem.
(b) The events of his reign
(1) The revolt of Prince Cem (174a-176b)
Although younger, Cem thought himself more suitable for the throne;
his occupation of Bursa; his flight to Sultan Kaytbay in Egypt; his
reappearance in Karaman and defeat on the plain of Ankara; his move
to Rhodes and Rome; his essay on his travels and poetry; the mission
of Mustafa Aga to Rome; the poetical correspondence between Bayezld
and Cem; Cems i'tizarname\ Cems murder by means of a poisonous
razor on the instigation of the Pope; his burial in Bursa.
(2) The envoys of six kings came to submit themselves and offer gifts to the
new sultan (889/1484) (176b-177a).
(3) The move of Bayezld and the Ottoman troops to Sofia (177a).
(4) The reasons and circumstances of the execution of Gedik Ahmed Paa
(887/1482) (177a-b).
(5) The Moldavian campaign; the conquest of Kili (Kilia) and Akkerman
(Bielgorod-Dniestrovskii) (889/1484) (177b-178a).
(6) The revolt of Kara Bogdan (Stephen the Great) and the loss of
Akkerman (889/1484); the impossibility of confronting the ruler (178a).
(7) The revolt of Kara Bogdan of 891/1486; Malko?ogh Bali Beg is
instructed to carry out a raid into Moldavia (178a).
(8) The raid of Ball Beg against Kara Bogdan; his victory over the infidel
troops (178a-b).
(9) The conquest of Adana and Tarsus (890/1485) (178b-179a).
(10) The hostility of Kaytbay against the Ottomans; the alliance between
the Ottomans and 'Alaeddevle Zulkadrogh; the Circassian attack on
Adana and Tarsus (179a-b).
(11) The move of the Ottoman army towards Adana; the defeat and
imprisonment of Ahmed Paa; the loss and ruin of the fortresses of
Adana and Tarsus (179b-180a).
(12) The campaign of Davud Paa; the request to the Ramazanogullan for
assistance (180a).
 APPENDIX I 317

(13) The subjugation of Kara Bogdan (891/1486); the killing of the Hun
garian Ban Yahiogh by Mustafa GazI near Semendire (180a).
(14) The campaign of 'AIT Paa of 893/1488; his victory over the Mamluks;
the loss of Adana; the wedding of three daughters of the sultan with
begs (894/1488-89); an earthquake hit Edirne (180a-182a).
(15) The raid of Kemal ReIs against the coast of Low Frengistan (Italy)
(182a).
(16) The marriage of Ahmad MIrza (Akkoyunlu) with a daughter of Baye-
zld (903/1497); his succession in Tabriz and subsequent fall; the revolt
of 'Alaeddevle; the defeat of Budak Beg against the Mamluks; the
departure of the Ottoman troops from Uskudar; the conciliatory
embassy of Sultan 'Uthman of Tunis; heavy rainstorms and the explo
sion of the great church at the At meydam; the destruction of 2000
houses (895/1489-90); peace with the Mamluks (896/1491) (182a- 184a).
(17) During the power vacuum in Hungary after the death of Yanko,
Suleyman Paa of Semendire persuaded the ban of Belgrade to surren
der the fortress to him; the Albanian campaign and the capture of
Depedelen (Tepelene) (897/1492) (184a-b).
(18) The attempt on the life of the sultan in Depedelen; the banishment of
'a$iks and Haydens from Edirne; the plague hit Egypt, Syria and Rum
(897/1491-92) (184b-185a).
(19) The raids of Mihalogh 'All Beg into Hungary (897/1492) (185a).
(20) The raid of Ya'kub Paa of Bosnia; the Battle of Karayere (Krbava)
and the capture of Derencil Ban (Derencseny); a story based on
Neri: a wagon-driver met Hizir, on his way to defeat the last remnants
of the plague, near Edirne; the latter miraculously healed the broken
leg of the wagon-drivers ox (898/1493) (185a-186b).
(21) A raid of Mihalogh 'AIT Beg into Hungary; the attack of the Hungarian
king on Semendire; an attack of 500 Arabs on the pilgrimage caravan
proceeding towards Mecca; the appearance of a dervish at the scales of
Davudpaa who blessed travellers and sailed towards the open sea (898/
1492-93); an embassay of seyyids of Medina to the Porte; the death of
Mihalogh 'AIT Beg; the appointment of FTruz Beg (186b-187a).
(22) A summary of the conquests of 902/1497: the raid of BalT Beg into
Poland (187a-188a).
(23) tskender Pa$a appointed as sancakbegi of Bosna (Bosnia); his raid
against Venice; the conquest of tnebahti (Navpaktos, Lepanto) (904/
1499) (188a-189a)
(24) The conquest of (Bosnian) Lofga and Brussa (Brustza) (189a).
(25) Mustafa Begs raid on Yay?e (908/1502) (189b).
(26) The conquest of tnebahti (189b-190a).
(27) The death of Kaytbay and succession of Malik an-Nasir Muhammad
318 APPENDIX I

(902/ 1496-97); letters of friendship to the Porte and the request for the
hand of Bayezlds daughter; her marriage with the shah of Persia
(190a).
(28) The conquest of Modon (Methoni) (190a-191b).
(29) The subjection of Anavarin (Navarino, Pylos) and Koron (Koroni)
(191b).
(30) The fall and reconquest of Anavarin by Kemal ReTs (191b).
(31) The conquest of Enife (?) and Asus (?) by 'Ah Paa (907/1501-02)
(191b-192a).
(32) The rebellion of Ibrahim Beg of Karaman and the campaign of Grand
vizier Nasuh Paa4 (192a).
(33) The conquest of Drag (Durres) (908/1502); appendix: the French siege
of Midilli (192a-b).
(34) The Midilli campaign of Prince Korkud (192b-193a).
(35) The circumcision of the Princes Ahmed, Mahmud and Mes'ud (911/
1505-1506) (193a-b).
(36) The appearance of Shah Isma'il b. Haydar: a summary description of
the rise of the Safavid dynasty; Shah Isma'ils move against Zulkadriye
and settling in Kazabad; the military mission of Yahya Paa; the
retreat of the shah to Karabag (193b-194a).
(37) The circumstances of Prince Korkuds emigration to Egypt; his lavish
reception in Cairo (915/1509); his return to Rum and his appointment
as sancakbegi in Antalya (917/1511) (194a-196a).
(38) The earthquake called minor apocalypse which struck Istanbul,
Edirne and Qorum on Rebi'ii l-ahir 25, 915/ August 12, 1509; the move
of Bayezid to Edirne; the subsequent minor earthquakes and rain
storms; the wedding of Prince Selims daughter with Bayezlds grand
son Mehmed (196a-b).
(39) The killing of the beg of Egriboz in a naval battle with the Ottomans
(Ramazan 915/ December-January 1509-10); an embassy of the Mam-
luks is received in Edirne (evval 915/ January-February 1510) (196b-
197a).
(40) The restoration of Istanbul and Galata with the help of conscript
labour, completed in 916/1510; the beginning of the habit of eating
from gold and silver vessels by the sultans; distribution of food among
the poor (916/1510-11) (197a).
(41) An Ottoman fleet is sent in support of Mecca against the Franks (916/
1510-11); Shah Isma'Tls occupation of Azarbayjan and the kizilbaj raid
against Trabzon; the defense of the town by Prince Selim (916); Prince
Suleymans appointment as sancakbegi of Kefe; he was accompanied

Obviously erroneous, Mesih Pa$a is meant.

 APPENDIX I 319

by Selim who raided the Circassians; Sultan Bayezlds letter of protest

(197a-b).
(42) The rebellion of Karabiyikogh ahkuh in Elmali; the defeat of
Karagoz Pa$a; the treason of Prince Ahmed; the Battle of Sarmihk
and the death of Hadim 'All Paa (917/1511).
(43) The circumstances of the succession: Bayezlds loss of authority and the
rivalry of the princes; the march of Selim to Edirne; his vain attempts
to speak with his father and urge him to resist the kizilba threat;
Bayezlds suspicion and his hesitation to drop Ahmed as heir-apparent;
the confrontation at ukur gayir; Selims occupation of Edirne; his
defeat, but according to 'All: courteous retreat, at Kandiran; the
Janissary rebellion in Istanbul; Selims entrance into the capital; his
acclaim by the troops and the pillars of state; Bayezlds retirement and
death on his way to Dimetoka (Didymotichon) (917-918/1511-12)
(198b-203b).

(c) Charities (203b-204a)

(d) Biographies (204a-222b)

(L) The reign of Selim I (1512-1520) (B, 222b-270a)

(a) Introduction: the date of his birth and accession; his unequalled
prestige as hddimii bharemeyn ( servitor of the two sacred cities) and
sahib-kiran; his fate as a killer; exceptions to his cruelty: the example of
Pin Paa who could contradict him without punishment; his regret
concerning Taczade Ca'fer Begs execution; his poetical talent; his rank
as m ueyyed min 'ind Allah', 'All dismisses objections to it; his potential
world-rulership; his two greatest merits: his defeat of Shah Isma'Il and
of rebels who claimed Akkoyunli descent; his precocious wisdom and
refusal to accept inept lalas; the reception of Prince Suleyman in the
capital; Selims features; his son; the latters birth in exactly 900, which
was a good omen for the nation; the war with the princes: the
execution of the five sons of ehlnah, Mahmud and 'Alemah; Prince
Korkuds execution in Manisa; the Battle of Yeniehir and the killing
of Prince Ahmed; the escape o f Murad and 'Alaeddln; the special
reason for killing Ahmed: his careless tolerance of the plundering of
Kiitahya by the followers of Sahkuli; the advantage of these killings for
the smooth succession of Suleyman; his conquests (222b-227b).
(b) The events of his reign
320 APPENDIX I

(1) Selims encampment in Yenibahse and his orders to Bayezid to retire to

Dimetoka (227b).
(2) The accession in front of his tent; his announcement of the Persian
campaign in his address to the troops; the acclaim of oda kethiidasi
(caretaker of the little chamber in the Palace)5 'Abdallah and his
appointment as sancakbegi of Salonica; the excessive distribution of
bahfif (227b- 228a).
(3) The campaign against Shah Isma'Il (228a-236a)
The move towards Uskiidar and march into Anatolia; the insulting
correspondence with the shah; the revolt of the Janissaries at Erzincan;
the execution of Hemdem Paa; the Battle of Qaldiran; the capture of the
shahs wife, Taclu Hanum, and IsmaTls flight to Tabriz; the four errors
of Selim according to Ibrahim Paa; the encampment before Tabriz; the
deportation of craftsmen and notables; BadFazzaman, son of Husayn
Bayqara, was received by the sultan and given a pension of 1000 akfe;
the move to Revan (Yerevan); the punishment of viziers who had urged
the Janissaries to request a return to Rum; the dismissal of Mustafa
Paa, Hersekogh Ahmed Paa and Dukakinogh Ahmed Paa (the latter
was also executed); winter-quarters in Amasya; the appointment of
$ehsiivarogh 'All Beg as governor of Zulkadriye; criticism of the
irregular contemporary appointment policies; envoys of the shah were
thrown into Yedikule prison, 920/1514.
(4) Mevlana Idris BidllsFs mission to the Kurdish emirs in order to obtain
their support against the Safavids; the conquest of Kemah by Biyikli
Mehmed Paa; the request of Kansu Gavri to annul 'All Begs apoint-
ment as governor of Zulkadriye; Selims threatening reply (921/1515)
(236a-237a).
(5) The campaign against 'Alaeddevle of Zulkadriye and his execution; the
return of the sultan to Istanbul; the trial and execution of Tacbegzade
Ca'fer Qelebi, Iskender Paa and Balyemez 'Osman Aga (237a-b).
(6) The construction of a new arsenal on the Golden Horn; Selims
sleeplessness and indignation about the existence of European powers;
a plan was made by the sultan and Plri Paa to build a fleet of 500
kadirgas; the threat alone brought France, Venice, Cyprus and Dubrov
nik to obedience; the wisdom of the vizier is contrasted with the greed
and ignorance of contemporary statesmen; GazI Haci Begs campaign
against the Hungarians who had attacked tzvornik (Zvornik) (237b-
238b).

5 Cf. Ismail Hakki Uzun?arili, Osmanli Devletinin Saray Tefkilati (2nd ed., Ankara, 1984),
310.
 APPENDIX I 321

(7) Particulars about the mission of Mevlana Idris BidllsI to the Kurdish
emirs; their political loyalties and the success of the embassy (238b-
240a).
(8) The return of the shah to Tabriz; a general massacre of the disloyal
population was scarcely prevented by his viziers; the siege of Diyarbekr
by Kara Khan; its relief by Biyikh Mehmed Paa, adl Paa and
Kurdish auxiliaries rallied by Idris BidllsI (921/1515) (240a-241a).
(9) The capture of Diyarbekr; its first conquest by Khalid b. Walld; the
siege of Mardin; the Battle of Koghisar and the death of Kara Khan;
the rewards for Idris BidllsI and the Kurdish emirs (241a-243b).
(10) The Egyptian campaign (922/1516) (first part) (243b-247b)
Selims objective: to stamp out the shi'ite heresy; Grand vizier Sinan
Paa was refused passage through Malatya by the local Circassians; the
Mamluk-Safavid alliance; the move of Kansu Gavri with 50,000
bedouins to Aleppo; Selims consultation of his pillars , whose
faint-heartedness was overruled; his move toward Aleppo; Mamluk
letters of excuse were ignored and envoys thrown into prison; the Battle
of Marj Dabiq; the escape of Kansu Gavri; his death; his head was
offered to Selim by a (avuf (halberdier) who was nearly killed for
having trespassed the rules of chivalry; the move to Damascus; winter-
quarters; the annexation of the Provinces of Aleppo and Damascus.
(11) The Egyptian campaign (922-25/1516-19) (second part) (247b- 252b)
The treason of Kansu Gavri against Selim and his scheme to stab the
Ottoman army in the back; offensive letters reached Selim in Sivas; the
justification of the campaign in a fetva issued by the consulted 'ulema;
the Battle of Marj Dabiq; winter-quarters in Damascus; the conquest
of Palestine; the execution of Yunus Paa and other hesitant viziers; the
courageous advice of Halil Beg and his rewards; the march through the
Sinai; the carrier-pigeons of Qutayba; the miraculous provision of
water; the battle on the plain of Cairo; the death of Sinan Paa; Selims
entry into Cairo; the humiliation of the troops by Circassion women
and their punishment; the escape and execution of Tuman Bay; the
suppression of street-fighting in Cairo before the surrender; Selims
ambition to become hddimii Irharemeyn since his accession; Selim
dropped his signet-ring into the Nile; its recovery by a diver; his
rewards; the subjection of Egypt; the appointment of Hayr Beg as
governor; Selims return to Damascus; the foundation of Shaykh
Akbar in Salihlya; a prediction of Selims conquest and Kemal
Paazades scepticism; Selims return to Istanbul; letters of congratula
tion from the shah; Selims plans for a second Persian campaign.
(12) The appointment of Plri Paa as serdar, his move to the Euphrates and
return the capital (252b).
322 APPENDIX I

(13) The rebellion of Bozok Celal and its suppression (925/1519) (252b-
253a).
(14) The rebellion of the false Prince Murad; the investigation of Ferhad
Paa in Amasya; his extortion and murdering of the local population;
his return to Istanbul and trial (253a).

(b) Charities (243a-b)

(c) The circumstances of Selims death (926/1520) (253b-255b)
Ferhad Paa accompanied the sultan to Edirne; his execution was
forestalled by Selims illness, the bubonic plague, the symptoms of
which became apparent in the plain of Kandiran; Selims death; the
succession of Suleyman; appendix: the contradictory traditions con
cerning Selims death, either caused by his fathers curse, or that of
Shaykh Giimiliogh Mehmed of Amasya, a former associate of Prince
Korkud.
(e) Biographies (255b-258a)

IV(2) The history of the Ottomans up to 1596 (B, 270b-613b > I- 43, 535b-
546a)_____________________________________________________________
(A) The reign of Suleyman (1520-1566) (B, 270b-392b > P, 352a- 354b > B,
392b-430b)

(a) General introduction: praise of God and the Prophet; Sultan Suleyman
is hailed as a second Sulayman, absolute ruler of men, jinns, birds and
insects, appearing among the Ottomans (270b).
(b) Introduction: Suleymans unequalled qalities; the dates of his birth and
succession; the auspicious numerological aspect of his reign as tenth
sultan, twelfth commander and birth in exactly 900; happiness, learning
and gaza were abundant during his reign; his promotions and acces
sion-presents to the Janissaries; his inclination toward justice and
patronage: he allowed 600 families to return to Egypt; he indemnified
the merchants of Tabriz; he executed Hum Ca'fer Beg of Gallipoli; he
punished plundering Janissary aghas; his features: his inclination to
justice and protection of the learned; his dress; he married many of his
viziers to his daughters in order to have reliable proxies; viziers were
always, in conformity with kanun, palace-educated slaves and never
'ulema; no official was dismissed without reason, and if so, never
reappointed; he avoided bribery and low company; bribery was only
introduced by Rustem Paa who asked money for postings; unlike at
 APPENDIX I 323

present, merchants and officials did not associate with palace aghas;
ifoglans were kept secluded from the world; the treasury was filled to
the brim and tax-collectors were free from anxiety; his sons, and,
particularly, their death: three died at an early age, among whom
Mehmed who had been destined to succeed; Mustafa was killed at the
instigation of Rustem Paa; Yahya Begs elegy and his narrow escape
from execution; the rebellion of Bayezld and the Battle of Konya; the
circumstances of the Princes and his sons deaths; a summary of
conquests (270b-273a).
(c) The events of Suleymans reign
(1) The revolt of CanberdI (jazall, vali (governor) of Damascus, Jerusalem
and Ghaza; its suppression by Ferhad Paa, 927/1521 (273a-b).
(2) The conquest of Belgrade, 927/1521 (273b-274a).
(3) The acquisition of Yemen, 927/1521 (274a).
(4) The siege and conquest of Rhodes, 928/1522 (274a-b).
(5) The rebellion of the emir of Ziilkadriye, ehsiivarogh 'All Beg; its
suppression by Ferhad Paa; the execution of the emir and his sons,
928/1522 (274b).
(6) The rebellion of KeIfI Camm in Egypt; its repression by the Ottoman
vail, Mustafa Paa (274b).
(7) The rebellion of the Ottoman governor of Egypt, Ahmed Paa; his
violent death, 929/1523-930/1524 (274b-275b).
(8) The embassy of Shah Isma'Tl to the Porte on the occasion of Sultan
Suleymans succession; the accession of Shah Tahmasp to the Safavid
throne, 930/1524 (275b).
(9) The wedding of Grand vizier Ibrahim Paa; a description of the
ceremonies, banquets, festivities, showering of gifts, and the final
theological dispute, 930/1524 (275b- 276b).
(10) Ibrahim Paas reforming mission to Egypt; the revolt of the Janissaries
during his absence, 930/1524-931/1525; a story about the real reason
for Ibrahim Papas mission: to remove him from the capital because he
was considered, in conformity with a passage in the Kitab Jafr, to be a
threat to the throne; he tried to put forward Shaykh Ibrahim Giilem
as a scapegoat; the latter was interrogated by eyhu l-Islam Kemal
Paazade but not found guilty (276b-279a).
(11) The execution of Ferhad Paa, 931/1524 (279a-b).
(12) The naval expedition of Suleyman ReIs to Yemen and Aden (279b).
(13) The Hungarian campaign of 932/1526; the Battle of Moha? (Mohacs);
the occupation of Buda (Budin), Pest (Pete), Ba? (Vac) and Szegedin
(279b-283a).
(14) The revolt of a band of Turcomans led by Baba Siigliin a gainst
Sancakbegi Mustafa Beg in Bozok, 933/1526-27; a story on its
324 APPENDIX I

origin: the difference of opinion between the two men on the tax-value
of the formers land; the suppression of the revolt by Hiisrev Pa$a,
beglerbegi of Diyarbekr (283b-285a).
(15) The revolt of a band of haricT murderers in Adana; its suppression by
PTrl Beg, 933/1527 (285a).
(16) The rebellion of the BektaI Shaykh Kalender in Elbistan; its suppres
sion by Ibrahim Paa; the trial and acquittal of the beglerbegi of
Anatolia, Behram Paa, and local begs who had fled before the rebels,
933/1527 (285a-287a).
(17) The trial in the Divan of Molla Kabiz, who had proclaimed 'Isa
superior to Muhammad in the taverns of Istanbul; his execution, 934/
1527 (287a-288a).
(18) The revolt of SeyyidI in Adana, suppressed by PIrl Beg, 934/1528 (288a-
b).
(19) The house of a Muslim near the Sellmlye Mosque in Istanbul was
robbed and the family with their servants killed on Ciimada l-ahire 3,
934 (February 24, 1528); after an unsuccessful investigation, the wrath
of the sultan prompted a violent action in which more than 800 people,
particularly Albanians, were killed and a part of the populace of the
capital fled; the restoration of order justified the transgression of the
rules of the $erfat (288b).
(20) The murdering of the oppressive judge, Kara KazI, his muhtesib (in
spector of markets and public morals) and retainers by the population
of Aleppo; the instigator of the revolt was exiled to Rhodes; the
execution by hanging of Bali Beg, sancakbegi of Iskenderlye (Alexan
dria), his kethuda and eight of his subaps (police superintendents) who
had tried to corrupt a favwj (herald) of the Porte (288b-289a).
(21) The appointment of Ibrahim Paa as serdar, 935/1529 (289a-b).
(22) The Hungarian campaign of 935-36/1529; the occupation of Buda and
the siege of Vienna, which had to be abandoned when the weather
deteriorated in November; it contains a story (based on Celalzades
Tabakat), on the miraculous rescue of Nakka 'AH Beg who was
treatened with drowning and being devoured by snakes in a sudden
flood which innundated the military camp (298b-291b).
(23) The circumcision of the Princes Mustafa, Mehmed and Selim, and the
concomitant ceremonies, festivities, shows, banquets and theological
dispute, 936/1530 (291b-293b).
(24) The siege of Buda by King Ferdinand; the fleeing of King Janos (John
Zapolya); the relief of the town by Ibrahim Paa and reinstatement of
King Janos, 937/1530-31; the murdering of the beglerbegi of Rumeli,
Behram Paa, by ifoglans; a kapucibai, a mirahor and 18 ifoglans were
found guilty and executed, 938/1532 (293b-294a).
 APPENDIX 325

(25) The German campaign of 938-39/1532; an appendix on 'All's visit

to HacI Mehmed of Pojega (Pozega) in 983/1575-76, who told the
author his biography, and particularly details concerning his income
and role in the military campaigns of Sultan Suleyman (294a-297a).
(26) The arrival of Sa'adet Giray, expelled from the Crimea by his brother
Islam Giray, in Istanbul; he was given a pension by the sultan; the
succession of Sahib Giray, 939/J532;-the_death of Y a l i d e s u lta n . Beha,-
famous for her pious endowments, R a m a z a n 4, 940 (March 19, 1534);
the conquest of Koron by the infidels; it was again subjected by Yahya
Paazade Mehmed Beg, 940/1534 (297a-b). .
(27) The Baghdad campaign: the arrival of the keys of the city at the Porte;
the revolt of eref Han of Bidlis; the appointment of Ulama Beg; the
departure of Ibrahim Paa with 3000 tu f e n g - e n d a z a n (musketeers) to the
east; his arrival in Aleppo, 940/1533 (297b).
(28) The arrival at the Porte of ReIs Hayreddln (Barbarossa) after his
conquest of the C e z a y i r - i m a g r i b (Algiers); his appointment as b e g le r -
b e g i of the area, 940/1534; his biography and that of his brother OruQ
Beg (298a-299b).
(29) The Baghdad campaign, 940-41/1534: the conquest Of a number of
fortresses in east Anatolia and Iraq; the move of the sultan to Bagh
dad; the keys of Baghdad were handed to the sultan by Tekeli Mehmed
Han; the restoration of the tombs of Abu Hanlfa, Musa Kazim and
'AIT; the contemporary decay of the bureaucracy and the appointment
as n i$ a n c i of Celalzade; the circumstances of the dismissal and execu
tion of B a $ d e f t e r d a r Iskender^elebi during the campaign ;~the dismissal
and execution of Grand vizier Ibrahim Paa on the instigation of the
envious d e f t e r d a r of Aleppo, Nakka 'All, who had fixed his eyes on
Iskender Qelebis riches; a story: the dream of the sultan in which the
reproachful b a $ d e f t e r d a r appeared; he swore th at Ibrahim Paa would
be dead within a year (299b-304a). ,
(30) The Baghdad campaign: the move of the sultan to Tabriz, Aieppo and_
Istanbul, 941-42/1535-36; the decline of Ibrahim Paas morals due to
his cultivation of low company; his unsuitable jocularity in the presence
of the sultan (304a-305b).
(31*) The raid of Mehmed Han, governor of Bayburd, into Georgia, M u h a r -
r e m 15, 943 (July 4, 1536) (305b).
(32*) The naval expedition of Hayreddin Paa against Pulya; the subjection
of Kastelye (Castello), 943/1536 (305b).
(33*) The raid of Gazi Murad Beg in Bosnia against the infidel besiegers of
Sulin, 943/1537 (305b).
(34*) The subjection of Klis; the appointment of Murad Beg to s a n c a k b e g i ,
943/1537 (305b-306a).
326 APPENDIX I

(35) The combined naval and territorial expedition against Pulya and
Corfu; the defeat of the Ottoman fleet off Corfu by a Spanish-Venetian
fleet commanded by Andrea Doria; the Ottoman retreat from the
island; the news of the successful defence of Semendire and/Sirem
(Srem) by Vali Yahya Paaogli Mehmed Beg, 943-44/1537 (306a-308a).
(36) The Moldavian campaign of 945/1538; the departure of a fleet
commanded by Suleyman Paa from Egypt to the Portuguese provin
ces in India; the occupation of Ya (Iai, Jassy) and Sugava (Suceava);
the appointment of tefan Lacusta as the new voyvoda (308a-310b).
(37) The naval expedition of Hayreddin Paa against Crete; the defeat of
Andrea Dorias fleet off Preveze (Prebeza); the successful defense of
Klis by the vali of Bosnia, Hiisrev Beg, 945/1538 (310b-312a).
(38) The conquest of Neve (Hercegnovi (?)) by Hayreddin Paa, 945/1539
(312a-b).
(39) The circumcision of Prince Bayezld, with a short description of the
concomitant festivities, Receb 946/ November-December 1539 (316b-
313a).
(40) The naval expedition of Suleyman Paa against the fortresses on the
Indian coast, captured by the Portuguese; the raid against Diu, 946/
1539 (310b-312a).
(41) The Hungarian campaign of 948/1541; the occupation of Buda and
Pest; the appointment of Prince Istefan (Szigismund Janos) as governor
of Transylvania (314b-316b).
(42) The Hungarian campaign of 950/1543; the move of the fleet, comman
ded by Hayreddin Paa, to Edirne; the conquest of Esztergom and
Istolni Belgrad (314b-316b).
(43) The death of Prince Mehmed; the sorrow of his father, Sultan Suley
man; a description of the burial, tomb and mosque complex built at the
Eski odalar meydam, 950/1543 (316b- 317a).
(44) The reception at the Porte of Prince Alqas MIrza, who had fled after an
unsuccessful rebellion against his brother Shah Tahmasp, 954/1547
(317a-318a).
(45) The Persian campaign of 955/1548; the occupation of Tabriz, Van and
Diyarbekr; winter-quarters in Aleppo (318a-320b).
(46) The Persian campaign of 956/1549; the Georgian campaign of Ahmed
Paa (320b-321b).
(47) The Hungarian campaign of 958/1551 (32 lb-323b).
(48) The Persian campaign of 960-62/1553-55; the circumstances of the
execution of Prince Mustafa at Aktepe; the dismissal of Grand vizier
Rustem Paa and the appointment of Ahmed Paa; elegies were compo
sed by poets; the involuntary publication of Yahya Begs elegy in which
the Princes death was said to be caused by Rustem Paas hatred; the
 APPENDIX I 327

threatened execution of the poet he was saved by the sultan;

Suleyman spent the winter in Aleppo and saw to the restoration of
justice in Arabia; the death of Prince Cihanglr; the move to Kars and
the Caucasus; the correspondence of Sultan Suleyman and Shah Tah-
masp; the peace of Amasya; the return to Istanbul (323b-330a).
(49) The biography of Turgudca Reis (330a-331b).
(50) The combined French-Ottoman naval expedition against the Spanish in
the Mediterranean; the capture of Corsica, 961/1554 (331b-332a).
(51) The naval expedition of Kapudan Piri against the Portuguese in the
Indian Ocean; his execution in Cairo (332a).
(52) The defeat of Kapudan Murad Beg by the Portuguese off Hormuz; his
return to Basra; the expedition of Kapudan Seydi 'All Qelebi against the
Portuguese; his shipwreck on the coast of Gujarat and journey over
land to Istanbul, 961-64/1554-1557 (332a-337a).
(53) The revolt of the false Prince Mustafa in Rumeli; its suppression by
Prince Bayezld; the execution of Grand vizier Ahmed Paa, 962/1555
(337a-338a)
(54) The naval expedition of Salih and Piyale Paas against the rebellious
Arabs and Spanish in the Mediterranean; the raid of Arslan Paa into
Hungary; the expedition of Malko? Beg of Klis against the ban of
Herzegovina; the raid of Devlet Giray Khan against the Russians; an
appendix on the appearance of coffeehouses in Istanbul in 962/1554-
55 and its contribution to the undermining of the social order (338a-
341b).
(55) The rebellion of Prince Bayezld and his defeat in the plain of Konya by
Prince Selim; Bayezlds flight to Persia; his and his sons execution,
966-969/1558-61 (341b-350b > P, 316a-b).
(56) The unsuccessful expedition against Malta of 972-73/1566; the death of
Turgud(ca) Paa; the conflict between Mustafa and Piyale Paa (P,
316b > B, 350b-351b).
(57) The Hungarian campaign of 973-74/1566; the conquest of Gyula and
Szigetvar; the death of the sultan; his burial and tomb near the town;
the accession of Selim; his move to Belgrade; the definitive burial of the
sultan in Istanbul (351b-356a).

(d) Charities (356a-357a)

(e) Biographies (357a-392b > P, 352a-354b > B, 392b-430b)
(f) A short history of Ottoman archery (426a-430b)

(N) The reign of Sultan Selim II (1566-1574) (431b-485a)

328 APPENDIX I

(a) Introduction: the dates of Selims birth and accession; his suffering as a
result of the contest with Bayezld for the throne; the unexpectedness of
his succession: Bayezld had been preferred by his parents and Grand
vizier Rustem Paa, Mustafa by the soldiery, shaykhs and 'ulema,
Cihanglr by the aghas of the palace; Selims character: his preference
for scholars; he was a poet who liked to share the glass with his
musahibs, preferably Celal Beg (Celal!) and Turak Qelebi (NihanI); he
also liked horse-riding, bow-shooting and music; the author met the
prince in 972/1564-65when he became his divan secretary in Kutahya;
he also became acquainted with the twenty greater and lesser poets of
the princes court; Celal Begs prediction of Selims succession to the
throne; Selims sons; the conquests of his period (431b-433b).
(b) The events of his reign
(1) The insurrection of Shaykh 'Ulyanogh in Basra; its supression by
Qerkes Iskender Paa, 976/1568-69 (433b).
(2) The Astrakhan campaign of 977/1569 (433b-434b)
The scheme for a Don-Volga canal; the siege of Astrakhan; the
approaching winter, long distances, the disloyalty of the Tatar troops
Devlet Giray Han feared an increased Ottoman influence in the
region , and the short summer nights, which robbed the gazis of their
sleep, made the Ottomans abandon the area.
(3) The Yemen campaign of 975-76/1568-69 (435a-447a)
The conflict between the governors Mahmud and Rizvan Paa and the
resulting administrative division of the province; the revolt of Zaydl
leader Mutahhar-i Leng; the killing of the newly appointed beglerbegi
Murad Paa; the appointment of Lala Mustafa Paa as serdar and
vizier; despite his protests the kanun was violated because no
Janissaries were sent, and he was not able to establish a household in the
capital , he was ordered to proceed to Egypt to collect the necessary
additional troops and supplies from his enemy, the beglerbegi of the
province, Sinan Paa; the conflict in the Divan meeting in Cairo about
the number of troops and amount of supplies to be given to Lala
Mustafa Paa; the correspondence of both parties with the Porte; Sinan
Paa wrote that Mustafa Paa had tried to poison him and wished he
was married with a grand-daughter of Sultan Kansu Gavri to restore
Mamluk rule in Egypt; Mustafa Paas dismissal an investigation was
also ordered and Sinan Paas appointment as serdar; the latter gave
orders to kill 'Osman Paa, the new beglerbegi of Yemen, and moved to
Yemen with the troops and supplies denied to Mustafa Pa$a; Ozdemi-
rogli 'Osman Paa, who had succeeded in restoring order in a large part6
6 Erroneous for 969 or 970 (1561-63), cf. BIOE, 56-59.
r

APPENDIX I 329

of the rebellious province, fled to Mecca and Istanbul; he was subjected

to severe questioning by Grand vizier Sokolli Mehmed Pa$a and was,
pitied by the populace, forced to live in tents outside the Edirne Gate;
on the instigation of Lala Mustafa Pa$a, the sultan pardoned him and
appointed him as beglerbegi of Basra; an appendix : the preliminaries
and course of the Yemen campaign, which ended with the surrender of
the fortress of Habb by 'Abdarrahman, son of Shaykh Mutahhar; the
return of Sinan Pa$a to Egypt; the death of M utahhar in 980/1570; an
appendix : a critical evaluation of Sinan Pa$as behaviour: not he, a
source of corruption and unlawfully promoted by the grand vizier to
seventh vizier, but 'Osman Pa$a should be credited with the conquest of
Yemen; an appendix : Sinan Pa$as visit to Jidda, his offensive
behaviour toward the sherif s deputy Cadi Husayn, and the establish
ment of the ewfnship of the harbour with disastrous consequences for
its commerce; Sinan Pa$as arrival in Istanbul where he quarrelled with
the grand vizier who had meanwhile made his peace with Lala Mustafa
Pa$a.
(4) The great fire of Istanbul of Receb 977/December-January 1569-70; the
dismissal of Ca'fer Aga, son-in-law of the grand vizier; his rescue by
Lala Mustafa Pa$a; a story : 'Alls discussion with Mevlana Kami in
the meclis of emsl Ahmed Pa$a on the usefulness of letter-writing and
the suitability of describing the disaster in a fire letter, which is
quoted; the author sent it to his friend 'Alaeddln Kinahzade (447a-
449a).
(5) The appearance of a remarkable Turk, with a half-white, half-black
face, in Istanbul; he was displayed to the great (449a).
(6) The reception of an embassy of Andalusian Muslims at the Porte; they
reported on recent developments in the area and requested military
assistance; this could not be granted because of the Cyprus campaign;
Tatar help proved inadequate but a guerilla was maintained for
many years (449a-b).
(7) The conquest of Cyprus, 977-79/1570-71; a story : the death of'A lls
friend Monla Mudami of Gallipoli, cadi of Lefko$a and Hawran, in
1001/1592-93; the establishment of taverns on the island, provisioned
with confiscated barrels of wine and arak, which gave opportunity for
carousing to the local rinds (vagabonds), among them 'AlFs friends
Mudami, Ruhf, Mevlana Kami and Mevlana Ekmel, the latter two of
whom started their own taverns; the treason of the chief of the
unbelievers in Cyprus, who had killed fifty Muslim pilgrims, and his
torture and execution (449b-454a).
(8) The Battle of Lepanto, 979/1571 (454a-455b)
The naval raids of Piyale Pa$a and Kapudan Muezzinzade 'All Pa$a
330 APPENDIX I

from Cyprus against Tunis, Corfu and Kefalonya (Kefallinia); the

return of the fleet commanded by Pertev Pa$a; the unexpected confron
tation with the fleet of the infidels off Preveze; 'All Pa$a was killed and
190 ships lost; this was the greatest naval disaster since the invention of
the ship by Nuh; 'A lls sorrow upon hearing the news; the reasons for
the defeat; the grand viziers instructions to build a new fleet; 200 new
ships were built within half a year; on May 6, 980/1573, the enemy
avoided a confrontation with the new Ottoman fleet off Anavarin.
(9) The restoration of the roof of the palace mosque, 979/1571-72; it was
completed in 983/1575-76 (455b).
(10) The big raid of the Khan of the Crimea (Devlet Giray) against the
Russians, 979/ 1571-72; their capital was put to fire (455b).
(11) The appearance of a comet in the northern sky, Cumada l-ahire 980/
October-November 1572; it caused, according to astrologers, the heavy
rains which wrought havoc in Istanbul, Edirne, Manisa, Kutahya and
Mecca (455b-456a).
(12) The publication of an emr-i $erlf in which the building of extensions,
including two minarets, to the Hagia Sophia, and two medreses to the
Selimiye complex were ordered, Zu bhicce 980/ April-May 1573 (456a).
(13) The unsuccessful raid of the fleet commanded by Piyale Pa$a and Kill?
'All Pa$a against the Spanish, in particular the Island of Sicily, 981/
1573 (456a).
(14) The capture of Tunis by the Spanish; an Arabic kaside was sent to
Sokolli Mehmed Pa$a, encouraging him to fight (456a).
(15) The expedition, sanctioned by the Porte, of Sherif Abu Numayy against
seven unruly Christian villages near Ta if; pious foundations in Mecca
by Sultan Suleyman and Selim II (456a-b).
(16) The naval expedition of the viziers Sinan Pa$a and Kill? 'All Pa$a
against Khalq al-Wad (La Goletta), 982/1574; the town was besieged,
burnt down and occupied; the fortifications were restored (456b-457a).
(17) The bad state of the Istanbul palace; the destruction by fire of the
kitchen and store room; the dismissal of kildrcibafi (head butler) Mesih
Aga and his appointment as beglerbegi of Egypt; Sultan Selim slipped
in the bathhouse and seriously bruised his legs; his death on a'ban 18,
982/December 3, 1574; his burial and the strangling of the five brothers
of Prince Murad (457a).

(c) Biographies (457a-485a)

(O) the reign of Murad III (1574-1595) (485b-575b > 1-42, 392a-b > B,
575b-596b)
 APPENDIX I 331

(a) Introduction (485b-489a)

(1*) The date of M urads birth; his appointment as sancakbegi of
Manisa when he was eighteen years old; he had watched the Battle of
Konya when he was twelve years old; he was called to Istanbul by his
grand-father Suleyman.
(2*) His features; his writing of mystical verses; the date of accession;
the killing of his five brothers.
(3*) His sons; upon the succession of Mehmed (III), the latters
nineteen brothers were killed; his 28 daughters; their marriages to state
officials most of them had died by 1006/1597-98 as a result of the
plague; M urads preference for Valide sultan Safiye at the time of his
accession; after five or six years he was presented by his sister Ismihan,
wife of Sokolli Mehmed Paa, with two saz-playing female slaves; they
made him impotent; his mother Nurbanu Sultan interfered and married
them off to Rhodes; his lust for female slaves knew no bounds after
that: all his sisters and wifes odalisques found their way to his bed; he
also had them bought on the market, so that their price steeply
increased; his greedy appetite made it impossible for him to obey the
eri'at.
(4*) The four pillars of state; M urads only fault was his greed, which
was based on his sincere desire to expand the treasury; astrologers
predicted that after 1000/1591-92 a great trial would occur which would
make it necessary to wage costly wars against infidels; Murad fortuna
tely had the support of four great statesmen: Musahib emsl Ahmed
Paa, the beglerbegi of Rumeli, Doganci Mehmed Paa, Hoca Sa'ded-
dln, and the agha of the Palace, Gazanfer Aga; although the natures of
the first three clearly showed symptoms of illness, the last was an
uncomparable pearl from the depth of the sea; his career and
excellent protection of the author; although he could keep the sultan
from trespassing on the rules of the kaniin, he was nevertheless unable
to alter the sultans greed; the beneficent influence of Canfeda Hatun
who kept an eye on Murads women and sons after the death of
Nurbanu Sultan; her pious foundations; her fate after M urads death.
(5*) His conquests
(6*) The activity and repose of the sultan; the sultan did not travel
anywhere after he had come to the capital from Manisa; this was due
to fate rather than to headaches, as it appears from the letters of his
name which are concomitant with the elements of his character; his
brilliant mystical poetry; he was not interested in the outer treasury,
but only concerned with the repletion of the inner treasury.
(7*) Shortages and high prices; the first words spoken at the accession:
I am hungry , were inauspicious: they would mean dearth and
332 APPENDIX I

famine; the calamities and economic distress that struck during

Murads time were worse than the meagre years of the Prophet Yusuf.

(b) The events of his reign (nos. 1-9 describe symptoms and reasons for the
disruption occurring during Murads reign)
(1) emsl Ahmed Paa, in order to annoy Grand vizier Sokolli Mehmed
Paa, persuaded the sultan to see all petitions for himself and ignore the
grand viziers proposals; the result was an excess of letters so that none
were read at all (489a-b).
(2) The sultan began to issue a great many hatt-i humayuns concerning
promotions and appointments instead of having the grand vizier issue
buyruldis on his own this opened the way to meddling in the affairs
of state by palace aghas and women (489b).
(3) The dismissal and exile of the poet BakI on the grounds of slander by
the jealous Mevlana Mehmed Mu'allimzade, who even became ni$anci
afterwards (490a).
(4) The career of Shaykh uca'; he became the sultans confidant and
spiritual guide after he had rightly predicted Murads succession; his
bad morals and corruption (490a- 491a).
(5) The bad influence on the sultan of Musahib emsl Ahmed Paa, who
wanted to take revenge on the Ottomans for having occupied his
ancestral Isfendiyar; he persuaded the sultan to require payment for
postings; the pernicious influence of corruption on the treasury and the
populace (491a-492a).
(6) The punishment of three defterdars who were held responsible for the
robbery of a signet-ring and jewels from the estate of Joseph Nasi
(492a).
(7) The debasement of Ottoman coins; its damaging influence on ordered
society; protests went unheeded; the revolt of the Janissaries of 997/
1589 who refused to accept payment in clipped coinage; the death of
Badefterdar Mahmud Paa and the dismissal of the viziers (492a-
493b).
(8) The murdering of the corrupt governor of Cyprus, 'Arab Ahmed Paa,
by revolting Janissaries (493b-494a).
(9) The conspiracy of Hoca Sa'deddin, Shaykh uca' and Defterddr Uveys
Celebi against Grand vizier Sokolli Mehmed Paa; this put an end to
the appointment of Mehmed Papas proteges, led to the dimissal and
exile of Ni$anci Feridun Beg, and to the confiscation of the grand
viziers ze 'amets (494a-b).
(10) The Caucasus (Shirwan) campaign of 986/1578 (494b-509a)
(i*) Introduction: the succession of Shah Khudabanda and the resulting
r
n
appendix i 333

chaos in Persia; the appointment of both Lala Mustafa Paa and Sinan
Paa as serdar of the planned campaign; their quarreling; the dismissal
of Sinan Pa$a;
(ii*) the appearance of a comet: this predicted, according to astrologers,
the clashing of armies proceeding from east and west as well as the
shedding of blood in the area where they passed; the disastrous results
of eleven years of war: depopulation of border areas, the depletion of
the treasury and justice turned into tyranny;
(iii*) some events connected with the conquest of Shirwan: the prepara
tion of the army; correspondence with the local rulers of Shirwan; the
move of the army to Erzurum and Ardahan; the reinforcements sent to
Georgia by Tokmak Khan;
(iv*) the Battle of Qldir: the declaration of war sent to Tokmak Khan;
(v*) news from the beglerbegi of Van, Husrev Paa, about the successful
raids of Hasan Beg; 300 severed heads were sent to the serdar; the
move to Yenikal'e (Ahiska); the subjection of a number of fortresses in
the area; the Battle of Q ldir; the report on the victory sent to the
Porte; the embassy of Menucihr, ruler of Altunkal'e (Adigon), to the
Ottoman camp; five or six new sancaks were secured for the Empire;
(vi*) the kings of Georgia: details on the ancestry of the Georgian
rulers, in particular Dedesimid of Altunka'le, mother of Menucihr;
their subjection to the Porte;
(vii*) the conquest of Tiflis: the deserted town was occupied, and
Mehmed Beg appointed beglerbegi; the submission of Levendogh
Alexander Han to the Porte; his appointment as beglerbegi;
(viii*) an attack on the serdar: the troops, suffering from food short
ages, demanded from Lala Mustafa Paa permission to return; this was
refused;
(ix*) the second battle with the Red-heads: an enemy force commanded
by Tokmak Khan and Emir Khan raided the Ottoman camels; the
Red-heads were defeated by Ozdemirogh 'Osman Paa at Koyungegidi;
(x*) news of the conquest of $eki; the appointment of Eregla MIrza,
Alexander Hans son, as sancakbegi; the drowning of 12,000 fleeing
Red-heads in the Kur (Kura);
(xi*) the construction of the fortress of Ere; army stocks were replen
ished, and new defence works built near the town; the appointment of
Kayta Beg as beglerbegi;
(xii*) the appointment of 'Osman Paa as beglerbegi of Shirwan; his
biography; the administrative and military organisation and personnel
of Shirwan;
(xiii*) a chapter on D arband: historical and religious traditions
connected with the Bab alrabwab;
334 APPENDIX I

(xiv*) the return of the serdar from Ere:?; the army moved to Sultancik;
the reception of the Shamhal of Daghistan; he informed the author of
particulars about the local rulers and populace; the perilous march to
Erzurum, where the army arrived on Ramazan 21, 986/November 21,
1578.
(11) The activities of the Ottoman forces commanded by 'Osman Paa and
Tatar reinforments in Shirwan during the winter of 986-87/1578-79
(509a-512a)
The plundering of Karabag; the Battle of Shamahi; the report sent to
the Porte; the plundering of Ere by the Red-heads; the death of
Kayta Paa; the subjection of emseddin Khan of Nah^evan; his
appointment as sancakbegi of Bidlis; the raids of the Tatars; the second
Battle of Shamahi; the Battle of Mahmudabad; the treason and
execution of Defterddr Uzun Hizir in Erzurum; the captivity of 'Adil
Giray and his reception by the shah.
(12) The Caucasus ( Shirwan) campaign of 987/1579 (512a-519a)
(i*) The construction of the fortress of Kars, which was ordered in a
letter of Sa'deddin to Lala Mustafa Paa; the march of the army to
Kars; the reconstruction of the fortress; the finding of the tomb of
'Abd al-Hasan KharqanI after the dream of a Janissary; the history of
the town; chronograms by soldier-poets; raids in the surroundings;
(ii*) the siege of Tiflis: the town was besieged by Imam Kuli Khan for
four months; the famishing of the Ottoman garrison; it was relieved by
Mustafa Paa who arrived with supplies; news arrived in Kars that the
shah was approaching; Lala Mustafas fright; 'Alis conciliatory letter
to the shah;
(iii*) the raid of Revan by 30,000 Ottoman troops and the flight of
Tokmak Khan; the sanctioning of the enslavement of the Armenian
populace by fetvas; the raids of Timur Khan near Shahrizul and
Baghdad; the retreat of the army to Erzurum;
(iv*) the situation of Tiflis; the relief missions of Behram Paa and
Hasan Paa to Tiflis; the early arrival of winter.
(13) The amourous intrigues of 'Adil Giray, the shahs wife and sister, and
their violent death on the orders of the blind shah (519a-520a).
(14) The news of the murdering of Grand vizier Sokolh Mehmed Paa
reached the serdar, Ramazan 6, 987/ October 27, 1579; the grand vizier
was replaced by the second vizier, Ahmed Paa (520a).
(15) The move of the Tatar troops commanded by Mehmed Giray to
Shirwan; the appointment of 'Osman Paa as Bahr-i Kulziim kapudam
(navy commander of the Red Sea); the report of La^In Aga to the Porte
on the summer campaign of 'Osman Paa and Mehmed Giray in
Shirwan (520a-b).
 APPENDIX I 335

(16) Due to the scheming of Sinan Paa, Lala Mustafa Paa was dimissed
and recalled to the Porte, Sinan Paa was appointed in his place; this
news reached Erzurum on Zn l-ka'de 19, 987/ January 7, 1580; 'All,
appointed tlmar defterdari of Aleppo, was ordered to proceed to
Trabzon, to see to the unloading of army supplies; the imprisonment of
Mustafa Paas son and tezkereci (memorandum writer), and the confis
cation of his possessions (520b-521a).
(17) The death of Grand vizier Ahmed Paa; the miscarried appointment of
Lala Mustafa Paa, second vizier, in his stead: Sinan Paa arranged
that the seal be sent to himself at the frontier; Lala Mustafas death,
Cumada l-ahire 25, 988/ August 7, 1580; his biography and praises
(521a-523a).
(18) The Caucasus (Shirwan) campaign of 988-89/1581-82 (523a-527a)
(i*) Introduction: idle boasting earned Sinan Paa the commandership;
his departure to Erzurum; a letter was received from Maksud Khan
with a request for peace at Qermik; the march to Kars; by way of the
Tumanig (Dmanisi) pass; the grand-vizieral seal was handed to Sinan
Paa;
(ii*) the departure for Tiflis: the death of 'Omer Beg of Safed (Safad);
the dismissal of Beglerbegi Ahmed Paa of Tiflis, the appointment of
Yusuf Paa, son of Luarsab, in his place; raids against Kazak Khan
and his men; rumours of the approaching shah; preparations to attack
the enemy; the return to Kars; news of the death of Lala Mustafa Paa;
reconnaissance parties found out that the shah had postponed a
confrontation with the Ottomans;
(iii*) the appearance of a meteor, a'ban 1, 989/ August 31, 1581; its
interpretation by the soldiery;
(iv*) the investigation of the serdar \ the return to Tiflis; army ma
noeuvres were held which were intended to intimidate the enemy;
complaints of the populace about forced acquisitions were heard and
justice done; Kars was made an independant beglerbegilik, Hizir Paa
was appointed governor; Ahmed Paa was instructed to bring a
number of Lala Mustafa Pa$as proteges to trial, Mehmed Paa of
Erzurum was replaced by Husrev Paa; the move to Erzurum; an envoy
of the shah offered a letter with the proposal to conclude peace; the
winter approvisioning of the army.
(19) The circumcision of Prince Mehmed, 990/1582; 'All was requested to
write a congratulatory letter, which is quoted; a description of the
ceremonies and festivities (527a- 530a).
(20) The Caucasus (Shirwan) campaign of 990-91/1582-83 (530a-534b)
(i*) Introduction: the difficult situation of Serdar 'Osman Paa in the
Caucasus; the abortive march of Mehmed Giray to the Iron Gate ;
336 APPENDIX I

'Osman Paas confrontation with Aras Khan and the shahs son MIrza
Hamza in battle; peace proposals, communicated by Ibrahim Khan at
the time of the circumcision, were rejected; ample supplies were sent to
Ca'fer Paa in Kefe; the latters march to the Iron Gate in order to
reinforce 'Osman Pa$as army; the manners of the local Circassians;
winter-quarters;
(ii*) the battle between Imam Kuli Khan and 'Ogman Pa$a: the rallying
of the Red-head forces under Imam Kuli Khan; Ya'kub Beg of Silistre
succeeded at the cost of heavy losses in scatterering the vanguard of the
enemy in the plain of Niyazabad; 'Osman Paa was unable to pay three
months of arrears to his troops; the main force of Imam Kuli Khan
was routed in the Battle of Torches near Vilasa; the return to
Shamahi; the fortress was restored Shirwan was definitively brought
under Ottoman suzereignty.
(21) The move of 'Osman Paa to Kefe in order to return to the capital; the
Russian attack on the River Sunc, 991/1583 (534b-535a).
(22) The career of Bostanzade Mehmed Efendi; his appointment as cadi of
Egypt, Cumada l-ahire, 991/ June-July 1583 (535a).
(23) Erzurum was struck by an earthquake in 991/1583; a zimmi (non-
Muslim) boy in the possession of seven or eight loaves of bread
survived for eighteen days under the collapsed roof of his home; his
possible conversion to Islam (535a-b).
(24) The appointment of Prince Mehmed as sancakbegi of Manisa; his
ceremonious departure from the capital (535b- 536a).
(25) The bullying behaviour of the imam of the sultan: he petitioned with
success that rules of dress should be complied with by Muslims, Jews
and Christians; he personally began to see to the maintenance of
propriety, and even attacked 'ulema in the streets; he ordered the killing
of two monkeys of a meymun-baz (leader of performing monkeys); this
led to his trial in the Divan; the loss of the meymun-baz was reimbursed
by Grand vizier Siyavu Paa (536a-537b).
(26) The disloyal behaviour of Mehmed Giray Khan: he mostly failed to
assist the Ottomans in the Shirwan campaigns; orders were sent to Kefe
to depose the Khan; an Ottoman fleet with the new candidate Islam
Giray on board and commanded by Kiln; 'All Paa was sent to assist
'Osman Paa; Mehmed Giray attacked Kefe but had to surrender due
to lack of support; a story : Sultan Selim I explained to Grand vizier
Pin Paa that not the Red-heads, but the Tatars were the most
redoubtable potential enemy of the Ottomans because of their capacity
to execute quick raids with little need for supplies; this decided the
Porte to bind the dynasty by hostages and salaries; the measure still
worked after seventy years; the execution of Mehmed Giray, Cumada
 APPENDIX I 337

l-ula 13, 992/ May 23, 1584; Ferhad Paa, the new serdar, was ordered
to compose a fethname, which was executed by 'AIT (537a-540b).
(27) The reception of 'Osman Paa at the Porte, Receb 1, 992 (July 9, 1584);
the envy of the other viziers; the narration of his adventures to the
sultan; an appendix : his four-hour argument removed the sultans
suspicions that the serdar were addicted to drugs and wine; 'Osman
Pa$as appointment as grand vizier; the dismissal of Siyavu Paa and
its reason; 'Osman Paa was ordered to restore order in the Crimea;
'Alls promotion to defterdar of Erzurum, Ramazan 4, 992 (September
9, 1584); the author accompanied 'Osman Paa as far as Boh (540b-
543a).
(28) The Eastern Campaign of Ferhad Paa, 991-92/1583-84; Ferhad
Paas appointment as serdar-, his move toward Revan, which had
been occupied on orders of Lala Mustafa Pa$a five years before;
the city was found abandoned; new fortifications were built and raids
were carried out in the surroundings; the appointment of Qigalazade
Yusuf Paa as governor of the vilayet (province); the irregular pro
motion of Ferhad and Yusuf Paa; the administrative measures taken
in the new province; the Georgian campaign of early 992/1584; the
treason of Meniicihr/ Mustafa Paa and his occupation of Ak$ehir
(543a-544b).
(29) The pedigree of the Georgian kings, which went back to Queen Tamar-
Didopal and King Kaykawus; the Kurdish pedigree of Menucihr; the
financial-administrative measures taken by Ferhad Paa; the occupa
tion and restoration of Gori; the return of the army to Erzurum, Zw
l-ka'de, 992 (November-December 1584) (544b-546b).
(30) The Tabriz campaign of Ozdemirogh 'Osman Pa$a, 993/1585 (546b-
555a)
(i*) 'AIT, as 'Osman Paas deputy, supervised the restoration of the
fortress of Van and preparations for the coming campaign; 'AlFs secret
hospitality to the Safavid envoy IbrahTm Khan; the arrival of 'Osman
Paa and the departure of the army to the east;
(ii*) the confrontation of Qigalazade Yusuf Sinan Pa$a with the Red-
heads; the move of the army, now under a fourth commander, towards
Tabriz; Qigalazade Yusuf Paa joined the troops near Qaldiran; the
battles of Sufyan and am-Gazan; the entrance into Tabriz, which had
been abandoned by the troops of Hamza MTrza; the three-day plun
dering of the town after the hostile reception of the Ottomans by the
inhabitants; the battle of Yusuf Pa$a with the Safavid troops near the
town; the restoration of the fortifications; the illness of 'Osman Paa
and the departure of the troops from Tabriz; the Ottoman defeat near
am-Gazan;
338 APPENDIX I

(iii*) the death of 'Osman Paa; 'Osman Paas biography; the succes
sion of Cigalazade Yusuf Paa; the appointment of Hadim Ca'fer Paa
as ka immakam and beglerbegi of Tabriz; devastating raids of the Red
heads on the Ottoman troops; the return to Van;
(iv*) a description of Tabriz; the destructive Ottoman troops did not
deserve the beautiful town;
(v*) the return of Ibrahim Paa from Egypt, 993/1585; his marriage to
Princess 'Ayie Sultan; a description of the trousseau;
(vi*) the construction of the palace at the Hippodrome; Ibrahim Papas
right to it as damad; the wedding ceremony and fulfillment of his
expectations.
(31) The accession of Meslh Paa to the grand-vizierate; his career; the
hostility of Defterdar Duhanzade Mustafa Paa and the latters pro
tector Sokolli Mehmed Paa which had hampered his appointment as
second vizier; his resignation after the sultans refusal to dismiss Relsii
Lkuttab Hamza Qelebi; the accession of Siyavu Paa (555a-b);
(32) The exploits of Ca'fer Paa in Tabriz and his later career (555b-564b)
(i*) the siege of the town by the Red-heads for eleven months; the
successful sallies of the Ottomans; the relief of the town by Ferhad
Paa;
(ii*) the Battle o f Guherdan; the move of Ferhad Paa to Baghdad; the
confrontation with the sultan of the village of Guherdan; its subjection;
the Battle of Turna?ayin; the occupation by Ca'fer Paa of the Safavid
ordu; the revolt of Ca'fer Papas Tabrizian troops; the imprisonment of
the commander; his escape through a hole in the fortress-wall; his
revenge with the help of Kurdish emirs;
(iii*) epilogue; Ca'fer Paas appointment as beglerbegi of Diyarbekr,
Van, Baghdad (in 1001/1592-93), and Shirwan; the antagonism of the
local Janissaries; their revolt and attempt on Ca'fer Paas life after the
departure of Defterdar Ahmed Qelebi with a part of the provincial
treasury; he joined Mehmed III in the Egri campaign.
(33) Cigalazade Yusuf Paas appointment as beglerbegi of Baghdad and
vizier (993/1585); his attacks in the following years against Dashful,
Bahistun and Nahawand; the subjection of Shahwardi Khan of Lu-
ristan to the Porte; his revolt; the sieges of Nahawand, 996/1588; the
final agreement with the Safavids and Yusuf Paas move to Baghdad
(564b-567b).
(34) The imprisonment for eight years of the Zaydl leaders of Yemen,
Shaykh 'Uthm an b. M utahhar and 'All Yahya, in Yedikule, 995/1587;
the oppressive measure caused disorder in the province; the appoint
ment of Shaykh 'Abdelkadir MueyyedI as $eyhii l-lslam; because of his
near-blindness his son and son-in-law signed his fetvas; the Province of
 APPENDIX I 339

Rum was struck by a hailstorm, 995-96/December 1587; the governor

who tried to compensate for his damages by robbing his re'aya was
imprisoned by them (568a-569a).
(35) The Beglerbegi Incident, 997/1589 (569a-572a)
The career of Doganci Mehmed Paa, musahib and beglerbegi of
Rumeli; he was hated by the other viziers who saw their chance to get
rid of him during the increasing devaluation of the akfe; Grand vizier
Siyavus Paa referred the complaining Janissaries to Mehmed Paa, but
in fact he himself had forced Defterdar Mahmud Efendi to accept
clipped coin from Hamr emini Kirk dokuz; the boluk halki refused to
accept the clipped coin offered to them as pay and raided the Divan;
Mehmed Paa was handed over to them and killed; his head was
presented to Ibrahim Paa; Mahmud Efendi was also delivered to the
rebels and killed; his burial next to his miir^id, Shaykh Ball Efendi; the
wrath of the sultan; the event marked the beginning of the decline of the
boliik halki; the dismissal of the first three viziers; the appointment of
Sinan Paa as grand vizier; the scheming of the dismissed officials in
Oskudar; the unjust treatment of Mahmud Paa who had tried to stem
the devaluation of the coinage due to excessive expenditure; the impaired
authority of the sultan.
(36) The revolt of the Bosnian troops; they were no longer regularly paid
and came to the capital to vent their protest; an emr-i $erTf accused
Beglerbegi Halil Pa$a of neglect; he was attacked by his men and
narrowly escaped execution (572a).
(37) The insurrection of the garrisons of Buda and Pest on the instigation of
CavMf Rizvan against Beglerbegi Ferhad Paa, 998/1591; the latter was
butchered and the local supplies plundered; the provocative, haughty
attitude of the governor had contributed to the unrest; in his stead a
corrupt crony and namesake of Grand vizier Sinan Paa, nicknamed
Beyza-furu$, was appointed; the sultan is blamed for permitting such
tyrants to rule the Muslims (572a-573b).
(38) The career of bafdefterdar and later beglerbegi of Egypt, Oveys Paa;
his excellent rule and securing of the yearly tribute to the Porte; the
revolt of hands led by the self-styled Mahdi Muhammad Sayyah in
Trablus-garb (Tripoli), 998/1589-90; Oveys Paa was instructed to see
to the suppression of the disorder; the killing of beglerbegis Ahmed
Paa and Arnavud Mem! Paa; the expedition of Kapudan Ibrahim
Paa; the suppression of the rebellion and the death of the Mahdi;
Ibrahim Paas return to Istanbul and his promotion to the vizierate
(573b-575b > 1-42, 392a-b).
(39*) The third grand-vizierate of Sinan Paa (1-42, 392b > B, 575b-577b)
Sinan Paas exile in Malkara and his deceptive talks with visitors; his
340 APPENDIX I

manipulation of the bdliik halki through the evil Suleyman Aga: this
had led to the death of Doganci Mehmed Pa$a (in 1589), and the
murdering of Defterdar Seyyid Mehmed (in 1001/1593), thus twice
paving the way for his own succession to the grand-vizierate at the
expense of Siyavu Paa; the irregular appointment of his son, Mehmed
Pa$a, to the government of Rumeli; the provocative raids of (Telli)
Hasan Pa$a at the Bosnian border, 1000/1592; the complaints of Venice
and support of the war by Siyavu Paa; in order to take revenge on
Hasan Pa$a who, as bostancibai, had failed to acquire property in the
capital for him, Sinan Pa$a ignored requests for assistance by Hasan
Pa$a, and ordered his return in a critical stage of the war; his defeat
and death on the River Kupa (Kulpa); Sinan Pa$as appointment as
serdar\ his departure from the capital.
(40*) The departure of the commander and the arrival of the army at the
border (577b-578a)
Sinans Pa$as departure from the Edirne Gate; he decided, depite
sound advice to the contrary, to spend the winter in Belgrade.
(41*) The move of the vizier toward Hungary (578a)
Sinan Pa$as provocative correspondence with the infidel king; the
occupation of Istolni Belgrad by Kara Hersek .
(42*) The bad policy of the commander (578b-580a)
The occupation of Bespirem (Veszprem) and Palota by the Ottomans;
the Janissary units were sent to Buda; the sipahis forced Sinan Paa to
return to Belgrade for the winter; the Janissaries were defeated at
Istolni Belgrad; Sinan Pa$a unjustly blamed Hasan Pa, beglerbegi of
Buda, for the defeat, while boasting of his and his sons bravery; the
siege of Hatvan by the infidels; the loss of a number of minor fortresses
to the Ottomans.
(43*) The departure of the army with the ohject of relieving Hatvan (580a-
581a)
The relief of Hatvan; the cowardice of Sinan Pa$as son Mehmed Paa
which cost the life of many Janissaries; the unjustified promotion and
rewards of Mehmed Pa$a.
(44*) The release of a captured gavu and his report on the enemy (58la-
5823)
The tour of the captured Mustafa avu behind the enemy lines; his
interview with the king; his laudatory report of the infidel affairs which
were favourably compared to the disorder in the Ottoman camp due to
negligence of the sultan.
(45*) The winter spent by the commander in Belgrade; the raids of the enemy
(582a-583a)
Sinan Paas stay in Belgrade; his fear that the Austrians would cross
 APPENDIX I 341

the frozen Danube and attack him; the move of the army towards Tata
in spring; the surrender of the fortress to the Ottomans, evval 1001 7
(July, 1593); the irregular appointment of the Albanian Yemi?i Hasan
as agha of the Janissary corps; the occupation of Samartin (Szent-
marton), Zu l-ka'de 11/ July 29; the wasteful formation of a separate
liva comprising the two fortresses; the siege of Yamk (Gyor).
(46*) The arrival of the Khan of the Crimea (583a)
GazI Giray with more than 100,000 men joined the Ottoman army on
Zu l-ka'de 19/August 6 ; his reception by Sinan Pa$a and the exchange
of presents.
(47*) Lala Mustafa Pajas judgement (583a-584a)
Lala Mustafa Paas reception of Mehmed Giray Khan during the
conquest of Shirwan; 'All discussed the correct ceremonial by which the
khans of the Crimea were to be received by him; the flagrant infringe
ment of the rules of courtesy by Sinan Paa when he received GazI
Giray Han.
(48*) The subjection of Yamk (584a-586a)
Enormous amounts of money and the lives of many gazis had been
wasted in order to occupy Yamk; after the capture ofT ata, the fortress
was besieged; the cowardly behaviour of Mehmed Paa; after forty
days the fortress surrendered to the Ottomans, Muharrem 12, 1003/
September 27, 1594.
(49*) The banner of the Prophet and the bravery of the Syrians; the capture
of Papa; the siege of Komran (Komarom) (585b- 588a)
Syrian Janissaries, carrying the banner of the Prophet, joined the
Ottoman forces in Hungary; the occupation ofT ata by Mehmed Giray;
the appointment of'O sm an Beg, an Albanian protege of Sinan Paa, to
the government of Yamk; the failed siege of Komran; the return of the
army to Buda; the capture of the sancakbegi of Karahisar who had
foolishly been ordered to spend the winter in Yamk; Sinan Pajas
dismissal; his refusal to supply barley for the khans horses despite the
latters generosity towards the Ottoman troops.
(50*) The disorders connected with the tribute of Transylvania, Wallachia
and Moldavia (587b-588a)
The kanun which prescribed a succession tax of 100,000 filuri for the
Principalities since the grand-vizierate of Rustem Paa; this law was
abandoned during the reign of Murad; these lands became the object of
large-scale plundering by the kapucibai and his retinue; the frequency
of dismissal and succession of voyvodas and the amount of tax in

7 Obviously erroneous for 1002/1594, cf. Danimend, Kronoloji III, 134, and the following
episodes.
342 APPENDIX I

creased; the resultant pressure on the re'aya caused a severe depopula

tion of the area; the revolt of the voyvoda of Moldavia after a
threatened extortion by Emir a'ban.
(51*) The appointment, inspired by greed, of a young man from the retinue
of Ferhad Pa$a (588a-b)
The attack of the voyvoda, supported by Hungarian and Austrian
horsemen, on the Ottoman lands; the vain replacement of the voyvodas
of Wallachia and Moldavia, in favour of a young protege of his own,
by second vizier Ferhad Pa$a; the expedition of Mustafa, former
beglerbegi of Mar'as, who was only interested in the succession tax, to
suppress the revolt; his defeat and death; the plundering of Ruscuk and
Papa by the enemy.
(52*) The oppressive government of the ignorant vekil (Ferhad Pa$a) (588b-
589a)
The revolting character of the Albanian Ferhad Pa$a; he threw people
who complained of the Moldavian raids into prison; during this chaotic
period, Sultan Murad died.
(53*) The death of Sultan Murad; the extinction of the princes in conformity
with the kaniin (589a-591a)
(i*) The death of the sultan; it was accompanied by strange visions seen
by the great;
(ii*) a strange event; the dream of 'Alfs friend Sa'atci Hasan Pa$a;
(iii*) an interpretation by All; 'All explained that the dream pointed to
Sinan Paas disastrous Hungarian campaign, the approaching death of
the sultan and the medication of his ills: the sacrifice of princes,
princesses and odalisques;
(iv*) the date and cause of M urads death; the ominous phenomena by
which it was accompanied; the succession of Mehmed; the execution of
his nineteen brothers.
(54*) The sehnameguyan Lokman, Ta'llklzade and NutkT (591a-594a)
The good patronage of the early Ottoman sultans, which reached its
apogee during the reign of Sultan Mehmed II; from 985/1577-78,
appointments were decided by palace officials and became subject to
bribery; patronage came to a standstill and literature was ignored; the
office of j ehnameguy, once occupied by the excellent Monla 'Arif, was
given for twenty years to the obscure Lokman who was given an
excessive salary his emayilname was, as an act of revenge,
recommended by the signature of Hoca Sa'deddln , and later to the
Divan secretary Ta'llklzade, who was not a poet, and the lowly story
teller and Turcoman NutkT; Sinan Paas appointment of incapable
ulema and emirs; the fight for the office of eyhu l-islam between
Sa'deddln and Bostanzade Muhylddln; the sultans Murad and Mehmed
 APPENDIX I 343

were assailed and perplexed by their intriguing in which also the palace
was involved; the irregular promotion and appointment to 'ilmiye posts
of their own sons after they had acquired the highest office; such
interference by muftis and hocas in the affairs of the 'ilmiye was
unheard-of under the great sultans; a satirical kaslde was sent to the
Porte upon the third dismissal of Sinan Paa and an appendix was
composed upon his death.
(55*) The consultation of the author by the sultan (594a-b)
A number of satirical verses were composed upon the third dismissal of
Sinan Paa and found popular acclaim; the sultan consulted 'All by
letter; the author defended in his answer the right of poets to criticise
malevolent grand viziers; it found favour with the sultan.
(56*) The careers of base upstarts and the appointment of a pseudo-seyyid to
the government of Cairo (594b-596b)
The perfection of the devfirme recruitment of state officials by Sultan
Mehmed II; this system was abandoned in the present epoch, and
outsiders, particularly Persians, were favoured, irrespective of their
suitability and merits; the appearance of greedy viziers and the with
drawal of the sultan; the perfect protection of, particularly Persian,
artists and scholars by Mehmed II and Selim I; their replacement by
base and greedy Persian cooks disguised as seyyids; the career of Emir
Mehmed of Mardin, who finally became bafdefterdar through the
influence of Sinan Paa; the latter also brought about his appointment
as governor of Egypt by bribing palace officials; he was dismissed upon
Sinan Paas death.

(P) The reign of Sultan Mehmed III (1595, 1596) (596b-613a > I- 43, 535b-
546a)

(a) Introduction: the date of his birth and circumcision; the festivities on
the occasion; his departure for Manisa; his features: he was attracted
to women, and as far as his knowledge went, to justice; his accession to
the throne; gifts were presented to 'ulema and soldiers; chronograms
were recited by poets (596b-597a).
(b) The events of his reign
(1*) The gifts of the sultan (597a-598a)
According to custom, Janissaries were given accession presents; these
were supervised by the author as katib-i yetiigeriyati; 'All refused the
regular gift of a hil'at and 9000 akge, and petitioned for one suitable to
a defterdar of Baghdad and Erzurum; his request was granted; the
344 APPENDIX I

author received a robe of honour and 50,000 akge the next day; he
persuaded the agha of the corps to give the Janissaries orphans two
flluri each; 'AlFs accession kaside which found wide acclaim; it was
even deemed better than those of BakI and Nev'T.
(2*) BakFs accession kaside and his rewards (598a-b)
The rewards of BakI, Nev'T and 'All; 'All was offered retirement and a
hass income of 200,000 akge' instead he requested the defterdarlik of
Egypt, which was granted; the nomination was blocked by palace
officials; he was appointed defterdar of Rum and sancakbegi of
Amasya; the dismissal of BakI.
(3*) The gifts distributed in conformity with the kanun (598b-599a)
An inventory of gifts presented to officials, from the grand vizier down
to the unsalaried fdgirdan (apprentice clerks) of the Finance Depart
ment.
(4*) Other favours granted by the sultan on his accession (599a-b)
The irregular promotion of Bostanciba$i Ferhad Aga, who conveyed the
news of Mehmeds accession to Manisa, to the government of Egypt;
he refused but was given 20,000 Jiluri; the promotion of the captain
who brought the prince to Istanbul to beglerbegi of Cyprus, his
oarsmen were set free; the imprisonment and execution of Deli Ibrahim
Paa; a number of scheming aghas, dwarfs, mutes and buffoons were
removed from the palace: this was an auspicious sign.
(5*) The grand-vizierate of Ferhad Paa and Sinan Paas retirement to
Malkara (599b-600a)
The dismissal of Grand vizier Sinan Paa and succession of Ferhad
Paa, Currmda l-ahire 6, 1003/ February 16, 1595; the attack of the
boluk halki, demanding their pay, on Ferhad Paa, $a'ban 12/ April 12;
the revolt was suppressed with difficulty after two days.
(6*) The insubordination of the Janissaries (600a-b)
The units of the boluk halki; the depravity of these soldiers, who were
given too high salaries; the attack against Ferhad Paa was their third
serious rebellion; instead of fighting infidels, they preferred to rob
Muslims; the cause: no one saw to their discipline.
(7*) The appointment of Ferhad Paa as serdar of the Moldavian campaign
(600b-601a)
The appointment ceremony, a'ban 17/ April 27;^his departure from
the Edirne Gate; the bad omen consisting of the breaking of the
golden knob of one of the tugs; the march of the army to Hezargrad
(Razgrad); the commander complained that only a tenth of the soldiers
had shown up; cronies of Sinan Paa suggested that Ferhad Paas
negligence and unwillingness to fight was the cause of this.
(8*) The appointment of Sinan Paa as grand vizier (601a)
 APPENDIX I 345

The sultan dismissed Ferhad Paa and reappointed Sinan Paa as grand
vizier; Sinan Paas departure for the front, Zu l-kade 9/ July 16; the
kethiida-i bevvabdn (chief of the doorkeepers) Ahmed Aga was ordered
to fetch the signet ring and possibly Ferhad Paas head.
(9*) The arrival of the Syrian troops at the Porte (601a-b)
The Syrian Janissaries, carrying the Prophets banner, moved to Istan
bul by way of Oskudar; they received the blessing and gifts of the
sultan; a female bystander, turning her back to the troops in Iznikmid
was hit by a stone falling from the sky.
(10*) The activities of Ferhad Paa (601b-602a)
The flight of Ferhad Paa and his retinue to the estate of Ibrahim Paa,
son of Sokolli Mehmed Paa; the plundering of his possessions by the
Syrian Janissaries; such was Albanian cowardice: Ferhad Paa could
have avoided this if he had mobilized his men and convinced the
Janissaries of the senselessness of Sinan Paas order for pillaging and
execution which had not been authorized by the sultan.
(11*) The death of Ferhad Paa (602a-603a)
Ferhad Paa escaped to Istanbul and was allowed to stay on the estate
of the valide sultan in exchange for his money and jewels; the sultan
ordered his imprisonment and execution which was authorized by a
slanderous fetva of $eyhii l-lslam Bostanzade issued for 30,000 dinar
paid by Sinan Paa; Qigalazade Yusuf Sinan Paa was appointed
commander; he dared not touch the belongings of Ferhad Paa given to
him by the sultan; the strangling of Ferhad Paa in Yedikule prison.
(12*) A bad measure (603a)
Most people condemned the persecution of Ferhad Paa; Sultan Murad
would not have tolerated it, let alone his predecessors; he had deserved
better treatment after his victories over the Red-heads and should have
been held in reserve in case of future seditions in the east.
(13*) The arrival of Sinan Paa at the border (603a-604b)
Sinan Papas move to Ruscuk; Hasan Paa defeated a force of 8000
Moldavians; the joined forces moved on the Yergogi and Bucarest; in a
swamp near Bucarest the Ottomans were defeated by a Moldavian
force commanded by Voyvoda Mihal (Michael), Muharrem 1004/ Sep-
tember-October 1595; Sinan Paa fell into the swamp; the construction
of a small fortress in Bucarest.
(14*) An unprecedented calamity in Rum (604b-605a)
In 1000/1592-93, a cow gave birth to a creature, half boy, half calf, in
the De$t-i Kipgak on the Transoxanian border; this was a warning of
God; it led to a large-scale sacrifice of cattle which in turn caused a
scarcity of all kinds of food and goods; the calamity spread westwards;
'AIT witnessed the resulting rural distress near Amasya in 1004/1595;
the author regarded it as a just punishment by God of the reigning
 346 APPENDIX I

chaos and injustice.

(15*) Booty for the powerful army (605a-b)
The raids of the Ottomans in the surroundings of Bucarest; the move of
the army to Dugute (Tirgovite, Dakovica); after the main army had
moved to Bucarest, the fortress was captured after a month by the
Moldavians due to the intentional passivity of the Albanian units in the
Ottoman garrison; 300 unbelievers also managed to prevent the relief
of the town by 6000 Rumelian troops.
(16*) The fire of Bucarest and the flight of the army (605b-606b)
The news of the fall of Dugute caused panic in the Ottoman camp; the
fortress of Bucarest was put to fire on the orders of the commander and
the army fled, burning its tents and leaving behind the treasury and all
supplies; the raid of the Tatar khan into Moldavia; the flight of the
voyvoda to Transylvania; the Ottoman order of extradition was ignored
and war declared; the siege of Timi$var (Timioara); the news of the
disastrous siege of Esztergom reached Sinan Paa.
(17*) The siege of Esztergom (606b-608b)
80,000 Infidel troops besieged Cigerdelen (Parkany) the fortress soon
surrendered and Esztergom, 1004/1595; the vain attempt by an
Ottoman force of 20,000 men to relieve Esztergom; the cowardly flight
of Mehmed Paa to Buda; the surrender of the garrison; Sinan Paas
brutal denial of assistance to the besieged.
(18*) The discipline of the army (608b)
The severe discipline maintained in the Janissary corps in the first
period of Ottoman history; its decline in the present period caused
oppression and destruction of the country; the exemplary discipline of
the infidel army.
(19*) The fall of the fortress of Yergogi, the bewilderment of the commander
and the flight of the army (608b-609b)
Sinan Paa moved to Yergogi and crossed the Danube to Ruscuk;
while the Ottoman troops crossed the bridge, congested with rapacious
Janissaries, at Yergogi, the enemy forces commanded by Mihal appea
red; the fortress fell after three days; the Muslims were massacred;
Sinan Paa remained passive; Hasan Paa secretly informed the Porte
of the situation; Sinan Paa wrote a false letter to the Porte in order to
prevent GazI Giray Khan from successfully attacking the enemy; the
Ottoman troops dispersed; Sinan Paa went to Istanbul.
(20*) The dismissal of Sinan Paa and succession of Lala Mehmed Paa; the
reinstatement of Sinan Paa (610a-b)
Sinan Paa was dismissed, Rebl'u l-evvel 16, 1004/ November 19, 1595;
Lala Mehmed was appointed instead; his death after nine days; Sinan
Paa was again appointed as grand vizier thanks to his influence at the
court, particularly with Gazanfer Aga; this turn of events was widely
 APPENDIX I 347

deplored by the populace.

(21*) Lala Mehmed Paa and his relation with the sultan (61 Ob-61 la)
Lala Mehmed Paa became grand vizier and remained so for only
one day , although he was a vizier with the lowest rank; his
biography; he had become intimate with Prince Mehmed in Manisa
and married the princes milk-sister; although well-intentioned, the man
was not suitable for the grand-vizierate.
(22*) The misbehaviour of Sinan Paa and his death (61 la-612a)
The deteriorating behaviour of Sinan Paa during his five terms as
grand vizier; his hostility towards scholars; his hypocrisy; his death,
a'ban 5/ April 4; his burial at Parmak kapusi near the mortal remains
of an infidel; the criticism and satirical verse of poets upon the occasion
of his demise; his guiltiness of the death of Ferhad Paa; a black crow
his black soul had been seen rising from his corpse.
(23*) Ibrahim Paa became grand vizier (612a-613a)
The signet-ring was presented to Ibrahim Paa in a grand assembly in
the Hagia Sophia; 'Alls letter of congratulation; in it, 'All recommen
ded himself as worthy of his protection, being known as the best poet
and prose-writer in Rum.
(24*) About Ibrahim Paa (613a > 1-43, 535b)
Ibrahim Papas biography and excellent qualities; news arrived about
the alliance of seven infidel kings and their plan to march against Buda;
Ibrahim Paa was appointed commander, but the pillars of state
persuaded the sultan to lead the troops himself.

IV(3) The Egri campaign and epilogue (1-43, 535b-546a)

(25*) The sultan departed in order to subject Egri (1-43, 535b- 546a)
Praise of warriors of the faith; the revolt of the tribute-paying king of
Be? (Vienna); the departure of the sultan from Istanbul, evval 1004/
June, 1596; the siege of Egri; its surrender, Safer 19/ September 12,
1596; the approach of the infidel army from Tokaj; the Battle of
Haqova (Mezokeresztes); the flight of the Ottoman army; the infidel
attack on the Ottoman ordu; the defeat of the plundering infidels
thanks to the firmness of the sultan which boosted Ottoman morale;
the heroic behaviour of Qigalazade Yusuf Sinan Paa who alone killed
20,000 enemy soldiers; praise to God for the Muslim victory and large
booty; deservedly, Qigalazade Yusuf Paa was appointed grand vizier;
praise of the pasha and the invocation of Gods blessing; 'All recom
mends himself, deploring his unhappy fate and praising his unequalled
 348 APPENDIX I

prose style; the author warns the sultan that he will have to account on
the Day of Resurrection for his behaviour, particularly for his possible
disregard of a great artist such as 'All.

A SU R V EY O F TH E B IO G R A P H IE S O F T H E F O U R T H P IL L A R

I use the following abbreviations: B = Beg; M = Mevlana; Mm = Mehmed;

P = Paa; S = Shaykh; SB = Sancakbegi. Numbers refer to pages in KA V;
from the reign of Mehmed II, if not otherwise indicated, to folios in B.

(A) 'Osman (680/1281-82 - 726/1325-26)

(a) ulema
(1) M Edeball (39); (2) M Tursun Fakih (39); (3) M H attab b.
Abulkasim (39)
(b) Shaykhs
(1) Muhlis P (39); (2) 'A$ik P b. Muhlis P (40); (3) S 'Ulvan Qelebi (40)
(40); (4) S Hasan (Ahl Hasan) (40)

(B) Orhan (726/1325-26 - 1360)

(a) Viziers
(1) 'All ('Alaeddln) P (49)
(b) Emirs
(No separate biographies are given; a number of SBs are mentioned,
from Konur Alp to Ak?a Koca; the paragraph closes with an account
of the death of HacI Ilbegi, 49-51)
(c) 'ulema
(1) M Davud Kayseri (51); (2) M 'Alaeddln Esved (Kara Hoca)
(52); (3) M Halil (Kara Halil of Qandar) (52); (4) M Hasan Kayseri
(52)
(d) Shaykhs
(1) Seyyid Mehmed b. Musa-yi sani etc. (H ad Bekta Veli) (52); (2)
Emir-i Qin 'Osman (58); (3) Seyyid Ahmed-i Kebir Rifa'i (61); (4)
Geyiklu Baba (62); (5) Karaca Ahmed (62); (6) Ahi Evren (62); (7)
Musa Abdal (64); (8) Dugh Baba (64)

(C) Murad I (1360-1389)

(a) Viziers and Emirs
(1) Hayreddin P (Kara Halil) (73); (2) 'Ali P (73); (3) Lala ahin P
 APPENDIX I 349

(74); (4) Timurta? P (74); (5) Saruca P (74); (6) Evrenos B (75); (7)
H a d tlbegi (75); (8) Kutlu B (75); (9) tne B (76); (10) Firuz B (76); (11)
P Yigit (76); (12) Mustecab Suba$i (76); (13) Toyca Balaban (76); (14)
Bazarlu Dogan (76); (15) Kuvvetlu Biga (76); (16) tnce B (76)
(b) 'ulema
(1) M Cemaleddln Mehmed b. Mehmed Aksarayl (76); (2) M Mahmud
Bedreddin (77); (3) M Burhaneddln (77)
(c) Shaykhs
(1) Mehmed Engu$teri (77); (2) S PostIn-pu$ (77)

(D) Bayezld I (1389-1402)

(a) Viziers and Emirs
(1) 'All P b. Hayreddln P (107); (2) Timurta$ P (107); (3) Suleyman P
(107); (4) tshak B (108); (5) Mihalogh Mehmed B (108)
(b) 'ulema
(I) M emseddln Mehmed b. Hamza b. Mehmed el-Fenari (108); (2) M
Hafizeddln Mehmed Kerderi (110); (3) M ihabeddin SivasI (110); (4)
M Hasan P b. 'AIT (110); (5) M Seferah (110); (6) M Mehmed$ah b.
Semseddln Fenari (111); (7) M Yusuf (111); (8) M S Kutbaddln tznlkT
(111) ; (9) M Behaeddin '5m er (112); (10) M Necmeddin HanefI (112);
(II) M Ibrahim b. Mehmed HanefI (112)
(c) Shaykhs
(1) S Hamid b Musa (112); (2) S emseddln Mehmed b. 'All el-Huseyni
(112) ; (3) S H ad Bayram (113); (4) S 'Abdarrahman (Erzincani) (114)
(d) Physicians
(1) M H a d Paa (114)
(e) Poets
(1) Suleyman elebi (115); (2) NiyazI (116)

(E) Suleyman ah (1403-1411)

(a) Viziers
(1) 'All Pa$a (126)
(b) 'ulema
(1) M Necmeddin HanefI (126); (2) M Yar 'All Irazi (126); (3)
'Abdelvahid b. Mehmed (126); (4) 'Izzeddln 'Abdellatlf b. el-Melek
(126); (5) Mehmed b. 'Abdellatlf (126); (6) M S 'Abdarrahman b. 'All
b. el-Hamd el-Bistaml (127); (7) M Fahraddln er-Ruml (127); (8) M S
350 APPENDIX I

Ramazan (127)
(c) Poets
(1) M Ahmedi (128); (2) M Hamza (Hamzavl) (129); (3) M Ahmed
Da'T (Cemali) (130)

(F) Musa (1411-1413)

(a) Vekils
(1) $ehmelik A var (141); (2) Mehmed b. Mihal (141); (3) Bahi B
(141); (4) Fazlallah (141)
(b) 'ulema
(1) M S Bedreddln Mahmud b. IsraTl ( Kazi Simavnaogh) (142)

(G) Mehmed I (1403-1421)

(a) Viziers
(1) Bayezid P (181); (2) Ibrahim P (181); (3) H a d 'tvaz P (182)
(b) 'ulema
(1) M Burhaneddin Haydar (182); (2) M San Ya'kub (183); (3) M
Ya'kub b. Idris ( Kara Ya'kub) (184); (4) M Bayezid Sufi (184); (5)
M Fazlallah (184); (6) M Muhyiddin Kafiyeci (184)
(c) Shaykhs
(I) S 'Abdellatif (185); (2) S 'Abdarrahim b. Emir-i 'aziz Merzifoni
(186); (3) S Pir Ilyas Amasi (186); (4) S Zekeriya Halveti (188); (5) S
'Abdarrahman b. Husameddin (Gumiliogh) (188); (6) S uca'addin
Karamani (189); (7) S Muzaffereddin (189); (8) S Bedreddin ed-Dakik
(189) ; (9) S Bedreddin Ahmer (189); (10) Baba Nahhas Ankaravi (189);
(II) S Salaheddin (189); (12) S Musliheddin Halife (189); (13) S 'Omer
Dede (i 89); (14) S Lutfallah (189)
(d) Poets
(1) Molla Ezheri (189); (2) CemBi (190); (3) Zihni (190); (4) M eyhi
(190) ; (5) Cemali eyhzade (193); (6) Kemal Halveti (194)

(H) Murad II (1421-1444/ 1446-1451)

(a) Viziers and Vekils
(1) Umur P (222); (2) Oru? P (222); (3) Halil P (222); (4) Saruca P
(223) ; (5) Sihabeddin P (223); (6) Davud P (223); (7) Karaca P (223);
(8) Ishak P (224); (9) Zaganos P (224); (10) Kasim P (224); (11) Yorgu?
P (224); (12) Balaban P (224); (13) Sinan P (224); (14) Fazlallah P
(224) ; (15) Firuz B (224); (16) Dogan B (224); (17) Mezid B (224); (18)
 APPENDIX I 351

Mahmud B (224)
(b) 'ulema
(1) M Mehmed Monla Yegan (224); (2) M Mehmedah b. Yegan
(225); (3) M Yusuf b. Yegan (225); (4) M Mehmed b. Neri (225); (5)
M erefeddin b. Kemal Kiriml (225); (6) M Seyyid Ahmed b. 'Abdallah
el-Kinmi (225); (7) M Seyyid 'Alaeddin Semerkandl (226); (8) M
Semseddin Ahmed b. Isma'Il el-Gurani (226); (9) M Mecdeddin (229);
(10) M Hizir B b. Celaleddln (229); (11) M ukrallah (232); (12) M
Taceddin Ibrahim (Ibn-i Hatlb ) (233); (13) M Hizirah (233); (14) M
Mehmed b. KazT-i Ayasulug (233); (15) M 'Alaeddin b. TusT (233);
(16) M Hamza-i KaramanI (234); (17) M Ibn-i Temcld (234); (18) S
'All 'AcemI (234); (19) M Seyyid Hasan b. 'All (234); (20) M Husam
Tokatl (234); (21 ) M Ilyas b. Ibrahim (234); (22) M Ilyas b. Yahya b.
Hamza-i Rum! (234); (23) M Mehmed b. Kazl-i Manastir (?) (234);
(24) M 'Alaeddln Ko^hisari (235); (25) M Kazl-i Balat (235); (26) M
Bahayi Fakih (235); (27) M Mehmed b. Kutbaddln Iznlkl (235); (28)
M Fathallah SirvanI (235); (29) M Suca'addin Ilyas; (30) M Suleyman
Celebi (235)
(c) Shaykhs
(1) S Ak Biyik (235); (2) S Yazicizade (Mehmed) (236); (3) S Ahmed b.
Katib (Yazicizade) (237); (4) S Musliheddin (Imam-i Debbagln )
(237) ; (5) S Hr! Halife Hamldi (238); (6) S Taceddin Ibrahim b. Bahi
(238) ; (7) S Hasan (238); (8) S Semseddin (238)
(d) Poets
(1) Monla HakI (238); (2) 'Atayl (239); (3) Fahhari (240); (4) Neslml
(240); (5) Sah Handan (243); (6) Kemal Ommi (243); (7) HumamI
(243) ; (8) SirazI (244); (9) SemsI (244); (10) M Hasan (244); (11) M Safi
(244) ; (12) 2aTfi (235); (13) M Nedlml (235); (14) M 'Arif 'All (235)

(I) Mehmed II (1444-1446/ 1451-1481)

(a) Viziers and Emirs
(1) Halil P (147b); (2) Saruca P (147b); (3) Ishak P (147b); (4) Mahmud
P (147b); (5) Gedik Ahmed P (148a); (6) Meslh P (148b); (7) VelTeddln-
ogh Ahmed P (148b); (8) Mustafa P b. Hamza B (148b); (9) Ayas P
(148b); (10) Hadim Suleyman P (149a); (11) Hass Murad P (149a); (12)
Oguzogh 'Isa B (149a)
(b) 'ulema
(1) M Husrev (Celal Mehmed b. Kayumers) (149a); (2) M Hayreddln
(149b); (3) M Mehmed (M ZIrek) (150a); (4) M Musliheddin b.
Yusuf (Hocazade) (150a); (5) M Semseddin Ahmed b. Musa
352 APPENDIX I

( Hayall ) (150b); (6) M Musliheddln KastalanI ( Monla Kastel)

(150b); (7) M MuhyTddln (tbn-i Hatlbj (151a); (8) M 'A laeddln
'Arab! (151b); (9) M 'Abdelkerim (152a); (10) M Hasan 'Abdassamd
(152a); (11) M Mehmed b. Mustafa b. Hacc Hasan (152a); (12) M 'AIT
b. Mehmed Ku?i (152b); (13) M S 'All b. Mecdeddln ( M Musanmf)
(153a); (14) M Siraceddln Mm b. 'Omer el-Halebl (153b); (15) M
Dervl Mehmed b. Hizirah (153b); (16) M Ayas (154a); (17) M Hoca
Hayreddln (154a); (18) M Hamldeddln b. Afzaladdln (154a); (19) M
Sinaneddin Yiisuf b. Hizir B (154b); (20) M Ya'kiib P b. Hizir B
(155a); (21) M Ahmed P b. Hizir B (155a); (22) M Musliheddin (155b);
(23) M 'Abdelkadir (155b); (24) M 'All b. Yiisuf Fenari (155b); (25) M
Hasan elebi b. Mehmedah el-Fenari (155b); (26) M Musliheddln b.
Hiisam (156a); (27) M MuhyTddln Ahaveyn (?) (156a); (28) M
Kasim Kazlzade (156a); (29) M Muhyiddln b. Magnisa (156b); (30) M
Husam Hiiseyn b. Hasan et-TebrizI (157a); (31) M tbn el-Mu'arrif
(157a); (32) M MuhyTddln (157a); (33) M Bahaeddln b. S Lutfallah
(157b); (34) M Siraceddln (157b); (35) M MuhyTddln Kebliizade (?)
(157b); (36) M Mehmed b. Leglek M Veledan (157b); (37) M Ahmed
P b. VelFeddm (157b); (38) M IbrahTm P b. Haffl P (158a); (39) M
Musliheddln b. EvhadeddTn (158b); (40) M Yiisuf b. Hiiseyn (M
KirmastT ) (158b); (41) M Erefzade (158b); (42) M 'Abdallah (159a);
(43) M Hacc Baba (159a); (44) M VelFeddTn (159a); (45) M 'AlaeddTn
(159a); (46) M Kara Sinan (159a); (47) M Musliheddln Zekeriya b.
Aytogmi; (48) M Musliheddln (159a); (49) M Karaca Ahmed (159a);
(50) M Diniiz (Ahmed) (159b); (51) M Taskun HalTfe (159b); (52) M
Musliheddln ( Bagl-i ahmer) (159b); (53) M emseddTn (159b); (54)
M Siraceddln (160a)
(c) Physicians
(1) (1) HakTm Kutbeddin (160a); (2) Hakim iikrallah irvanl (160a);
(3) Hoca 'A taallah (160a); (4) HakTm Ya'kiib (160a); (5) M HakTm
Lari (160b); (6) Hakim 'Arab (160b); (7) M Altuncizade (160b)
(d) Shaykhs
(1) S Ak Semseddln (Mehmed b. Hamza) (161a); (2) S Sa'dallah b. S
emseddln (162b); (3) S Fazlallah b. emseddln (162b); (4) S Niirallah
b. Ak Semseddln (162b); (5) S Nasrallah b. Semseddln (163a); (6) S
Mehmed Niirelhiida (163a); (7) S Mehmed Hamldeddln b. Semseddln
(Hamdl elebi) (163b); (8) S 'Abdelkadir b. Sa'dallah b. Ak Semseddln
(164a); (9) S 'Abdarrahlm (164a); (10) S tbrahlm Tenevviiri b. Sarraf
Hiiseyn (164b); (11) S Hamza-i SamT (165a); (12) S Musliheddln
'Attarzade (165a); (13) S Musliheddln Vefa (165a); (14) S Hacc
HalTfe (165b); (15) S Sinan (166a); (16) S Musliheddln (166a); (17) S
 APPENDIX I 353

Musliheddln Efendi (166a); (18) S Muhylddln Efendi (166a); (19)

Suleyman Hallfe (166a); (20) S Alihl (166a); (21) Dede 'Omer Ruenl
(167a); (22) S Habib Karamanl (167a); (23) S M esud (167b); (24)
Qelebi S (167b)
(e) Poets
(I) Veireddlnogli Ahmed Paa (168a); (2) Turabl (169a); (3) Senayi
(169a); (4) CamI (169a); (5) Cemlll (169a); (6) Monla Hamdl (169a); (7)
Haydar (169b); (8) Hariri (169b); (9) Hafll (169b); ( i o ) Hallll (169b);
(II) D a l (169a); (12) D al-i diger (170a); (13) ResmI (170a); (14)
Zeyneb Hatun (170a); (15) Sa'di (170a); (16) ehrl Qelebi (170a); (17)
uhdl (170b); (18) Safi (170b); (19) Sum (171a); (20) 'Adll P (Mahmud
P) (171a); (21) 'Akl (171a); (22) 'Ulvi (171a); (23) KatibI (171b); (24)
Giilenl (171b); (25) Kemal-i Zerd (171b); (26) La'll (171b); (27) Mellhi
(172a); (28) Mihrl (172b); (29) Nianl (Karamanl Mehmed P) (172b);
(30) Nizami (173a); (31) Nuri (173a)

(J) Bayezld II (1481-1512)

(a) Viziers
(1) Davud P (204a); (2) Mehmed P b. Hizir B (204a); (3) Ahmed P
(Fenarl) (204b); (4) Ibrahim P b. 'All P b. Halil (204b); (5) Hadim 'All
P (204b); (6) Iskender P (204b); (7) Ahmed P (Hersek) (205a); (8)
Hadim Ya'kub P (205a); (9) Davud P (-i sanl) (205b); (10) Mustafa P
(205b); (11) Yahya P (206a); (12) Karagoz P (206b); (13) Hasan P
(206b); (14) Sinan P (206b); (15) Yunus P (206b)
(b) Defterdars and Ni$ancis (note: not much more data are given than
names and periods of office)
(1) M Muhyiddln Leys Qelebi (207a); (2) Ahmed Qelebi Feylesufzade
(207a); (3) Mustafa Qelebi (Qandarhogh) (207a); (4) Leys Qelebi
(207a); (5) Zaganos Paaogh 'All Qelebi (207a); (6) Yeganzade Huseyn
Qelebi (207a); (7) PIr Mehmedzade Siraceddevle Kasim Qelebi (207a);
(8) Cemaleddlnzade PIr Mehmed Qelebi (207b); (9) Kasim Qelebi
(207b); (10) Ahmed Qelebi (Fenarl) (207b); (11) Ahmed Qelebi (207b);
(12) Ca'fer Qelebi Tacbegzade (207b)
(c) 'ulema
(1) M Mehmed b. Ibrahim b. Hasan (208a); (2) Ahl Yusuf b. Cuneyd
(208a); (3) M Kasim Hatlb b. Ya'kub (208b); (4) M Sinaneddln Yusuf
(208b); (5) M Sinan e-Smr (208b); (6) M Suca'addln Ilyas (208b);
(7) Sucaeddln Ilyas (208b); (8) M 'Alaeddln el-Yeganl (208b); (9) M
Lutfallah Tokatl (Lutfi) (208b); (10) M 'Izarl (209a); (11) M Gaddarl
(209a); (12) M Kivameddln Kasim b. Ahmed el-Cemah (209a); (13) M
354 APPENDIX I

'AlaeddTn 'AIT b. Ahmed el-CemalT (209a); (14) M 'Abdarrahman b.

'AIT b. M ueyyed (HatemT) (209b); (15) M MusliheddTn b. BergT (?)
(210b); (16) M Mehmed b. Hasan SamsunT (210b); (17) M SeyyidT
(HamTdT) (210b); (18) M SeyyidT (KaramanT) (210b); (19) M NureddTn
(210b); (20) M SeyyidT Mehmed b. Mehmed (210b); (21) M 'Abdarra-
hlm Babek (?) gelebi (2Ua); (22) M SalaheddTn Musa b. AfzaladdTn
(211a); (23) M MuhyTddTn (211a); (24) M Yusuf (211a); (25) M Seyyid
IbrahTm (211a); (26) M 'AlaeddTn Imam 'AIT (211b); (27) M Meh
med b. S Mehmed (211b); (28) M HalTl (211b); (29) M RukneddTn
ZTrek (211b); (30) M KivameddTn Yusuf (212a); (31) M Idris BidlisT
(212a); (32) M Ya'kub b. SeyyidT (SeyyidT AhTzade) (212a); (33) M
NureddTn Hamza (212a); (34) M uca'addTn Ilyas (of Kastamom)
(212b); (35) M ucaaddTn Ilyas (of Edirne) (212b) (36) M IbrahTm
(212b); (37) M Ibn-i Mu'Td (212b); (38) M 'Ayrizade (212b); (39) M
Ahmed (212b); (40) M 'Abdarrahman b. Mehmed (212b); (41) M
'Abdalvahhab (212b); (42) M Yusuf (212b); (43) M Sa'dT b. Tacbeg
(212b); (44) M KutbaddTn Mehmed b. Mehmed b. KazTzade (213a);
(45) M Mehmed b. Mehmed b. Mehmed (213a); (46) M Giyaseddm
(213a); (47) M S MuzaffereddTn (213a); (48) M Haklm$ah Mehmed
(213a); (49) M Seyyid Mahmud (213a); (50) M MuhyTddTn (Tabl-
baz) (213a); (51) M IbrahTm b. IbrahTm (HatTbzade) (213a); (52) M S
Yahya b. YahI (213a); (53) M Suleyman b. 'AIT (213b); (54) M
'Abdalevvel b. Huseyn (213b); (55) M KemaleddTn Isma'Tl (213b); (56)
M emseddTn Ahmed (213b); (57) M MuhyTddTn (HevayT) (213b); (58)
M 'AlaeddTn (213b); (59) M S 2amTri (213b); (60) M 'Omer (213b);
(61) M 'AlaeddTn (213b); (62) M Ibn-i 'Omer (214a); (63) M Husamed-
dTn (Dellalzade) (214a)
(d) Shaykhs
(1) S MuhyTddTn IskilTbT (214a); (2) S MusliheddTn (214b); (3) S Seyyid
Vilayet (214b); (4) S Mehmed (Bolih elebi) (214b); (5) S Rustem
HalTfe (214b); (6) S 'AIT Dede (214b); (7) S 'Ala eddln el-Esved (214b);
(8) S Seyyid 'AIT b. Meymun (215a); (9) S 'Ulvan Hamri (215a); S
Mehmed b. 'Irak (215a); (10) S 'Abdarrahmln (SufTzade) (215a); (11) S
Isma'Tl irvanT (215a); (12) S Baba Ni'metallah (215a); (13) S Mehmed
Bedha$T (215a); (14) S Musliheddin (Uzun Muslih) (215b); (15) S
'Abid gelebi (215b); (16) S Lutfallah (215b); (17) S BedreddTn (215b);
(18) S 'AlaeddTn HalTfe (215b); (19) S Sondik ( Kogaci Dede) (215b);
(20) S Imamzade (216a); (21) S SalaheddTn (216a); (22) S BayezTd
HalTfe (216a); (23) S Sinan (Sunbul Sinan Efendi) (216a); (24) S
CemaleddTn Ishak (217a); (25) S Davud (217a); (26) S Kasim Qelebi
(217a); (27) S Ramazan (217a); (28) S Baba Yusuf (217a)
(e) Poets
 APPENDIX I
355

(1) Cem Sultan (217b); (2) Sultan Korkud (217b); (3) Afitabi (217b)-
(4) Emlri (217b); (5) Basin (217b); (6) Bihiti (217b); (7) T a d (218a)-
(8) Temennayl (218a); (9) SanI (Yusuf-i sanl) (218a); (10) Qakiri
(218a); (11) Ceffll (218a); (12) Hasan Muld"(218b); (13) HakI (218b)-
(14) Zekayl (218b); (15) ZihnI (218b); (16) RazI (218b); (17) SeyfT
(218b); (18) ami (218b); (19) ahidi (219a); (20) adi (219a); (2 n
evkl (219a); (22) Safayl (219a); (23) Sun'I (219a); (24) ZarTfl (219b)
(25) Zarifi-i diger (219b); (26) '5 m ri (219b); (27) 'Andelibi (219b); (28)
'Ahdi (219b); (29) Firdevsi (219b); (30) FiganI (220a); (31) Kadirl
(220a); (32) Kandl (220a); (33) KatibI (220a); (34) Kebiri (220b); (35)
Mesti (220b); (36) Munir! (220b); (37) Mihri (220b); (38) Necatl Beg
(220b); (39) Necml (222a); (40) NiyazI (222a); (41) Visall (222a); (42)
Vasfl (222a); (43) Haiml (222b); (44) Hilall (222b)

(K) Selim I (1512-1520)

(a) Viziers and Vekils
(1) Mustafa P (255b); (2) Sinan P (256a); (3) Yunus P (256a); (4)
Husam P (256a); (5) Ahmed P (Dukakinzade) (256b); (6) Iskender p
(256b); (7) Zeynel P (256b); (8) Mehmed P (Hocazade) (257a); (9) py^
Mehmed P (257a); ( 10) Mustafa P (257b); ( 11 ) Biyikli Mehmed p
(258a); (12) Hemdem P (258a)
(b) Defterdars and Ni$ancis
(1) 'Abdalvahhab b. 'Abdalkenm (258a); (2) 'Abdessalam (258a); (3)
Mehmed B Kazlzade (258a); (4) Yusuf Qelebi b. 'All Yeganzade (258b)
(c) 'ulema
(1) M Semseddln Ahmed b. Suleyman b. Kemal P (Kemal Paazadel
(258b); (2) M 'Abdalhallm b. 'All KastamunT (260a); (3) M Mehmed-
ah b. 'All b. Yusuf Ball (Fenari) (260a); (4) M Mehmed b. 'All b
Yusuf Ball (260a); (5) M Muhylddin b. 'Alaeddln Cemall (260a); (6) m
ah Mehmed b. Mehmed HacI Huseyn (Dabb Qelebi) (260b); (7) ^
Husameddln b. 'Abdarrahman (260b); (8) M Musliheddin b. Halil
(260b); (9) M Kivameddin Kasim b. Halil (260b); ( 10) M 'Abdalvasi' b
Hizir (260b); (11) M 'Abdal'azlz b. Seyyid Yusuf ('Abid Qelebi)
(260b); (12) M 'Abdarrahman b. Seyyid Yusuf (261a); (13) M pjr
Ahmed (216a); (14) M Muhylddin b. el-Hatlb Kasim (261a); ( 15)
Zeyneddln Mehmed b. Mehmedah Fenan (261a); (16) M Idns b
Kemal (261a); (17) M Bedreddln Mahmud ( Kugik ) (261a); (18) ^
Nureddln Hamza (Ug Ba) (261a); (19) M Mehmed b. Mehmed b
BardaT (261a); (20) M SeyyidI b. Mahmud (Mucellidzade) (261a); (2 1 )
M Mehmed b. Ya'kub (Acizade) (261b); (22) M S Sadiler (261b); (23)
M PIr Ahmed b. Nureddln Hamza (Leyszade) (261b); (24) M P Qelebi
354 APPENDIX I

'Alaeddin 'All b. Ahmed el-CemalT (209a); (14) M 'Abdarrahman b.

'AIT b. M ueyyed (HatemT) (209b); (15) M MusliheddTn b. Berg! (?)
(210b); (16) M Mehmed b. Hasan SamsunI (210b); (17) M SeyyidT
(Hamldl) (210b); (18) M SeyyidT (KaramanT) (210b); (19) M NureddTn
(210b); (20) M SeyyidT Mehmed b. Mehmed (210b); (21) M 'Abdarra-
hTm Babek (?) elebi (211a); (22) M SalaheddTn Musa b. AfzaladdTn
(211a); (23) M MuhyTddTn (211a); (24) M Yusuf (211a); (25) M Seyyid
IbrahTm (211a); (26) M 'AlaeddTn Imam 'A h (211b); (27) M Meh
med b. S Mehmed (211b); (28) M Halil (211b); (29) M Riikneddin
ZTrek (211b); (30) M KivameddTn YQsuf (212a); (31) M Idris BidlTsT
(212a); (32) M Ya'kub b. SeyyidT (SeyyidT AhTzade ) (212a); (33) M
NureddTn Hamza (212a); (34) M uca'addTn Ilyas (of Kastamom)
(212b); (35) M ucaaddTn Ilyas (of Edirne) (212b) (36) M IbrahTm
(212b); (37) M Ibn-i Mu'Td (212b); (38) M 'Ayrizade (212b); (39) M
Ahmed (212b); (40) M 'Abdarrahman b. Mehmed (212b); (41) M
'Abdalvahhab (212b); (42) M Yusuf (212b); (43) M Sa'dT b. Tacbeg
(212b); (44) M KutbaddTn Mehmed b. Mehmed b. KazTzade (213a);
(45) M Mehmed b. Mehmed b. Mehmed (213a); (46) M (jiyaseddTn
(213a); (47) M S MuzaffereddTn (213a); (48) M HakTm$ah Mehmed
(213a); (49) M Seyyid Mahmud (213a); (50) M MuhyTddTn (Tabl-
baz) (213a); (51) M IbrahTm b. IbrahTm (HatTbzade) (213a); (52) M S
Yahya b. YahT (213a); (53) M Suleyman b. 'AIT (213b); (54) M
'Abdalevvel b. Hiiseyn (213b); (55) M KemaleddTn Isma'Tl (213b); (56)
M emseddTn Ahmed (213b); (57) M MuhyTddTn (HevayT) (213b); (58)
M 'AlaeddTn (213b); (59) M S ZamTri (213b); (60) M 'Omer (213b);
(61) M 'AlaeddTn (213b); (62) M Ibn-i 'Omer (214a); (63) M Husamed-
dTn (Dellalzade) (214a)
(d) Shaykhs
(1) S MuhyTddTn IskilTbT (214a); (2) S MusliheddTn (214b); (3) S Seyyid
Vilayet (214b); (4) S Mehmed (Bolili Qelebi) (214b); (5) S Rustem
HalTfe (214b); (6) S 'AIT Dede (214b); (7) S 'Ala eddrn el-Esved (214b);
(8) S Seyyid 'AIT b. Meymun (215a); (9) S 'Ulvan Hamri (215a); S
Mehmed b. 'Irak (215a); (10) S 'Abdarrahmln (SuITzade) (215a); (11) S
Isma'Tl irvanT (215a); (12) S Baba Ni'metallah (215a); (13) S Mehmed
Bedha$T (215a); (14) S MusliheddTn ( Uzun Muslih ) (215b); (15) S
'Abid Celebi (215b); (16) S Lutfallah (215b); (17) S BedreddTn (215b);
(18) S 'AlaeddTn HalTfe (215b); (19) S Sdndik ( Kogaci Dede) (215b);
(20) S Imamzade (216a); (21) S SalaheddTn (216a); (22) S BayezTd
HalTfe (216a); (23) S Sinan ( Siinbul Sinan Efendi) (216a); (24) S
CemaleddTn Ishak (217a); (25) S Davud (217a); (26) S Kasim elebi
(217a); (27) S Ramazan (217a); (28) S Baba Yusuf (217a)
(e) Poets
 APPENDIX I 355

(1) Cem Sultan (217b); (2) Sultan Korkud (217b); (3) AfitabI (217b);
(4) Emlri (217b); (5) Basin (217b); (6) Bihiti (217b); (7) Taci (218a);
(8) Temennayi (218a); (9) Sani (Yusuf-i sani ) (218a); (10) Qakiri
(218a); (11) Celili (218a); (12) Hasan Muid"(218b); (13) Haki (218b);
(14) Zekayi (218b); (15) Zihni (218b); (16) RazT (218b); (17) Seyfi
(218b); (18) ami (218b); (19) ahidi (219a); (20) adi (219a); (21)
evki (219a); (22) Safayi (219a); (23) Sun'i (219a); (24) Zarifi (219b);
(25)2arifi-i diger (219b); (26) ' 6 mri (219b); (27) 'Andellbl (219b); (28)
'Ahdl (219b); (29) FirdevsT (219b); (30) Figani (220a); (31) Kadiri
(220a); (32) KandT (220a); (33) Katibi (220a); (34) Kebiri (220b); (35)
MestI (220b); (36) Muniri (220b); (37) Mihri (220b); (38) Necati Beg
(220b); (39) Necmi (222a); (40) Niyazi (222a); (41) Visali (222a); (42)
Vasfi (222a); (43) Haimi (222b); (44) Hilali (222b)

(K) Selim I (1512-1520)

(a) Viziers and Vekih
(1) Mustafa P (255b); (2) Sinan P (256a); (3) Yunus P (256a); (4)
Husam P (256a); (5) Ahmed P (Dukakinzade) (256b); (6) Iskender P
(256b); (7) Zeynel P (256b); (8) Mehmed P (Hocazade) (257a); (9) Piri
Mehmed P (257a); (10) Mustafa P (257b); (11) Biyikli Mehmed P
(258a); (12) Hemdem P (258aj
(b) Defterdars and Ni$ancis
(1) 'Abdalvahhab b. 'Abdalkerim (258a); (2) 'Abdessalam (258a); (3)
Mehmed B Kazizade (258a); (4) Yusuf Qelebi b. 'Ali Yeganzade (258b)
(c) ulema
(1) M emseddin Ahmed b. Suleyman b. Kemal P (Kemal Paazade)
(258b); (2) M 'Abdalhalim b. 'Ali Kastamuni (260a); (3) M Mehmed-
ah b. 'Ali b. Yusuf Bali (Fenari) (260a); (4) M Mehmed b. 'Ali b.
Yusuf Bali (260a); (5) M Muhyiddin b. 'Alaeddin Cemali (260a); (6) M
ah Mehmed b. Mehmed Haci Huseyn (Dabb Qelebi) (260b); (7) M
Husameddin b. 'Abdarrahman (260b); (8) M Musliheddin b. Halil
(260b); (9) M Kivameddin Kasim b. Halil (260b); (10) M 'Abdalvasi' b.
Hizir (260b); (11) M 'Abdal'aziz b. Seyyid Yusuf ('Abid Qelebi)
(260b); (12) M 'Abdarrahman b. Seyyid Yusuf (261a); (13) M Pir
Ahmed (216a); (14) M Muhyiddin b. el-Hatib Kasim (261a); (15) M
Zeyneddin Mehmed b. Mehmedah Fenari (261a); (16) M Idris b.
Kemal (261a); (17) M Bedreddin Mahmud ( Kugik ) (261a); (18) M
Nureddin Hamza (t)? Ba) (261a); (19) M Mehmed b. Mehmed b.
B a h a 'i (261a); (20) M Seyyid! b. Mahmud (Mucellidzade) (261a); (21)
M Mehmed b. Ya'kub (Acizade) (261b); (22) M S Sadiler (261b); (23)
M Pir Ahmed b. Nureddin Hamza (Leyszade) (261b); (24) M P Qelebi
356 APPENDIX I

YeganI (261b); (25) M P Qelebi b. M ZIrek (261b); (26) M 'Abdal'azlz

(261b); (27) M Mehmed b. S Musliheddln Ko^avT (eyhzade) (261b);
(28) M 'Abdarrahlm b. 'Abbas (261b); (29) M Bahi HalTfe (261b); (30)
M Mehmed b. 'Omer b. Hamza (261b); (31) M Hayreddln Hizir (M
'Atum) (262a); (32) M 'Abdalhamld b. Ereff(262a); (33) M 'Isa
HalTfe (262a); (34) M SaTb (TurabT) (262a); (35) Ca'fer Qelebi Taczade
(262a); (36) M S Mehmed (264b); (37) M Tokatl (264b); (38) M
Musliheddln Musa (264b); (39) M Mu'ldzade (264b); (40) M 'Abdallah
Hoca (264b); (41) M Dedecikzade (265a); (42) M Kafelzade (265a);
(43) M Sadik Qelebi (265a); (44) M Mehmed b. HacI Hasan (265a);
(45) M NihanI (265a); (46) M Haydar arih (265a); (47) M Hizirah b.
'Alaeddln b. H a d Hasan (265a)
(d) Physidans
(1) M Mahmud b. Kemal (Ahi Can, Ahl Qelebi) (265a); (2)
EmTrek Hakim b. M Idris (265b); (3) M Bedreddln (at-Tablb Hud-
hud) (265b)
(e) Shaykhs
(1) Baba 'AIT Qemizkezek (265b); (2) S Mehmededdln b. S Celal b. S
Husameddln PTr Ilyas ( S Gumiliogli) (265b); (3) S Nasuh (266b); (4)
S Musliheddln (266b); (5) S Mehmed b. Ahl (266b); (6) S Muhylddln
( Ebu ame) (266b); (7) S 'Abdarrahlm Mueyyedi ( H ad Qelebi)
(266b); (8) S Mehmed Behaeddln (266b); (9) S Musliheddln Hocazade
(267a); (10) S Musliheddln (Mu'allimzade) (267a); (11) S Muhylddln
( Kara Muhylddln) (267a); (12) S Lutfallah (267a); (13) S 'AIT b.
Emir Hasan (267a); (14) S Hizir B b. Ahmed P (267a)
(f) Poets
(1) M Ahl ( Benli Hasan) (267a); (2) Ceybl (267b); (3) HuzurT (267b);
(4) Hallml Qelebi (268a); (5) M Hallml (268a); (6) RevanI (268a); (7)
SucudT (268b); (8) SururT (268b); (9) Sa'yT (269a); (10) SuzT (269a); (11)
SehT B (269a); (12) emsl (269b); (13) Sabayl (269b); (14) Sun! B
(tskender Paaogh Mustafa B) (269b); (15) Tali'I (269b); (16) Fakir!
(270a); (17) GuvahT (270a); (18) NerT (270a); (19) NihanI (of Bursa)
(270a); (20) NihanI (of Albania) (270a)

(L) Suleyman (1520-1566)

(a) Grand viziers
(1) KaramanI Pin P (357a); (2) Ibrahim P ( Makbul, M aktul)
(357b); (3) Ayas P (358a); (4) LutfT P (358b); (5) Suleyman P (359a); (6)
Rustem P (359a); (7) Ahmed P ( Kara) (360b); (8) 'AIT P (361a); (9)
 APPENDIX I 357

Mehmed P (TaviT) (361b)

(b) Viziers
(I) Mustafa P (362b); (2) Ferhad P (362b); (3) Koca Kasim P (362b);
(4) Ahmed P ( Hayin) (362b); (5) Guzelce Kasim P (363a); (6) HacI
(Soft) Mehmed P (363a); (7) Husrev P (Divane) (363a); (8) Hadim
Ibrahim P (363b); (9) Haydar P (363b); (10) Yaylak Mustafa P (363b);
(II) Pertev P (363b); (12) Ferhad P (363b); (13) Kizil-ahmedlu Mustafa
P (364a)
(c) Beglerbegis
(1) Behram P (364a); (2) Davud P (364a); (3) Oveys P (Syria) (364a);
(4) Sinan P (364a); (5) Dukakinogh Mehmed P (364b); (6) Oveys P
(Yemen) (365a); (7) Gzdemir P (365b); (8) Guzelce Rustem P (365b);
(9) Suleyman P (366a); (10) 'Osman P (366a); (11) GazI Hasan P
(366a); (12) Ferhad P ( Solak) (366a); (13) Baltaci Mehmed P (366a);
(14) Hurrem P (366b); (15) Pin P (Ramazanh) (366b); (16) Musa P
(Kizil-ahmedlu) (367a); (17) Hadim 'All P (367a); (18) Arslan P (367a);
(19) Ayas P (367a); (20) Behram P (367b); (21) Yularkisdi P (367b);
(22) Ulama P (367b); (23) Hayall Ahmed P (CenabI) (367b); (24) ems
Ahmed P (Kizil-ahmedlu) (367b); (25) HacI Ahmed P (Kizil-ahmedlu)
(368a); (26) Damad Hasan P (368a); (27) Iskender P (368a); (28)
Gerkes Iskender P (368a); (29) Temerrud 'All P (368a); (30) Mustafa P
(Kara ahin) (386b); (31) Hizir P (386b); (32) Hadim 'All P (368b);
(33) Sofi 'Ali P (386b); (34) Kapudan Sinan P (386b); (35) Husrev P
(369a); (36) Muzaffer P (369a); (37) Gazanfer P (369a); (38) Kelami P
(369a); (39) eytan Murad P (369a); (40) Mehmed Han (Zulkadriye)
(369a)
(d) Mirmiran-i derya-sebit (Beglerbegis of the sea)
(1) Hayreddin P (369b); (2) Salih P (369b); (3) Yahya P (369b); (4)
Ahmed P (369b); (5) Turgud P (369b); (6) Mehmed P (369b)
(e) Defterdars and Nifdncis
(1) Nakkas 'All (369b); (2) Haydar Qelebi (370a); (3) Lutfi B (370a); (4)
Ebulfazl Efendi (370a); (5) 'Abdl Qelebi (370a); (6) Mustafa Qelebi
(370b); (7) Ibrahim Qelebi (370b); (8) Hasan Qelebi (370b); (9) Meh
med Celebi (Egri 'Abdl ogh) (370b); ( 10) Murad Qelebi (370b); (l i )
Celalzade Mustafa Qelebi (370b); (12) Mehmed Celebi Ramazanzade
(371a)
(f) Appendix: some good Emirs
(1) Husrev B (371b); (2) 'Osmanah B (371b); (3) 'All B b. Malko?
(371b); (4) Malko? B (372a); (5) Nevbaharzade B (372a); (6) Qerkes
358 APPENDIX I

Kasim B (372a); (7) H a d B (372b); (8) Kurd B (372b); (9) Sultan

Huseyn B (372b); (10) Canbulad B b. Kasim B (373a); (11) Zeynel B
(373a); (12) Mahmud! B Hasan (373b)
(g) ulema
(1) Hoca M Hayreddln (373b); (2) M 'Abdelkadir ( Kadiri gelebi)
(373b); (3) M Sa'deddin b. 'Isa (373b); (4) M S Mehmed b. Ilyas
(givizade) (374a); (5) M S Mehmed Kutbaddln (274a); (6) M Mehmed
b. Mehmed b. 'Adil P (M Hafiz) (374a); (7) M S Mehmed b. TusI
(374b); (8) M 'Abdalfattah (374b); (9) M Zahlreddln Erdebil! (Kazl-
zade) (374b); (10) M 'Alaeddin Isfahan! (374b); (11) M Musliheddln
( Ku<;ik) (3754b); (12) M ah Kasim b. S Mahdumi (375a); (13) M
Muhylddln Karabag! (375a); (14) M Ibn-i S uteri (375a); (15) M Serif
(375a); (16) M Hasan gelebi (A lizade) (375a); (17) M Mehmed b. Pir
Mehmed P Cemal! (375b); (18) M 'Abdellatif (375b); (19) M Bayezld
(375b); (20) M Ya'kub (Ace (?) Halife) (375b); (21) M Semseddln
(Ahmed Kurk^izade) (376a); (22) M 'Alaeddin (376a); (23) M Seyyidi
(376a); (24) M Kara Haydar (376a); (25) M 'Abdallah b. Ya'kub el-
Fenari (376a); (26) M Kutaszade Muhylddln (376a); (27) M Ahlzade
Yusuf gelebi (376a); (28) M Celaleddln (376b); (29) M Mehmed b.
'Abdarrahman (367b); (30) M Bedreddln Mahmud (376b); (31) M
'Abdallah b. Mahmud (376b); (32) M tshak gelebi (376b); (33) M
Ebussu'ud (Bedreddlnzade) (376b); (34) M Fahraddln (tsrafilzade)
(376b); (35) M Ahmed b. 'Abdallah (376b); (36) M Hasan elebi
(377a); (37) M Emir Hasan Rum! (377a); (38) M Mehmedah (377a);
(39) M Suleyman elebi RumI (377a); (40) M Kutbaddln (377a); (41)
M Pir Ahmed Qelebi (377a); (42) M Mehmed b. S Mehmed (377a); (43)
M Ahmed b. M Hamza ('Arab ^elebi) (377a); (44) M Ahmed
(Varak Semseddln) (377a); (45) M Mehmed b. 'Abdalevvel (377a);.
(46) M Mehmed b. 'Abdalkadir ( Ma'lul Efendi) (377b); (47) Hizir
Celebi (377b); (48) M Pir Mehmed b. 'All Efendi (Fenari) (378a); (49)
M 'Ah b. Salih (Vadi' 'Isa) (378a); (50) M Ebulleys (378b); (50) M
Fahraddln (378b); (51) M Musliheddln (378b); (52) M Sinaneddln
( Kopricikzade) (378b); (53) M Nakin (?) Salih (378b); (54) M 'All b.
S HacI gelebi ( Eyyiib 'All) (378b); (55) M Mehmed b. 'Abdallah
( Mehmed) (379a); (56) M Manastirli gelebi (379a); (57) M Ibrahim
gelebi (379a); (58) M Mehmed el-Huseyn! ( Seyrek Muhylddln)
(379a); (59) M Kara Muhylddln (379a); (60) M Hayreddln (379a); (61)
M Hidayetallah b. Yar 'All (379a); (62) M Ehlice Muhylddln (379a);
(63) M 'Abdelkadir ( Minu 'Abdi) (379a); (64) M Hasan gelebi
(379a); (65) M Kemal gelebi (379b); (66) M Emir Hasan gelebi b.
Seyyid 'All gelebi (379b); (67) M Mehmed B b. Vezlr Mustafa Paa
 APPENDIX I 359

(379b); (68) M Mehmed b. Mehmed Hayreddln (379b); (69) M Fer-

ruhaddln (Karamanli) (379b); (70) M Ku?ik emseddln (379b); (71) M
emseddln (379b); (72) M Ahmed (379b); (73) M Sa'di Qelebi (379b);
(74) M Ku?ik Hayreddln (379b); (75) M 'Abdallah b. S Kemal (eyh-
zade) (379b); (76) M Hasan (379b); (77) M Haklmzade Muhylddln
(380a); (78) 'Abdalhayy b. 'Abdelkerim (380a); (79) M Yusuf b.
Haklmzade Muhylddln (380a); (80) M SemseddTn 'Omer (380a); (81) M
Hayreddln (380a); (82) M Yahya (380a); (83) M Ca'fer (380a); (84) M
Dervi Mehmed (380a); (85) M Sa'dallah (S Sa?hzade) (380a); (86) M
'Abdelkerim b. 'Abdalvahhab (380a); (87) M MIr'alem Buhari (380a);
(88) M Hasan es-Sabit (380a); (89) M Figari (Mehdl IrazF) (380a);
(90) M Sa'yl (380b); (91) M Kasim (380b); (92) M Mehmed b. 'Urcun
(380b); (93) M Pir Mehmed (380b); (94) M 'Isameddln Ahmed b.
Musliheddln (Takoprizade) (381a); (95) M Muhylddln b. Nureddln
(Emin Kosesi) (382a); (96) M Mahmud (Hoca Kayim) (382a); (97)
M Musliheddln (382a); (98) M Musliheddln Sururi (382a); (99) M
Muhylddln (Curcan Efendi) (283a); (100) M Muhylddln 'Arabzade
(383a); (101) M Ni'metallah (Ru$enTzade) (385b); (102) M ah Meh
med Efendi (385b); (103) ah Qelebi b. Kasim B (386a); (104) M
Semseddln Ahmed b. Ebussu'ud (386a); (105) M Kurd Ahmed b.
Hayreddm (386b); (106) M S 'Izzeddln (386b); (107) M 'AbdelbakI b.
'Alaeddin (387a); (108) M Mehmed b. Ebussu'ud (387a); (109) M
Musliheddln b. Muhylddln (Mi'marzade) (387b); (110) M Salih b.
Celal (387b); (111) M Muhylddln (Imamzade) (387b); (112) M Kema-
leddin (388a); (113) M Taceddln (388a); (114) M 'Abdal'azlz b. 'Abdar-
rahman (388a); (115) M Taceddln Hamid! (Kugik Taceddln) (388a)
(h) Physicians
(1) Hakim Sinan (388a); (2) Hakim 'Tsa (388b); (3) M 'Osman (388b);
(4) Hakim Ishak (388b); (5) Hakim Bedreddln (388b); (6) Tablb
Ahmed (^elebi (389a)
(i) Shaykhs
(1) S 'Alaeddin (389b); (2) S 'Abdelkerim ( Mufti eyh) (389b); (3)
Mahmud Qelebi (390a); (4) S Ebu Sa'Id (390a); (5) Mutevekkil! 'Ata'al-
lah (?) (390b); (6) S HacI Hallfe (390b); (7) S Bekir Hallfe (391a); (8) S
Musliheddln (Gunduz) (391a); (9) S Musliheddln Kosavl (391a); (10)
S Iskender (391a); (11) S Yusuf (391a); (12) S Muhylddln (391a); (13)
S Ramazan Hallfe (391a); (14) S Ball (391a); (15) S Sulhaddln (391a);
(16) S 'All KarvanI (391a); (17) S Oveys (391b); (18) S Davud (391b);
(19) Baba Haydar Semerkandl (391b); (20) S Safleddln (lead eyhT)
(391b); (21) S Muhylddln MagribI (391b); (22) S 'Abdalgaffar (391b);
(23) Serif 'Abdellatlf (391b); (24) S 'Abdalmumin (391b); (25) S tlyas
 1

360 APPENDIX I

(391b); (26) M Nureddln Hamza (391b); (27) S Muhylddin ( Kalen-

derhane Imami) (392a); (28) S Musliheddin (392a); (29) S 'Abdellatlf
Buhari (392b); (30) Muhzir Kuh Sinan Qelebi ( Kazi-i 'Aik) (392b
> P, 352a)
(j) Poets
(1) Sultan Suleyman (P, 352b); (2) Sultan Mustafa ( Muhlis) (P,
353a); (3) Sultan Mehmed (P, 353a); (4) Sultan Bayezld (P, 353a); (5)
Sultan Cihanglr (P, 353b); (6) Adab! Qelebi (P, 353b); (7) M Ishak (P,
353b); (8) Usull (P, 354b); (9) Eflatun (irvan!) (P, 354b > 392b); (10)
Ilham! (393a); (11) Emri Qelebi (Emrallah) (393a); (12) Amed! (394a);
(13) Eman! (394a); (14) Enver! (394b); (15) BeligI (394b); (16) M Bihit!
(395a); (17) Bidari (395a); (18) Beyan! (395a); (18) Siibut! (395b); (19)
Senay! (395b); (20) Cam! (Ahmed) (395b); (21) CelH! (396a); (22)
Cenabi P (396b); (23) Cevheri (397a); (24) Haleti (397a); (25) Hasb!
(397b); (26) Hayret! (398a); (27) Haver! ( A?ik Kazlogh) (398b); (28)
Hudayi (399a); (29) Hayali B (Mehmed) (399a); (30) Dani! ( Kazi Pir!
Qelebi) (400b); (31) Zati (400b); (32) Rahmi Qelebi (401b); (33)
RahikI (Sinan) (402a); (34) Rizayi (402b); (35) Rizay!-i diger (Kassab-
zade Kerim Efendi) (403a); (36) Rizayi-i diger (Nikebohh Rizvan
Qelebi) (403a); (37) Remz! (Bursavi Efendi) (403a); (38) Riyaz! (of
Oskiib) (403a); (39) Riyaz!-i diger (of Istanbul) (403b); (40) Zeynet!
(403b); (41) Zirek! (404a); (42) Sa'iri (404a); (43) Sak! ( Baldirzade)
(404b); (44) Siibhan! (404b); (45) Sihri (of Edirne) (404b); (46) Sihri-i
san! (of Istanbul) (405a); (47) M Suriiri (Mustafa) (405b); (48) Sifall
(406a); (49) Selik! (a'ban) (406b); (50) an! (406b); (51) ahid! (406b);
(52) Siikri (407a); (53) Sem i (407b); (54) Sabin (407b); (55) Sun'!
(Mehmed) (407b); (56) 2a'if! ( Pir Mehmed) (408a); (57) M 'Arif
(Fethallah Qelebi) (408b); (58) 'Arif! (Hiiseyn) (409b); (59) 'Abdi (of
Bursa) (410a); (60) 'Abdi-i diger (of Gallipoli) (410a); (61) 'Asker!
(410a); (62) M 'All Qelebi (Kinahzade) (410b); (63) Gubari
('Abdarrahman) (411b); (64) M Gazal! (Mehmed, Deli Birader)
(412a); (65) Firak! Va'iz (413b); (66) Ferd! (Mehmed) (414a); (67)
Fazli-i leng (414a); (68) Fuzul! (414b); (69) Figan! (Ramazan) (415a);
(70) M Fikri ( Dervi?) (415b); (71) Feyz! (416a); (72) Fayiki (416a);
(73) Kuds! (416a); (74) Kand! (416a); (75) Kiyam! (417a); (76) Katib!
(Seyd! 'All) (417b); (77) Katibl-i diger (of Sinop) (417b); (78) Kef!
(418a); (79) Giinah! (418a); (80) Lami1! (418b); (81) Layihi (419a); (82)
Latin ('Abdallah) (419b); (83) La'll (419b); (84) Lam'! (419b); (85)
Livay! (Hizir) (419b); (86) Meal! Qelebi (Kose) (420a); (87) Mah-
rem! (420b); (89) Mahv! (Hasan Pazarbaizade) (420b); (90) Miidam!
(Kara Mem! Qelebi) (420b); (91) Merdiim! (421a); (92) Mesti (421a);
 APPENDIX I 361

(93) Miisellemi (420b); (94) MejrebI (421b); (95) Mustafa Qelebi

(421b); (96) M uidl (421b); (97) Miimin (422a); (98) MeylT (422a); (99)
Nisari (422a); (100) Ni$anT (Celalzade Mustafa Celebi) (422b); (101)
Nazmi (Mehmed) (423a); (102) Na*iml (^ejmecizade Ni'metallah
Celebi) (423a); (103) NaTinl-i sanl (423a); (104) NikabI (423b); (105)
Nak$I (423b); (106) Nigahl (423b); (107) Nuhl (423b); (108) Niiri
(424a); (109) Nehari (424a); (110) NihanI (424a); (111) Vahidi (424a);
(112) Visall (424b); (113) Hicri (424b); (114) Hiidayl (424b); (115)
HelakI (of Karaman) (424b); (116) Helakl-i diger (of Istanbul) (425a);
(117) Yetlm 'All Celebi (425a); (118) Yahya Beg (425a)

(M) Selim II (1566-1574)

(a) Viziers
(1) Mehmed P (Tavll) (457a); (2) Ahmed P (ArnavudI) (457b); (3)
Piyale P (457b); (4) Zal Mahmud P (458a); (5) Lala Mustafa P (458a);
(6) Lala Hiiseyn P (Tiitiinsiz Hiiseyn) (458b)
(b) Beglerbegis
(1) Kapudan 'All P (458b); (2) SofI 'All P (459b); (3) Pertev Hiiseyn P
(459a); (4) Mahmud P (459a); (5) Mehmed P b. Lala Mustafa P (459b);
(6) 'Abdarrahman P (459b); (7) Davud P (459b); (8) Hasan P (460a);
(9) Murad P (460a); (10) Hadim Ca'fer P (460a); (11) Dervlj 'All P
(460a)
(c) Derya beglerbegis
(1) 'Arab Ahmed P (460a); (2) Dellal Mustafa P (460a); (3) 'All Re*is
(460a)
(d) Defterdars and Nigancis
(1) Murad elebi (460a); (2) Dervl elebi b. S Baba Nakka$ (460b);
(3) Lalezar Mehmed Celebi (460b); (4) Oglan MemI elebi (460b); (5)
'Abdalgafur (^elebi (461a); (6) Muharrem Qelebi (461a); (7) Celalzade
Mustafa (^elebi (461a); (8) Mehmed Qelebi (461b)
(e) Sancakbegis
(1) Dervl$ B (461b); (2) Bedri B (462a); (3) Hamza B (462a)
(f) 'ulema
(1) M Monla 'Alaeddln (462a); (2) M emseddln Ahmed Efendi
Karamanl (462a); (3) M Ya'kiib (Calik Ya'kiib) (463a); (4) M
Taceddln (463a); (5) M Mehmed b. 'Abdalvahhab b. 'Abdelkerim
('Abdelkerimzade) (464a); (6) M Seyyid Hasan b. Seyyid Sinan
(464a); (7) M Musliheddln (Davudzade) (464a); (8) M Mahmud (464a);
(9) M Musliheddln (464a); (10) M Muhylddln (Diilgerzade) (464b);
362 APPENDIX I

(11) M 'Abdarrahman ( Baldirzade) (464b); (12) M Musliheddln

(Bostan Efendi) (464b); (13) M Musliheddln ( Ku^ik Bostan) (465a);
(14) Gazallzade M 'Abdallah (465a); (15) M Ca'fer Efendi (465b); (16)
M ah Mehmed b. Hiirrem (465b); (17) M Ahmed b. 'Abdallah (Fevri)
(465b); (18) M Yahya b. 'Omer (BektaI Yahya Efendi) (466a); (19) M
Mehmed b. Hasan (466a); (20) M 'A taallah (466b); (21) M Fir Ahmed
Leyszade (467a); (22) M Bostan (467a); (23) M 'Alaeddln Kmahzade
(467b); (24) M Musliheddln Lari (468a); (25) M Ahmed Mu'allimzade
(468a); (26) M 'All (Umm veledzade (?)) (468b); (27) M Muhylddln
Niksarizade (468b); (28) M 'Abdelkerim b. Mehmed (469a); (29) Ebiis-
su'iid b. Mehmed b. Mustafa el-'Imadl (469a); (30) M 'Abdallah
Mercanzade (469b); (31) M Necmeddln Mehmed (469b); (32) M
Manav SeyyidI (470a); (33) Sinan Hallfe (470a)
(g) Shaykhs
(1) Hakim Efendi (Muhylddln) (470b); (2) S Ramazan (470b); (3) S
Ya'kub GermiyanI (?) (470b); (4) S Bali Efendi (Sarho$) (471a); (5)
S Muhylddln (471b)
(h) Poets
(1) Sultan Selim (472a); (2) M Agehl (Mansur) (472a); (3) Seyyid Alihl
(Vardari Suleyman) (472a); (4) EmanI Qelebi (472b); (5) BeyanI (472b);
(6) TiraI (473a); (7) Sanl (Kulogli) (473a); (8) HacI B (Miicerred)
(473b); (9) Celal B (Celall) (473b); (10) Cemall (475a); (11) HubbI
Hatun (475b); (12) Monla Hiikml (Mehmed) (475b); (13) HatemI
(475b); (14) Hiisrev ( DIvane Hiisrev) (476b); (15) Deriinl (476b); (16)
Dervl$ Qelebi (477a); (17) Da'I (477a); (18) Da'Ii-i sanl (Abdellatlf
San DaT); (19) RefTi-I leng (477a); (20) Riihl (Mustafa) (477b); (21)
Sirri ('Isa) (477b); (22) Sirri-i sanl (Muzaffer Sirri) (477b); (23) Sema'I
(478a); (24) $anl (of Bosnasaray) (478a); (25) am-i diger (of Larende)
(478b); (26) Sadik (478b); (27) Sadri (478b); (28) Monla 'Aik (478b);
(29) 'Ibadi (479b); (30) 'Abdl (480a); (31) 'tzari (480a); (32) 'Aziz!
(480b); (33) 'Igreti (Mustafa) (480b); (34) 'Ilml (Ahmed) (481a); (35)
'Alev! (Derzizade) (481a); (36) 'Ahdl (MaderzadI Ahmed) (481b);
(37) FazlI (Kara) (481b); (38) Funiinl (482a); (39) M Fevri (482a); (40)
KeremI (482b); (41) Meed! (Mehmed) (483a); (42) MuhibbI (Mehmed,
of Nigde) (483a); (43) Muhib bi-I diger (of Cairo) (483b); (44) Muhtar!
(483b); (45) Merdiiml (483b); (46) Meaml (484a); (47) Makall (484a);
(48) Makall-i sanl (Kor) (484a); (49) Nigari (Nakka Haydar)
(484b); (50) NihanI (Turak Qelebi) (484b); (51) Vusiill (485a); (52)
Yaklnl (485a)
 APPENDIX II:
THE MANUSCRIPTS AND TEXTUAL HISTORY
OF THE K tiN H t) L-AHBAR

PRELIMINARY REMARKS

In the general introduction to the Essence, 'All expressed his concern that
the work might get lost, its lines, beautiful as a catamite, destroyed by
scratching like the first down shaved from the graceful face of the as yet
unbearded beloved, its text maltreated by bad copyists abounding in his time:
nitwits who cannot spell correctly, let alone understand the meaning of the
words, but nonetheless dare to correct them. Their greed even encouraged
them to skip whole sentences and pages. May God wither their hands!1
'Alls fears have, on the whole, proved unjustified: his work has been
preserved in ninety MS copies in public libraries in the Middle East and
Europe, most of them in excellent shape. Of these MSS, 53 are kept in
libraries in Istanbul, two in Ankara, nine in the Egyptian Library in Cairo2,
and 26 in several libraries in Europe, where the largest collection is to be
found in the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz of (West-)Berlin with
eight MS copies. (For completeness sake we should note that the Uppsala
University Library has one unbound sheet which contains a fragment from
KA/ MU/ 26/ Story3.) This amount of preserved MSS might well prove to be
incomplete in the future: I have not tried to exhaustively research all existing
collections which contain Oriental MSS, public or private, but let myself be
guided by existing catalogues and literature, hints from colleagues, and fate.
New MSS, that is, hitherto unknown to most scholars, almost certainly will
come to light through acquisitions by public libraries and the continuing
labours of cataloguing, in the first place in Turkey itself. Franz Babinger has
nicely characterized the situation; he reportedly abandoned the idea of
revising his Geschichtsschreiber (GOW) in his lifetime because inevitably in

1 KA I, 43-44.
2 One MS of the fourth pillar described in 'All HilmI ad-Daghistanl, Fihrist al-kutub at-
lurkiyydl al-mawjudat f t al-kutubkhanat al-khidiwiyya (Cairo, 1306), 218, no. 157/6055, is
considered lost; the same is true for two other MSS registered in the central card-file, a copy of
the second pillar, MS Tarikh TurkI Tal'at (hereafter f l 1) 67, and one of the third pillar, MS
TTT 208.
3 MS. O. Nova 53.4, cf. K.V. Zettersteen, Die arabischen, persischen und turkischen Hand-
schriften der Universiiaisbibliolhek zu Uppsala (Uppsala, 1930), 359, no. 506(4).
364 APPENDIX II

the end someone would find that in irgendeinem Krawinkel gebe es noch
eine in Privatbesitz befindliche Handschrift des Kunh-ul-achbar . 4
In the following I will (a) give short descriptions of the ninety MSS
although most MSS have been once described, only a few have been so
adequately and according to modern scholarly standards, and many of the
essential data in the older catalogues, such as an indication of contents or
even the number of folios, have proved to be erroneous , and (b) briefly
discuss some aspects of the textual history of the Essence based on
codicological evidence.

(A) A D E S C R IP T IO N O F T H E M A N U S C R IP T S

None of the MSS I have seen include the whole work, but individual pillars,
combinations or parts of them. Most MSS, 62 in all, are copies of the fourth
pillar or its parts. Two MSS combine a part or nearly the whole of the fourth
pillar with other parts of the work. Most rare are copies which contain the
third pillar: eight MSS in all5.
The descriptions of the MSS are arranged according to pillar and, if
known, age. Watermarks, most of which I could not identify, are only
indicated in the case of undated manuscripts. Reference is made exclusively to
printed works of the catalogue-type or those containing codicological data of
interest. Istanbul tfniversitesi MSS are listed in Levend, Turk Edebiyati Tarihi
I, 382, to which I will not further refer. To my regret, I was only allowed a
superficial glance into some of the Cairo MSS at an early stage of my
research. Consequently, their descriptions are less complete than I would
have wished them to be.

4 Quoted in H.J. Kissling, Franz Babinger (1891-1967) , in Siidostforschungen XXVI (1967),

375-379, 377. Having completed the MS of this dissertation, I found out that I had missed at least
ten MSS of (parts of) the fourth pillar: these are (1) Kayseri, Ra;id Efendi Kiitiiphanesi 901
(dated 1072/ 1661-62); (2) Idem, 920 (dated Zulka'de 1083/ February-March 1673); (3) Isparta,
Halil Hamid Pa$a Kiitiiphanesi 221 (dated 1083/ 1672-73); (4) Ankara University Library, Ismail
Saib 1. 1783 (IV(2), dated 1089/ 1678-79); (5-6) two unidentified MSS in the Selimiye Library in
Edirne; (7-10) four unidentified MSS in the Turk Tarih Kurumu Library in Ankara. I was only
able to see (4) on April 29, 1991 information on the other MSS was kindly given to me by
Mustafa Isen on May 1, 1991.
5 Cf. also the remark in MS 1-14, below, no. 22.
 APPENDIX II 365

(a) First pillar

1. Cairo, D ar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tarikh Turkl Tal'at (TTT) 127 (C-l).

Contents: 1(1+ 2 +3). Copy finished on Safer 1, 1043 (August 7, 1633)
by Mehmed Emin b. Suleyman known as Ferzend-i Ibn Muharrem
Efendizade. Characteristics: 175 folios, 180x280 mm, 33 lines a page.
The text is written in elegant neshi and set in gilt frames. Ornamental
frontispieces in gold with white and pink flower motifs at the head of
the first chapter and on fol. 77b at the beginning of the chapter of
Adam (?). Bound in leather stamped with gilded flower motifs.
2. Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, Hasan Husnu Paa 839 (1-1). (AB,
25, no. 15)
Contents: 1(1+ 2 +3). Copy finished in the last part of Zii l-hicce 1094
(December 1683); no copyist is mentioned. Characteristics: 197+1
folios, 172x268 and 114x214 mm, 25 lines a page. The text is written on
glossy white, rather thin paper in dense, irregular ta'lik and set in red
and silver frames. No elaborate frontispiece(s) occur; a simple besmele
heads the text on fol. lb. The MS has a dark brown leather cover with
rosettes and flap. A stamp of'O sm an Niiri es-Seyyid, anno 1251 (1835-
36) (cf. below, no. 82), occurs on fol. la.
3. Ankara, ll Halk Kutuphanesi, No. 280 (A-l). (Levend, Turk Edebiyati
Tarihi I, 382, as Genel Ktph. No. 280)
Contents: 1(1+ 2 +3). No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 290 folios; 133x238 and 90x190 mm; 25
lines a page. The text is written on thin, glossy paper, varying in colour
between white and yellow, in very neat neshi and is set in gilt frames. A
short explanatory note is found in the margin of fol. 145a. A
frontispiece in gold, blue, red and white containing the legend levarih
occurs on fol. lb. 1(2) and 1(3) are separated by a blank page (fol.
207b). A traditional, circular map of the earth with indications of the
ikhms (da ire-i ruy-i zemin) in gold, blue, red and black occupies half a
page on fol. 89b. The MS has a brown leather cover with rosettes but
without flap. No ownership markings are found. On fol. la occurs a
prayer by Siddlk Aga for his son Mustafa on the occasion of the latters
birth on Friday, Receb 25, 1204 (April 10, 1790). Watermark: crown,
star and crescent.
4. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. or. quart 1379[1]
(B-l). (Flemming, Handschriften, 17, no. 23)
Contents: 1(1+ 2 +3). A short indication of the contents of the four
366 APPENDIX II

volumes of the book in neshi occurs on fol. la. The introduction is

separated from the chapter on the geography of the world by an empty
fol. 41a. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 1 + 259+ 1 folios, 165 x 280 and 100x 215 mm, 29 lines
a page. The text is written on glossy, yellowish paper in a somewhat
careless ta'lik fol. 258 shows a different script and set in gold
frames. A fine frontispiece in gold, green, blue and orange, adorned
with flower-motifs in red, blue and white occurs on fol. lb and is
furnished with a Persian title (Dibace-i HKILAR (?) -i Gildni) and
distich. The MS has a cardboard cover with flap to which red leather
and marbled paper are attached. Library stamps occur on fol. la and
258b. According to a short note on fol. la, the MS was acquired in
1925. In the margin of fol. 61b near the paragraph on the Bir-i Yusuf a
remark of Bandirmavlzade Mehmed, probably a modern owner (the
term metre occurs) in rik'a script is found which gives additional
information about an artificial lake and a spring in Egypt. Watermark:
crown and grapes with the legend VALIANT.
5. Istanbul (Oskudar), Selim Aga Kutuphanesi, Haci Selim Aga 843 (1-2).
(AB, 25, no. 9)
The MS consists of two separate volumes which were bound together
afterwards. Contents 1(1 + 2) and 1(3). The first volume was copied by
Hamdi; no date of copying is mentioned. Characteristics:
2+262 + 2 + 98+1 folios, 141x246 and, for the second volume
87 x 185,5 and 91 x 161 mm, 25 lines a page. The text is written on
coarse, lightly glossy, broken white paper the second volume has
thinner and whiter paper in, respectively, careless ta'lik and neshi
and is set in red frames. Gold frames occur on fol. lb-2a and 263b-264a
whereas fine frontispieces in gold with flower-motifs in pink, light
brown, white, purple and blue head the two volumes on fol. lb and
263b. The MS has a black leather cover with gilt rosettes; the flap has
been lost. Ownership markings occur on the first unnumbered folios
and on la of El-Hacc Ahmed HasekI Halife ReIszade (?) anno 1155
(1742-43), of Mustafa Hamdi known as Serrac Pa$azade (the copyist?)
and of Ahmed Emin Katib-i siyah (?). Vakf stamps marked Haci Selim
Aga (cf. Guney K ut and Nimet Bayraktar, Yazma Eserlerde Vakif
Muhurleri (Ankara, 1984), no. 119) appear throughout the volumes.
Watermarks: crown, scroll, grapes and letters (BV) which point to
paper produced in Venice in 1693-1696, cf. E. Heawood, Watermarks,
Mainly a f the 17th and 18th Centuries (Hilversum, 1950), no. 3102.
6. Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, Hamidiye 911 (1-3). (AB, 25, no.
11; Istanbul Kiiiuphaneleri Tarih-Cografya Yazmalar Katalogu I, Tiirkge
Tarih Yazmalari (hereafter TTY) (Istanbul, 1943- ), 23, no. 10)
 APPENDIX II 367

Contents: 1(1+ 2 + 3). No date of copying or name of copyist are

mentioned. Characteristics: 233 folios, 200x330 and 107x217 mm, 27
lines a page. The text is written on pink, marbled, glossy paper in very
neat neshi and is set in gold frames. Simple but magnificently executed
frontispieces in gold and adorned with pink, white, green and blue
flower-motifs occur on fol. lb and 165b (heading 1(3)). The MS has a
dark brown leather cover with flap and rosettes. A vakf stamp with
tugra (sultans monogram) of 'Abdelhamld I (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Mii-
hiirler, no. 14) and the additional protocol and stamp of Miifetti bi-
evka.fi l-haremeyne -erifeyn (Inspector of the vakfs of the two sacred
cities) es-Seyyid 'All Behcet appear on fol. la. No watermarks.
7. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kutiiphanesi, Revan 1121 (1-4). (AB,
27, no. 32; Fehmi Edhem Karatay, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kutiiphanesi,
Tiirkfe Yazmalar Katalogu (hereafter TYK), 2 vols. (Istanbul, 1961) I,
238, no. 720)
Contents: Indexes, 1(1+ 2 + 3). No date of copying or copyist mentio
ned. Characteristics: 1+ 4 + 1 + 264+1 folios, 160x295 and 96x195
mm, 27 lines a page. The text is written on yellow-white paper in ta'lik
and is set in gilt frames. Elaborate gilt flower decoration appears in the
index part; rather lifeless frontispieces in gold with dark red, orange,
blue, white and green flower-motifs occur on fol. lb and 186b (heading
1(3)). The MS has a dark brown leather cover with flap and gilt
rosettes. A vakf stamp with tugra of Mustafa III (cf. Kut/Bayraktar,
Miihiirler, no. 13) appears on la. Watermarks: elaborate coat of arms
with lion and fleurs-de-lis, crown and grapes with the legend PA -
MBFA (?).
8. Istanbul, Oniversite Kutiiphanesi, Tiirkfe 2376 (1-5).
Contents: 1(1+ 2 + 3*); 1(3) ends with the fourth event concerning
Y usufs beauty. Copy finished on Friday (1) Muharrem 1096 (8 Decem
ber 1684) by Mahmud 'AbdalvafI (?) in Akkerman. Characteristics:
2 + 174 folios, 192 x 291 and 120,5 x 223 mm, 29 lines a page. The text
is written on crude, hardly glossy, thick, white paper in a personal,
sometimes very coarse neshi and set in red frames. Gilt frames occur on
fol. lb and 2a as well as an elaborate but clumsy frontispiece with gold
and blue flower-motifs on fol. lb. The MS has a coarse leather cover
with gilt frames. On the first unnumbered folios a stamp of the Halis
Efendi Library and an illegible ownership marking occur.
9. Istanbul, Oniversite Kutiiphanesi, Tiirkfe 5078 (1-9).
Contents: 1(1 + 2+3*); 1(3) breaks off in the chapter on Iskandar Dhii l-
qarnayn. No date of copying or name of copyist mentioned. Characte
ristics: 218 folios, 165 x 281 and 98 x 215 mm, 29 lines a page. The text
368 APPENDIX II

is written on white paper in ta'lik; no frames are set around the text.
No elaborate frontispieces occur. The MS has a late Ottoman red
leather cover with rosettes adorned by a tugra and an imperial coat of
arms. The title is stamped in gold on the back. A red silk ribbon is
attached to the cover. No ownership markings occur. Watermarks:
Crown and grapes with legends MOYEN - FABBRE - CAULAC -
LANGUEDOC which point to paper produced in Arles in 1687, cf.
Heawood, Watermarks, no. 3322.
10. Ankara, Milli Kutuphane, A 68 (A-2)
Contents: 1(3*+ 4). 1(3) breaks off in the chapter of Ya' qubs dreams
(fol. 98a) and continues on the same page with 1(4). Copied between
$a'ban 1 and $a'ban 22, 1019 (October 19 - November 10, 1610); no
copyist is mentioned. Characteristics: 231 + 1 folios; 151 x202 and
82 x 149 mm; 19 lines a page. The text is written on thin paper, varying
in colour between white and yellow, in small, often sloppy neshi No
frontispieces, frames or custodes occur. The text is headed by the
legend tarlh-i Kiinhii l-ahbar on fol. lb. Many indications of content,
corrections and computations occur in the margins. In margin of fol.
167b appears a small, rough-draft map of China with surrounding sea
and mountains. The MS has a dark brown leather cover with a rosette
on the front; a flap is lacking. On fol. la occur notations about the
content of the book, verses and ownership markings of Hilmgiray b.
Sehbazgiray (?), anno 1211 (1796-97); es-Seyyid 'A rif noted on the
same page that he studied the book in 1211 (1796-97); we find also the
legend 26 III 1938 sat. Kamil Kavam. On the inside of the front cover
occurs the date 1356 in pencil (1937-38). Milli Kutuphane stamps with
the year 1946 are found on several places in the volume.
11. Cairo, Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tarikh TurkI Tal'at (TTT) 58 (C-2).
Contents: 1(1 + 2). Copy finished on Rebfii l-evvel 19 (in Egyptian
Arabic: tis'ata$ir), f i layli l-isnan 1106 (November 8, 1694) by 'Abbas
al-MawsulI in Cairo. Characteristics: 215 folios, 182x274 mm, 23 lines
a page. The text is written in neat neshi. No frames occur. The first
chapter is headed by a besmele. The volume is bound in cardboard.
12. Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, Lala tsmail 365 (I- 7). (AB, 27, no.
22)
Contents: 1(1 + 2). No date of copying or name of copyist are mentio
ned. Characteristics: 1 + 225 folios, 142,5x210,5 and 86 x 162 mm, 21
lines a page. The text is written on rather thick, glossy paper in ta'lik
and is set in red frames. Gold-and-red frames occur on fol. lb-2a. An
elaborate frontispiece in gold with purple, orange, red, green and
 APPENDIX II 369

yellow flower-motifs in a clearly Western-influenced style heads the text

on fol. lb. The MS has a badly damaged dark brown leather cover with
rosettes; the flap has been severed from it. On fol. la occurs an 'Afiira
prayer with commentary and a vakf stamp of Lala Isma'il Efendi (cf.
Kut/Bayraktar, Miihurler, no. 94). Unclassifiable watermarks.

(b) Second pillar

13. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. or. quart 1379[2]

(B-2). (Flemming, Handschriften, 17-18, no. 24)
Contents: 11(1 + 2 + 3 + 4 + 5). No name of copyist or date of copying
are mentioned. Characteristics: 229 folios, for the rest the same as for
B-l (no. 4, above). No elaborate frontispieces occur. The chapters on
the prophets, the history of the Prophet and the biographies of the
companions and followers, are separated by empty pages, fol. 53b-54a,
and 127b-I28a. The script varies on fol. lb and 219-228b, probably
because this volume was separated from the previous one (B-l) at a
later date. The MS was also acquired in 1925, cf. fol. la. Watermarks:
crown with grapes and letters BA; the legends CASTRES and LAN
GUEDOC (?).
14. Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi, Hamidiye 912 (1-8). (AB, 28, no.
12; TTY, 23-24, no. II)
Contents: 11(1 + 2 + 3 + 4). No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 201 folios, for the rest as for 1-3 (no. 6 ,
above). A most elaborate frontispiece, covering more than half a page,
heads 11(2) on fol. 51b. Simpler ones occur on fol. lb and 115b
(heading 11(3)). All of them are done in a style similar to those
occurring in I- 3. No watermarks.

(c) Combined first and second pillars

15. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Revan 1119 (1-9). (AB,
27, no. 30; TYK I, 238, no. 718)
Contents: 1(1 + 2 + 3)-II( 1 + 2 + 3 + 4+5*); 11(4) and 11(5*) are separa
ted by two empty pages (fol. 624b-625a); 11(5*) occupies fol. 625b and
breaks off in the paragraph on Kayiimarth. No date of copying or
name of copyist are mentioned. Characteristics: 1+ 247 + 1+ 277 + 1
folios, 160 x 300 and 103 x 222 mm, 27 lines a page. The text is written
370 APPENDIX II

on glossy white paper in neshi with stilus elements and is set in gold
frames in double gold frames on opposite pages where elaborate
headings occur. Separate gilt frames are sometimes set around verses.
Gilt dots appear in the text up to fol. 10b. A gilt frontispiece with
flower-motifs in a Western style occurs on fol. lb. A rather crude
frontispiece in gold and black adorned with purple roses set in a blue
and white frame with blue and orange vegetal motives on top appears
on fol. 248b (heading 1(3)). 11(2), on fol. 405b, is headed by a simple
besmele. The MS has a damaged dark brown leather cover with flap
and rosettes. A vakf stamp with tugra of Mahmud I (cf. Kut/Bayraktar,
Muhtirler, no. 10) and an owner ship marking of El-Hacc Es'ad (?) (cf.
also no. 70, below) appears on fol. la. Watermarks: grapes, crown,
animal with the legend PP.
16. Istanbul, Nuruosmaniye Kutuphanesi, No. 3408 (1-10). (AB, 27, no. 26;
TTY, 22, no. 8)
Contents: 1(1 + 2 + 3)-II( 1+ 2 + 3+4). No date of copying or name of
copyist are mentioned. Characteristics: 3 + 456 folios, 175x310 and
95x217 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written on brownish-white
paper in neshi and is set in gilt frames. Gold dots appear in the text. A
crude frontispiece in gold with light purple, light blue, dark red and
orange flower-motifs occurs on the backside of the third unnumbered
folio. At the beginning of 1(2) and 1(3) on, respectively, fol. 288b and
358b, space is left empty for eleborate headings. The MS has a dark
brown leather cover with flap and gilt rosettes. On the unnumbered first
folios occur a vakf stamp with tugra of 'Osman III (cf. Kut/Bayraktar,
Muhtirler, no. 12) with the protocol and stamp of the Inspector of the
Imperial Endowments El-Hacc Ibrahim Hanlf (?). Watermarks: crown,
grapes and letters ID which point to paper in Paris in the early 18th
century, cf. Heawood, Watermarks, nos. 3214- 3216.
17. Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, Esat Efendi 2161 (1-11). (AB, 24,
no. 4; TTY, 25, no. 15)
Contents: 1(1 + 2 + 1*)-II(I+ 2)-I(3). The MS consists of the following
parts: (a) 1(1+2) up to fol. 187b; (b) 1(1*): the geography of the earth
from the definition of the borders of China until the seventh clime,
from fol. 189a.; (c) 11(1), from fol. 248b; (d) 11(2), from fol. 314a; (e)
1(3), from 387b. At least (b) seems to have been part of a different
manuscript. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 470+3 folios, 146x244,5 and 89 x 189 mm, 25 lines a
page. The text is written on white paper of varying glossiness and
thickness in a varying ta'lik and is set in gilt frames which sometimes
also occur around verses. The quality of paper and writing is markedly
 APPENDIX II 371

different in (b). In this part the paper is also nearly completely torn at
the frames. A very crude frontispiece in gold with vegetal motifs occurs
on fol. lb. The MS has a plain, badly damaged, light brown leather
cover with purple back. Eleven ownership markings occur on fol. la of
which two have been erased, indicating Mehmed Mustafa el-Emir
emhal (?) Hazret Hanzade, anno 1050 (1640/41); the aga-yi dudman-i
silihddrdn (swordbearer of the sultan), anno 1200 (1785/86); Mehmed
Tahir, anno 1230 (1814/15); 'A rif Ahmed known as Aga Imamlzade,
anno 1317 (1899/1900); Halil; El-Hacc Ibrahim b. 'Omer Qavu el-
Belgradi; Cadi Mustafa Musarnf-i ehriyari; Murad 'Abdallah (?) and
Vizier 'All Mehmed Paazade (?). Watermarks: crown with star and
crescent; paper possibly produced in Venice in the early 17th century,
cf. Heawood, Watermarks, nos. 1129-1133.
18. Istanbul, Universite Kiituphanesi, Turk^e 5962 (1-12).
Contents: Empty indexes, I(l* + 2 * + l* + 2)-II(l+ 2*); 1(1), which
continues up to fol. 27a, is interrupted on fols. 5b-14a by a fragment
from 1(2) written in a different hand and possibly originally belonging
to a different MS. It contains the classification of prophets and the
history of the jinns. II breaks off at the beginning of the chapter on
fuqahd and huffdz-i hadith. No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 7 + 247 folios, 180x295 and 116x233,5
mm, 33 lines a page. The text is written on glossy white and yellow
paper in a round neshT and is set in gilt frames. The first three folios
have gilt dots in the text. Similar frontispieces in gold with flower-
motifs in red, orange, blue and white provided with the besmele occur
on the backside of the last unnumbered folio, on fol. 28b, 158b and
199b, heading, respectively, 1(2), 11(1) and 11(2). On fols. 43b and 44a
appear colored drawings in Western, 18th-century style representing the
globe of the earth as seen from, respectively, the North and the South
Pole. They are adorned with small pictures of ships and whales. The
MS has a purple leather cover with flap and gilt flower-motifs in
Empire style. The first unnumbered folios have the ownership markings
of Halil b. Mehmed Lutfallah (?), anno 1155 (1742/43), Istanbul, and
Ahmed Cavld, anno 1190 (1776/77). Watermarks: scroll-work, crown
and grapes.

(d) Third pillar

19. Cairo, Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tarikh TurkI (TTD) 423 (C-3).
(Microfilm No. 30931)
372 APPENDIX II

Contents: 111(1 + 2 + 3 + 4+ 5). Copy finished in 1162 (1748-49) by

Mehmed b. el-KazI 1-merhum Ahmed el-QerkesT, known as Huseyn
Kazlzade in the service of $eyhii l-Islam Mirza Mustafa Efendi. After
111(2) occurs the year 1165 (1751/52), possibly by the corrector.
Characteristics: 177 unnumbered folios, 170 x 265 mm, 29 lines a page.
The text is written in a sloppy ta'llk and is set in gilt frames. Empty
frontispieces occur at the beginning of 111( 1 ), the chapter of the
Safavids, and that of the Shirwan-Shahs. The MS has a leather-and-
cardboard cover.
20. Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, Hamidiye 913 (1-13). (AB, 25, no.
14; TTY, 24, no. 12)
Contents: 111(1 + 2+3). No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 149 folios, for the rest the same as for 1-3
and 1-8 (nos. 6 and 14, above) and apart from seize: 170x290 and
101x210 mm, and style of writing: talik. A similar frontispiece occurs
on lb. No watermarks.
21. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Hs. or. oct. 1063 (B-
3). (Flemming, Handschriften, 18-19, no. 25)
Contents: 111(2* + 1* + 3). The title Tarlh-i Vmevlye occurs on fol. la.
The chapter on the Abbasids is incomplete and ends with the execution
of Ja'far BarmakI during the reign of Harun ar-Rashld. The text from
fol. 147b until 153b (where III (1) begins) consists of pieces of text not
belonging to the Kiinh, i.e. fragments in Arabic on the Spanish
Umayyads (on fol. 147b headed by a besmele) and pieces from other
parts of the volume concerning the history of the Ikhshldids and
Egyptian Abbasids. The chapter of the Fatimids is mistakenly interrup
ted on fol. 170a-173b by the first part of that of the Ayyubids (fol.
202b). The chapter on the Mamluks breaks off with the biography of
al-Mu'ayyad Abu Nasr Shaykh MahmudI (ruled 1412-1421). No name
of copyist or date of copying are mentioned. Characteristics: 252 folios
(fol. 146 has been cut off except for a small piece with three lines at the
top), 165 x 245 and 10 x 205 mm, 27 lines a page. The text is written on
thick, glossy, yellowish and white paper in various neshi hands,
particularly carelessly executed on fol. 169-170 and is not framed. The
bottom parts of a number of pages are damaged by water. Many
marginal notes, mostly on the contents, occur. They often replace
missing chapter headings, dates and other indications which normally
are written in red ink in the text proper. In the margin of fol. 147a a
note on the contents of the first part of the volume is written in a
different hand. No frontispieces occur. The MS has a cardboard cover
with flap, partially in leather. The ex libris vignette of Karl Siissheim
 373

with the year 1939 occurs on the backside of the front cover. The MS
also contains a separate note in his handwriting on the contents of the
volume in Arabic. Watermarks: crescent, signs in the form of a V and
an S.
22. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiituphanesi, Bagdad Kokii 238 (I-
14). (AB, 24, no. 1; TYK I, 240, no. 727)
Contents: 111(1 + 2). No date of copying. Copied by Ibrahim. Charac
teristics: 10+295 + 10 folios, 172x295 and 105x213 mm, 27 lines a
page. The text is written on glossy white paper in attractive ta'lik. No
frames occur around it, nor are chapters headed by frontispieces. The
MS has a very plain dark brown leather cover without cardboard
reinforcement. An incomplete vakf stamp with tugra, possibly of Selim
III (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, no. 16), and an erased ownership
marking occur on fol. la. On the first unnumbered folio occurs the
remark that the volume concerned a rare work (kemyab olub bulun-
mayan cild). Watermarks: crown, grapes and legends VANAV and
PANDR...(?).

(e) Combined first, second and third pillars

23. Istanbul, tjniversite Kiituphanesi, Turk^e 5958 (1-15).

Contents: Indexes, 1(1 + 2)-II(l + la + 2 + 3 + 4 + 5)-III( 1+2 + 3 + 4+ 5).
Copy finished on 13 Z l-kade 1152 (11 February 1740) by Es-Seyyid
Hasan b. es-Seyyid Mustafa el-lstanbull. Characteristics: 360 folios,
192x305 and 117x233 m, 33 lines a page. The text is written on
yellowish glossy paper in neshhi with ta lik variants and is set in gold
frames as are also the verses up to fol. 41b. Gold dots appear in the
text. Similar frontispieces in gold with rather crude flower-motifs in
orange, grey, light and dark blue occur on fol. 9b, 30b, 123b, 151b,
192b, 248b and 255b, heading, respectively, 1(1), 1(2), 11(1), 11(2), 11(3),
11(4) and III(l). On fols. 41a and 44a occur colored drawings in 18th-
century, Western style of the globe of the earth as seen from, respecti
vely, the North and the South Pole. They are adorned with pictures of
ships and whales. The MS has a dark purple leather cover with flap and
gilt vegetal decorations in Empire style. The ownership marking of
Hafizu 1-Kuran Bulbul (cf. no 45, below) appears on fol. 9a.
24. Istanbul, tjniversite Kiituphanesi, Turk^e 5960 (1-16).
Contents: 1(1 + 2 + 3)-II(2*)-III( 1+ 2 + 3); II (fols. 289a-395a) contains
a version of 11( 1) which was not written by 'All but adopted by an
374 APPENDIX II

anonymous writer from 'All's Zubdetii t-tevarih, the Tarikh of Mev-

lana Lari and the M irat al-ka inat as is explained on fol. 289a. 11(2)
lacks the introductory part. No date of copying and name of copyist
are mentioned. Characteristics: 620 folios, 190 x 313 and 101 x 209 mm,
25 lines a page. The text is written on yellowish, not very glossy paper
in ta'lik and is set in gilt frames, as is sometimes also the case with the
poetry. Gilt dots appear on fol. lb-2a. A rather coarse frontispiece in
gold, red and blue with flower-motifs in light blue and pink provided
with the besmele occurs on fol. lb. A finer one apears on fol. 212b,
heading 1(3), executed in gold, purple, light green with flower-motifs
and starred frames in gold, blue and orange. A very fine example occurs
on fol. 464b, heading III(l), in gold, orange, yellow and light blue with
flower motifs and starred frames in orange and blue. The MS has a
damaged dark green, brown and dark purple leather cover with flap
adorned with rosettes. On fol. la appear a vakf stamp with tugra of
Selim III (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, no. 15) and the ownership
markings of Mustafa efT b. Mustafa Min (?; cf. also no. 34, below).
Watermarks: crown, grapes and legends BI or IB and MB/EA (?).
Paper possibly produced in Arles, cf. Heawood, Watermarks, no. 2383.

(f) Combined second and third pillars

25. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Revan 1123 (I- 17).
(AB, 27, no. 34; TYK I, 239, no. 722)
Contents: II(l + 2 + 3 + 4 + 5)-III(l + 2+ 3 + 4 -i-5 ). date of copying
and name of copyist are mentioned. Characteristics: 3 + 272+ 1+20+1
folios, 185 x 315 and 112 x 234 mm, 33 lines a page. The text is written
on paper of varying whiteness in ta'lik of a varying style and is set in
gold frames. Folios 249-253, in 11(5), seem to have been deliberately
damaged by knife or scissors. On fol. lb occurs a rather unattractive
frontispiece in gold with orange, purple, red, blue and green flower-
motifs provided with the besmele. Other main divisions are headed by
the besmele, the title of the chap ter or an empty oblong gilt frame. The
MS has a dark brown leather cover which has lost its flap. On fol. la
occur a vakf stamp with tugra of 'Abdelhamld I (cf. Kut/Bayraktar,
Muhiirler, no. 14) and the ownership markings of 'Abdallah b. Rama
zan el-TevkiT. Watermarks: coat of arms with lion and fleurs-de-lis,
crown and grapes with legend D/S.
26. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiituphanesi, Hazine 1358 (1-18).
(AB, 25-26; TYK I, 237, no. 715)
 APPENDIX II 375

Contents: Indexes, introductory remarks on the composition of the

volume, probably by the copyist, II(2* + 3 + 4 + 5 )-III(l+ 2 + 3 + 4 + 5 ) ;
11(2) begins with the part on the fuqaha and huffaz from among the
companions of the Prophet. No date of copying and name of copyist
are mentioned. Characteristics: 10+258 folios, 180x297 and 121x207
mm, 33 lines a page. The text is written on glossy white paper in neshi
with stilus elements and is set in gilt frames. A frontispiece of an
unusual type and great beauty in gold with grey, white, blue, orange
and dark red flower-motifs occurs on fol. 3b. The place of the besmele
or title is taken by a second wreath of flowers. The text proper is
preceded by a lengthy note of excuse by the copyist concerning the
binding of the two pillars into one volume. A second frontispiece in
gold with orange and black flowers provided with the besmele appears
on fol. 17b heading 11(3). Other major divisions are indicated by the
besmele or chapter titles. The MS has a damaged green leather cover
without flap adorned with gilt rosettes. On fol. 3a occur the ownership
markings of Halil b. Mehmed b. LutfT Pa$a (?), anno 1155 (1742-43)
and Ahmed Cavld, anno 1200 (1785-86). Watermarks: coat of arms
with lion and crown.

(g) Combined first and second parts of the fourth pillar

27. Istanbul, Nuruosmaniye Kiituphanesi, No. 3409 (1-19). (AB, 27; TTY,
23, no. 9)
Contents: Indexes, IV(1 + 2 + 3). No date of copying or name of copyist
are mentioned. Characteristics: 2+ 409+ 3 folios, 175x 305 and
95 x 217 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written on glossy white paper
in neshi and is set in gilt frames. Rather crude and dull frontispieces in
gold with light purple, dark green, red and blue flower-motifs occur on
fol. lb and 286a heading the chapter on Sultan Murad III. The MS has
a damaged black leather cover with flap adorned with roset tes. On fol.
la appear the same vakf and ownership markings as in I - 10 (no. 16,
above). Watermarks: crown with grapes and legend IB (?).
28. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiituphanesi, Revan 1118 (I- 20).
(AB, 27, no. 29; TYK I, 236-237, no. 714)
Contents: IV(l + 2 + 3). No date of copying or copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 228 + 4 + 282+2 folios, 185x290 and 120x231,5 mm,
33 lines a page. The text is written on glossy white paper in inelegant,
scrawled neshi and is framed in red frames. No frontispiece(s) occur.
The MS has a dark brown leather cover without flap with withered
376 APPENDIX II

rosettes. A vakf stamp with tugra of 'Abdalhamld I (cf. Kut/Bayraktar,

Muhurler, no. 14) occurs on fol. la. Watermarks: letters OV.
29. Stockholm, Kungliga Bibliotek, Cod. orient. 72 (S-l). (W. Riedel,
Katalog over Kungl. Bibliotekets orientaliska Handskrifter (Stockholm,
1923), 47-48, no. 72)
Contents: Indexes, IV(l* + 2 + 3). The volume contains the fourth
pillar from the reign of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror until the end
(on fol. 545a), to which the Dasitan-i gaza-yi Egri of NevTzade 'Atayl
of 1005 (1596-97) is added. The copying of the first part of the book
was finished on the third day of Rebtti l-evvel 1147 (3 August, 1734) by
Emin Mehmed b. Mustafa Zekl. Characteristics: 1 + 6 + 5 4 6 + 1 + 1
folios, 188 x 298 and 120 x 236 mm, 31 lines a page. The text is written
on fine, glossy, broken white paper in a very elegant ta'lik with stilus
elements, which becomes smaller from fol. 221 b onwards, and is set in
broad golden frames. Poetical fragments are also often separately
outlined in smaller gilt frames. Slightly varying, elaborate gilt frontis
pieces with multi-colored flower ornamentation, sometimes furnished
with a besmele or title, occur on fol. lb (heading the first chapter), fol.
96b (heading the chapter of Sultan Bayezld II), fol. 152b (heading the
chapter of Selim II), fol. 221b (heading the chapter of Suleyman), fol.
369b (heading the chapter of Selim II), fol. 419b (heading the chapter
of Murad III) and fol. 522b (heading the chapter of Mehmed III). The
MS has a bright-red, leather cover with linear gold ornamentation,
from which the flap has been severed. A part of it is kept separately in
the MS. The leather casing described by Riedel has apparently been
lost.
30. Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kutuphanesi, Fatih 4225 (1-21). (AB, 24, no. 6)
Contents: Indexes, IV(1 + 2). Copy finished in Zu l-hicce 1029 (October-
November 1620) by Suleyman. Characteristics: 2 + 501 folios, 172x301
and 115 x 228 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written on thin, glossy,
yellowish paper in rather careless neshi and is set in red frames. Some
pages have water damage. No frontispieces occur; the two parts of the
volume are headed by besmeles. The MS has a dark brown leather
cover with flap adorned with gilt rosettes. On the front side of the
second unnumbered folio apear the owner ship markings of Hafiz
Mustafa el-Mecdl; on fol. la occur those of Mehmed Hamid er-Rahl
(?), anno 1104 (1692-93), Es-Seyyid Ahmed b. (?) Hasan el-KazI and,
again, of El-Mecdl.
31. Istanbul (Oskiidar), Selim Aga Kutuphanesi, Haci Selim Aga 765 (I-
22). (AB, 25, no. 8)
 APPENDIX II 377

Contents: IV(1 +2). Date of copying indicated at the end of the first
part as 1078 (1667-68); no name of copyist is mentioned. Characteris
tics: 1 + 585+1 folios, 183x302 and 105,5x219 mm, 31 lines a page.
The text is written on slightly glossy, rather thick, yellowish paper in a
very care less ta'lik (in the first part) and neshi (in the second part) and
is set in gilt frames. Chapter headings are missing on fol. 121 a-149b and
186a-195b. A frontispiece in gilt with green, pink, orange, white, yellow
and red flower-motifs occurs on fol. lb. The second part is indicated
with a large heading in neshi on fol 275a. The MS has a modern
cardboard and leather cover with surfaces of marbled paper. The
ownership marking of Mehmed Emin Katib-i siyah occurs on fol. la.
HacT Selim Aga vakf stamps (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, no. 119)
appear throughout the volume. Watermarks: letters PP.
32. Istanbul, Nuruosmaniye Kiitiiphanesi, No. 3406 (1-23). (AB, 26, no. 24;
TTY, 21, no. 4)
Contents: IV(1 + 2). Date of copying and name of copyist indicated as
1083 (1672-73) and Ibrahim BezmI at the end of the first part. Charac
teristics: 2 + 282 + 2+323 + 1 folios. The two parts are numbered sepa
rately. 175 x 290 and 96 x 216 mm, 35 lines a page. The text is written
on glossy, white paper in talik. and is set in red frames. The text on fol.
lb-2a in both parts is set in gilt frames. On fol. lb (first part) occurs a
frontispiece in gold with blue, pink, green, orange, white and purple
flower-motifs. On fol. lb (second part) space is left empty for a
decorated heading. The MS has a beautiful dark brown leather cover
with flap with blue and gilt rosettes. Ownership and vakf markings on
front side of the first unnumbered folio and fol. la (first part), as in I- 10
(no. 16, above).
33. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Hs. or. 8364 (B-4).
(Klaus Schwarz, Die Sammlung tiirkischer Handschriften in der
Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz , in: AOH 37 (1983), 111-
120, 118, no. 10)
Contents: Indexes, IV (l+ 2). Some blanks occur in the text from fol.
470a to fol. 513a, on fol. 506a (after the 38th event of the reign of
Murad III) framed by red lines. The copying of the first part of the
volume was finished in 1084 (1673-74) by 'All b. Hasan Kirkkilavl, the
second part was copied by the same ('All bin Hasan bi-sakin Kirk
Kiliya el-imam cami' Dellalzade) but no date is indicated. Characteris
tics: 1 + 538+ 1 folios, 170 x 269 and 97 x 234 mm, 35 lines a page. The
text is written on fine, glossy, lightly yellowish and white paper in very
fine neshi and is set in red frames. Gold frames occur at the beginning
of the text on fol. 4b-5a, at the beginning of the second part on fol.
378 APPENDIX II

267b-288a, at the beginning of the chapter on Sultan Selim II on fol.

393b-394a, and at the beginning of the chapter on Sultan M urad III on
fol. 436b-437a, but no frontispieces are found. Marginal remarks in
black and red ink, especially abundant on fol. 268a-375a, where also a
remark of the Mufti 'Abdel'azlz Efendi on the poet iikri (in the
chapter of Sultan Suleyman) is found. There are also marginal addi
tions in later, divani-like script on fol. 108b (about the tomb of Shaykh
Ak Semseddln in Ebii Eyiib Ansari) and on fol. 256b, where an
additional verse is added to the text. On fol. 441b, in the margin of the
fifth event of the period of Sultan Murad III, a long and indignant
commentary (partly destroyed by cutting) is added about 'AlTs mista
ken idea about the ancestry of emsl Paa. A remark on fol. 34a has
been erased. The MS has a modern, black cardboard cover furnished
with a red leather back with gold ornamentation and title Mahasinii l-
asar ve hakayiku l-ahbar. Apart from new library stamps, fol. 4a has the
ownership marking in blue ink of Mukrimin b. Halil b. Mehmed el-
Elbistani6. The page has been pasted onto the original fol. 4a thereby
obliterating older ownership markings, one of them still partly readable
on through fol. 4b (...fi sene 35). What was probably an owners stamp
on fol. 289b, has been erased.
34. Istanbul, Oniversite Kutiiphanesi, Tiirktje 5961 (1-24).
Contents: IV (l+ 2). The copying of the first part was finished on
Sunday, 26 a'ban 1085 (24 October 1674), that of the second part in
Rebi'u l-evvel 1085 (June-July 1674), both by Ahmed b. Mehmed, reisii
l-miiezzinin (head of the muezzins) in the mosque of Sultan Selim.
Characteristics: 475 folios, 173x282 and 98x229,5 mm, 35 lines a
page. The text is written on dull white, slightly glossy paper in regular,
small neshi and is set in red frames, doubled on fol. lb. No elaborate
fronds piece(s) occur. The MS has a brown leather cover with flap and
rosettes. On fol. la appear a vakf stamp with tugra of Selim III and the
ownership markings of Mustafa efT b. Mustafa Min Paa (?; cf. no.
24, above).
35. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Hs. or. quart 1090
(B-5). (Flemming, Handschriften, 19, no. 26)
Contents: IV(l + 2). Fol. lb-2b have empty index squares in red. The
chapters of the Sultans Suleyman and Selim II are separated by an
empty page, fol. 432a. A gap occurs in the text after the 38th event of
the period of Sultan Murad III on fol. 575a-b. Damp-stains make the

6 This doubtlessly is the Turkish historian Mukrimin Halil Yinan? (1898 Elbistan - 1961
Istanbul); I am indebted to Dr. A.H. de Groot for this reference.
 APPENDIX II 379

text increasingly difficult to read from fol. 390 towards the end. The
volume was finished copying in 1092 (1681) but no name of a copyist is
mentioned. Characteristics: 2 + 613 + 2 folios, 160 x 270 and 100x210
mm, 33 lines a page. The text is written on fine, glossy, white paper in a
very clear neshl and is set in gold frames. On fol. 3b-4a the text is set
in broad, adorned, gold frames and the first chapter headed by a
frontispiece in gilt. Marginal notes in black and red in the beginning of
the volume, especially on fol. 6a-7b. The MS has a badly damaged,
modern cardboard cover in black with gold ornamen tation from which
the back is missing. Apart from modern library stamps, the ex libris
vignette of Karl Siissheim, with the year 1939, occurs on the backside
of the front cover. Older ownership markings and stamp erased on fol.
613b and possibly also on fol. 3a.
36. Istanbul, Nuruosmaniye Kiituphanesi, No. 3407 (1-25). (AB, 26, no. 25;
TTY, 19-20, no. 1)
Contents: IV(l + 2). The copying of the first part was finished on 11
Ramazan 1095 (22 August 1684) by Mehmed b. Ahmed, imam in the
old mosque of 'All Paa. Characteristics: 1+ 617+2 folios, 152x258
and 88 x 188 mm, 33 lines a page. The text is written on yellowish,
glossy paper in neshl and is set in gilt frames. A frontispiece in gold
with blue, pink, red and white flower-motifs appears on fol. lb. The
MS has a beautiful but damaged and hideously restored brown leather
cover with rosettes. Identical vakf and ownership markings on first
unnumbered folio as in 1-10 (no. 16, above).
37. Cairo, Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tarikh TurkI Mustafa Fadil (TTM)
27 (C-4). (Ad-DaghistanI, Fihrist, 218, no. 27/8823)
Contents: IV (l+ 2). No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. The MS was corrected by Seyyid 'Abdarrahman Muhibb.
Characteristics: 786 folios (unnumbered), 150 x 274 mm, 27 lines a
page. The text is written on glossy white and pink, lightly marbled,
paper in a sloppy ta'llk and set in gold frames. Frontispieces in gold
with pink, purple, red, blue and white flowers occur at the beginning of
the volume, and the chapters of Sultan Suleyman and Murad III. The
MS contains fourteen miniatures of excellent quality and sublime
artistry. Most of them represent the Ottoman sultans seated on the
throne against the background of a palace or their ordu. They occur
invariably at the heading of the chapters of their subsequent reigns,
namely: the Sultans 'Osman, Orhan, Murad I, Bayezld I, Mehmed II,
Bayezld II, Selim I, Selim II, Murad III. Apart from the last one, all
portraits take up a full page. The remaining miniatures represent a
battle-scene after the 24th event of the reign of Murad II, the Battle of
380 APPENDIX II

Mohacs (SU/ 13th event), a meclis of Selim II with his sazendegan

(musicians) (one-third page), the hanging of the Venetian governor of
Magosa and the entrance of the Ottoman troops into the town (at the
end of the 7th event of the reign of Selim II, one-third page) and the
battle between Ca'fer Paa and the sultan of Giiherdan (MU/ 32nd
event). The MS has a black leather cover, stamped with flower-motifs.
The owner Silihdar Hasan Baa with the date 1106 (1694-95) is
mentioned in the colophon. No water marks found.
38. Cairo, Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tarikh Turk! (TTD) 130 (C-5). (Ad-
Daghistam, Fihrist, 217-218, no. 130/6028; Microfilm No. 129)
Contents IV(1 + 2). No date of copying or name of copyist are mentio
ned. The date of 1162 (1748-49) occurs on the first leaf. Characteristics:
629 folios, 160 x 290 mm, 31 lines a page. The text is written in ta'lik
and is set in gold frames. Frontispieces in gold, adorned with blue
flowers occur at the beginning of the volume and on fol. 294b, at te
head of the chapter of Sultan Suleyman. The MS has a dark red leather
cover, stamped with gilt flowers. The copy was bought by Shaykh
Mustafa Antaki in 1291 (1874-75). Watermarks: crown and grapes;
letters a, D, dated Paris early 18th century, cf. Heawood, Watermarks,
nos. 3214-16.
39. Cairo, Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tarikh TurkI Mustafa Fadil (TTM)
29 (C-6). (Ad-DaghistanI, Fihrist, 218, no. 29/8825)
Contents: IV(l + 2). No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 480 folios, 182x415 mm, 41 lines a page.
The text is written in neat talik and set in gold frames. The volume is
headed by a frontispiece with flower-motifs in gold. The MS has a
black leather cover with gilt flowers. Watermarks identical with C-5
(no. 36, above).
40. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiituphanesi, Emanet Hazinesi 1392
(1-26). (AB, 24, no. 3; TYK II, 370, no. 3028)
Contents: Indexes, IV(1 + 2). No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 1 + 2 + 4-1- 1-1-560 folios, 142x245 and
82 x 175,5 mm, 33 lines a page. The text is writ ten on yellowish, glossy
paper in very small and sometimes illegible ta'lik and is set in gold
frames, doubled on fol. lb-2a. A very precious frontispiece in gold and
blue with blue, orange, white, red, green and brown flower-motifs
appears on fol. lb. The chapter on Sultan Suleyman at the bottom of
fol. 243a is headed by an oblong gilt frame decorated with light blue,
purple, white, green, brown and orange flower-motifs. The following
reigns are headed by less elaborate headings. The MS has a dark brown
 APPENDIX II 381

leather cover with flap and rosettes. On fol. la occurs a nearly

obliterated vakf stamp with tugra and the ownership marking of Es-
Seyyid 'Abdarrahman b. Yahya el-FasT (?). On the front side of the
sixth unnumbered folio appear those of 'All b. Giil Ahmed Pa?a (?),
anno 1066 (1655-56). The front side of the eighth unnumbered folio has
a short text of four lines in ta'lik on Imam ash-ShafiT and Abu Hanlfa.
Watermarks: crown.
41. Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi, Esat Efendi 2162 (1-27). (AB, 24,
no. 4; TTY, 22, no. 7)
Contents: IV(1 + 2). No date of copying is indicated; copyist was BezmI
(cf. 1-23, no. 30, above). Characteristics: 622 folios, 43x243 and
83 x 170 mm, 35 lines a page. The text is written on varying, rather
coarse, thick paper in ta lik and is set in gold frames. On fol. lb occurs
a frontispiece in gold and blue with green, orange and white flower-
motifs. The MS has a dark brown leather cover with rosettes; the flap
has been lost. No ownership markings or watermarks.
42. Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi, Hamidiye 914 (1-28). (AB, 25, no.
14; TTY, 24, no. 13)
Contents: Empty indexes, IV(l + 2). No date of copying or name of
copyist are mentioned. Characteristics: 2 + 6 + 545 folios, 170 x 290 and
101x210 mm, 31 lines a page. The text is written on white, glossy
paper in ta'lik and is set in gilt frames. On fol. lb and 249b (heading
the second part) occur frontispieces in a magnificent style and differing
from those in the other three volumes of the Hamidiye-set (1-3, 1-8 and
1-13, nos. 6, 14 and 20) described above. They are executed in gold and
decorated with blue, green, orange, purple and black flower-motifs. The
MS has a cover as described for 1-3. Vakf markings on fol. la as in 1-3.
No watermarks.
43. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Supplement Turc (S.) 1028 (P-1). (Blo-
chet, Catalogue, II, 137)
Contents: IV(1 +2). Many gaps occur in the text, especially from fol.
488a onwards. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 1 + 520 + 3 folios, 194 x 306 and 1 10 x 226 mm, 28 lines
a page. The text is written on varying white, thin, glossy paper in
varying neshi and set in gilt frames of varying width. The text from fol.
12a until 21b measures 114x225 mm and is written in talik. The
frames are not always completely rectangular, e.g. on fol. 82b. An
elaborate frontispiece set in gold and with light-blue, purple, orange,
red and black flower-motifs and besmele occurs on fol. lb. The part
beginning with the period of Sultan Suleyman is indicated with an
382 APPENDIX II

empty gold-framed heading on fol. 245b. The MS has a partly

restored, dark-brown leather cover with flap decorated with gilt frames.
Ownership markings of Schefer (in the form of stamps on fol. la and
elsewhere) and KIsedar 'Abdalfarah (fol. lb). The date of 1 March,
1900, is written on fol. la. There are marginal remarks on fol. 76a of
'Abdalfarah on his visit to the tomb of Shaykh Mehmed Yazicizade,
and on fol. 387b about the seven benificial deeds of Sultan Selim II
according to Selanikl. Watermarks: three crescents, crown and grapes
and several other hardly recognizable types.
44. Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, H.O. (Historica Osmanica)
20a (V-l). (G. Flugel, Die arabischen, persischen und tiirkischen Hand-
schriften der K. & K. Hofbibliothek zu Wien II (Vienna, 1865), 241-242,
no. 1022)
Contents: Indexes, IV(1 + 2). No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 1 + 1 + 8 + 487+1 + 1 folios, 167 x 271 and
114,5 x 214,5 mm, 25 lines a page. The last two quires, fol. 469a-487a,
are probably added from a different MS; the text measures 121 x 220
mm. The text is written on thin, glossy, yellowish and white paper in
varying, very densely written taUk and is set in red frames; from fol.
469a onwards, the paper is more yellow and the script less dense. The
index part on the third to 11 th unnumbered folios has squares in red.
Fol. lb- 2a have gilt frames. The second part is headed by a title (on fol.
221b), and the text on fol. 221b-222a is set in double red frames. The
text is headed on fol. lb by a frontispiece with the besmele. The
chapters on the reigns of the subsequent sultans are headed by titles
framed in red lines. The MS has a dark-brown leather cover without
flaps. On the recto side of the second unnumbered folio, later, Western,
notes are found, among others a list where the name of Aali occurs
in the text. On the recto side of the fourth unnumbered folio, an
elliptical stamp of Es-Sayyah es-sahir Yiisuf HacI 'Abduh (?) with the
year 1233 (1817-18) (cf. no. 61, below) is found. Library stamps with
the legend Bibliotheca Palat. Vindobonensis, occur in several places.
Copious marginal notes as well as many later underlinings and remarks
in pencil. Marginal additions and comments to the text are found on
fol. 162b and 163a-b (remarks on two fethnames of Taclzade Tugrayl,
in the chapter on the period of Bayezld II), and fol. 338b (a rectification
on the subject of the poet Hicri based on LatlfTs Tezkire, in the chapter
of poets in the period of Suleyman). Watermarks: the legends ...ND
and LANGUEDOC (in the index part), vague scrollwork and letters C
and S.
 APPENDIX II 383

45. Istanbul, Oniversite Kiitiiphanesi, Tiirkge 5959 (1-29).

Contents: Indexes, IV(1 + 2*'); IV(2) breaks off in the 33th event of the
reign of Sultan Murad III. No date of copying or copyist are men
tioned. Characteristics: 1+ 4 + 590+ 1+ 1 folios, 189x 278 and
142 x 212 (first part) / 119 x 208 mm (second part), 35 (first part) and 25
(second part) lines a page. The text is written on varying glossy,
yellowish paper in neshi and is set in gilt frames. The index-part has
been badly damaged. Frontispieces in gold with pink and white flower-
motifs occur on fol. lb and 214b (heading the second part). The first
part ends with a decoration of vegetal motifs in gold on fol. 210b. The
MS has a dark brown leather cover with flap and rosettes. Ownership
markings of Ibrahim Paa who died in 1204 (1789-90) and Hafiz
Feyzallah known as Bulbul (cf. no. 23, above) occur on fol. la.
Watermarks: crown, grapes and letters MS.
46. Istanbul, Oniversite Kiitiiphanesi, Tiirk^e 2400 (1-30).
Contents: Indexes, IV(1,,,)-IV(1,, + 2*1'); the first IV(1) breaks off with the
13th event of the reign of Sultan Mehmed II on fol. 188b; the second
IV(1) breaks off with the meeting of Sultan Bayezid I with Timur Khan
(the last custode of this part on fol. 325b has been erased). A fragment
of IV(2) the poets of the reign of Sultan Selim II until the 30th event
of that of Sultan Murad III has been inserted in the second IV(1) on
fol. 220a-309b. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 1 +327 folios, 161x280 and 99x221 mm, 29 lines a page.
The text is written on glossy, yellowish paper in ta'lik apparently by the
same hand throughout the volume. It is set in red and gilt (fol. 9b-10a
and 19lb-192a, heading the two IV(l)s). Frontispieces in gold with
pink and yellow starred bars and grey, pink, light blue and orange
flower-motifs occur on fol. 9b and 191b. The first one is provided with
a besmele. The MS has a damaged and hideously restored brown
leather cover with rosettes. The flap has been lost. A stamp of the Halis
Efendi Library occurs on the back side of the first unnumbered folio;
ownership markings of Mehmed Valide Kethiidasizade appear on fol.
9a. Watermarks: crown with grapes and the legends VEBAL (?) and
...LANDY/LANGUEDOC.
47. Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Or. 288 (Cod. 288 Warn.) (L-l). (M.J.
de Goeje and P. de Jong, Catalogus Codicum Orientalium Bibliothecae
Academiae Lugduno Batavae (CCO) III (Leiden, 1865), 28, no. deed;
Schmidt, Preface, 17-18)
Contents: IV(1",+ la+ 2*); IV(1) breaks off on fol. 303b in the bio
graphy of Mevlana 'Abdarrahman b. 'All b. Miieyyed (B II/ ulema/
14); IV(2) begins on fol. 304a with the last part of the biography of
384 APPENDIX II

Mevlana Muhylddln (S II/ 'ulema! 27) and ends after less than a folio
in the 20th event of the reign of Murad III (on 385b). No date of
copying or name of copyist are mentioned. Characteristics: 385 folios,
203x302 and 127x233 mm, 23 lines a page (but fol. 101a has 22 lines).
The text is written on paper varying in colour between light brown and
white (particularly from fol. 203 onwards), and quality: thick and
unglossed to thin and glossy. The script varies from coarse ta'lik to very
neat neshi. No frontispieces or text frames occur. The MS is bound in a
brown cardboard cover with brown leather back and flap. No Oriental
ownership markings. A critical remark of a reader appears in the
margin of fol. 179a. On fol. 385b occurs the legend Ex legato viri
Amplissi[mi] Levini Warneri on a piece of paper pasted to the MS.
Anchor-type watermarks occurring in paper manufactured in Venice in
1609, cf. Heawood, Watermarks, no. 1.
48. London, British Library, Or. 7832 (LB-1). (GOW, 129)
Contents: IV(2* + 1*); the volume contains the periods of Suleyman,
Selim II (up to the chapter on poets), the final part of that of Bayezld
II, and the chapter on Selim I. No date of copying or name of copyist
are mentioned. Characteristics: 356+ 1 folios, 202x297 and 127x240
mm, 23 lines a page. The text is written on glossy paper, varying from
white to yellowish in colour, in a great many different, often slovenly,
hands, varying from neshi to ta'lik and divarri; fol. 256a/b is most
negligently written and has many gaps. The usual red dots are some
times missing. Double red frames are found on fol. lb-2a; the text is
headed by a besmele on lb. The MS has a modern, but probably
Oriental cover in dark red leather with flap; marbled paper is pasted on
the front- and backsides. The legend All. Kunh al-Akhbar/ Turkish/
Brit. Mus. and signature stamped in gold on the back. On fol. la
occurs a British Museum stamp, a note on the contents of the volume
and references to 'All and his work. A number of marginal remarks and
interlinear corrections are found throughout the MS. On the verso-side
of the last unnumbered folio is written: Bought of D. (?) Elias Gejou,
April 12, 1913 . Watermarks: anchor.

(h) First part of the fourth pillar

49. Istanbul, Beyazit Devlet Kutiiphanesi, No. 14024 (1-31). (BA, 24, no. 2;
TTY, 20, no. 2.
Contents: Empty indexes, IV(1). Copy finished on 6 Safer 1065 (16
December 1654) by Mustafa, Katib bi l-'imareti 1-vakif, in the village of
 APPENDIX II 385

Ragusalti (?) on the commission of Mehmed Paa el-YesIrallah (?).

Characteristics: 3 +1 + 304 folios, 173 x 273 and 109 x 203 mm, 29 lines
a page. The text is written on yellowish, slightly glossy paper in neshl
and is set in red frames; on the back side of the last unnumbered folio
and on fol. la in gilt frames. A frontispiece in gold with pink, blue,
white, gold and red flower-motifs occurs on the first mentioned folio. It
is provided with the title of the book in blue neshl. The MS has a dark
brown leather cover with a nearly severed flap and rosettes. The stamp
of the Hasan Fehml Library the previous sign, was Hasan Fehmi
Paa 354 occurs in several places in the volume. The ownership
markings of erif Mustafa, valT of tskenderiye, anno 1231 (1815-16) and
an illegible one, anno 1301 (1883-84), appear on the front side of the
5th unnumbered folio.
50. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kutiiphanesi, III. Ahmed 3080 (1-32).
(TYK I, 240, no. 728)
Contents: IV(1). Copy finished in evval 1088 (November/ December
1677) by Dervl Halil b. Ibrahim ser-i zakiran (head of the zikr
performers) at the court of Koca Mustafa Paa. Characteristics:
1 + 387+ 1 folios (the occurring numbers indicate pages!), 175 x 275 and
110,5x222 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written on glossy, white
paper in ta'lik and is set in red frames, on fol. lb-2a in gold ones. On
fol. lb appears a frontispiece in gold with flower-motifs in blue and
pink; most reigns are separated by double gold bars. The MS has a
plain, dark purple, leather cover with flap. On fol. la occur a vakf
stamp with tugra of Ahmed III (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, no. 8)
and protocol stating that the book became part of the Palace Library,
the Enderiin-i hiimayiin kiitiibhanesi (cf. no. 70, below), as well as the
markings of El-Hacc Mehmed Rakim anno 1161 (1748) (cf. no. 69,
below).
51. Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kutiiphanesi, Fatih 4465 (originally (?) 4466)
(AB, 24, no. 7; TTY, 22, no. 6)
Contents: IV(1). Copy finished in 1093 (1682); no copyist is indicated.
Characteristics: 2 + 277 folios, 150x240 and 80x 180 mm, 35 lines a
page. The text is written on glossy, yellowish paper in neshi and is set in
gilt frames. No frontispieces occur. The MS has a black leather cover
with flap adorned with a gilt rosette. A vakf stamp with tugra of
Mahmud I (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, no. 11) with additional
protocol and stamp of the Inspector of the Imperial Endowments
Dervl Mustafa appears on fol. la. On lb occurs a partly erased
sentence in the Greek alphabet (cf. no. 82, below).
386 APPENDIX II

52. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Revan 1122 (I- 34).
(AB, 27, no. 33; TYK I, 238, no. 721)
Contents: IV(1). Copy finished on 9 a'ban 1143 (17 February 1731) by
Ahmed b. Mahmud. Characteristics: 2 + 403 + 2 folios, 190x 305 and
98 x 219 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written on glossy white paper
in neshi and is set in gilt frames. Rather coarse frontispieces in gold
with blue, grey and orange flower-motifs occur on fol. lb and 124b
(heading the reign of Sultan Mehmed II). The MS has a dark brown
leather cover with flap and rosettes. On front side of the second
unnumbered folio it is indicated in a list that 40 ciiz%(parts) had been
written for Yiisuf Efendi.
53. Istanbul, Arkeoloji Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, No. 361 (1-35). (AB, 26, no.
23)
Contents: IV(1). Copy finished on 17 Ramazan 1158 (13 October 1745)
by Hafiz Mehmed Kogacizade. Characteristics: 1 + 828+1 folios,
172x312 and 98,5x221,5 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written on
yellowish, glossy paper in neshi and is set in red frames. Empty spaces
occur between all sentences. Rather coarse frontispieces occur on fol.
lb in gold with grey, pink, light green and white flower-motifs pro
vided with the besmele and on 251b, heading the reign of Mehmed II, in
gold with white, blue, orange and light purple flower-motifs. The MS
has a dark brown leather cover, almost severed from the MS proper,
with flap decorated with vegetal embossment in Empire style. Illegible
ownership markings occur on the front side of the second unnumbered
folio and a library stamp, anno 1330 (1911-12) apears on fol. la where
an older stamp has been erased.
54. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. or. quart 1379[3]
(B-6). (Flemming, Handschriften, 20, no. 27)
Contents: Indexes (to this volume and the next, B-7, no. 74, below), IV
(1). The index part, fol. 1-6, added later to the MS. No date of copying
or name of copyist are mentioned. Characteristics: 1+ 1 + 335+1
folios, 165 x 275 and 95 x 205 mm, 31 lines a page. The text is written
on glossy paper, varying from white to a more yellowish colour, in clear
neshi and is set in gold frames. Gilt dots occur in the beginning. A
frontispiece in gold, red and green, on which no title was filled in and
which is ornamented with gold, red, grey, pink, light-brown and white
flower-motifs, occurs on fol. 7b. The MS has a cover, similar to B-l and
B-2 (nos. 3 and 11, above). On fol. 8a, an erased vakf stamp with tugra
(?) is visible. The MS was acquired in 1925 according to a note on fol.
la. Watermarks: scrollwork.
 APPENDIX II 387

55. Cairo, Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tankh Turk! (TTD) 332 (C-7).
Contents: IV(1). No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 389 folios, 135x240 mm, 23 lines a page. The text is
written on coarse paper in an angular tahk. No gilded frames occur.
The volume is headed by a simple frontispiece in gold. The MS has a
cardboard cover. Watermark: anchor (?), dated Venice 1609-10, cf.
Heawood, Watermarks, nos. 1-2.
56. Cairo, Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tarikh TurkI Tal'at (TTT) 89 (C-8).
Contents: IV(1). No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
On fol. 323a the date 1218 (1803-04) occurs. Characteristics: 323 folios,
182 x 281 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written in coarse ta'lik and
set in gold frames on the first two pages. The volume is headed by a
simple frontispiece in gold and silver. Abundant marginal corrections.
The MS has a dark leather cover with gilt rosettes. Watermarks: letters
VC, dated Venice 1693-96, cf. Heawood, Watermarks, no. 3102.
57. Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kiituphanesi, Hekimoglu Ali Paa 795 (1-36).
(AB, 26, no. 20; TTY, 24, no. 14)
Contents: IV(1). No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 1 + 516 folios, 200x300 and 125x220 mm, 21 lines a
page. The text is written on thick, yellowish, hardly glossy paper in very
clear nesht and is set in gilt frames. On fol. lb occurs a frontispiece in
gold with light blue, orange, white, purple and pink flower-motifs. The
MS has a black leather cover with flap and is decorated with gilt lattice-
work. Vakf stamps of Hekimoglu 'All Paa (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiir-
ler, no. 49) occur on the verso side of the first unnumbered folio and on
510b. Watermarks: three crescents (on fly-leaf) which point to paper of
early 18th-century origin, cf. Heawood, Watermarks, nos. 865-873.
58. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. Turc. 73 (originally: Qua-
tr(emere) 73) (M-l). (J. Aumer, Turkische Handschriften (Munich,
1875), 22, no. 73)
Contents: IV (1). No date of copying or name of copyist are mentio
ned. Characteristics: 268 folios, 134 x 221,5 and 86 x 177mm, 35 lines a
page. The text is written on quite thick, yellowish paper in a very neat
and small nesht, and is set in gold frames. A heavily restored and
incomplete frontispiece in gold, blue, orange and yellow without title
occurs on fol. lb. Marginal corrections in black and red ink. The MS
has a patched, dark-red, leather cover with red rosettes. The cover and
paper apparently were restored and the volume rebound in October
1960 (cf. sticker on inside of back cover). Stamps with the legend
Bibliotheca Regia Monacensis on fol. la and 268b. Watermarks: none.
388 APPENDIX II

59. Uppsala, Universitetsbibliotek, Leg. Celsing (Cels.) 19a (U-l). (C.J.

Tornberg, Codices Arabici, Persici et Turcici Bibliothecae Universitatis
Upsaliensis (Uppsala, 1849), 195, no. cclxxx)
Contents: IV(1). A part of the text in the chapter on the first building
of Constantinople, between fol. 171 and 172 seems to be missing the
frames on fol. 171b-172 also are of unequal size. Empty pages occur
between the chapters on the mollas and shaykhs of the reign of Sultan
Bayezld II (fol. 375b), between that on the shaykhs and the poets of the
same reign (fol. 391b-392b) and between it and that of the reign of
Sultan Selim I (fol. 402a). No explicit date of copying or name of
copyist are mentioned, but on several places dates are added to the
text: Muharrem 1055 (February-March 1645), on fol. 159a, Muharrem
22, 1168 (November 8, 1754), on fol. 53a, RebTu l-evvel 1172 (Novem-
ber-December 1758), on 401b, and Rebfu l-ahir 12, 1173 (December 3,
1759), on fol. 391a. At the end of chapters often lists of dates are
added, mainly concerning the biographies of the sultans. Characteris
tics: 1+ 469+ 1 folios, 165x215 and 102x166 mm, 21 lines a page. The
text is written on glossy paper of varying shades of white and some
times yellow, green, purple and pink, in various neshi (from fol. 196
also ta'ltk occurs) and is set in red frames. Broad gold frames occur on
fol. lb-2a and on fol. 402b-403a (at the beginning of the chapter of
Sultan Selim I), but no frontispieces. Marginal notes in black and red,
sometimes also set in red frames. On fol. 69b, to the chapter on the
conquest of Izmir in the reign of Sultan Bayezld I, a remark is made
about the Zafarnama of Mevlana Sharafaddln Yazdl, with a quotation
in Persian, and on fol. 192b-193a long quotations in Arabic are added
in the margins. The MS has a brown-red leather cover with flap and gilt
ornamentation, and is kept in a cardboard case with a green ribbon,
covered in bright-red leather with gilt bands and marbled paper. On the
inside of the front cover occurs a note on the contents, writer and
signature of the work in French. The signature of Gustav Celsing
occurs on fol. la.
60. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kutiiphanesi, Revan 1120 (1-37). (AB,
27, no. 31; TYK I, 238, no. 719)
Contents: IV(1*); the volume breaks off at the end of the reign of
Sultan Mehmed II with the biography of the poet Niiff; it consists of
two clearly separated and also separately numbered parts interrupted
between the periods of Sultan Murad II and Mehmed II. The copying
of the first part was finished on the night of 10 Safer 1084 (27 May
1673) and the second part on 6 Safer 1084 (23 May 1673) by MIrza b.
'Abdallah in Istanbul. Characteristics: 1 + 246 + 210+5 folios,
 APPENDIX II 389

145x200 and 99x 160 mm, 17 lines a page. The text is written on
yellowish, glossy paper in bad neshi and is not framed. No frontispieces
occur; the text is headed by a besmele on fol. lb. The MS has dark
brown leather cover with flap and gilt rosettes. On fol. la occurs a vakf
stamp with tugra of 'Osman III (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Miihurler, no. 12)
and the ownership markings of 'Osmanzade known as ehid IsmaTl
(?)
61. Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, H.O. (Historica Osmanica)
20b (V-2). (Fliigel, Handschriften II, 242, no. 1023)
Contents: IV(1*); the volume covers the chapter of Sultan Mehmed the
Conqueror. Copy finished in Rebi'ti l-evvel 1146 (August-September
1733) by Ahmed b. Mahmud. Characteristics: 2+120 + 2 folios,
173x296 and 103x221,5 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written on
hardly glossy, not quite white paper in neat neshi. No frames occur,
except for fol. lb-2a, where the text is set in gilt frames. The title of the
chapter is written in red on fol. lb. The MS has a light-brown,
cardboard-with-leather cover, with the gilt legend Aali / Tarich Ali
Osman stamped on the back. On fol. la occur folio numbers in green
ink, a note on the contents (the conquests of the age in which Yanko b.
Madyan built Istanbul), a stamp of Es-Sayyah es-sahir Yusuf (as in no.
44), and two other erased ownership markings (of which one is partially
readable: Es-Seyyid Hasan). Many marginal remarks and later pencil
notes, as in V-l (no. 42, above).
62. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi Kutuphanesi, Hazine 1359 (1-38).
(AB, 26, no. 19; TYK I, 237, no. 716)
Contents: Indexes, IV(1*); the volume breaks off with the 5th event of
the reign of Sultan Selim I. Copy finished in the last third of Zu l-hicce
1147(13-23 May 1735) by Monla Yasln. Characteristics: 1+ 6+ 1 + 275
folios, 135x240 and 85x180 mm, 31 lines a page. The text is written on
thin, white, glossy paper in neshi and is set in gilt and blue frames as are
also the verses sometimes; the pages are falling apart at the frames; the
damage is partly and inefficiently repaired. A frontispiece in gold, black
and blue with gold vegetal motifs and the (erroneous) legend Cild salts
min Kiinhi l-ahbar in red occurs on the back side of the 8th unnumbered
folio. The MS has a dark brown leather cover with flap and gilt rosettes
onto which a green satin jacket has been attached. On the front side of
the 8th unnumbered folio occurs the ownership marking of Ahmed
Cavld.
63. Istanbul, Oniversite Kutuphanesi, Turkge 2359 (1-39).
Contents: IV(1*); the volume covers the part of IV(1) from the reign of
390 APPENDIX II

Sultan Bayezld I until the biography of the poet Nihani in the reign of
Sultan Selim I. Copy finished on Friday 5 a 'ban 1276 (27 February
1860) by El-Hacc Yusuf Muhlis. Characteristics: 2 + 350 folios,
175x308 and 100x232 mm, 29 lines a page. The text is written on
glossy, yellowish, slightly marbled paper in ta'lik and is not framed. No
frontispiece(s) occur. The MS has a black cardboard cover without flap
stamped with a textile pattern. A stamp of the Halis Efendi Library
occurs on the first unnumbered folio.
64. Cairo, Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya, Tarikh TurkI Mustafa Fadil (TTM)
28 (C-9). (Ad-DaghistanI, Fihrist, 218, no. 28/8824)
Contents: IV(1*); the text breaks off with the 5th event of the reign of
Selim I; it is preceded by a summary of contents. No date of copying or
name of copyist are mentioned. The year 1245 (1829-30) occurs on the
first leaf. Characteristics: 250 folios, 140 x 245 mm, 30 lines a page. The
text is written in a beautiful neshi and set in silver frames. The volume
is headed by a frontispiece in gold with pink and blue flowers. The MS
is bound in cardboard. No watermarks occur.
65. Istanbul, Oniversite Kiituphanesi, Tiirkse 6029 (1-40).
Contents: Indexes, IV( 1*); the volume breaks off with the 5th event of
the reign of Sultan Selim I. No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 1 + 4+ 435+ 1 folios, 137, 5x 254 and
81 x 177 mm, 21 lines a page. The text is written on glossy, white paper
in neshi and is set in silver and red frames which also occur around
verses; the back side of the 5th unnumbered folio and la have double
gilt frames; the index part is set in gilt gratings. The text is headed on
the back side of the 5th unnumbered folio by a frontispiece in gold with
dark red, green, white and black flower-motifs and set in yellow and
light purple bands with stars and vegetal motifs in black and red. The
MS has a dark brown leather cover with flap and rosettes and is kept in
a red leather case with flap provided with gilt frames. No ownership
markings occur, apart from modern University stamps. Watermarks:
crown with grapes and legend SMO... (?).
66. Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kiituphanesi, Hasan Husnu Paa 915 (1-41).
(AB, 25, no. 17)
Contents: IV(1*); the volume breaks off with the 9th event of the reign
of Mehmed II. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 1 + 203 + 5 folios, 174x 292 and 86x 192 mm, 33 lines a
page. The text is written on slightly marbled, yellowish paper (19th
century?) in ta'lik and is not framed. No frontispiece(s) occur; the text
is headed by a besmele. The MS has a dark brown-red leather cover
 APPENDIX II 391

with flap adorned with gilt frames and vegetal motifs. No ownership
markings occur. Watermarks: none.
67. Turin, Bibliotheca Reale, Orientali (or.) 6 (T-l). (A. Gallotta, I
manoscritti turchi della bibliotheca reale di Torino , in: Renato Traini,
red., Studi in onore di Francesco Gabrieli nel suo ottantesimo compleanno
(Rome, 1984), 349-372, 351-352, no. 6)
Contents: IV(1*), from the beginning up to the chapter on the nine
sieges of Constantinople in the reign of Sultan Mehmed II. No date of
copying or name of copyist are mentioned. Characteristics: 91 folios,
188 x 300 and 110 x 200 mm, 33 lines a page. The text is written on fine,
yellowish, glossy paper in very small ta'lik. The text is headed by the
besmele, but no frames and frontispieces occur. Titles, red lines and
dots are omitted on the first 12 folios. The MS has a restored dark-
brown leather cover without flap decorated with gilt rosettes. The last
folio, covered with writing on one side, was glued onto different paper;
a red mim, possibly by the same copyist, occurs on the added paper.
Apart from a library stamp (bearing the cachet Ex Bibliotheca Regis
Karoli Alberti) on the inside of the front cover, there occur ownership
markings on fol. la of Es-Seyyid 'Osman (two ones were erased) and
on fol. 2a of, again, Es-Seyyid 'Osman, hadim-i harem-i erlf (?)
(servant of the Imperial Harem), and (two times) Es-Seyyid Mehmed
(?) (one has been erased). Fol. la also has a notice by Es-Seyyid Hasan
b. (?) el-Hacc 'Omer, an inhabitant of the village of Hezargrad in the
liva of Nikeboh, in which he says that he saved the manuscript from
perdition in Istanbul on Zu l-hicce 10, 1120 (20 February 1709). No
watermarks occur.
68. London, British Library, Add. (Additional) Ms. 10,004 (LB-2).
(Charles Rieu, Catalogue o f the Turkish Manuscripts in the British
Museum (London, 1888), 27-28)
Contents: IV(1*); the MS contains the chapters on Bayezld II and
Selim I. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 1 + 159+1 folios, 142x209 and 92x159 mm, 23 lines a
page. The text is written on glossy, white paper in small and close neshi.
No frames or frontis pieces occur. The MS was recently bound in black
leather and blue cardboard furnished with a crown; on the back is stam
ped in gold a title ( Menakib-i Sultan Bayezld) and the remarks:
Turkish , Brit. Mus. as well as the signature. Notes on the contents
in English are found on the first unnumbered folio. On the inside part
of the back cover occurs the ex libris sign of Frederic North with crest.
392 APPENDIX II

Library stamps (indicating the British Museum) throughout the

volume. A few marginal notes are found. Watermarks: legend of I-C.

(i) Second part of the fourth pillar

69. Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kiituphanesi, Halet Efendi 598 (1-42). (AB, 25,
no. 10; TTY, 20, no. 3)
Contents: IV(2 + 3). Added to the text is the Dasitan-i gaza-yi Egri of
'Atayi on fol. 449b-450a. Copy finished in Receb 1082 (November-
December 1671); no name of copyist is mentioned. Characteristics:
1 +450 + 2 folios, 185 x 280 and 112 x 204 mm, 25 lines a page. The text
is written on glossy, yellowish paper in neshi and ta'lik and is not
framed. No frontispiece(s) occur; the text is headed by a besmele. The
MS has a brown leather cover with flap and gilt frames. Ownerships
markings of El-Hacc Mehmed Rakim, anno 1149 (1736-37) (cf. no. 50,
above), El-Hacc Mustafa relsii l-kiittab, Mehmed SaTd and Seyyid
Halet kethiida-i rikab-i hiimayiin (warden of the Imperial Stirrup) on
fol. la.
70. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiituphanesi, III. Ahmed 3083 (1-43).
(AB, 28, no. 38; TYK I, 240, no. 729)
Contents: IV(2 + 3). Added to the text is the Dasitan-i gaza-yi Egri of
'Atayi on fol. 546a-547a. No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 547+ 1 folios, 160 x 293 and 101 x 224 mm,
31 lines a page. The text is written on glossy, white, sometimes brown
paper in neshi with suliis elements and is set in gilt frames which,
adorned with flowermotifs, occasionally also occur around verses;
double gold frames appear on fol. lb-2a. Gilt dots occur in the text. On
fol. lb occurs a coarse and heavily damaged albeit restored frontispiece
in gold with a purple rose and dark green, blue and orange vegetal
motifs. The MS has a dark brown-red leather cover with flap and
rosettes. Vakf stamp with tugra of Sultan Ahmed III (cf. Kut/Bay-
raktar, Miihurler, no. 8) with protocol stating that the book became
part of the Enderun-i hiimayun kiitubhanesi (cf. no. 50, above) as well
as ownership markings of Ni'met Efendi and El-Hacc Es'ad (cf, no. 15,
above) occur on fol. la; on the same page an owner ship sign has been
obliterated. Watermarks: crown with grapes and illegible legend.
71. Uppsala, Universitetsbibliotek, Cels. 20 (U-2). (Tornberg, Codices, 195,
no. cclxxxi)
Contents: IV(2 + 3), to which the Dasitan-i gaza-yi Egri (fol. 449a-450a)
is added. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
 APPENDIX II 393

Characteristics: 2 + 450 + 2 folios, 162 x 268 and 95 x 202,5 mm, 27 lines

a page. The text is writ ten on glossy, rather thick, whiteish paper
(which is brighter from fol. 391 onwards) in ta'lik (which varies and
becomes careless in parts from fol. 391a the chapter of the Egri
campaign, from fol. 439b, is written in a comple tely different hand)
and is set in double red frames (they lack on fol. 439b). Fol. lb-2a has
gold frames. The text is headed on fol. lb by a frontispiece in gold with
simple flower-and-leaves decoration without title. Some pages are torn,
and partly restored. The MS has a bright red, leather cover and flap
with slight gilt ornamentations; it is kept in an identical casing as U -l
(no. 59) described above. The same note on content, writer and
signature as in U-l inside the front cover. Very few marginal remarks,
from fol. 395b chapter titles were filled in afterwards and often do not
fit in the spaces which had been left open. The signature of Gustav
Celsing occurs on fol. la. Watermarks: none to be found in the text
proper.
72. Istanbul, (jniversite Kutuphanesi, Tiirk^e 1320 (1-44).
Contents: IV(2). Copy finished in Zu l-hicce 1084 (March-April 1674)
by Mehmed b. Hasan. Characteristics: 371 folios, 134x214 and
83 x 161 mm, 33 lines a page. The text is written on rather coarse,
glossy, white paper in neat neshl and is set in gilt frames. On fol. 1b
occurs a frontispiece in gold with lilac and orange frames and red,
green, blue and white flower-motifs. The MS has a dark green leather
cover and is kept in a case with flap of the same material and colour
both provided with gilt frames. A marking of the Monla Kutuphanesi
occurs on the back side of the front cover.
73. Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, Hekimoglu Ali Paa 796 (1-45).
(AB, 25, no. 10; TTY, 20, no. 3)
Contents: IV(2). Copy finished on 17 $evval 1090 (22 November 1679)
by Ahmed Hallfe in Istanbul. Characteristics: 1 + 1+ 628 folios,
200x390 and 124x215 mm, 21 lines a page. The text is written on
white and yellowish marbled, glossy paper in attractive neshl, appa
rently the same hand as in 1-33 (no. 49, above), and is set in gilt frames.
On the backside of the last unnumbered folio occurs a frontispiece in
gold, provided with an orange band with geometrical figures and
adorned with dark and light blue, yellow, red and pink flower-motifs.
The MS has a black leather cover with flap and gilt lattice work. The
vakf stamp of Heklmogh 'All Paa (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, no.
49) occurs on the verso side of the last unnumbered folio and on 628b.
74. Cambridge, University Library, Or. 2156 (CU-1). (I am obliged to
Cornell Fleischer for bringing to my attention the existence of this MS,
394 APPENDIX II

and to Dr. I. Metin Kunt, who helped me to trace the signature).

Contents: indexes (fol. lb-7a); important dates and other numbers
(years of the respective reigns) regarding the four sultans treated in the
volume (fol. 9b-10a); IV (2). Copy finished in 1090 (1679-80) by Dervl
Halil bin Ibrahim, ser-i zakiran at the court of Koca Mustafa Paa.
Characteristics: 355 folios, 179 x 287 and 117x 229 mm, 29 lines a page.
The text is written on thin, glossy, white and yellowish paper in
varying, spaced to more cursive, ta'lik and is set in silver frames (the
index-part, fol. lb-10b, has red squares; the filled-in parts are written in
varying n k a hands). Gold frames occur on fol. lib-12a and the text is
headed (on fol. 11 b) by an elaborate frontispiece in gold, blue, red with
flower-motifs in white, orange, pink and black; it is furnished with a
besmele. The MS was recently bound in red cardboard to which the
older front- and backcover in red leather, adorned with gilt flowery
arabesques, are pasted; on the back the title, Kunh al-Akhbar, is
stamped in gold. Bound in it is a small card with the text in capitals:
Liber exemptus ex legato Edwardi Granville Browne (...) MCMII -
MCMXXVI . A library stamp on fol. la indicates the year of acquisi
tion to be 1971. On fol. 11a occur a number of notes (accounts of
monthly instalments, remarks on reading dates, the title, the writer,
number of folios, change of ownership and two congratulations addres
sed to Hasan HakkI Beg) and ownership indications (of Kibrislzade
Isma'Il HakkI Efendi, Mehmed 'A rif HilmI, cadi of Istanbul (Ramazan
25, 1277 / 6 April 1861), Mermlzade Ahmed ReId (?) Efendizade Esed
Mehmed ... (?) (1284/1867-68), (in pencil:) I bought it from the former
minister of Public Instruction (ma'arif naziri) Haim Paa (ma'arif
nazir-i esbaki Ha$im Paadan mubayaa etdim) [for] 300 kuru$, 23-5-
1333(/1916)). Many marginal notes in black and red occur throughout
the volume; some of them refer to other works, such as the Shaqa iq
(168b), the Appendix (Zeyl) to the Shaqa iq by 'Atayl (245a, 288a),
the History of PesevI (226a cf. also the remark on fol. 11a, where
Pe^evfs statements about 'Alls activities as vakaniivis (annalist)
under Lala Mustafa Paa in the Persian campaign are declared to be
erroneous); some slips of paper with remarks in the same hand are also
found in the volume.
75. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiituphanesi, Revan 1126 (I- 46).
(AB, 28, no. 37; TYK I, 239, no. 725)
Contents: IV(2); there occurs a clear break between the periods of
Sultan Suleyman I and Selim II, fol. 170/71. The copying of the first
part was finished in 1093 (1682) by Mehmed b. Ahmed in Kirkkilise,
the final part in 1094 (1682-83). Characteristics: 1+ 170 + 1 + 192+1
 APPENDIX II 395

folios, 165 x 235 and 100 x 237 mm, 35 lines a page. The text is written
on yellowish, glossy paper in ta'lik and is set in red frames. No frontis
piece^) occur; the text is headed by a besmele on fol. lb. Many chapter
headings in the text are left blank. The MS has a light brown leather
cover with flap and gilt rosettes to which a torn green cloth has been
attached. On fol. la occurs a vakf stamp with tugra of 'Osman III (cf.
Kut/Bayraktar, Muhiirler, no. 12). On the same page erased ownership
markings. On fol. 362b an erased stamp of 'All b. Hasan b. ... el-Hacc
Mehmed.
76. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. or. quart 1379[4]
(B-7). (Flemming, Handschriften, 20, no. 28)
Contents: IV(2). The chapters on Sultan Suleyman, Sultan Selim II
and Sultan Murad III are separated by empty pages (fol. 178a and
236a). No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned. Characte
ristics: 378 folios (fol. 303 has been counted twice), 165x280 and
100x210 mm, 31 lines a page. The text is written on glossy paper,
varying from white to a yellowish colour, in neshi. (smaller from fol. 30,
clumsy and bigger from fol. 367) and is set in gold frames. No
frontispieces occur. Abundant marginal notes on fol. 10b-28b. At the
bottom of fol. 94b, a third page of text, concerning the end of the 55th
and the beginning of the 56th event of the reign of Sultan Suleyman, is
lacking; the gap is framed in gold. Chapter titles on fol. 334b-340a
filled in later in ta'lik script, those on fol. 340a-345a are altogether
lacking. The two quires from fol. 364 apparently were added to the
volume later. The MS has a cover similar to B-6 (no. 52, above). The
MS was acquired in 1925 according to a note on fol. la. Watermarks:
scrollwork.
77. Istanbul, tiniversite Kutuphanesi, Turk^e 2377 (1-47).
Contents: Indexes, IV(2); the volume consists of two MSS bound
together at fol. 418/419 in the 38th event of the reign of Sultan Murad
III. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned. Characteris
tics: 4+ 428+ 1 folios, 190x294 and 130x240/115x210 mm, 23 and
32 lines a page. The text is written on, respectively, yellowish and white,
hardly glossy paper in, respectively, ta'lik and small neshi, and is not
framed; the second MS was cut in order to fit in the cover. This caused
the loss of a part of the marginal text. No frontispiece(s) occur; the text
is headed by the book title in blue neshi. The MS has a dark brown
leather cover with flap and rosettes. On the front side of the second
unnumbered folio occurs a Halis Efendi Library stamp; on that of the
4th unnumbered folio the ownership markings of Es-Seyyid Mehmed b.
Serif el-Hacc Hamza Hamid Pa$azade (?) and Mehmed Sadik Valide
396 APPENDIX II

kethiidasizade (?). Watermarks: an chor, which possibly points to

paper produced in Venice in 1609-10, eft Heawood, Watermarks, nos.
1- 2.
78. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Supplement Ture (S.) 1176 (P-2). (Blo-
chet, Manuscrits II, 188)
Contents: IV(2*), the period of the reign of Sultan Suleyman including
all biographies and the chapter on the archers. The text has some
blanks, especially in the part on the viziers. The chapter on the poets
lacks the beginning until the last part of the biography of Celili (no.
21). Copy finished in 1052 (1642-43). No copyist is mentioned. Charac
teristics: 2 + 229-1-2 folios, 135x205 and 79,5x151 mm, 27 lines a
page. The text is written on thick, not quite white, semi-glossy paper in
neshi and set in red frames. Red and gilt frames occur on fol. lb-2a.
The text is headed by a coarse frontispiece in blue and gilt with red and
blue flower-motifs in the edges of the oblong caption from which the
title has been erased. The MS has a cover in dark, green leather,
marked R. Monneret 1902. It has the title Histoire de lEmpire Turc
stamped on the back. Ownership-markings of the 13th (18th-19th)
century on fol. la and 228b were erased. A stamp of Schefer on fol. la
and 229b. On fol. 229a a note on the accession of Sultan Mustafa and
his entrance into the Capital on RebVti l-evvel 21, 1222 (29 May 1807),
is added to the text.
79. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Hs. or. oct. 932 (B-
8). (Flemming, Handschriften, 21, no. 29)
Contents: IV(2*). The volume contains the chapters on the reigns of
Sultan Selim II and Murad III; the latter breaks off in the 33rd event.
They are separated by the empty fols. 88b-90a. Copy finished in Zti /-
ka'de 1068 (July-August 1658); no name of a copyist is mentioned.
Characteristics: 215 folios, 130 x 200 and 80 x 160 mm, 25 lines a page.
The text is written on rather thick, glossy, yellowish paper in ta'lik (fol.
214a-215a in small divant). Titles on fol. 2a and 90a in stilus. Slight
water damage. No frames or frontispieces occur. The MS has a modern
cardboard cover with flap and is furnished with a red leather back with
the legend 'AIT Ktinhti l-ahbar riikn-i rabi'. Extensive notes, partly cut
off, on fol. 100a-100b in Arabic and Turkish in the margin of the 5th
event of the chapter of Sultan Murad III. On fol. la the draft of the
beginning of two letters (in divam) and the solving of a chronogram are
found. The ex libris vignette of Karl Siissheim with the year 1939
occurs on the inside of the front cover. The MS also contains a separate
note in Siissheims handwriting about, among other things, the contents
of the volume.
 APPENDIX II 397

Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, A.F. (Alter Fond) 67 (V-3).

(Fliigel, Handschriften II, 242-243, no. 1024)
Contents: IV(2*); the volume covers the period of Sultan Suleyman.
The top of fol. 1 has been destroyed and is restored with the help of
different paper, consequently the first lines are partly missing. At the
bottom of fol. 93b, in the 55th event, 10 lines are missing; the text is
partially repeated on fol. 94a. The end of the chapter on the begs and
the beginning of that on the mollas (fol. 128a-137a) is arranged
erroneously: fol. 136a should follow after 127b, and 128a after 137b;
the text on fol. 136a, moreover, ends with the title of the chapter of the
mollas after 18 lines, fol. 136b is blank, fol. 137a begins, again, with the
chapter title; notes in the margins are furnished to guide the reader (on
fol. 127b, 128a, 135b, 136a, 137a, 137b and 138a). The copying of the
MS was finished in 1078 (1667-68). Characteristics: 2 + 211 + 1 + 2
folios, 98 x 223 and 28 x 155 mm, 25 lines a page. The text is written on
broken white, hardly glossy paper in ta'lik (until fol. 55b) and neshi
(from fol. 56a). No frames or frontispieces occur. The MS has a dark-
brown cardboard-with-leather cover without a flap. Marginal notes in
black and red in different hands, custodes generally are lacking from
fol. 26 onward. On the verso side of the second unnumbered folio, a
remark in neshi on the work is found, which is said to be the
Suleymanname according to the introduction which is not included. The
work is also said to be rare. On the same page also the legend: written
by the late 'All for Sultan Suleyman ( 'Ali-i merhumuh sultan Suleyman
ifun telif olunmidur). On fol. la, the title Tarih-i al-i 'Osman (jazt is
written.
Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiituphanesi, Revan 1124 (I- 48).
(AB, 28, no. 35; TYK I, 239, no. 723)
Contents IV(2*); the part of the text between the 37th event of the
reign of Sultan Murad III and The Occurence of a Calamity in Rum
in the reign of Sultan Mehmed III is lacking (cf. fol. 293a). Vestiges of
old folio numbers prove that the MS had originally been part of a
larger manuscript, cf. fol. 2a, originally indicated as 286. Copy finished
on Safer 23, 1097 (19 January 1686) by Solak Ahmed b. Mehmed
Halebl. Characteristics: 2 + 300 folios, 165x290 and 104x222 mm, 28
lines a page. The text is written on glossy, white paper in neshi and is
set in gilt frames. On fol. lb occurs a frontispiece in gold and simple
flower-motifs in black, green, dark green, dark blue and orange. The
MS has a dark brown leather cover with flap and rosettes. On fol. la
appear a vakf stamp with tugra of Mustafa III (cf. Kut/Bayraktar,
398 APPENDIX II

Muhiirler, no. 13) and the ownership markings of Ism ail el-Hasib,
anno 1155 (1742-43).
82. Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kiituphanesi, Hasan Husnu Paa 839 (miikerrer)
(1-49). (AB, 25, no. 16)
Contents: IV(2*); the chapter on the archers in the reign of Sultan
Suleyman is missing. No date of copying or name of copyist are
mentioned. Characteristics: 2+407 + 2 folios, 184x284 and 129x228
mm, 25 lines a page. The text is written on thin, white, glossy paper in
irregular ta'lik and is set in double red frames, on fol. lb- 2a in silver
frames. The text is headed by a besmele on fol. lb. The MS has a dark
brown leather cover with flap and gilt lattice-work. The ownership
markings of'O sm an Niiri es-Seyyid (cf. no. 2, above), anno 1251 (1835-
36) occur on fol. la. Notes and letter drafts in divdni, of which one is
directed by IsmaTl Efendi to the calligrapher Ahmed, anno 1143 (1730-
31), occur on the first and last unnumbered folios. Watermarks: scroll
work and letters VZ (?).
83. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiituphanesi, Revan 1125 (I- 50).
(TYK I, 239, no. 724)
Contents: IV(2*); the two parts of the MS cover the period of Sultan
Selim II and, from fol. 58b, the chapters on the reigns of Murad III and
Mehmed III. No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned; a
dated commentary in the margin of fol. 68a makes it clear that at least
the second part of the MS must have been copied before 1073 (1662-
63). Characteristics: 184+1 folios, 180x295 and 102x222 mm, 25
lines a page. The text is written on rather thick, slightly glossy, white
paper in ta'lik (first part) and neshi(second part), and is unframed. No
frontispiece(s) occur. The MS has a plain, dark brown leather cover
which tends to become severed from the binding. On fol. la appear a
vakf stamp with tugra of Mustafa III (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Muhiirler,
no. 13) and the ownership markings of El-Hacc 'Abdelkadir el-Bevvab
(another one has been obliterated). Watermarks: scrollwork.
84. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kiitiiphanesi, Revan 1293 (I- 51).
(TYK I, 240, no. 726)
Contents: IV(2*); the text begins with the reign of Sultan Selim II and
breaks off in the 36th event of the reign of Sultan Murad III. No date
of copying or name of copyist are mentioned. Characteristics: 181 + 1
folios, 155 x 245 and 88 x 186 mm, 25 lines a page. The text is written
on glossy, white paper in neshi and is set in gilt frames. No frontis
piece(s) occur. The MS has a dark brown-red cover with flap. A vakf
stamp with tugra of Mahmud I (cf. Kut/Bayraktar, Muhiirler, no. 10)
 APPENDIX II 399

occurs on fol. la. At the bottom appears a sentence in the Greek

alphabet (cf. no. 51, above). On verso of the last folio, a tarih on Sultan
Mustafa (ola daim ma'deletgahinda sultan Mustafa, May Sultan Mus
tafa always remain in his abode of justice). W atermarks: none.
85. Istanbul, Universite Kutiiphanesi, Tiirkge 2364 (1-52).
Contents: IV(2*); the volume covers the period of Sultan Suleyman and
a part of that of Selim II. The text begins with the chapter on the
archers belonging to the first period. On fol. 8a, the chapter of Selim II
begins, but it breaks off in the third event on fol. 20b. The chapter on
Sultan Suleyman (minus the archers) begins on fol. 21a. Copied by
Yakiib Vehbl, pupil of Mustafa Samir; no date of copying mentioned.
Characteristics: 3 + 192 folios, 185x300 and 107x230 mm, 27 lines a
page. The text is written on glossy white and yellowish paper in
varying, unattractive ta'lik and is not framed. No frontispiece(s) occur.
The MS has a modern red leather cover with gilt ornamentation which
is damaged at the back. On the recto side of the first unnumbered folio
appears the Halis Efendi Library stamp. Watermarks: crown with fleur-
de-lis and grapes.
86. London, British Library, Or. 32 (LB-3). (Rieu, Manuscripts, 28)
Contents: IV(2*); the volume contains the chapter on the period of
Suleyman without the (last) part which deals with the archers. No date
of copying or name of copyist occur. Characteristics: 2 + 332 + 2 folios,
137 x 198 and 96 x 157 mm, 17 lines a page. The text is written on quite
thick, glossy, white paper in cursive neshi. Red frames are set around
the text of fol. lb-lOb. No frontispieces occur. The MS has a cover
similar to LB-2 (no. 65) described above; the title on the back reads:
Ali Tarikh i A1 i Osman . British Museum stamps throughout the
volume. On the verso-side of the second unnumbered folio, notes on
the contents in English. On fol. la occur the drawing of a circle with
vegetal motifs, a besmele, a sentence in Arabic and some numbers. On
the verso-side of the first unnumbered folio after fol. 332a is written Bt
of the heirs of Rev. G. C. Renouard, 27 March 1867 . Many marginal
remarks, partly erased or cut off, throughout the volume, a great many
of which are cross-references or contain data about the author, his
oeuvre (cf. especially lb- 2a), sources and references to later works,
notably the History of PegevT they are too numerous to record here.
In the margin of fol. 331b it is written that Sancakdarzade Ahmed
Efendi finished the book on Muharrem 20 (?), 1210 (August 6 , 1795).
No watermarks occur.
87. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ancien Fonds Ture (A.F.) 94 (P-3).
(Blochet, Manuscrits I, 37-38)
400 APPENDIX II

Contents: IV(2*), from the chapter on the archers in the reign of

Sultan Suleyman until the 18th event of the reign of Sultan Murad III.
Misleading indications of the contents in Arabic script and in French
translation on fol. la. (Kiinhii l-ahbar elegantly but erroneously trans
lated as nouvelles approfondies .) A description of the whole
Essence with reference to HajI Khalifa (Katib Qelebi) on fol. la-lb in
a 17th- or 18th-century French hand. The date of March 14, 1878 is
written on fol. la. No date of copying or name of copyist are men
tioned. Characteristics: 1+ 209 folios, 147x204 and 96x 153 mm, 17
lines a page. The text is written on thick white, glossy paper in neshl.
No frames and frontispieces occur. The MS has a plain dark-brown
leather cover without a flap. On the inside of the back cover occurs the
draft of a letter in divarii by the owner Mustafa (?) to his bookseller
(bizim camm Sahhaf QelebC) in which he writes that the contents of the
book are beyond his grasp. Watermarks: crescent with star and clover
with B.
88. Uppsala, Universitetsbibliotek, Legat. Sturtz. (St.) 193 (U-3). (Torn-
berg, Codices, 195-196, no. cclxxxii)
Contents: IV(2*). The volume contains the chapter on Sultan Suley
man. The last part of the chapter on shaykhs (from the last part of the
biography of 'Abdellatlf Buhari, no. 29) and the first part of that of the
poets (until the last part of Celill of Bursa, no. 21) are lacking (fol.
184b-185a). No date of copying or name of copyist are mentioned.
Characteristics: 1 + 233 + 1 folios, 123 x 194 and 79 x 147 mm, 27 lines a
page. The text is written on glossy, thin, white paper in neat neshi
(which changes into careless ta'lik from fol. 225b onwards). There occur
no frames around the text, nor frontispieces. The volume has a dama
ged light-brown, leather cover without flap to which marble paper is
pasted on both sides. A note on the signature of the MS occurs on the
inside of the front cover. On the bottom side of the MS the title Tarlh-i
Hasan Begzade is mistakenly written. On fol. la (which is pasted
against fol. lb, of which the top has been cut off) are found the draft of
a computation, three partially erased ownership markings (to one of
which the date of Cumada l-ahir 1068 (March-April 1658) is added and
on one of which the name HacI Mustafa Sidkl (?) is still readable) and
the signature o f Adolf Fr. (?) Sturtzenbecker with the date November
9, 1721. On fol. 161b another ownership marking has been erased. A
few marginal notes occur; additional data from Al-Baric al-Yamariifil-
fath al-'Uthmdni are added to the chapter on (Jveys Paa (on fol. 143a)
and a verse of Haven is ascribed to BakI in the margin of fol. 188a.
 APPENDIX II 401

Watermarks: clover and letters V, d.

(j) Combined first, second and fourth pillars

89. Stockholm, Kungliga Bibliotek, Cod. orient. 71 (S-2). (Riedel, Katalog,

47-48, no. 71)
Contents: Indexes, l(l + 2-{index-3)-II(l}+2 + 3+4)-IV(l*). The MS
contains the first two pillars, whereby uncharacteristically no breach
occurs within the the story of Yusuf, as well as the fourth until the
reign of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror. No date of copying and name
of copyist are mentioned (but they are probably the same as for S-l,
no. 29, above). Characteristics: 1+7+520+1-1-1 folios (fol. 186 has
been counted twice the second fol. 186 contains a summary indica
tion of the chapters concerning the lives of the prophets), 188 x 298 mm
and 120x236 mm, 25 lines a page, from fol. 186a onward 31 lines a
page. The text is written on fine, glossy, whiteish paper in a very elegant
ta'lik with marked stilus elements and is set in broad gold frames.
Poetical fragments are also often separately outlined in smaller gilt
frames. The index squares on the unnumbered second to fifth folios are
also executed in gold. Slightly varying, elaborate gilt frontispieces with
multi-colored flower ornamentation and sometimes furnished with a
besmele or the title of the part or chapter concerned, occur on fol. lb
(heading the introduction), fol. 187a (heading 1(3)), fol. 286b (heading
11(2)), fol. 340b (heading 11(3)), fol. 416b (heading IV(1)), fol. 451b
(heading the chapter on Sultan Bayezid I), fol. 473b (heading the
chapter on Sultan Musa), fol. 478b (heading the chapter on Sultan
Mehmed I) and fol. 499b (heading the chapter on Murad II). Gilt dots
on the first two pages after the frontispieces. The chapter headings
introducing the reigns of the other sultans are set in gilt frames. The
MS has a bright-red, leather cover with linear gold ornamentation from
which the flap has been severed (part of it is kept separately in the MS).
The back is damaged. The leather casing described by Riedel has
apparently been lost. Few marginal corrections. Marked on the inside
of the front cover: Tarih-i 'AliEfendi, and: Donne par Mr. Berggren,
de la part de Mr. le Chevalier de Palin, Ministre de S.M. le Roi a
Constantinople, a la Bibliotheque de S.E. Mr. le Comte d Engstrom.
The MS has a separate piece of paper on which the contents are
described in Swedish, probably dating from the 18th century. Water
marks: crown, badge, also with a heart or the legend CVE... TED and
grapes.
402 APPENDIX II

(k) Combined first and fourth pillars

90. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi Kiituphanesi, Revan 1117 (1-53). (AB,
27, no. 28; TYK I, 237-238, no. 717)
Contents: 1(1+ 2)-IV(l+2). IV(1) begins on fol. 147b. No date of
copying or name of copyist are mentioned. Characteristics:
2 + 146+1 + 517 + 3+1 folios, 150x 290 and 102,5 x 216 mm, 33 lines a
page. The text is written on glossy, white to light brown paper in neshi
and is set in gilt frames. A frontispiece in gold with light purple,
orange, yellow, blue and black flower-motifs provided with the besmele
occurs on fol. lb; two colored maps of the world disc in the traditional
fashion, the second of which represents the seven climes, appear on fols.
34a and 35a. The MS has a dark brown leather cover with flap and
geometrical gilded lines and sqares which is becoming severed from the
text. A vakf stamp dated 1187 (1774) with tugra of 'Abdelhamid I (cf.
Kut/Bayraktar, Muhurler, no. 14) occurs on fol. la. Watermarks:
crown with fleur-de-lis and crescent.

(B) A s p e c t s o f t h e t e x t u a l h is t o r y 7

(a) The chronology o f the M SS

From the codicological data presented above, we might say the following in
respect to the chronology of the existing MSS.
There does not seem to have survived an autograph or an authorized
version of the work or its parts. The oldest copies appear to be one of the first
pillar: A-2 (no. 10) produced in 1610, and three copies of the fourth pillar: L-
1 (no. 47), C-7 (no. 55), 1-47 (no. 77), all of which have anchor-type
watermarks occurring in paper produced in Italy in 1609-1610. This still
leaves us with a gap of at least ten years between the moment when the
author put down his pen after having written his last additions and the
year in which the oldest MS was copied.
If we try to date the MSS, we find that only a limited number of them have
a colophon of the copyist with the dates or years in which the copy in
question was manufactured or completed: 33 (out of 90) have such a
colophon (not always for the whole MS though): 24 date from the 17th
century, seven from the 18th and one from the 19th century, remarkably from

7 See also my Some Remarks on the Textual History of which this chapter is an enlarged
and revised version.
 APPENDIX II 403

the very year, 1860, in which the printed version began to be published by the
TakvTmhdne-i amire in Istanbul.
Sometimes the MSS, in the case that they are not explicitly dated, offer
other clues that may lead to a, in most cases only approximate, dating. These
are the history of the individual MS from sources outside the MS itself,
watermarks in the paper, the identity of copyists, owners, including vakf
libraries, or patrons who commissioned the copying, datable notes, calli
graphy and/or art-historical aspects or a combination of them. All of these
possibilities occur in relation to our MSS.
If we include the data obtained from these clues, we might say that of the
26 MSS covering the first three pillars (nos. 1-26), three were produced in the
first half of the 17th century8, five in the second half of the same century 9
and sixteen in the 18th century tw o 10 cannot be further dated with any
certainty.
Of the 64 MSS of the fourth pillar or parts of it, then, six were produced in
the first half of the 17th century11, 24 in the second half of the same
century12, eighteen in the 18th13, and two in the 19th century14. The
remaining four MSS cannot be dated at all.
From the data collected so far, we get the impression that there was an
increasing demand for particularly the fourth pillar in the second half of the
17th century, which again declined in the 18th and 19th century.

(b) Canon and variants

In my Introduction, above, I have pointed to the fact that there are several
indications that the Essence as we have it was not finished15: it lacks
certain passages referred to by the writer, or shows a, sometimes odd,
obviously provisional arrangement deviating from the original scheme propo
sed by him as well. We also find repetitions of identical or similar passages in
the work and these do not all seem to have been inspired by stylistic
motives16. Most probably 'All left behind an incompletely edited text some

8 C -l, no. 1; A-2, no. 10; 1-11, no. 17.

9 1-1, no. 2; 1-2, no. 5; 1-5, no. 8 ; 1-6, no. 9; C-2, no. 11.
10 B-l, no. 4; B-2, no. 21.
11 1-21, no. 30; L -l, no. 47; C-7, no. 55; U -l, no. 59; 1-47, no. 77; P-2, no. 78.
11 1-22, no. 31; 1-23, no. 32; B-4, no. 33; 1-24, no. 34; B-5, no. 35; 1-25, no. 36; C-4, no. 37; I-
26, no. 40; 1-27, no. 41; 1-31, no. 49; 1-32, no. 50; 1-33, no. 51; C-8 , no. 56; 1-37, no. 60; 1-42, no.
69; 1-44, 72; 1-45, no. 73; CU-1, no. 74; 1-46, no. 75; B-8 , no. 79; V-3, no. 80; 1-48, no. 81; 1-50,
no. 83; U-3, no. 8 8 .
13 1-19, no. 17; 1-20, no. 28; S-l, no. 29; C-5, no. 38; 1-28, no. 42; 1-29, no. 45; 1-34, no. 52; I-
35, no. 53; 1-36, 57; V-2, no. 61; 1-38, no. 62; T -l, no. 67; 1-43, no. 70; 1-51, no. 84; 1-52, no. 8 6 ;
LB-3, no. 87; S-2, 89; 1-53, no. 90.
14 1-39, no. 62; 1-41, no. 6 6 .
13 P. 3.
16 Cf. above, p. 220.
404 APPENDIX II

chapters of which had not yet been written while others had been discarded
(but not always destroyed). From these papers the canonical Essence as
we know it, that is: the text represented by the majority of MSS, was formed.
This canonical text shows the form as it more or less appears in the printed
edition for the history up to 1453 plus the following period of Ottoman
history until the Egri campaign of 1596: 1(1 + 2 +3) - 11(1 + 2 + 3 + 4) -
111(1 + 2+ 3) - IV(l + 2). Codicological evidence suggests that later collectors
and copyists, particularly those active during the first twenty years after the
authors death, have contributed to the forming of this canon.
From explicit statements in some MSS, it is clear that later copyists,
binders or patrons, were not averse to interfering with the text. In the MS I-
18 (no. 26), a copyist justified the binding of two pillars into one volume with
the argument that the two volumes (namely I-I 8 and 1-38 (no. 62), which
were part of one set) were alike in size (iki cildiin hacmlari berdber olmak
ieiin). Another copyist, and/or scholar, took the liberty of writing his own
version of II(I). In MS I-I 6 (no. 24), on fol. 289a, we read:
The first part (of the Essence11) ends here... Know then that because the
following part of the Essence" has not been found, we have dared to complete
it with the help of God... from the late 'AIT Efendis Ziibdetii t-tevarih, the
History of Mevlana Lari and the book called Mirat al-ka mat.

It is indeed debatable whether 'AIT ever intended II(I), as it exists in the

canonical version (in which it is identical with the corresponding part of the
Ziibdet11), to be part of the Essence .
The non-canonical parts and most important variants found in MSS of the
Essence are the following:
(1) The oldest MS A-2 (no. 10) is the only one that contains part 1(4), a
substantial history of the historical nations , which was clearly plan
ned by 'AIT for the first pillar (even if not exactly in the form as, or in
the place where it occurs in the MS)1718. Later copyists either did not
know this part or it was deliberately discarded by the author or, more
likely, by later elaborators. Fragments from the chapter also occur in
II(5/e) and IV(2/ M II/ c: 8*).
(2) MS L-l (no. 47) is the only MS that contains IV(la), the complete
authors preface to the fourth pillar19. The fragment was perhaps lost
in an early stage of the textual tradition, either because it was suppres
sed or through an error of binding. MS C-7 (no. 55), written in a
similar hand and on similar paper as MS L-l, and even possibly by the

17 Cf. above, Chapter One, (4), no. 3.

18 Cf. K.A I, 14.
19 Cf. Schmidt, P re fa c e , 19-20.
 APPENDIX II 405

same copyist, shows a similar textual ordering, that is, the same text per
page, as L-l. The first and last words (mehur / berhordar) of the
fragment contained in L-l coincide exactly with the last word on fol. 3b
(mehur) and the first one on fol. 4a (berhordar) in C-7. Probably C-7
was one of the MSS through which the copyist, his atelier or his patron,
gave birth to the the widespread defective version of the preface of the
fourth pillar.
(3) We have possibly a comparable case in a much smaller variant occur
ring in IV(2/ MU III/ 38-39*). Roughly half of the MSS have a
fragment of some fifteen short sentences which forms a rather artificial
narrative bridge between the story of the return of Kapudan Ibrahim
Paa from Libya and the circumstances before the third appointment of
Sinan Paa to the grand-vizierate in 1593. The other MSS do not have
this fragment but show a gap in the text, either represented by an open
space of half a page or in a continuing text, which begins with an
incomplete sentence of nine words that does not occur in the full
versions. The defective transition exactly coincides with the transition
of the text in MS 1-47 (no. 77) between fols. 418 and 419 where two
parts of different MSS were probably deliberately but erroneously
bound together. This erroneous binding is perhaps the origin of the
second defective tradition. The full first part of this MS may have
contained a fuller second but different bridge in the text which has
not survived in other MSS.
(4) Part IV(3) occurs only in seven20 out of 44 MSS which contain the
second part of the fourth pillar. It seems likely that the author
discarded this part, in which Qigalazade Yusuf Sinan Paa is excessively
praised and appealed to, after the latters dismissal in December
I59621. Perhaps the chapter was later included by copyists for stylistic
reasons: without it the Essence lacks a formal conclusive chapter in
which the author for the last time turns to his readers.
(5) Part 11(5) occurs in five22 out of eleven MSS which contain the second
pillar. As mentioned above, the last chapter (II(5/e)) also occurs in 1(4).
(6) Part 111(4+5) occurs in four 23 out of eight MSS which contain the
third pillar. As mentioned above24, the chapters of this part also occur
in 'Airs Fusiil.

20 1-19, no 27; 1-20, no. 28; S-l, no. 29; 1-42, no. 69; 1-43, no. 70; U-2, no. 71; S-2, 89.
21 Cf. above, pp. 205, 234.
22 B-2, no. 13; 1-9, no. 15 (partially); 1-15, no. 23; 1-17, no. 25; 1-18, no. 26.
22 C-3, no. 19; 1-15, no. 23; 1-17, no. 25; 1-18, no. 26.
24 Chapter One, (4), no. 11.
406 APPENDIX II

It might be argued for these latter two parts, as for 11(1) (cf. above), that they
were never authorized by the author, or were perhaps never written by him,
but were equally the product of later redactors who used parts of the History
and other existing works of the author to complete the canon.
Apart from these major variants and traces of what are probably posthu
mous redactional interventions, and apart from the incompleteness or con
fused patchwork of many individual MSS, we find a number of minor
variants on the level of the word, sentence and short paragraph which were
obviously due to minor stylistical interventions (e.g. adaptations of ortho
graphy or exchange of equivalents, such as altim for JilurT) or scribal errors.
An exhaustive comparison of all the MSS might open the way to a more
detailed reconstruction of the textual history, but I doubt whether the results
would justify the enormous labour. On the whole, the Essence shares its
textual history with many other later, at least court-directed, Ottoman texts:
a generally flawless reproduction of the text in its main divisions in clear neshi
and ta'lik during no less than 250 years from about 1610 until 1860. The
relatively complex language and elevated style left little room for personal
improvisation and deliberate alteration by the copyist25 as was often the case
with the early Ottoman chronicles and Western medieval texts which used to
be subject to periodical revisions to accomodate altered literary sensitivities or
expectations26.
Many MSS of the Essence were in, or after a shorter or longer period
came into, the possession of courtiers and the palace library in Istanbul,
particularly in the 18th century (cf. below). The popularity of the book in
these circles was perhaps partly also due to its attractiveness as a collectors
item or present rather than as a book to read and study. Most of these MSS
were excellently calligraphed on expensive paper and contain gilt frames and
magnificent, multicolored frontispieces. There was hardly room for marginal
corrections and notes in them, and they thus contributed to the creation of a
smooth, largely unaltered textual tradition of the History. One MS (C-4, no.
37) which came into the possession of the Khedival Library (at present the
Egyptian Library) in Cairo, also contains a dozen miniatures of superb
quality. Four other MSS of the first pillar 27 have coloured drawings of the
world disc and globe, both in the traditional and modern (18th-century)
European fashion. But these were probably commissioned more for the sake
of learning than to please the eye. Only one of them became part of the
palace collection (MS 1-53, no. 90).

25 Cf. Menage, Beginnings, 168.

26 Cf. Ward, Some Principles, 122; Von Tippelskirch, Die "fVeltchronik", 172-173.
27 A -l, no 3; 1-12, no. 18; 1-15, no. 23; 1-53, no. 90.
 APPENDIX II 407

In most MSS we find traces which throw some light upon the men who
copied, possessed, or studied the book or its parts, and thus on the history of
the Essence .

(c) Copyists
Copyists sometimes made more than one copy of the work. This may point to
a certain specialisation: Ibrahim BezmI, possibly identical with the poet of the
same name who died in 1688-8928, copied two MSS of the fourth pillar 29 in
ta'lik script, one of them in 1672-73 possibly for himself, which came into the
possession of the Nuruosmaniye Library (opened in December 175530) and
the collection of Mehmed Es'ad Efendi (d. 1166/1752-53). A certain Dervish
Halil b. Ibrahim was head of the zakiran at the court of Koca Mustafa Pa$a
(d. 1727-28)31. He produced a first and second part of the fourth volume 32 in
subsequently November/December 1677 and 1679-80, both in ta'lik. The first
copy came into the possession of Mehmed Rakim Pa$a (d. 1770) in 1748 (he
had already a copy of the second part of the same pillar, MS 1-42, no. 69,
acquired in 1736-37) and later passed to the Library of Sultan Ahmed III. A
certain Ahmed b. Mahmud was ready with a first part of the fourth pillar,
written in neshhi script, on February 17, 1731, probably in commission from
a certain Yusuf Efendi, which later came into the possession of the Topkapi
Palace Library (MS 1-34, no. 52). In August/September 1733, he was ready
with a chapter of the same part, also in neshi and probably for the same
patron, whose stamp occurs in the book. The MS is now kept in the National
Library of Vienna (MS V-2, no. 61). Ya'kub Vehbi, a pupil of Mustafa
Samir, working in the second half of the 18th century and apparently not a
great artist he copied parts of the fourth pillar (MS 1-52, no. 86) is
known to have copied other MSS kept in the Topkapi Palace Library33.
Sometimes copyists, if not known from other sources, may be further
identified by their (second) profession as in the case of Dervish Halil
mentioned above. A certain Ahmed b. Mehmed, who copied a fourth pillar in
the autumn of 1674, wrote that he was head of the mu ezzins of the Mosque
of Sultan Selim in Istanbul (1-24, no. 34). From his colophons in the MSS we
are also able to get an idea how long the work occupied him: while he
finished the second part of the book in June/July of that year, he was ready
with the first part of 248 folios (of 29 lines per page) on October 24 next, and
must have copied an average two folios per day. The anonymous copyist of

28 Cf. Sohrweide, Handschriften, 130.

28 MSS 1-23, no. 32; 1-27, no. 41.
30 Cf. Erunsal, Vakif Kiituphaneleri, 100.
31 Cf. Mehmed Sureyya, Sicillri 'Osmdni (hereafter SO), 4 vols. (Istanbul, 1308-15), IV, 422.
32 MSS 1-32, no. 50; CU-1, no. 74.
33 C f TYK II, 521.
 r

408 APPENDIX II

MS A-2 (no. 10) copied 231 folios of 19 lines per page, thus completing an
average 10,5 folios per day. A certain MTrza b. 'Abdallah finished 210 folios
of a fourth pillar (1-37, no. 60) on May 23, 1673 and another 246 folios (of 17
lines per page) of the same MS on May 27 of the same year. This would point
to a production of 61 and a half not too densely written folios per day; but it
is questionable whether the copyist worked straight through the volume as we
have it.
Apart from poets, dervishes and mu ezzins, we encounter a guardsman of
the sultan (solak), Ahmed b. Mehmed of Aleppo (January 1686, MS 1-48, no.
81); a katib of the 'imaret at a place called Ragusalti who produced a part of
the fourth pillar for a certain Mehmed Paa (December 1654, MS 1-31, no.
49); a Molla Yasln (May 1735, MS 1-38, no. 62); a seyyid, Seyyid Hasan b.
Seyyid Mustafa of Istanbul who copied three pillars, with which he was ready
on February 11, 1740 (MS 1-15, no. 23). Finally we find an imam ('All b.
Hasan KirkkilavT, at the mosque of Dellalzade, anno 1673-74, MS B-4, no.
33); and the sons of a cadi (Hiiseyn KazTzade, anno 1748-49, MS C-3, no. 19)
and a bucketmaker (Hafiz Mehmed Kogacizade, October 1745, MS 1-35, no.
53). They worked in Istanbul: MTrza b. 'Abdallah (cf. above), Ahmed Hallfe
(November 1679, MS 1-45, no. 73), Ahmed b. Mehmed (cf. above), and
probably also the seyyid mentioned above. Other places were Cairo ('Abbas
al-MawsulT, November 1694, MS C-2, no. 11); Kirkkilise (Mehmed b.
Ahmed, in 1682-83, MS 1-46, no. 75; he is perhaps identical with the copyist
who worked in the old mosque of 'AIT Paa, August 1684, MS 1-25, no.
36); Kirk Kiliya (the same as Kirkkilise?; 'AIT b. Hasan, cf. above); Akker-
man (Mahmud 'AbdalvafT, December 1684, MS 1-5, 8); and Ragusalti
(Mustafa, cf. above).
A majority of the copies that contain the mark of their copyists thus seem,
not unexpectedly, to have been produced in the capital but it is striking that a
number of volumes was also copied in quite small provincial towns, some
times, as in the case of Akkerman, far from the capital. Copyists seem often
to have been members of, or born into, the 'ilmiye or were otherwise
connected with local religious institutions.

(d) Private owners and libraries

Many of the students of 'A lfs Essence, Ottomans and Western orientalists,
came into the possession of MSS of the work. Some of these, known
indirectly from literature, do not seem to have come down to us.
As mentioned above34, we know that the historian Pe^evT was in the
possession of a copy of the fourth pillar. The later historian Na'Ima used a
copy of his informant Huseyn Ma'anogh (d. 1690-91) which had been copied

3* Cf., Introduction, p. 13.

 APPENDIX II 409

by Qevri Qelebi35. This last MS does not seem to have survived. Dimitrie
Cantemir found a copy of the fourth pillar, containing the four periods from
Mehmed II until Suleyman chez un Grec de Philippopolis (Filibe, Plovdiv),
il faut quil soit unique, car je nai vu nulle part aucune copie. Je le laissai a
Constantinople, lorsque je quittai cette ville, & j apprends quil est tombe
entre les mains de Jean Maurocordato Interprete a la Cour Othomane... 36.
Jean-Nicolas Mavrocordato (1671-1730) collected a rich library and was,
apart from dragoman at the Divan, like Cantemir, several times voyvoda37. A
MS as described by Cantemir does not seem to have survived either.
Joseph von Hammer who was employed in the Austrian diplomatic service
sojourned in the Ottoman Empire during the years 1799-1802 and 1802-
180738. He owned the Vienna MSS V-l (no. 44) and V-2 (no. 61), both
described in his History39, which still contain many pencil annotations in his
hand. Although most of his 500 MSS were bought on the Istanbul market40,
his MSS of the Essence were apparently acquired in Europe: they were still
in the possession of a certain HacI Yusuf in 1817-18.
Karl Sussheim, who was in Istanbul during the years 1902-1906, 1908, and
1911-1912, and like Hammer, was an avid collector of MSS41, bought a
number of copies which are now in the possession of the Berlin Library. The
MSS B-3 (no. 21), B-5 (no. 35) and B-8 (no. 79) have the ex libris vignettes of
the scholar and were most probably sold by his widow to the Westdeutsche
Bibliothek (later Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz) in I96042. The
complete set Ms. or. 137943 obtained by this Library in 1925 were most
probably also from the Sussheim collection. It is known from his unpublished
diary 44 that he mediated in the purchase of MSS for the library. On
November 8, 1908, he noted that he bought the last three parts of the fourth
pillar of the Essence as well as a first volume of the Tacii t-tevarlh for 60
kuru4S. It is perhaps interesting to add that Mahmud Kemal (Inal) in about

35 Thomas, A Study o f Naima, 144.

38 Histoire I, 120; cf. ibidem, 191, n. 12.
31 I. Parmaksizoglu, Mavrokordato, Nicolas, TA,
38 Cf. Osterreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815-1950 II (Graz and Cologne, 1959), 165-
169.
39 GOR IX, 190; Hammer was under the impression that no other European library owned a
copy of the work at that time.
40 Cf. Joseph von Hammer, Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben (Vienna and Leipzig, 1940), 46-
47, 133.
41 Barbara Flemming, Karl Sussheim 1878-1947, in: Der Islam 56 (1979), 2-8, 2-4;
Handschriften, x.
42 Flemming, Handschriften, x.
43 B-l, no. 4; B-2, no. 13; B-6 , no. 54; B-7, no. 76.
44 In the same library, Hs. or. 1135.
45 'AIT Tarihinden riikn-i rabi'in son ktsmtyla Tacii t-tevdrih'in cildri evvelini 60 gurufa iftira
etdim, Vakayi'-i riizmerrem (Diary) III (Hs. or. 1135.3), 20a; meant is probably MS B-7 (no. 76);
if so, the three parts would refer to the three main chapters of the MS.
410 APPENDIX II

the same period had to pay 70 kurus for an autographed risale by 'All on the
Istanbul book-market, which price went far beyond his means46.
But not only scholars of whom we know from other sources that they were
interested in 'All's work owned, studied or read MSS of the Essence . Most
MSS contain ownership markings and vakf seals. These, as far they can be
deciphered, make it possible to obtain further insight into the reception of the
Essence, and we are sometimes able to follow their wanderings through a
long period of time.
From these markings, we can further identify as owners, apart from the
better-known collectors and founders of vakf libraries (cf. below): Ahmed
Cavld, probably the historian (d. 1803)47, who owned an almost complete set
of the Essence (MSS 1-12, no. 18, anno 1776-77; 1-18, no. 26, anno 1785-
86; 1-38, no. 62); 'Abdallah Ramazanzade, the defter emini (d. I730-31)48
(MS 1-17, no. 25); Mehmed Rakim Pa$a (MSS 1-32, no. 50; 1-42, no. 69; cf.
also above); Mehmed b. Hamza Hamid Pagazade, a molla of Mecca who
lived in the second half of the 18th century 49 (MS 1-47, no. 77), and a
minister of Public Instruction, Ha$im Pa$a (1862-1926) (MS CU-1, no. 74).
If the owners are not identifiable, we often find indications of a profes
sional nature, which point to the social strata in which copies of the History
circulated. One owner seems to have been a descendent of the Shamhals of
Daghistan: Mehmed b. (?) Mustafa el-Emlr emhal (?) Hazret Hanzade (MS
1-11, no. 17, anno 1640-41). We further come across many high officials,
connected with the court, the 'ilmiye, and the more strictly secular parts of
the administration. Of the first category, we find a swordbearer of the sultan
(MS I-Il, no. 17), a sergeant of the sultans bodyguard (hasekt) (MS I- 2, no.
5), the son of a majordomo of the sultans mother (valide kethiidasi) (MSS I-
30, no. 46; 1-47, no. 77), a hadim of the Harem (MS T-l, no. 67), a
chamberlain (bevvab) (MS 1-50, no. 83), and lower down: a silihdar (guard)
(MS C-4, no. 37), the son of a standardbearer (sancakdar) (MS LB-3, no. 86)
and a (avus of Belgrade (MS 1-11, no. 17). Of the second group, we come
across a s^yhii l-lslam (MS C-3, no. 19), a mufti (not necessarily the owner,
MS B-4, no. 33), cadis (MSS 1-11, no. 17; CU-1, no. 74), the son of a cadi
(MS 1-21, no. 30), down to huffaz-i Kuran, men who knew the Koran by
heart (MSS 1-15, no. 23; I-2I, no. 30). Of the last group, one finds a reisu l-
kiittab (MS 1-42, no. 69), a vizier (MS 1-11, no 17), a valt of tskenderiye (MS
I-3I, no. 49), a number of pashas and sons of pashas, but also what appear to
be lower bureaucrats, such as katibs (MSS 1-2, no. 5; 1-12, no. 31), an
accountant (hasib) (MS 1-48, no. 81), and a treasurer (kisedar) (MS P-1, no.

INAL, 102.
47SO IV, 313-315.
48SO III, 374-375.
49SO II, 255.
 APPENDIX II 411

43). A number of men style themselves seyyids or hajis. We find also

geographical indications: owners came from places as varied as Bandirma
(MS B-l, no. 4), Hezargrad (MS T-l, no. 67), Fas (Fez) (MS 1-26, no. 40) or
Cyprus (MS CU-1, no. 74). One shaykh, Mustafa of Antakya, even bought a
copy as late as 1874-75 (MS C-5, no. 38).
Particularly from the early 18th century onwards, an increasing number of
MSS became part of dynastic libraries, both in Istanbul and Cairo, or
Istanbul vakf libraries which later became effectively or administratively part
of the Suleymaniye complex (nos. 2-9, below). This tended to limit their
availability to scholars: the Topkapi library could only be used by palace
personnel50 and from this period onward (I am speaking of pre-Republican
times) it became virtually impossible to borrow books from at least a great
number of the vakf libraries in Istanbul51. This undoubtedly lay behind to
Cantemirs remark about the rarity of the work. But on the other hand it was
not (always) impossible, even for a foreigner, to study library books on the
spot: Joseph von Hammer recorded that he was allowed to work in the
Hamidiye Library during the years 1799-180052.
If we follow the fate of the majority of MSS at present kept in Istanbul
libraries, about which we are fairly well informed, we can say that from the
founding in the early 18th century (by Sultan Ahmed III, ruled 1703-30)53 up
to the early 19th century, seventeen MSS of the Essence became part of (1)
the Topkapi (Yeni) Library54. Smaller collections became part of (2) the
library founded by Grand vizier Heklmogh 'All Paa (d. 1758) in Davudpaa
in the 1730s55; (3) the Fatih Library, renewed and enriched by Sultan
Mahmud I in 174256; (4) the library founded by eyhii l-Isldm Mehmed
Es'ad Efendi (d. 1752-53) in the medrese next to the Isma'Il Efendi Mosque in
175457; (5) the Nuruosmaniye Library founded by Sultan 'Osman III and
opened in 175558; (6) the Hamidiye Library founded by Sultan 'Abdelhamid

50 Cf. above, p. 60.

51 Cf. Erunsal, Vakif Kiitiiphaneleri, 257 ff.; these included the Selim Aga Library, ibidem,
261, and Halet Efendi Library, ibidem.
52 Hammer, Erinnerungen, 46.
53 Erunsal, Vakif Kiitiiphaneleri, 258.
54 MSS 1-4, no. 7; 1-9, no. 15; I-I4, no. 22; I-I7, no. 25; I- 18, no. 26; 1-20, no. 28; 1-26, no.
40; 1-32, no. 50; 1-34, no. 52; 1-37, no. 60; 1-38, no. 62,1-43, no. 70; 1-46. no. 75; 1-48, no. 81; I-
50, no. 83; 1-51, no. 84; 1-53, no. 90.
55 Cf. Erunsal, Vakif Kiitiiphaneleri 84; Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, 92; MSS 1-36, no. 57; 1-45,
no. 73.
50 Cf. Erunsal, Vakif Kiitiiphaneleri, 84; Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, 17; MSS 1-21. no. 30; 1-33,
no. 51.
17 Cf. Erunsal, Vakif Kiitiiphaneleri, 258; Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiiler, 106; MSS I-II, no. 17; I-
27, no. 41.
58 Cf. Erunsal, Vakif Kiitiiphaneleri, 100; MSS I-10, no. 16; I- 19, no. 27; 1-23, no. 32; 1-25,
no. 36.
 T

412 APPENDIX II

I in Bahgekapi in 1781 59 the collection was enriched with MS 1-7 (no. 12)
by Lala ismaTl in 1784-8560; (7) the library of HacI Selim Aga (d. 1788-89)
built in 1781-82 in Uskiidar61; (8) the library of Halet Efendi (Seyyid
Mehmed SaTd) (1760-1823), ambassador to Paris, founded in Galata from
181962; and (9) the library of Hasan Husnu Pa$a (1823-1903), minister of the
navy, founded in Eyiib63.
The other fifteen Istanbul MSS became in the 19th century part of (10) the
Bayezid State Library founded in 1883 (MS 1-31, no. 49, previously in the
possession of the scholar and politician Hasan Fehml Paa, 1836-1910); (II)
the Archeological Museum founded in 189264; and the Daru l-funun (later:
University) Library65. These included, from 1924-25, the large collections of
Yusuf Halis Efendi (1805-1882)66 and Sahib Molla (Monla)67.
The first MS of the Essence that seems to have reached the West was the
Leiden MS L-l (no. 47), which was bought or had been commissioned to be
copied in Istanbul by the Dutch diplomat, orientalist and book-collector
Levinus Warner (1619-1665) who lived in the Ottoman capital from 1645.
The MS, together with one of the Fusul, was bequeathed to the Leiden
University Library and arrived in Holland, probably in the form of an
incomplete number of unbound quires, in 1674 68. For some time, though, the
work remained unnoticed by European scholars; early literature on Ottoman
letters and bibliography such as that of Donado 69 or, in the next century,
that of Toderini70, does not mention the Essence .
In the 18th century, a number of copies were collected by Swedes. A certain
Adolf (?) Sturtzenbecker, perhaps an ancestor of the 19th-century writer,
acquired a MS of the chapter on Sultan Suleyman on November 9, 1721 (the
Uppsala MS U-3, no. 88). Gustav Celsing (1723-1789), book-collector and
Swedish envoy to the Porte in 1747-1771, also bequeathed two MSS, forming a
complete fourth pillar, to the Uppsala University Library71. Nils Gustaf,
59 Cf. Erunsal, Vakif Kiituphaneleri, 108; MSS 1-3, no. 6 ; 1-8, no. 14; 1-13, no. 20; 1-28, no.
42.
Cf. Erunsal, ibidem, 109; Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, 158.
60
Cf. Erunsal, ibidem, 110; Kut/Bayraktar, Muhiirler, 190; MSS 1-2, no. 5; 1-22, no. 31.
61
Cf. Erunsal, Vakif Kiituphaneleri, 126-127; Kut/Bayraktar, Miihiirler, 147; MS 1-42, no. 69.
62
Cf. Kut/Bayraktar, ibidem, 149; MSS I-1, no. 2; 1-41, no. 6 6 ; 1-49, no. 82.
63
Cf. Giiney Kut, Istanbul'daki yazma kiituphaneleri, in: Tarih Dergisi 33 (1980-81), 341-
64
374, 362; MS 1-35, no. 53, from 1911-12.
65 1-5, no. 8 ; 1-6, no. 9; 1-12, no. 18; 1-15, no. 23; 1-16, no. 24; 1-24, no. 34; 1-29, no. 45; 1-30,
no. 46; 1-39, no. 63; 1-40, no. 65; 1-44, no. 72; 1-47, no. 77; 1-52, no. 85.
66 Cf. Kut, Yazma kiituphaneleri , 365; MSS 1-5, no. 8 ; 1-30, no. 46; 1-39, no. 63; 1-47, no.
77.
97 Cf. Kut, ibidem; MS 1-44, no 72.
68 Cf. Schmidt, Preface, 18.
69 G.B. Donado, Della Letteratura de' Turchi (Venice, 1688)
70 Giambatista Toderini, Letteratura Turchesca (Venice, 1787)
71 Cf. Svenskt Biografisk Lexikon (hereafter SBL) VIII (Stockholm, 1929), 216-226; on his
collection, ibidem, 225; MSS U -l, no. 59; U-2, no. 71.
 APPENDIX II 413

Count Palin (1765-1842), Swedish envoy in Istanbul in 1796-1799 and 1805-

1824, traveller and egyptologist he was son-in-law and successor in Istanbul
of the famous Armenian-Swedish diplomat and orientalist Mouradgea
dOhsson (1740-1807) had the legationspredikant and oriental traveller
Jacob Berggren (1790-1868) present an expensive set of the Essence (which
perhaps had belonged to his father-in-law) to his fellow-diplomat Count Jon
E. Engstrom (1781-1850), through whom the volumes came into the posses
sion of the Royal Library in Stockholm72.
In the early 19th century, Joseph von Hammer acquired two copies of the
Essence, later in the possession of the Vienna Court Library73. Although
French orientalists were acquainted with 'AlFs Fusul in the early 18th
century74, copies of the fourth pillar of the Essence only reached France at
the end of the next one. Three specimens came into the possession of the
National Library in Paris in the years 1878, 1900 and 1902 (MSS P-1, no. 43;
P-2, no. 78; P-3, no. 87), the first two from the collection of C.H.A. Schefer
(1820-1898), who had been dragoman in several posts in the Middle East
(from 1853 in Istanbul) and was later appointed professor of Persian in Paris.
Also acquired in the early 19th century by Europeans who were perhaps
stimulated by the pioneering work of Hammer, were a fragmentary fourth
pillar now kept in the British Library (MS LB-2, no. 68) and originally in the
possession of the Greek scholar and philhellene Frederic North (1766-
1827)75, the Munich MS (M -l, no. 58) from the collection of the French
orientalist (and pupil of De Sacy), librarian and professor of Persian, E.M.
Quatremere (1782-1857), and the London MS LB-3 (no. 86), sold to the
British Library in 1867 by the heirs of G.C. Renouard (1780-1867). The latter
had been chaplain to the British Embassy in Istanbul in 1804-1806, the same
to the Izmir factory in 1811-1814, professor of Arabic in Cambridge in 1815-
1821, and a corrector of the Turkish translation of the Bible undertaken by
the Foreign Bible Society76. The third London MS (LB-1, no. 48) was
bought by the same library in 1913 from a certain Elias Gejou. The
Cambridge MS (CU-1, no. 74), produced in 1679-80, changed hands at least
four times until it was sold for 300 kuruf by Ha$im Pa$a on May 23, 1915,
and came, probably at a later date, into the possession of the Persian scholar
E.G. Browne (1862-1926), whose heirs donated the MS to the Cambridge
University Library in 1971.

72 Cf. Biographiskt Lexicon dfver Namnkunnige Svenska Man XI (Uppsala, 1845), 5-6; SBL
III (Stockholm, 1922), 508-511; SBL XIII (Stockholm, 1950), 689; MSS S-l, no. 29; S-2, no. 89.
73 Cf. above, p. 409.
74 Cf. above, Introduction, p. 5.
75 Cf. Dictionary o f National Biography (hereafter DNB) XLI (London, 1895), 164-166; on his
collection of books and MSS, ibidem, 165.
7 Cf. DNB XLVIII (London, 1896), 22-23.
414 APPENDIX II

The extensive Berlin collection, we have seen, was entirely acquired in the
20th century through the exertions of Karl Siissheim, with the exception of
the recently bought B-4 (no. 33). Of the other European MSS not yet
mentioned here, the Vienna MS V-2 (no. 80) (probably the MS NO. 470 of
the Court Library mentioned by Hammer77) and the Turin MS T-l (no. 67),
we do not know how or when they arrived in the West. The Turin MS
somehow came into the possession of the library of King Charles Albert of
Sardinia (1798-1849, ruled 1831-1849). It contains a curious note of a certain
Seyyid Hasan, an inhabitant of Hezargrad, who wrote that he bought the
copy on February 20, 1709, saving it from perdition in Istanbul .

(e) Users and readers

A last source of information of text-historical nature are the traces of owners,
readers and correctors other than ownership markings that have been left in
the MSS. Not unexpectedly, these occur most frequently in the MSS that
were not sooner or later retired from the market to be turned into a vakf in
one of the, particularly, dynastic libraries. These data cast some more,
ephemeral but precious, light on the reception of the work.
The insides of covers, and especially the unused pages in the front and back
were often used to mark, sometimes erroneously, the title and author of the
book and names of the owners, sometimes the dates and place-names of the
purchase. But owners also used this space for scribbling notes which had
nothing to do with the MSS themselves. We find prayers: by Siddik Aga for
his son Mustafa on the occasion of his birthday on April 10, 1790 (MS A-l,
no. 3); the formula of an Afura prayer with commentary about its beneficial
use (if read ten times, one will not die that year) (MS 1-7, no. 12); the
solution of a chronogram (MS B-8, no. 79); fragments of book-keeping (e.g.
in MS CU-1, no. 74); and drafts of letters nearly always in casual divani
script. A long letter of a certain IsmaTl Efendi to the calligrapher Ahmed of
1730-31 occurs in MS 1-49 (no. 82). Another owner wrote the draft of a short
note to his bookseller in which he said that he had difficulties reading the text,
for which doubtlessly great knowledge was presupposed (MS P-3, no. 87).
In the margins of the text itself, apart from ubiquitous corrections, we
often find indications meant to guide or help the reader: chapter headings
were repeated in the margins, and data from the text, such as the dates of
birth and death of sultans, the number of years of their reigns, were
separately annotated (e.g. in MS U -l, 59). In the case that texts were
erroneously bound or otherwise in disorder, we sometimes find cross-references
which make it possible to follow the logical sequence of a piece of text
(perhaps they had been meant as instructions for the binder), such as: the

71 GOR I, xxxviii.
 APPENDIX II 415

first part of this sheet has been inadvertently put ten folios further below, do
not forget...! (MS V-3, no. 80).
More interesting for the history of our text are commentaries of readers,
such as those made by Pesevl. A reader of the MS B-4 (no. 33) was most
indignant about what he read about emsl Ahmed Paa, and specially the
latters ancestor Khalid b. Walld whom 'All accused of being the inventor of
bribery78. He noted in the margin (which was later partly cut off): Let it be
clear that 'All makes a stupid statement here, because my Lord Khalid b.
Walld belonged to the great companions of the Prophet... God forbid, but to
take such a thing into your mouth... causes harm to the belief and the Islam
of everyone... 'All... in his stupidity also caused the total deficiency, destruc
tion and defeat of his own belief! (fol. 441b) A reader, or perhaps more
likely a corrector, of MS L -1 (no. 47) crossed out the malevolent, and partly
obscene, story of the life of Mustafa Aga 79 and wrote in the margin: wrong!
[this] is all senseless work! (fol. 178a).
Most remarks are of a more neutral, scholarly kind. Readers noted, as 'All
had done himself in his History, that they visited the tombs of shaykhs:
KIsedar 'Abdalfarah, owner of the MS P-1 (no. 43), noted in the margin of
the biography of Mehmed Yazicizade80 that he had been so lucky as to
have seen the mans grave (fol. 76a). An unknown reader of MS B-4 (no. 33)
noted in a comparable way his visit to the tomb of Shaykh Ak emseddln81.
Next to the story on the appearance of a comet immediately before the
beginning of the Persian war during the period of Murad III82, someone
wrote that the same heavenly sign was seen in 1662-63 (MS 1-50, no. 83,
fol. 68a). A more recent reader (he used the term metre) of a first pillar
wrote in the margin of the paragraph on the spring of Yusuf (in n k a script)
about the waterworks of the fortress, built by Saladin, on top of the
Muqattam ridge near Cairo. In the fortress were artificial ponds which were
filled with the help of water-wheels on three levels from a well on the level of
the Nile 200 metres below. The place was most worthy of a visit (MS B-l, no.
4, fol. 61b). In one MS (A-2, no. 10), we find a rough draft of a map meant to
elucidate the geographical position of China.
Some MSS have annotations in which 'All's text is compared to other
sources. A reader of the MS P -1 (no. 43) annotated the seven beneficial deeds
of Sultan Selim II according to the History of Selaniki83. In MS V-l (no. 44)
references to two fethnames of Taclzade Tugrayi on the conquest of

79 KA/ MU 111/ 5.
19 KA/ M 11/ e:3*; cf. above, pp. 272-273.
90 KA(1V)/ MU 11/ shaykhs/ 2.
91 K A/ M 11/ shaykhs/ 1.
92 KA/ MU 111/ 10:ii*.
92 In the margin o f KA/ S 11/ 3, 387b.
416 APPENDIX II

Inebahti, Modon and K oron84 and LatifTs Tezkire (on Hicri85) occur. A
quotation in Persian from the Zafarnama of Sharafaddln Yazdl occurs in MS
U-l (no. 59)86. A reader of MS U-3 (no. 88) (which contains the chapter on
Sultan Suleyman) added data from Al-Barq al-Yamam f i l-fath al-'Uthmanl
(by Kutbaddin, d. 1580-8287) to the biography of Oveys Paa and noted that
a verse ascribed to Haven was in fact a well-known beyt of BakT88. The
Cambridge and London MSS, in particular MS LB-3 (no. 86), have an
exceptionally great number of notes, referring to the Histories of Celalzade
and PesevI, the Shaqa iq of Takoprizade and its continuation, the Zeyl of
'Atayl, as well as other works. The last MS moreover contains a detailed
survey, partly erased, of 'Alfs life and works in the margins of fols. lb-2a as
well as cross-references. The owner (or reader) remarked at the end of the
biography of the poet Yahya Beg89 that the same story is found in the
paragraph on Prince Mustafas death above (fol. 332b). In the margin to the
story of the Battle of Mohacs90, the same scholar remarks: Indeed, Pe?evl is
the son of this Janos, [that is] King Lajos of Hungary, who did battle with
Sultan Suleyman in the plain of Mohacs, but the responsibility rests upon the
narrator. (fol. 43a).
These data seem to indicate an attention for the Essence by Ottomans
which went well beyond the restricted circle of the well-known historians. The
work was read and studied, perhaps not always with the same understanding
or approval, by Ottomans of the various educated classes in both the pre
modern and the modern age. The printed version produced in the 1860s does
not seem to have much altered the situation. Apart from being rather
expensive, it was incomplete and lacked the works most intriguing parts.

84 KA/ B II/ 26, 28-29.

85 KA/ SU /poets/ 113.
86 KA(IV)/ B 1/ c:8*.
87 Cf. GOW, 89.
88 KA/ SU/ poets/ 27.
80 Ibidem, 118.
00 KA/ SU/ 22.
 APPENDIX III:
ALTS FU RSATNAM E AND THE LEIDEN MS OR. 1043

Babinger mentioned1 the existence of a Leiden MS (Or. 1043) of 'A lfs

Fursatname. He also indicated that the same MS contained a copy of 'A lfs
Nasihatu s-selatin (sic)2. This has caused some confusion among scholars.
Study of the MS in question reveals that it consists of three parts dealing,
as the cataloguer De Goeje rightly described3, with the interpretation of
passages in the Koran and hadith. These parts are:
(1) Fols. l-137a: a part indicated on la as Kitab Nushat al-muluk
(2) Fols. 137b-173b: a part indicated on 137b as Fursatname
(3) Fols. 174a-178b: a collection of gazels and quatrains by the author of,
apparently, (1) and (2)

Parts (1) and (2) consist mainly of Persian mesnevis with additional fragments
of Arabic prose divided into a number of chapters indicated as hikayat
(stories). They bear no relation whatsoever to 'A lfs FN and N S4, nor are
they nasihat-names as at least the first title suggests; it is not unlikely that (1)
and (2) originally were conceived as one work with a different title.
Confusion was created by De Goeje who rather rashly presumed that this
Leiden Fursatname was identical with the one he saw described in Katib
Qelebis Kashf az-zuniin. He further presumed that Nushat al-muluk stood for
Naslhatu s-selatin also described in KZ and, again, attributed to 'All. Babinger,
more than fifty years later, did not check De Goejes findings and simply
copied them in his GOW.

1 GOW, 133.
2 Ibidem.
3 M.J. de Goeje, CCO V (Leiden, 1873), 57.
* Cf. Tietze, Counsel fo r Sultans, 9.
2 Ibidem.
3 M.J. de Goeje, CCO V (Leiden, 1873), 57.
* Cf. Tietze, Counsel fo r Sultans, 9.
io! bools ASUsm\ isril btouBSia todl'iifi gH .Rfisaa-"isAAu^A
.TOgmdsQ .ilA ol l Hidrills ,ntts,B ,bn.t 5JI ni bodhvsab i nnote-z motTiyi'A
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

PRIMARY SOURCES

(1) Works by 'All

Cdmi'ii l-buhur der mecalis-i stir. MS TKS Bagdat Kd$kii 203.
Cdmi'ii l-kemalat. MS SK Re$id Efendi 1146.
Hakayikii l-akahm. MS IU Turk^e, 36b-39a.
Fursatname. Rana von Mende, ed. Mustafa 'Ali's Fursat-name. Edition und Bearbei-
tung einer Quelle zur Geschichte des persischen Feldzugs unter Sinan Pasa 1580-
1581. Berlin, 1989.
Fusiil-i hall it 'akd ve usiil-i harf u nakd
(1) MS UB Or. 932(2).
(2) MS BN Traduction 23.
Halatii l-Kahire mine l-adati z-zahire. Tietze, Andreas, ed. and trans. Mustafa 'All's
Description of Cairo of 1599. Vienna, 1975.
Heft Meclis. Istanbul, 1316.
Hulasatii l-ahval
(1) Tietze, Andreas, ed. and trans. The Poet as Critique of Society: A 16th-
Century Ottoman Poem. Turcica 9/1 (1977), 120-160.
(2) Postscript. Turcica 11 (1979), 205-209.
Kava idii l-mecalis. MS IU Turk^e 3543, lb-27b.
Kiinhii l-ahbar.
(1) Kiinhii l-ahbar. 5 vols. Istanbul, 1277-85.
(2) Schmidt, Jan, ed. and trans. Mustafa 'All's Kiinhii l-ahbar and Its Preface
According to the Leiden Manuscript. Istanbul, 1987.
(3) 90 MSS. (Described in Appendix II, above.)
Mahasinii l-adab. MS IU Turk^e, 102b-l25b.
Menakib-i hiinerveran.
(1) tbnulemln Mahmud Kemal (tnal), ed. Menakib-i hiinerveran, Istanbul 1926.
(2) Cunbur, Miijgan, trans. Hattatlarm ve kitap sanatfilann destanlan. Istan
bul, 1982.
Meva'idii n-nefa'is fikava'idi l-mecalis.
(1) M. Cavid Baysun, ed. Meva'idii 'n-nefa'is f i kava'idi 'l-mecalis. Istanbul,
1956.
(2) Gokyay, Orhan aik, trans. Gorgii ve toplum kurallan iizerinde ziyafet
sofralan. 2 vols. Istanbul, 1978.
(3) Yener, Cemil, trans. Mevaidii 'nefa'is fi kava'idi l-mecalis. Istanbul, 1975.
Mir'atii l-'avalim. MS it) Tiirkge 3543, 64b-86b.
Mirkatii l-cihad. MS SK Reid Efendi 678.
Nadirii l-maharib. MS TKS Revan 1290.
Nevadirii l-hikem. MS it) 1779, lb-27b.
Nushatu s-selatln. Tietze, Andreas, ed. and trans. Mustafa 'All's Counsel for Sultans of
1581. 2 vols. Vienna, 1978, 1982.
Nusretname. MS BL Add. 22011.
 420 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Sadef-i sadguher. MS MKI Ali Emiri Efendi Turk$e manzum 978.

Zubdetu t-te\arih. MS it) Turkge 2386.

(2) Other literary sources

Abu 1-Fida. Taqwim al-buldan. Reinaud, M., and Mac Guckin de Slane, eds. Geogra
phic d'Aboulfeda. Paris, 1840.
'AIT b. Ball, Minik. Al-'Iqd al-manzum f i dhikr afadil ar-Rum. Bulaq, 1299.
'A$ik Qelebi. Megd'ir u^-fu'ara. Meredith- Owens, G.M., ed. London, 1971.
A5ik Pajazade. Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman.
(1) Giese, F., ed. Die altosmanische Chronik des 'Asikpasazade. Leipzig, 1929.
(2) Kreutel, Richard F., trans. Vom Hirtenzelt zur Hohen Pforte. Graz, 1959.
Bible. Authorised Version. 22nd impr. Oxford, 1982.
BidllsT, Idris. Hasht bihisht.
(a) MS SK Esat Efendi 2197
(b) MS TKS Emanet Hazinesi 1655
Cemaleddin Mehmed Karshzade. Ayine-i zurafa. Istanbul, 1259.
E$ref, Mehmed. Deccal. Cairo, 1320.
Hafiz. Diwan. Parwiz Natil Khanlari, ed. Diwan-i Hafiz. Tehran, 1362.
Ibn 'Arabshah. Aja'ib al-maqdur f t nawaib Timur. Sanders, H.J., trans. Tamerlane or
Timur the Great Amir. London, 1936.
Ibn Kathir, Abu 1-Fida. Al-Biddya wa n-nihaya. Cairo, 1932 (?).
Al-JuijanI, 'Abdalqahir. Asrar al-balagha. Ritter, Hellmut, trans. Die Geheimnisse der
Wortkunst. Wiesbaden, 1959.
Juwaynl, 'Alaaddin 'Ata Malik, Ta'rikh-i Jahan-kusha. Boyle, J.A., trans. The History
of the World-conqueror by 'Ala-adrDin 'Ata-Malik Juvaini. 2 vols. Manchester,
1958.
Katib Qelebi. Kashf az-zuniin. Flugel, G. ed. and trans. Haggi Khalifa, Lexicon
bibliographicum et encyclopaedicum a Mustafa ben Abdallah, Katib Jelebi dicto.
1 vols. Leipzig, 1835-58.
Kemal Pa?azade. Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman. Turan, erafettin, ed. Ibn-i Kemal, Tevarih-i
al-i Osman, I and VII (2 vols.). Ankara, 1970, 1954, 1957.
Kinahzade Hasan (jelebi, Tezkiretu f-fu'ara. Kutluk, Ibrahim, ed. 2 vols. Ankara,
1978-81.
Al-Kisai, Muhammad b. 'Abdallah. Aja'ib al-malakut. MS UB Or. 538.
Lokman, Seyyid. Kiydfetu l-insaniye ft femayili l-'OsmanTye. Ministry of Culture and
Tourism of the Turkish Republic, ed. Ankara, 1987.
MTrkhwand, Rawdat as-safa.
(1) 2 vols. Bombay, 1266.
(2) Rehatsek, E., trans. The Rauzat-us-Safa: or. Garden of Purity. Containing
the Histories of Prophets, Kings and Khalifs. 4 vols. London, 1891-94.
Ne$ri, Mehmed. Cihannuma. Taeschner, F., ed. Gihannuma. Die altosmanische Chronik
des Mewlana Mehemmed Neschrl. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1951-55.
Mustafa Nuri Pa$a, Netayicu l-vuku'at. Qagatay, Ne$et, trans. Kurumlan ve orgutle-
riyle Osmanh tarihi. 2 vols. Ankara, 1979.
PecevT, tbrahim Pa$a. Tarih. 2 vols. Istanbul, 1281-83.
Qur'an Karim. Cairo, 1967.
Rashldaddln, Fadlallah. Jami' at-tawarikh. Jahn, Karl, ed. and trans. Die Franken-
geschichte des Rasid adrDin. Vienna, 1977.
Sa'deddln. Tacit t-tevarih. 2 vols. Istanbul, 1279.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 421

Schweigger, Salomon. Ein newe Reyssbeschreibung auss Teutschland Nach Constanti-

nopel und Jerusalem. Stein, Heidi, ed. Zum Hofe des turkischen Sultans. Leipzig,
1986.
SelanikI, Mustafa. Tanh, MS NB H.O. 57.
Shukrallah, Bahjat at-tawarikh. MS UB Or. 929.
Subhatu l-ahbar ve tuhfatu l-ahyar. Holter, Kurt, ed. Rosenkranz der Weltgeschichte.
Vollstandige Wiedergabe im Orginalformat von Codex Vindobonensis A.F. 50.
Graz, 1981.
Sussheim, Karl. Vakayi'-i ruzmerrem (Diary) III, MS SB Hs. or. 1135.3.
At-Tabari, Ja'far b. Jarir. Kitab Akhbar ar-rusul wa l-muluk. De Goeje, M.J., ed.
Annales. 15 vols. Leiden, 1879-1901.
Ta'llklzade, Mehmed. ehname-i humayun. Woodhead, Christine, ed. Ta'liki-zade's
Sehname-i humayun: A History of the Ottoman Campaign into Hungary, 1593-
94. Freiburg, 1983.
Tefrifdtname, MS TKS Hazine 1601, lb-7b.
Yazicizade Ahmed Bican. Durr-i meknun. MS UB Or. 1301.

SECONDARY SOURCES AND REFERENCE WORKS

Adamovic, Milan. Korijugationsgeschichte der turkischen Sprache. Leiden, 1985.

Adivar, Abdulhak Adnan. 'AIT al-Kushdji. El2.
Ahmad, Nafis. Muslim Contribution to Geography. Lahore, 1947.
Ahmad, S. Maqbul. Djughrafiya. El2.
Alderson, A.D. The Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty. Oxford, 1956.
Ali, TA.
Ambros, Edith. Candid Penstrokes. The Lyrics of Me'alT, an Ottoman Poet of the 16th
Century. Berlin, 1982.
Andrews, Walter Guildford. The Tezkere-i fu'ara of Latifi as Source for the Critical
Evaluation of Ottoman Poetry. Diss. University of Michigan, 1970.
Amaldez, R. Khalk. IE2.
'Asim, NecTb. 'Osmanli tarih-nuvTsleri ve muverrihleri . Tarih-i 'Osmant encumeni
mecmu'asi I (1910), 41-52.
Ate?, A. Ibn al-'Arabf, El2.
Attema, D.S. De Mohammedaansche opvattingen omtrent het tijdstip van den jongsten
dag en zijn voortekenen. Amsterdam, 1942.
Atsiz, Huseyin Nihal. Ali bibliyografyasi. Istanbul, 1968.
Auerbach, Erich. Mimesis. The Representation of Reality in Western Literature. Trask,
Willard R., trans. Princeton, 1974.
Al-Azmeh, Aziz. Ibn Khaldun. An Essay in Reinterpretation. London, 1982.
-----, Ibn Khaldun in Modem Scholarship. A Study in Orientalism. London, 1981.
Babinger, Franz. Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke. Leipzig, 1927.
----- , Yazicioghlu. El1.
Barkan, Omer Lutfi, The Price Revolution of the Sixteenth Century: A Turning
Point in the Economic History of the Near East. trans. Justin McCarthy.
International Journal for Middle-Eastern Studies 6 (1975), 3-28.
BaysUn, M. Cavid. Ebussuud Efendi. IA.
----- , Muverrih Alinin Mevaid un-nefais fi kava'id il-mecalisi hakkmda. Tarih
Dergisi 2/1 (1950), 389- 400.
Bayraktar, Nimet, and Kut, Gunay, Yazma Eserlerde Vaktf Muhurleri. Ankara, 1984.
422 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Belin, M. Bibliographic Ottomane ou notice des livres Turcs imprimes a Constanti

nople, durant les annees 1284 et 1285 de lhegire . Journal Asiatique 6/XIV
(1869), 65-95.
Bell, Richard. The Qur'an. Translated with a Critical Rearrangement of the Surahs.
Edinburgh, 1937.
Biographiskt Lexicon dfver Namnkunnige Svenska Man XI. Uppsala, 1845.
Birge, John. The Bektashi Order of Dervishes. London, 1937.
Birnbaum, Eleazer. The Date of 'Alps Turkish Mesnevi Mihr u Mdh". BSOAS 23
(1960), 138-139.
Bloch, Marc. Apologie pour I'histoire ou metier d'historien. Paris, 1949.
Blochet, E. Catalogue des manuscrits turcs. 2 vols. Paris 1932.
Boak, Arthur E.R. and Sinnigen, William G. A History of Rome to A.D. 565. 5th ed.
New York and London, 1965.
Bodur, Husnu. Seyyid Lokman. Mezuniyet tezi (typescript), Istanbul University,
1966.
Bombaci, Alessio. La letteratura turca con un profilo della letteratura mongola. New,
revised ed. Milan, 1969.
Boskov, Vanco. Zum Problem des Objekts der Liebe in der osmanischen Divan-
Poesie. XVIII. Deutscher Orientalistentag, Vortrage. Wiesbaden, 1974, 124-
130.
Bosworth, C.E. al-Kalkashandi . El2.
----- , The Early Ghaznavids. R.N. Frye, ed. The History of Iran, 4. Cambridge,
1975.
, The Islamic Dynasties. Edinburgh, 1967.
Braudel, Ferdinand. The Mediterranean and. the Mediterranean World, in the Age of
Philip 11. Reynolds, Sian, trans. 2 vols. London, 1975.
Breisach, Ernst, Introduction. Classical Rhetoric and. Medieval Historiography, 1-4.
Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1985.
Brockelmann, Carl. Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur. 2nd. ed., 2 vols. Leiden,
1943-49; suppl., 3 vols. Leiden, 1937-42.
----- , al-Kiftl. El2.
Bursali Mehmed Tahir. 'Osmanh muellifleri. 3 vols. Istanbul, 1333-42.
Busse, Heribert. Der Islam und die biblischen Kultstatten . Der Islam 42 (1966), 113-
147.
Byron, R., Cohen, M., et alii. Repertoire chronologique d'epigraphie arabe. Vol. IX.
Cairo, 1937.
Canard, M. and Melikoff, I. al-Battal . El2.
Cantimir, Demetrius. Histoire de I'Empire Othoman. De Jonquieres, M. trans. 2 vols.
Paris, 1743.
Qelebioglu, A., and Eraslan, K. Yazici-oglu. IA.
Cevdet Kudret. Edebiyatimizda hikaye ve roman I. 2nd impr. Istanbul, 1977.
Cohen, M. See Byron.
Cook, Michael. Population Pressure in Rural Anatolia 1450-1600. London, 1972.
Curtius, Ernst Robert. Europdische Literatur und. lateinisches Mittelalter. 9th ed. Bern
and Munich, 1978.
Ad-DaghistanI, 'AIT Hilml. Fihrist al-kutub at-turkiyyat al-mawjudat ft al-kutubkhanat
al-khidiwiyya. Cairo, 1306.
Danimend, Ismail Hami. tzahli Osmanh tarihi kronolojisi. 2nd ed. 5 vols. Istanbul,
1971-72.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 423

Damton, Robert. The Great Cat Massacre And Other Episodes in French Cultural
History. Paperback ed. London, 1985.
Dictionary of National Biography XLI, XLVIII. London, 1895, 1896.
Donado, G.B. Della Letteratura de' Turchi. Venice, 1688.
Dover, K.J. Greek Homosexuality. Paperback ed. New York, 1980.
Eden, Kieran. Thucydides, Tragedian. Canary, R.H., and Kozicky, H., eds. The
Writing of History, 63-92. Wisconsin, 1978.
Encyclopedia of Islam. 1st ed. M.T. Houtsma, T.W. Arnold, R. Basset, et al., eds. 4
vols. and suppl. Leiden and London, 1912-42.
Encyclopedia of Islam. 2nd ed. H.A.R. Gibb, J.H. Kramers, E. Levi-Provengal, et al.,
eds. 4 vols. Leiden and London, 1954-.
Eraslan, K. See Qelebioglu.
Erunsal, Ismail E. Turk Kutuphaneleri Tarihi. Vol. II, Kuruluftan Tanzimata kadar
Osmanlt Vakif Kutuphaneleri. Ankara, 1988.
Fahd, T. Djafr. El2.
Ferrard, Christopher. The Development of an Ottoman Rhetoric up to 1882. Part
I: The Medrese tradition." OA III (1982), 165-188.
Findikoglu, Z. Fahri. Turkiyede Ibn Haldunism. FuadKoprulu Armagam, 153-163.
Istanbul, 1953.
Fleischer, Cornell H. Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire. The Historian
Mustafa Ali (1541-1600). Princeton, 1986.
----- , Mustafa 'Alls Curious Bits of Wisdom. Festschrift Andreas Tietze. WZKM
(1986), 103-109.
----- , Royal Authority, Dynastic Cyclism, and Ibn Khaldunism1 in Sixteenth-Cen
tury Ottoman Letters. Journal of Asian and African Studies 18/3-4 (1983), 198-
220.
Flemming, Barbara. Bemerkungen zur turkischen Prosa vor der Tanzimat-Zeit. Der
Islam 50 (1973), 157-167.
----- , Introduction to Fahri, Husrev u Strin. Eine tiirkische Dichtung von 1367.
Wiesbaden, 1974.
----- , Der Garni' ul-meknunat: eine Quelle 'Alls aus der Zeit Sultan Suleymans.
Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des vorderen Orients. Festschrift fur Bertold
Spuler zum siebzigsten Geburtstag, 79-92. Leiden, 1981.
----- , Karl Sussheim 1878-1947. Der Islam 56 (1979), 2-8.
-----, Landschaftsgeschichte von Pamphylien, Pisidien und. Lykien im Spatmittelalter.
Wiesbaden, 1964.
----- , Political Genealogies in the Sixteenth Century, OA VII-VII (1988), 123-137.
----- , Sahib-kiran und Mahdl; tiirkische Endzeiterwartungen im ersten Jahrhundert
der Regierung Suleymans. Between the Dnube and the Caucasus. A Collection
of Papers Concerning Oriental Sources on the History of the Peoples of Central
and South-Eastern Europe, 43-62. Budapest, 1987.
----- , Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland XIII/1. Tiirkische
Handschriften I. Wiesbaden, 1968.
Flugel, G. Die arabischen, persischen und turkischen Handschriften der K. & K.
Hofbibliothek zu Wien II. Vienna, 1865.
----- , Concordantiae Corani Arabicae. Leipzig, 1842.
Fodor, Pal. State and Society, Crisis and Reform in 15th-17th Century Ottoman
Mirrors for Princes. AOH XL (1986), 217-240.
Freely, John, and Sumner-Boyd, Hilary. Strolling through Istanbul. A Guide to the
City. 2nd ed. Istanbul, 1973.
424 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Freimark, Peter. Das Vorwort als literarische Form in der arabischen Literatur .
Diss. Munster, 1967.
Frye, Northrop. The Great Code. The Bible and Literature. Paperback edition.
London, 1983.
Gallotta, A. Khayr al-DIn. El2.
----- , I manoscritti turchi della bibliotheca reale di Torino . Renato Traino, ed.
Studi in onore di Francesco Gabrieli nel suo ottantesimo compleanno, 349-372.
Rome, 1984.
Gay, Peter, Style in History. New York, 1974.
Gehlhar, James Norman. A Stylistic Analysis of the Development of Literary Persian
and Turkish as seen in Versions of Kalila wa-Dimna\ the Fables of Bidpay.
Diss. Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1976.
Gibb, E.W.J. A History of Ottoman Poetry. 6 vols. London 1900-1909.
Gibb, H.A.R. Abu 1-Fida. El2.
----- , Tarikh. El1.
Glassen, Erika. Huzur: Tragheit, Seelenruhe, soziale Harmonie. Zur osmanischen
Mentalitatsgeschichte. Turkische Miszellen. Festschrift Robert Anhegger, 145-
166. Istanbul, 1987.
Glubb, John Bagot. The Great Arab Conquests. Paperback ed. London, 1980.
Goeje, M.J. de, and Jong, P. de. Catalogus Codicum Orientalium Bibliothecae Acade-
miae Lugduno Batavae III, V. Leiden, 1865, 1873.
Gokyay, Orhan aik. Katib Qelebi: yafami, kifiligi ve yapitlarindan seemeler. Ankara,
1982.
Goodrich, Thomas D. The Ottoman Turks and the New World. A Study of Tarih-i
Hind-i Garbi and Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Americana. Wiesbaden, 1990.
Gotz, Manfred. Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland XIII/4.
Turkische Handschriften IV. Wiesbaden, 1979.
De Groot, A.H. The Ottoman Empire and The Dutch Republic. A History of the
Earliest Diplomatic Relations 1610-1630. Diss. Leiden, 1978.
Gross, Erich, trans. Introduction to Das Vilajet-name des Haggi Bektasch. Ein
turkisches Derwischevangelium. Leipzig, 1927.
Grossman, Lionel. History and Literature. Reproduction and Signification. Canary,
R.H., and Kozicky, H., eds. The Writing of History, 3-39. Wisconsin, 1978.
Guenee, Bernard, ed. Le Metier d'historien au moyen age. Etudes sur Thistoriographie
medievale. Paris, 1977.
Haarmann, Ulrich. Auflosung und Bewahrung der klassischen Formen arabischer
Geschichtsschreibung in der Zeit der Mamluken. ZDMG 121 (1971), 46-60.
----- , The Plight of the Self-Appointed Genius Mustafa 'All . Arabica. Revue
dEtudes Arabes xxxviii/1 (1991), 73-86.
Haig, T.W. Sind . El1.
Halm, Heinz. Die Schia. Darmstadt, 1988.
Hammer, Joseph von. Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben. Vienna and Leipzig, 1940.
----- , Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches. 10 vols. Pest, 1827-35.
----- , Geschichte der Osmanischen Dichtkunst. 4 vols. Pest, 1836-38.
Hardy, Peter. Historians of Medieval India. London, 1960.
Hattox, Ralph S. Coffee and Coffeehouses: the Origin of a Social Beverage in the
Medieval Near East. Seattle, 1985.
Hein, J. Bogenhandwerk und Bogensport bei den Osmanen. Der Islam XIV (1925),
289-360.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 425

Hillenbrand, Carole. Some Medieval Islamic Approaches to Source Material. The

Evidence of a 12th Century Chronicle. Oriens 27/28 (1981), 197-225.
Hodgson, M.G.S. Duruz. El2.
----- , Two Pre-Modern Muslim Historians: Pitfalls and Opportunities in Presenting
Them to Moderns . Towards World Community, 53-68. The Hague, 1968.
Hoffmann, Birgitt. Die Imagination der Geschichte. Oberlegungen zum Verhaltnis
von Historiographie und literarischer Fiktion in einer spaten persischen Chro-
nik. XIII. Deutscher Orientalistentag vom 16. bis 20. September 1985 in
Wurzburg. Ausgewahlte Vortrage, 135-144. Stuttgart, 1989.
Huart, C. Yakut al-Musta'simr. El1.
----- , [Masse, H.] FirdawsF. El2.
Huber, Alfons. Geschichte Osterreichs. 4 vols. Gotha, 1892.
tbnulemln Mahmud Kemal (tnal). Introduction to Menakib-i hiinerveran by All.
Istanbul, 1926.
Imber, Colin. The Ottoman Dynastic Myth. Turcica XIX (1987), 7-77.
tnalcik, Halil. A Case Study in Renaissance Diplomacy. The Agreement between
Innocent VIII and BayezTd II on Djem Sultan. Journal of Turkish Studies 3
(1979), 209-230.
----- , and Murphey, Rhoads, eds. The History of Mehmed the Conqueror. Minneapolis
and Chicago, 1978.
----- , The Ottoman Empire. The Classical Age 1300-1600. London, 1973.
----- , The Rise of Ottoman Historiography. B.L. Lewis and P.M. Holt, eds.,
Historians of the Middle East, 152-167. London, 1962.
Inonti Ansiklopedisi (see also: Turk Ansiklopedisi). 4 vols. Ankara, 1946-50.
lp$irli, Mehmed. Hasan KafT el-Akhisari ve devlet duzenine ait eseri Usulul-hikem ft
nizdmi'l-alem'. TED 10-11 (1979-80), 239-78.
----- .Mustafa Selaniki and His History . TED 9 (1978), 417-472.
----- , Seyhulislam Sun ullah Efendi. TED 13 (1983-87), 209-256.
tsen, Mustafa. Edebiyat tarihi a?isindan Kunhul-ahbarin dnemi . Ege Oniversitesi
Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Turk Dili ve Edebiyati Araftirmalari Dergisi II (1983), 49-57.
----- , Ktinhti 1-ahbara gore bugunku Yugoslavya smirlan i?inde dogan sairler.
Qevren X/38 (1983), 43-65.
----- , Kunhul-ahbarin $airlerle ilgili kisimlannin kaynaklan. Ege Oniversitesi
Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Turk Dili ve Edebiyati Araftirmalan Dergisi III (1984), 87-
120.
----- , Kunhul-ahbarin tezkire kismi. tnceleme-Metin. Diss. Ataturk University,
Erzurum, 1979.
Islam Ansiklopedisi. 12 vols. Istanbul, 1940-1978.
Istanbul Kutiiphaneleri Tarih-Cografya Yazmalar Katalogu I. Tiirkfe Tarih Yazmalan.
Istanbul, 1943-.
lz, Fahir. Eski Turk Edebiyatmda Nesir. XIV yiizyildan XIX yiizyil ortasina kadar
yazmalardan sefilmif metinler I. Istanbul, 1964.
Jong, P. de. See Goeje.
Kappert, Petra. Introduction to Celalzade, Mustafa. Tabakatu l-memalik ve derecatu l-
mesalik. Geschichte Sultan Suleyman Kaniinis von 1520 bis 1557. Wiesbaden,
1981.
----- , Zur Charakteristik osmanischer historisch-narrativer Quellen des 16. Jahr-
hunderts . XIX. Deutscher Orientalistentag, Freiburg 1975. Vortrage, 1204-09.
Wiesbaden, 1977.
 426 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Karahan, Abdelkadir. Alinin bilinmeyen bir Eseri: Mecmau 'l-bahreyn. V. Turk

Tarih Kongresi, Tebligler, 329-340. Ankara, 1960
Karatay, Fehmi Edhem. Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kutuphanesi, Tiirkge Yazmalar Kata-
logu. 2 vols. Istanbul, 1961.
Kellner-Heinkele, B. Osmanische Biographiensammlungen. Anatolica VI (1977-78),
171-194.
Kennedy, Hugh. The Early Abbasid Caliphate. A Political History. London, 1981.
Kirzioglu, M. Fahrettin. Osmanltlarin Kafkas-ellerinin fethi (1450-1590). Ankara,
1976.
Kissling, J.H. Ak Shams ad-Din . El2.
----- , Hintergrundprobleme in der islamistischen Geschichtsforschung. Graz, 1979.
Koprulu, M. Fuad. A$ik Pa$a-zade. IA.
----- , Baki. IA
----- , Hamdi. IA.
----- , Fuzuli. IA.
Kramers, J.H. Djughrafiya. El1.
----- , Turks. El1, Suppl.
Kruk, Remke. Aristoteles Semitico-Latinus. The Arabic Version of Aristotles Parts of
Animals. Book XI-XIV of the Kitab al-Hayawan. Amsterdam, Oxford, 1979.
Kudret, Cevdet. Edebiyatimizda hikaye ve roman I. 2nd. impr. Istanbul, 1977.
Kut, Gunay (see also: Bayraktar), ed. Introduction to Sehi Beg. He$t bihit. The
Tezkire by Sehi Beg. An Analysis of the First Biographical Work on Ottoman
Poets. Cambridge, Mass., 1978.
----- , Istanbuldaki yazma kutuphaneleri. Tarih Dergisi 33 (1980-81), 341-374.
Kutukoglu, Bekir. Ah Mustafa Efendi. Tiirkiye Diyanet Vakfi Ansiklopedisi II.
1989.
----- , Katib Qelebi Fezlekesinin kaynaklari. Istanbul, 1974
Lane, E.W. The Thousand and One Nights, Commonly Called in England, Arabian
Nights Entertainments. 3 vols. Reprint. London, 1979-81.
Laoust, J. Ibn Kathlr. El2.
Lecomte, G. Ibn Kutayba. El2.
Lees-Milne, James. Harold Nicolson. 2 vols. Paperback ed. London, 1987-88.
Levend, Agah Sirri. Turk Edebiyati Tarihi. Vol. 1. Giriy Ankara, 1973.
----- , Gazavat-nameler ve Mihaloglu Ali Beyin Gazavat-namesi. Ankara, 1956.
Lewicki, T. al-Kazwinl . El2.
Lewis, Bernard. The Emergence of Modern Turkey. London, 1961.
----- , The Muslim Discovery of Europe. New York and London, 1982.
Macdonald, D.B. Sihr. El1.
Margoliouth, D.S. ai-RifaT. El1.
Marquet, Y. Ikhwan al-Safa. El2.
Melikoff, Irene (see also Canard). La Geste de Melik Danifmend. 2 vols. Paris, 1960.
Menage, V.L. The Beginnings of Ottoman Historiography. B.L. Lewis and P.M.
Holt, eds., Historians of the Middle East, 168-79. London, 1962.
----- , BidllsI, Idris. El2.
----- , Edirneli Ruhiye atfedilen Osmanli tarihinden iki par?a. Ismail Hakki Uzun-
(arfihya armagan, 311-333. Ankara, 1976.
----- , and Mordtmann, J.H. Feridun Beg. El2.
----- , Kemal Pasha-zade. El2.
----- , Neshris History o f the Ottomans: The Sources and Development of the Text.
London, 1964.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 427

----- , The Serpent Column in Ottoman Sources. Anatolian Studies (Journal of the
British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara) XIV (1964), 169-173.
Momen, Moojan. An Introduction to Shi'i Islam. The History and Doctrines of Twelver
Shi'ism. New Haven and London, 1985.
Montgomery Watt, W. Ishak. El2.
----- , Muhammad at Medina. Oxford, 1953.
Mordtmann, J.H. (see also Menage) Review of F.Kraelitz and P. Wittek, eds.,
Mitteilungen zur osmanischen Geschichte. Der Islam XIII (1923), 152-169.
----- , Das Ei des Colombus. Der Islam XIV (1925), 289-360.
Murphey, Rhoads. See Inalcik.
Nasr, Seyyid Hossein. An Introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines. Revised ed.
London, 1978.
Nicholson, R.A. A Literary History of the Arabs. Reprint. Cambridge, 1979.
Osterreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815-1950 II. Graz and Cologne, 1959.
Ozdemir, Hasan. Die altosmanischen Chroniken als Quelle zur tiirkischen Volkskunde.
Freiburg, 1975.
Paret, Rudi. Ismail. EI2.
----- , Der Koran als Geschichtsquelle. Der Islam 37 (1961), 24-42.
----- , Der Koran. Kommentar und. Konkordanz. Stuttgart, Berlin etc., 1971.
Parmaksizoglu, I. Mavrokordato, Nicolas. TA.
Partner, Nancy E. The New Comificius: Medieval History and the Artifice of
Words . Breisach, Ernst, ed., Classical Rhetoric & Medieval Historiography, 5-
59. Kalamazoo, Mich., 1985.
Pekolcay, Necla. Suleyman Qelebi. IA.
Plessner, M. Batlamiyus . EI2.
Radtke, Bemd. Zur Literarisierten Volkschronik der Mamlukenzeit. Saeculum 41/
1 (1990), 44-52.
Reinsch, D.R., trans. Mehmet II. erobert Konstantinopel. Die ersten Regierungsjahre des
Sultans Mehmet Fatih, des Eroberers von Konstantinopel 1453. Das Geschichts-
werk des Kritobulos von Imbros. Graz, Vienna and Cologne, 1986.
Riedel, W. Katalog over Kungl. Bibliotekets orientaliska Handskrifter. Stockholm,
1923.
Rieu, Charles. Catalogue of the Turkish Manuscripts in the British Museum. London,
1888.
Robson, J. al-Baydawi . EI2.
----- , al-Bukhari . EI2
Rohrborn, Klaus. Mustafa Ali und die osmanische Promemorien-Literatur bis zur
Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts. ZDMG 137/1 (1987), 34-43.
Rosenthal, Franz. A History of Muslim Historiography. 2nd. revised ed. Leiden, 1968.
----- , Ibn al-Athir. EI2.
----- , The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship. Rome, 1947.
Rypka, Jan. History of Iranian Literature. Karl Jahn, ed. Dordrecht, 1968.
Sacy, Sylvestre de. Note sur la langue Balaiban. Journal Asiatique I (1822), 141-143.
Schama, Simon. The Embarrassment of Riches. An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in
the Golden Age. Paperback ed. New York (?), 1988.
Schefer, Charles. Introduction to Trois chapitres du Khitay Nameh. Texte Persan et
traduction Fran$aise. Melanges orientaux. Textes et Traductions publies par les
professeurs de Vecole speciale des langues orientates vivantes d Toccasion du
sixieme congres international des orientalistes reuni a Leyde (Sept. 1883). Paris,
1883.
 428 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Schmidt, H. Ismail im Alten Testament und im Koran. Judaica 32 (1976), 76-81,

119-129.
Schmidt, Jan. The Egri-campaign of 1596; Military History and the Problem of
Sources. Habsburgisch-osmanische Beziehungen, Wien, 26.-30. September 1983.
Colloque sous le patronage du Comite international des etudes pre-ottomanes et
ottomanes. Vienna, 1985.
-----, Mustafa 'All van Gallipoli, een Ottomaans historicus over zijn eigen tijd.
MOI-Publicatie 12 (1984) 65-77.
-----, Some Remarks on the Textual History of a Famous Late Sixteenth-Century
World History: the Case of Mustafa 'Alps Kiinhii l-ahbar. Manuscripts of the
Middle East 3 (1988), 69-78.
Schwarz, Klaus. Die Sammlung turkischer Handschriften in der Staatsbibliothek
Preussischer Kulturbesitz. AOH 37 (1983), 111-120.
Segal, J.B. Ibn al-Tbri El2.
Semseddin Sami Fra$en. Kdmiisu l-a'lam. Dictionnaire universel d'histoire et de geogra
phic. 6 vols. Istanbul, 1306-16.
Sezgin, Fuat. Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums. 9 vols. Leiden, 1967-1984.
Shaw, Stanford J. History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, I, Empire of the
Gazis: The Rise and Decline of the Ottoman Empire, 1280-1808. Cambridge,
1976.
-----, The Financial and Administrative Organisation and Development o f Ottoman
Egypt 1517-1798. Princeton, 1962.
Sinnigen, Willaim G. See Boak.
Snouck Hurgronje, C. Het Mekkaansche feest. Verspreide geschriften I. Bonn and
Leipzig, 1923.
Sohrweide, Hanna. Das Erris el-Quliib, ein verschollenes Werk des Historikers
Mustafa 'All. VIII. Turk Tarih Kongresi (Ankara, 11-15 Ekim 1976). Konge-
reye sunulan bildiriler, vol. II, 983-991. Ankara, 1981.
----- , Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland XIII/5. Tiirkische
Handschriften V. Wiesbaden, 1981.
Sourdel, D. Ibn Mukla. El2.
Spuler, B. Shaibanids. El1.
Stewart-Robinson, J. The Ottoman Biographies of Poets. Journal of Near Eastern
Studies XXIV (1965), 57-74.
Storey, C.A. Persian Literature: A Bio-bibliographical Survey. 2 vols. London, 1925,
1953.
Strohmeier, Martin. Seldschukische Geschichte und tiirkische Geschichtswissenschaft.
Die Seldschuken im Urteil moderner turkischer Historiker. Berlin, 1984.
Sumner Boyd, Hilary. See Freely.
Sussheim, Karl. 'All, El1.
Svanidze, M.H.. Point des etudes sur lhistoire de la Turquie et de la Georgie.
Turcica IX/2-X (1978), 236-246.
Svenskt Biografisk Lexikon III, VIII. Stockholm, 1922, 1929.
Tabakoglu, Ahmet. Gerileme donemine girerken Osmanh maliyesi. Istanbul, 1985.
Taeschner, Franz. Die Geographische Literatur der Osmanen. ZDMG 2/77 (1923),
31-80.
----- , Die osmanische Literatur. Handbuch der Orientalistik V. Altaistik 1, 250-335.
Leiden, 1963.
Tauer, F. Hafiz-i Abru. El2.
Thackston, W.M., trans. The Tales of the Prophets of al-Kisai. Boston, 1978.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 429

Thomas, Lewis V. A Study of Naima. Norman Itzkowitz, ed. New York, 1972.
Tietze, Andreas. Mustafa 'AIT of Gallipolis Prose Style. Archivum Ottomanicum 5
(1973), 297-319."
-----, Mustafa 'All on Luxury. Status Symbols of Ottoman gentlemen. Studia
Turcologica Memoriae Alexii Bombaci Dicata, 577-90. Naples, 1982.
Tillyard, E.M.W. The Elisabethan World Picture. London, 1943.
Tippelskirch, Ingrid von. Die Weltkronik" des Rudolf von Ems. Studien zur Geschichts-
auffassung undpolitischen Intention. Goppingen, 1979.
Toderini, Giambatista. Letteratura Turchesca. Venice, 1787.
Tolasa, Harun. Sehi, Latifi, A$ik Qelebi Tezkirelerine gore 16. Y.y.'da Edebiyat
Araftirma ve Eleftirisi I. Izmir, 1983.
Tornberg, C.J. Codices Arabici, Persici et Turcici Bibliothecae Universitatis Upsaliensis.
Uppsala, 1849.
Tulum, A. Mertol. Introduction to Sinan Pa$a, Tazarru'name. Istanbul, 1971.
Turan, $erafettin. Ramazan-zade. IA.
-----, Sad-ed-Din. IA.
-----, Seydi Ali Reis. IA.
Turk Ansiklopedisi (for vols. 1-4: see tnonii Ansiklopedisi). 29 vols. Ankara, 1952-
1984.
Ugur, Ahmet. Osmanli Siyaset-nameleri. Kayseri (?), 1987.
-----, The Reign of Sultan Selim I in the Light of the Selim-name Literature. Berlin,
1985.
Unat, Faik Re$it. Hicri Tarihleri Miladi Tarihe tyvirme Kilavuzu. 4th, revised ed.
Ankara, 1974.
Uzuncarsih, Ismail Hakki Osmanli Devletinin Saray Tefkilati. 2nd. impr. Ankara,
1984.
Waldman, Marilyn Robinson. Toward a Theory of Historical Narrative: A Case Study
in Perso-Islamicate Historiography. Columbus, Ohio, 1980.
Walsh, John R. The Historiography of Ottoman-Safavid Relations in the Sixeenth
Century. B.L. Lewis and P.M. Holt, eds., Historians of the Middle East, 197-
211. London, 1962.
-----, Muverrih Alinin bir istidanamesi. Tiirkiyat Mecmuasi XIII (1958), 131-140.
Walzer, R. AristutalTs, El2.
Ward, John O. Some Principles of Rhetorical Historiography in the Twelfth Cen
tury. Breisach, Ernst, ed., Classical Rhetoric 4 Medieval Historiography, 103-
165. Kalamazoo, Mich., 1985.
Wensinck, A.J. al-Khadir. El2.
Woodhead, Christine. John R. Walsh. OA VII-VIII (1988), 1-9.
Wurm, H. Der osmanische Historiker Hiiseyn Gofer, genannt Hezarfenn, und die
Istanbuler Gesellschaft in der 2. Halfte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Hamburg, 1970.
Yousofi, Gholam Hosein. KashlfT. El2.
Yucel, Ya$ar. Introductions to Osmanli devlet te$kilatina dair kaynaklar. Kitab-i
miistetab. Kitabu mesalihil muslimin ve menafi'i Imumin. Hirzii l-miiluk.
Ankara, 1988.
Zambaur, E. von. Manuel de genealogie et de chronologie pour Vhistoire de IIslam.
Hanover, 1927.
Zettersteen, K.V. Die arabischen, persischen und, turkischen Handschriften der Univer-
sitatsbibliothek zu Uppsala. Uppsala, 1930.
 dfl -fiofaf o.j l i t

0(0-} ,*!lR3WiqIJ .te-eq*'.'!

 INDEX

Note: references in footnotes to much-quoted secondary literature such a AB,

BIOE, El, GAL, GAS, GOR, GOW, INAL, and STOREY are omitted from
this index if they are not the subject of discussion in the main text. Within
brackets behind most names of Ottomans one finds (the abbreviation of) the
name of the sultan during whose reign the person mentioned was in office, is
described in a separate biography, or died. References to Mustafa 'All, his
Essence or other subjects mentioned on almost every page are omitted.

A 'Abdallah Mercanzade, Mevlana (S II), 362

'Abbas I, Shah (Safavid), 149, 189, 298, 300
'Abbas al-Mawsuh (copyist), 368, 408
Abbasids, Abbasid dynasty, 2, 3, 51, 90, 91,
139, 146, 198, 232, 246, 283, 286, 298, 372
'Abdal'azlz, Mevlana (S I), 356
'Abdal'azlz b. 'Abdarrahman, Mevlana (SU),
359
Abdal'azlz b. Seyyid Yusuf, Mevlana ('Abid
Qelebi) (S I), 355
'Abdalevvel b. Huseyn, Mevlana (B II), 354
'Abdalfarah, KIsedar, 382, 415
'Abdalfattah, Mevlana (SU), 358
'Abdalgaffar, Shaykh (SU), 359
'Abdalgafur Qelebi (defterdar, S II), 361
'AbdalganI (chief surgeon of the Palace), 244
'Abdalhallm b. 'All KastamunI, Mevlana (S I),
355
'Abdalhamld b. E$ref, Mevlana (S I), 356
'Abd al-Hasan Kharqani, 334
'Abdalhayy b. 'Abdelkerim, Mevlana (SU), 359
'Abdallah (Abbasid), 233
'Abdallah, Mevlana (M II), 352
'Abdallah, Mevlana, Gazallzade (S II), 362
'Abdallah, Prince (son of B II), 258
'Abdallah, Prince (son of SU), 159
'Abdallah, MIr (ruler of Mazandaran), 299
'Abdallah (oda kethiidasi, S I), 320
'Abdallah Qelebi (SU), 102
'Abdallah b. Halil, Cadi (MU III - M III), 56
'Abdallah Hoca, Mevlana (S I), 356
'Abdallah (son of the Imam Husayn), 232
'Abdallah Khan (Shaybanid), 298, 300
'Abdallah b. Mahmud, Mevlana (SU), 358
'Abdallah b. al-Malik, 90
'Abdallah b. Ramazan (Ramazanzade) el-
Tevkn, 374, 410
'Abdallah b. Shaykh Kemal, Mevlana (eyh-
zade) (SU), 359
'Abdallah ogullari (people of non-Muslim ori
gin), 216
'Abdallah b. Ya'kub el-Fenari (SU), 358
'Abd al-Malik (Umayyad), 90, 125
'Abdalmalik II (Samanid), 146
'Abdalmumin, Shaykh (SU), 359
'Abdalvahhab, Mevlana (B II), 354
'Abdalvahhab b. 'Abdalkenm (defterdar, S I),
355
'Abdalvasi' b. Hizir, Mevlana (S I), 355
'Abdarrahlm, Mevlana ( Babek (?) Qelebi) (B
II), 354
'Abdarrahlm, Shaykh (M II), 352
'Abdarrahlm b. 'Abbas, Mevlana (S I), 356
'Abdarrahlm (b. Emlr-i 'aziz Merzifom), Shaykh
(M I), 261, 350
'Abdarrahlm MueyyedI, Shaykh (Haci Qelebi)
(S I), 356
'Abdarrahman, Mevlana ( Baldirzade) (S II),
362
'Abdarrahman, Shaykh (Suflzade) (B II), 354
'Abdarrahman b. 'All b. el-Hamd el-Bistami,
Mevlana (SU ah), 36, 349
'Abdarrahman b. 'All b. Mueyyed, Mevlana
(Ha term) (B II), 354, 383
'Abdarrahman (Erzincam), Shaykh (B I), 349
'Abdarrahman (b. Husameddin Gumi$liogh)
(M I), Shaykh, 104, 350
'Abdarrahman b. Mehmed, Mevlana (B II),
354
'Abdarrahman Muhibb, Seyyid, 379
432 INDEX
'Abdarrahman b. Mutahhar-i Leng (Zaydl lea
der), 329
'Abdarrahman Pa$a (beglerbegi, S II), 361
'Abdarrahman b. Seyyid Yusuf, Mevlana (S I),
355
'Abdarrahman b. Yahya el-Fasi, es-Seyyid (?),
381
'Abdel'aziz Efendi, Mufti, 378
'Abdelbaki b. 'A laeddln, Mevlana (SU), 359
'Abdelhamld I, Sultan, 367, 374, 376, 402, 411
Abdelkadir, Mevlana (M II), 352
Abdelkadir, Mevlana ( Kadiri Qelebi) (SU),
358
'Abdelkadir, Mevlana ( Minu 'Abdl) (SU),
358
'Abdelkadir (luteplayer, B II), 243
'Abdelkadir el-Bewab, el-Hacc, 398
'Abdelkadir MueyyedI, Shaykh (yeyhii Irlslam,
MU III), 338
'Abdelkadir b. Sa'dallah b. Ak emseddln,
Shaykh (M II), 352
'Abdelkerim, Mevlana (M II), 352
'Abdelkerim, Shaykh ( Mufti eyh) (SU), 359
'Abdelkerim b. 'Abdalvahhab, Mevlana (SU),
359
'Abdelkerim b. Mehmed, Mevlana (S II), 362
'Abdellatif, Mevlana (SU), 358
'Abdellatlf, Shaykh (M I), 351
'Abdellatif Buhari, Shaykh (SU), 360, 400
'Abdelvahid b. Mehmed, Mevlana (SU ah),
349
'Abdesselam (defterdar, S I), 260, 355
'Abdl (of Bursa) (poet, SU), 96, 360
'Abdi (of Edirne) (poet, S II), 362
'AbdT-i diger (of Gallipoli) (poet, SU), 360
'Abdl elebi (defterdar, SU), 357
Abel, see Habll
'Abid Qelebi, Shaykh (B II), 354
Abkhasians, 142, 301
Abraham, see Ibrahim
Abu l-'Abbas, 232, 233
Abu Bakr, Caliph, 105, 231, 296
Abu Dawud, 36
Abu 1-Fida 'Imadaddln al-Ayyubi, 28, 38, 78,
130
Abu 1-Fida b. Kathlr, see Ibn Kathlr
Abu Hanlfa al-Kufi, Imam, 103, 325, 381
Abu Hurayra, 125
Abu 'Isa (Muhammad b. Harun al-Warraq), 35
Abu Ishaq b. Hamdun, 24
Abu Ja'far al-Baqir Muhammad (the fifth
Imam), 296Abulkhayr (Shaybanid), 149
Abu 1-Muzaffar Sam'anI, 36
Abu 1-Qasim Muhammad al-Mahdl (the
twelfth Imam, see also Mahdl), 122, 296
Abu Mansur Baghdadi, 36
Abu Muhammad MakkI, 253
Abu Muslim, 146
Abu Numayy b. Barakat, Sherif, 163, 330
Abu Said (Ilkhanid), 85n
Abu Sufyan, 230
Abu Su'ud (Muhammad b. Muhylddln Mus
tafa al- 'ImadI), 31, 54n, 97, 188, 235, 257,
362
abuse, see censure
'acayib (curiosities, mirabilia), 130, 131, 191,
207, 251, 274, 282, 291
'Acayibu l-mahlukat, 29n
'acemi oglan (novice in the page-school, con
script for the Janissary corps), 93, 157, 159,
234, 247, 268, 269, 323, 324
'Ad (prophet), 69, 141, 174
'Ad b. 'Awll b. Sam, 14In
'Ad, people of, 114, 141 and n, 145
adab (literature) (belles lettres), 106, 107 and n
AdabI Qelebi (poet, SU), 360
Adalbert(us) (emperor), 295
Adam, 65, 6 6 , 6 8 , 70, 74-76, 8 6 , 108, 124, 125,
136-139, 141, 144, 174, 217, 251, 252, 256,
284n, 286, 289, 293, 295, 365
Adamovic, Milan, 21 In, 212n, 222n
Adana, 55, 98, 299, 316, 317, 324
Adem elebi (SU), 101
Aden, 142, 323
'Adid (Fatimid), 149
Adids (progeny of *Ad), 69, 238
Adigon, see Altunkal'e
'Adil Giray Khan, 189, 334
'Adil-Shahls, 'Adil-Shahl dynasty, 298
additions (ta'likat, to the Essence), 3, 279,
382, 402
al-'Adim (al-Halabl), Kamaladdin b., 35
Adivar, A. Adnan, 364
'Adll Pa$a, see Mahmud Pa$a (M II)
adulterer, 290
adulterous, 168, 233
adultery, 72, 143, 170, 189, 252, 269
AfitabI (poet, B II), 355
Africa, North-, northern, 177, 297
Afzalzade (yeyhii Irlslam, B II), 263
 INDEX
aga-yi bab-i sa'adet (kapu agasi, chief white
eunuch), 56, 105, 123, 243
aga-yi dudman-i silihdaran (swordbearer of the
sultan), 371, 410
Agehi, Mevlana (Mansur) (poet, S II), 97, 261,
362
agha (court/ palace official), 92, 134, 154, 157,
161, 243, 323, 328, 331, 332, 344
agha of Janissaries, 103, 162, 249, 322, 344
Agnadius (architect), 175, 312
Agustus, see Augustus
'Ahdl (poet, B II), 355
'Ahdl (Ahmed b. emsl, Maderzade Ahmed )
(biographer, poet, SII), 12,41,64, 103, 362
Ahi, Mevlana ( Benli Hasan) (poet, S I), 258,
259, 356
Ahi Can/ Celebi, see Mahmud b. Kemal,
Mevlana
Ahi Evren, Shaykh (Orhan), 348
Ahi Hasan, see Hasan, Shaykh
Ahi Yusuf b. Cuneyd (Mevlana) (B II), 353
Ahiska, see Yenikal'e
Ahlzade 'Alaaddln, Mimk 'All (Ottoman
biographer), 42 and n, 64, 127, 257n, 265n
Ahlzade, Ya'kub b. SeyyidI, Mevlana (B II),
92, 258, 354
Ahlzade Yusuf Celebi, Mevlana (SU), 358
Ahlak-i 'Ala i, 100
Ahmad, Amir, 178
Ahmad, Nafis, 130n
Ahmad b. Hanbal (Fatawa?), 33, 34
Ahmad Jalayiri, 151, 305, 306
Ahmad Khalifa (vizier), 189
Ahmad b. Khan Hasan, Khan (sultan of Lahi-
jan), 29
Ahmad MIrza (Akkoyunlu), 317
Ahmad b. Ramazan (Ramazanogli), 299
Ahmadnagar, 298
Ahmed (calligrapher), 398, 414
Ahmed III, Sultan, 385, 392, 407, 411
Ahmed, Mevlana (B II), 354
Ahmed, Mevlana (SU), 359
Ahmed, Mevlana (Varak emseddin) (SU),
358
Ahmed, Prince (son of B II), 55, 243, 318, 319
Ahmed b. 'Abdallah ('All's father), 240
Ahmed b. 'Abdallah, Mevlana (SU), 358
Ahmed b. 'Abdallah, Mevlana (S II), see Fevri
Ahmed b. 'Abdallah el-Kiriml, Mevlana Seyyid
(MU II), 351
Ahmed Aga (M III), 354
433
Ahmed Beg, Pir (Karamanid), 115, 314, 315
Ahmed Cavld, 371, 375, 389, 410
Ahmed Celebi (defterdar, MU III), 158, 338
Ahmed Celebi (Feylesufzade) (defterdar, B
II) , 353
Ahmed Celebi (nijanci, B II), 353
Ahmed Celebi Fenari (niganci, B II), 353
Ahmed Celebi, Gonca (SU), 56
Ahmed Celebi, Tablb (physician, SU), 266, 359
Ahmed D a l (Cemall, poet, SU ah), 350
Ahmed Efendi, Sancakdarzade (copyist), 399
Ahmed Emm Katib-i siyah (?), 366
Ahmed Hallfe (copyist), 393, 408
Ahmed b. (?) Hasan el-Kazi, es-Seyyid, 376
Ahmed HasekI Hallfe ReIszade, el-Hacc (?),
366
Ahmed-i Kebir R ifal, see ar-Rifa'I
Ahmed b. Mahmud (copyist), 386, 389
Ahmed b. Mehmed (copyist), 378, 407, 408
Ahmed b. Mehmed Halebi, Solak (copyist), 397
Ahmed b. Mevlana Hamza, Mevlana ('Arab
Celebi) (SU), 358
Ahmed Mu'allimzade, Mevlana (S II), 362
Ahmed Pa$a (beglerbegi o f Tunis, SU), 357
Ahmed Pa 5a (beglerbegi of Tiflis, MU III), 335
Ahmed Pa$a (beglerbegi of Trablus-garb, MU
III) , 339
Ahmed Pa$a (Arnavudi) (vizier, grand vizier,
SU - MU III), 55, 334, 335, 361
Ahmed Pa$a, 'Arab (beglerbegi of Cyprus, S II
- MU III), 158, 160, 332, 361
Ahmed Pa$a, Dukakinogh / -nzade (vizier, SI),
320, 355
Ahmed Pa$a Fenari (vizier, B II), 315, 353
Ahmed Pa$a, Gedik (vizier, M II - B II), 182,
245, 315, 316, 351
Ahmed Pa$a, HacI (Kizil-ahmedlu) (beglerbegi,
SU), 357
Ahmed Pa$a, Hayall (CenabI) (beglerbegi, poet,
SU), 357, 360
Ahmed Pa$a (Hayin) (vizier, SU), 323, 357
Ahmed Pa$a, Hersek(ogh) (vizier, B II - S I),
315, 320, 353
Ahmed Pa$a, Kara (grand vizier, SU), 159,326,
327, 356
Ahmed Pa$a, Ramazanogli (beglerbegi of
Ethiopia, MU III), 299
Ahmed Pa$a, Sems(I) (Kizil-ahmedlu) (begler
begi, SU - MU III), 51, 100, 105, 123, 154,
160, 161, 202, 204, 205, 260, 264, 301, 328,
331, 332, 357, 378, 415
434
Ahmed Pa$a, Veireddinogh (b. VelFeddln)
(poet, M II), 45 256, 268, 269, 351, 353
Ahmed Paa b. Hizir Beg, Mevlana (M II), 352
Ahmedek, 115
AhmedI, Mevlana (Ottoman historian and
poet, SU ah), 214, 256, 350
Ahwaz, 131
'Ajaib al-makhluqat wa athar al-bilad, 27, 63
Aja'ib al-malakiit, 24, 78
'Aja'ib al-maqdur j i nawa ib Timur, 29, 39, 84
'Ajayib al-kubra, 39n
Ak Biyik, abdal (shaykh, MU II), 306, 351
Ak Semseddin (Mehmed b. Hamza), Shaykh
(M II), 43n, 120, 311, 352, 378, 415
Ak?a Koca (sancakbegi, 'Osman), 348
akhbdrj ahbar (histories), see khabr
Akhbar al-'ajaib, 32
Akhbar-i Furs, 32
Akhbar-i Misr, 32
Akhbar ar-rusul wa l-muluk, Kitab, 24, 38
Akhbar-i Yahud, 32, 70
Akhbar az-zaman wa man abadahu l-hadathan
min al-umam al-madiya, Kitab, 35n, 37n, 39
Akhisari, Hasan Kafi, 193, 280
Akhlat, 79, 80
Akhtal (Arab poet), 45
Akkerman (Bielgorod-Dniestrovskii), 179, 316,
367, 408
Akkoyunh/lu (dynasty), 92, 148, 190, 298, 315,
319
'Akll, 46
Akroinon, Battle of, 89
Ak$ehir, 337
Aktepe, 326
'Alaaddin Kayqubad (Seljuk), 302, 303
'Alaaddin b. al-Khazin ash-Shlhi al-Baghdadl,
28
'Ala Beg MunshI (Ibn 'Ala), see 'Arif 'All
Alacahisar (Krusevac), 310
'Alaeddevle Zulkadrogli, 316, 317, 320
'Alaeddin, Mevlana (M II), 352
'Alaeddln, Mevlana (Imam AIT) (B II), 354
'Alaeddin, Mevlana (B II), 262, 354
'Alaeddin, Mevlana (B II), 354
'Alaeddin, Mevlana (SU), 358
'Alaeddin, Mevlana Monla (SII), 361 'Alaed
din, Shaykh (SU), 359
'Alaeddin, Prince (son of B II), 319
'Alaeddin 'All b. Ahmed el-Cemali, Mevlana
(B II), 354
INDEX
'Alaeddin 'ArabI, Mevlana (M II), 352
'Alaeddin Esved, Mevlana (K ara Hoca)
(Orhan), 348
'Alaeddin el-Esved, Shaykh (B II), 354
Alaeddin Halife (B II), 354
'Alaeddin IsfahanI, Mevlana (SU), 358
'Alaeddin Kinahzade, Mevlana, see 'All elebi
'Alaeddin Ko;hisari, Mevlana (MU II), 351
'Alaeddin Semerkandi, Mevlana (MU II), 351
'Alaeddin b. TusI, Mevlana (MU II), 351
'Alaeddin el-Yeganl, Mevlana (B II), 353
Alaman, see Allemania
Al-A jaq al-khatira jt dhikr umara ash-Sham wa
I-Jazlra, 27
AlaIye, see Alanya
Alamut, 148
Alanya, 16, 72, 315
Albania(n), 142, 144, 161-164, 181, 269, 301,
310, 314, 317, 324, 341, 342, 345, 346
alchemy/ -chemic, 118, 235
alcohol addiction (see also wine), 266
Alderson, A.D., 159n
'Alemah, Prince (son of $ehln$ah, son of BII),
319
Aleppo, 1, 9, 27n, 48, 99, 102, 124, 148, 268,
299, 321, 324-327, 335, 408
'AlevI (Derzizade) (poet, SII), 266, 269, 362
Alexander, see Iskandar
Alexander Han, Levendogh (MU III), 333
Alexandria (IskandarTya, Iskenderiye), 123,
171, 173, 324
Algiers, see Cezayir-i magrib
'Ah (Imam), 30n, 43, 119, 126, 146, 231, 232,
251, 253n, 296, 325
"Air, Imam , see'Alaeddin, Mevlana (B II)
'All, Mevlana ( Umm veledzade (?)) (S II),
362
'All, Shaykh (MU III), 57
'All (Mustafa b. Ahmed b. 'Abdallah), 1, pas
sim
'All 'Acemi, Shaykh (MU II), 351
'All Akbar, Seyyid, 30, 167n
'All Beg, Evrenosogh (MU II), 310
'All Beg b. M alko; (Malko;ogh) (SU), 357
'All Beg, Mihalogli (B II), 317
'All Beg, Nakkas (defterdar, SU), 324, 325, 357
'All Beg, Savciogh (M I), 308
'All Beg, Sehsuvarogh (S I - SU), 320, 323
'All Behcet, es-Seyyid, 367
 INDEX 435

'All Celebi (Mevlana 'All b. Salih, author of the 'alim (scholar, see also ulema), 64, 107, 131,
Humayunname) (SU), 49, 51, 55, 258 259, 262
All Qelebi ('Alaeddln Kinahzade) (poet, scho Aliyanus, Emperor, 175n
lar, SU - S II), 13, 45n, 52, 100, 101, 133n, Allemania, 169
199, 264, 329, 360 alliteration, 2 22
'All elebi, Lam (nifdnci, M III), 235 Alman, see Germany
'All elebi, Yetun (author, poet, SU), 41, 361 'AlqamI, Muhylddin Muhammad (vizier), 146
'All Qelebi, Zaganos Pa$aogli (defterdar, B II), Alqas MIrza, Prince (Safavid), 326
353 Altuncizade, Mevlana (physidan, M II), 117,
'All Cemizkezek, Baba (shaykh, S I), 104, 356 252
'All Dede, Shaykh (B II), 354 Altunkal'e (Adigon), 333
'All b. Emir Hasan, Shaykh (S I), 356 Amasya, 2, 56, 96, 104, 119, 308, 320-322, 327,
'All b. Gul Ahmed Pa$a (?), 381'AIT b. Hasan 344, 345
b. ... el-Hacc Mehmed, 395 ambergris, 228, 275
'All b. Hasan Kirkkilavl (copyist), 377, 408 Ambros, Edith, 257n
'All Karvanl, Shaykh (SU), 359 AmedI (poet, SU), 360
'All b. Mecdeddln, Mevlana Shaykh (Mev America, 167
lana Musanmf) (M II), 352 American silver, 166
'All b. Mehmed K u$qi, see al-Qushji 'amil (governor), 177
'All Mehmed Pa$azade (vizier), 371 'Amr b. Haram Ansaii, 296
'All b. Meymun, Shaykh Seyyid (B II), 354 Amsus, 118
'All b. Musa ar-Rida, Imam, 252 amulet, 118
'All Pa$a (mosque), 379, 408 Anakim, 252
'All ('Alaeddln) Pa$a (vizier, 'Osman), 348 Anatolia(n), 1, 50, 8 8 , 95, 141, 142, 147, 166n,
'All Pa$a (vizier, SU Sah), 349 167, 188, 190, 21 In, 234,236, 254,283, 291,
'All Pa$a (grand vizier, SU), 262, 265, 356 300-302, 304, 305, 320, 324, 325
'All Pa$a, Dervi$ {beglerbegi, S II), 260, 361 Anatolian dynasties, 145, 150, 260
'All Pa$a, Hadim (vizier, B II), 317, 318, 319, Anatolian principalities, see principalities
353 Anavarin (Navarino, Pylos), 318, 330al-Anbari
'All Pa$a, Hadim (beglerbegi, SU), 357 (, Abu Bakr ), 35
'All Pa$a/ Reis, Kill? (kapudan, S II - MU III), ancient civilisations, 145
330, 336, 361 ancient dynasties, 2
'All Pa$a, Muezzinzade (kapudan, S II), 329, ancient (European) history, 173
330 Andalusia(n), 291, 329
'All Pa$a, Soft (beglerbegi, SU - S II), 357 'Andellbl (poet, B II), 355
'All Pa$a, Temerrud (beglerbegi, SU), 357 'And!, 300
'All Pa$a b. Hayreddln Pa$a (vizier, MU I - B Andrews, W.G., 42n
I), 255, 348, 349 anecdotes (in Ottoman histories), 17
'All ReIs (Celebi), Seydl (KatibI) (author, poet, anecdote, anecdotical material (in the Es
SU), 41, 327, 360 sence), 20, 57,142, 178,189, 191,206,219,
'All b. Salih, Mevlana (Vadi' 'Isa), see 'All 223, 252, 256, 274, 282, 310
Qelebi angel, 6 8 , 74, 78, 80-82, 115, 122, 125, 131, 232,
'All b. Shaykh HacI elebi, Mevlana (Eyyub 251, 252, 274, 290, 293
'Alp) (SU), 358 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 214n
'All Shir (Nawal), Mir, 6 8 , 90, 287 Ankara, 114,152, 305, 316, 363, 364n, 365, 368
'All Yahya (Zaydl leader), 338 Ansar (Helpers of Muhammad), 231
'All b. Yusuf Fenari, Mevlana (M II), 351 ant, 181
Alihi, Seyyid (Vardari Suleyman) (poet, S II), Antakya, 175, 411
104, 362 Antalya, 318
Alihi, Shaykh (M II), 353 anthologies, 262
436 INDEX
antithesis, 227
Antony, 173
antonym, 222
Anwar at-tanzil wa asrar at-ta'wll, 27
apocalypse/ -lyptic disaster, 49, 87, 108, 114,
116, 121, 125, 136, 137, 196, 224, 233, 234,
241, 283, 289, 296, 348
apocalypse, minor (earthquake of 1509),
318
appendix (in the Essence), 93, 219, 306, 325,
327, 329, 337
Arab (person), 45, 64, 92, 116, 139, 140, I4In,
151, 157, 158, 170, 197, 198, 286, 292, 302,
306, 317, 327
'Arab, Hakim (physician, M II), 352
Arab attack, 89
Arab coast, 260
Arab conquest, 298
Arab language, see Arabic
Arab literature, see literature
Arab pedigree, 142
Arab script, 124, 400
Arab tribes, 29n
Arabia(n), 247, 291, 292, 315, 327
Arabic (language), 22, 25n, 27n, 29n, 4In, 42n,
51, 54, 78, 79, 97, 103, 106, 127, 139, 170,
172, 183, 199, 210, 213, 214,22In, 222, 224,
231, 292, 330, 372, 388, 396, 399, 413, 417
Arabic, Egyptian, 368
'Arab$ah Mun$I , see Ibn 'Arabshah
'Arabzade, Muhylddln, Monla/ Shaykh (SU),
57, 120, 126, 359
'Ara'is al-majalis f i qisas al-anbiya, Kitab, 24
arak, 266, 268, 329
Aras Khan, 336
archeological finds, 105
Archeological Museum (Istanbul) (see also
Arkeoloji Muzesi Kutuphanesi), 412
archer(y), 44n, 327, 396, 398, 399
archivalia (archival sources), 22, 49, 52, 53,
89n, 105, 107, I65n, 236, 281
Ardahan, 333
Ardashlr, King, 235
Ardashlr b. Shiraya (= Yazdgird b. Shiruya?),
297
Ardawan, King, 297Aristotelianism, 112
Arfahshad b. Sam, 139
'Arif, es-Seyyid, 368
'Arif Ahmed Aga lmamlzade, 371
'A rif'A ll, Mevlana (poet, MU II), 50, 60, 351
'Arif Qelebi, see 'ArifT
'Arif! (Fethallah 'Arif Qelebi) (poet, $ehna-
meguy, SU), 98, 342, 360
'ArifT (Huseyn) (poet, SU), 360
aristocracy (Ottoman), 166
Aristotle, see Aristutalls
Aristutalls (Aristotle), 23, 112 , 172
Ark, 69, 294, 295
Arkeoloji Muzesi Kutuphanesi (Istanbul), 386
Arles, 368, 374
Arman b. Layz b. Yunan b. Yafith, 141
Armenia (Ermen), 37, 79, 80, 174, 295
Armenian (person), 54n, I35n, 138, 141, 237,
292, 334, 413
army (troops), Ottoman, 77, 94, 95, 102, 115,
121, 125, 150, 151, 163, 185, 186, 191, 193,
197, 234, 236-239, 249, 310, 316, 317, 321,
328, 333-338, 340, 341, 344, 345
Amaldez, R., I29n
Arnavud, 142
Arsenal, 158, 320
Arslan Pa$a, Mihalogh (Sifafi) (beglerbegi,
poet, SU), 260, 327, 357, 360
art-historical aspects (of MSS), 403
artisans, see ehl-i hiref
Arwa bt. Harith b. 'Abdalmuttalib, 253n
'asabiya (solidarity of clients), 197
ascent ( o f Isa), 173
asceticism, 171, 263, 316
Asfar, Banu/ Beni, see Banu Asfar
Ask, King, 297
Ashkaniyan (Persian kings), 297
Ashkelon, see 'Askalan
al-'Ashqalanl, Abu I-Fadl b. Hajar Shihabad-
dln, 29
Asia(n), 167, 182
Asia, Central, 96, 292
'd$ik (dervish), 317
'A$ik Celebi (Monla) (poet, biographer, S II),
25n, 3In, 41,42 and n, 44,63,70, lOOn, 101,
225, 25In, 257n, 258, 264, 267
'A$ik Pagazade (DervI? 'A$iki b. eyh Yahya b.
eyh Suleyman b. 'Aik Pa?a b. Muhlis
Baba), 22, 40, 61, 63, 65, 76, 227, 301, 348
As'ila-i jami', 32
'Askalan (Ashkelon), 94
'asker (soldier), 259
'Askeri (poet, SU), 360
'A$kl (poet, M II), 353
Asrar al-balagha, 213
 INDEX
association (phonic), 222
association (thematic), 224, 227
Astrakhan, 328
astrologer (miineccim), 120, 121, 127, 330, 331,
333
astrology/ -gical, 108, 118, 120 , 121 , 122
astronomical table, see takvim
astronomy, 117, 175, 262
'Aseiira prayer, 369, 414
Asus (?), 318At meydani (Hippodrome, Istan
bul), 119, 317, 338
'Ataallah, Hoca (M II), 352
'Ata'allah, Mevlana (S II), 127, 362
Atabegs, Atabeg dynasty, 148, 299
'Atayi (poet, MU II), 351
Atayl, Nevlzade (biographer, poet, MU III),
376, 392, 394, 416
Ate?, A., 26n
Athens, 173
Atsiz, Huseyin Nihal, 8 , 9n, 10,11, 16, 72n, 122
Attema, D.S., 115n, 136n
Auerbach, Erich, 83n, 276n
auguries, the drawing of, see tefa iil
Augustus (Roman emperor), 173, 176, 312
Aumer, J., 387
Austria(n), 19, 183, 185, 340, 409
Austrian horsemen, 342
autobiography/ -phical passages, 18, 4 In, 48,
49, 54, 85, 93, 96 ff 207, 227, 274, 279
autograph(ed), 61, 402, 410
a'vamm (commoners), 74, 135, 210-213, 216,
260, 274, 285, 287
Awdah al-masalik (Ha ma'rifat al-buldan wa I-
mamalik), 28n, 31, 38, 8 8 , 124, 291
Aya Sofya, see Hagia Sophia
a'yan (notables), 117, 216, 320
Ayas, Mevlana (M II), 352
Ayas Pa$a (vizier, M II), 351
Ayas Pa$a (grand vizier, SU), 204, 269, 356
Ayas Pa$a (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Aydm, 304, 305, 308, 310
Ayme-i zurafa, 7
Ayi$e Sultan, Princess (daughter of Murad
III), 243, 338
'Ayisha, 128
"Ayrizade, Mevlana (B II), 354
Ayyub (Job, see also Eyub), 140, 295
Ayyubids, Ayyubid dynasty, 148-150, 297, 372
Azak (Sea of Azov), 315
Azarbayjan, 148, 291, 318
437
'Azazil (see also devil, Iblls), 293
azeb (marine), 238
al-'Aziz Jamaladdin b. Yusuf (Mamluk), 297
'AzizI (poet, S II), 260
al-Azmeh, Aziz, 121 (n), 108n, 195, 196, 213n,
215n, 217n
Azores, 131
Azov, see Azak
B
Baalbek, 131
Baba Haydar Semerkandi (shaykh, SU), 359
Baba Suglun, 323
Babil (Babylon), 6 8 , 172, 220, 292, 294
Babinger, Franz, 6 n, 9, 11, 15, 19, 29n, 60n,
363,417
Babulebvab, Bab al-abwab, see Iron Gate
babu s-sa'adet agast, see aga-yi bab-i sa'adet
Babur (MIrza) (Timurid), 149, 299
Babylon, see Babil
Bag (Vac), 323bafalufka (gun), 236
Badf azzaman (Timurid), 298, 299, 320
Baghdad, 1, 12, 55,85n, 103,124, 146,297, 325,
334, 338, 343
Baghdad, conquest of (1258), 6 6 , 146, 246, 249
Bahgekapi (Istanbul), 412
Bahistun, 338
Bahjat as-salik f t la'rtkh al-khulafa wa s-salatin
wa l-muluk, 30
Bahjat at-tawarikh, 30, 40, 49, 65, 74, 75
BahmanI, Shah, 191
Bahmanids, Bahmanid dynasty, 298
Bahr-i kulziim kapudam (navy commander of
the Red Sea), 334
Bahr-i muhtt (Circular Sea , the Great
Ocean), 6 8 , 125, 129, 168, 236, 273, 291
Bahr at- 'uliim, Kitab, 29
Al-Bahr az-zakhir f t 'ilm al-awwal wa l-awakhir,
30, 38, 40
Bahram Gur, King, 181
Bah$ayi$ Faklh, Mevlana (MU II), 351
bahseiyan (paymasters), 136
Bah$i Beg (Musa), 360
Bah$I Hallfe, Mevlana (S I), 356
bahfif (gift, accession fee), 53, 264, 311,319
Bahtiyar, Hasan b. Hacc, 44
baker, 259
 438 INDEX

BakI (poet, SU - M III), 3In, 45, 97, 98, 103, bay horse, 212
104, 154, 332, 343, 400, 416 Al-Bayan f i ihya sahib az-zaman, 32
Bakraduvan (king), 179 Bayburd, 325
Balaban Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350 al-Baydawi, Abu Said Naslraddln al-Qadl
al-Baladhuri (, Abu 1-'Abbas), 35 (Cadi Baydawl), 27, 68
Balat (quarter in Istanbul), 94 Baybars, al-Malik az-Zahir (Mamluk), 132
Ball, Shaykh (SU), 359 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Munich), 387
Bali Beg, Malkogogh (B II), 316 Bayezid, Mevlana (SU), 358
Ball Beg (SU), 324 Bayezld, Prince (son of M II, the later B II),
Ball Efendi, Shaykh Sarhof (S II), 101, 120, 314, 315
128, 339, 362 Bayezld, Prince (poet, son of SU), 46, 159, 160,
Balinus, Emperor, 176 204, 323, 326-328, 360
Balkans, 185 Bayezld I, Sultan, 44, 51, 71, 72, 8 6 , 91, 114,
al-Balkhi, Abu Zayd, 24 120, 151, 152, 245, 254, 255, 304-307, 313,
baltaci (halberdier) corps, 261 349, 378, 383, 388, 389, 401
ban(s), 184, 327 Bayezld II, Sultan, 30n, 40n, 8 6 , 87, 92, 117,
Banakati, Fakhraddln b. Abl 1-Fadl Muham 120, 123, 128, 182, 190, 243, 254, 257, 258,
mad, 27 265, 302, 311, 315-319, 320, 353, 376, 379,
Bandirma, 411 382, 384, 388, 391
banker, 229, 275 Bayezid Halife, Shaykh (B II), 354
banquet, 77, 101, 102, 145, 241, 242, 245, 305, Bayezid Han, Prince (the later Bayezid I), 304
323, 324 Bayezld Mosque, 260
banquet utensils, 242, 246 Bayezid Pa$a (vizier, M I), 309, 350
Banu Ahmar, 183 Bayezid State Library, see Beyazit Devlet Ku-
Banu Asfar, 76, 140, 292 tuphanesi
Banu IsraH, see Jews Bayezid Sufi, Mevlana (M I), 350
Banyaluka, 1 BayhaqI, 36
Barbarossa, see Hayreddin BayhaqI, Abu 1-Fadl, 113
Bar Hebraeus, see al-'Ibn Bayhaqi, Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. Shamsaddin
barber, 189 (Shams al- Islam), 36n
barbershop, 266 Bayraktar, Nimet, 366 ff.
Al-Barq al-Yamam f i l-falh al-'Ulhmam, 400, Bayram (cadi, SU), 157
416 Baysun, M. Cavid, 3n, 9, 3In
Barkan, Omer Lutfi, 53n, 89n Bazarlu Dogan Beg (MU I), 349
Barkuk, Emir (Mamluk), 305 bear, 267, 272, 275, 290
Barton, Edward, 179 Bee, see Vienna
Ba? Aguk, 178 bedihe (impromptu verse), 99
Basha, King, 142 bedouin, 290, 321
Basil I, 176n Bedreddln, Hakim (physician, SU), 359
Basiri (poet, B II), 355 Bedreddln, Mevlana (at-Tablb Hudhud) (phy
Basra, 95, 327-329 sician, SI), 356
bafdeflerdar (chief finance director), 56, 157, Bedreddln, Shaykh (B II), 355
158, 162, 339, 343 Bedreddln Ahmer, Shaykh (M I), 350
bafkapucibasei (chief of the palace door Bedreddln ed-Daklk, Shaykh (M I), 350
keepers), 158, 314 Bedreddln Mahmud b. tsraH, Mevlana Shaykh,
bathhouse, 117, 152, 189, 241, 243, 306, 313, Kazi Simavnaogli (Musa), 309, 350
330 Bedreddln Mahmud, Mevlana (Kueik) (S I),
Bathory, Sigismund, 182 355
Batinids, Batinid dynasty, 148, 199, 299 Bedreddln Mahmud, Mevlana (SU), 358
Battal GhazI, Sayyid, 89, 176 Bedn Beg (sancakbegi, S II), 361
 INDEX
bee, 305
beg(s) (see also sancakbegi), 13, 152, 181, 183,
184, 237, 255, 265, 306-308, 318
beglerbegi (governor-general), 1,47, 50, 57, 95,
99, 100, 104, 135, 150, 154, 157, 158, 160,
161, 245, 306, 307, 310, 316, 324, 325, 328,
329, 331, 333, 339, 342, 344
Beglerbegi Incident (1589), 6 , 57, 120, 161,
359
beglerbegilik (post of governor-general, Otto
man province), 93, 151, 158, 300, 335
Beha (valide sultan, SU), 325
Behaeddln 'Omer, Mevlana (B I), 349
Behaeddln b. Shaykh Lutfallah, Mevlana (M
II), 352
Behram Pa$a (beglerbegi of Rumeli, SU), 324,
357
Behram Pa$a (beglerbegi of Baghdad, Rum,
Diyarbekr, SU), 324, 357
Behram Pa$a (MU III), 334
Bekir, son of Suleyman Pa$a Ramazanogh, 299
Bekir Hallfe, Shaykh (SU), 359
Bekrashan, see Pekre$en
Bekta$ (Veil), HacI, 39n, 43n, 348
Bekta$I (sufl order), 39n, 254, 324
Belgrade, 124, 184, 310, 314, 317,323, 327, 340,
410
Bellgl (poet, SU), 104, 360
Belin, M., 7n
Bell, Richard, 72n
belles lettres, see adab
Benedictus XI (pope), 295
Beni Asfar, see Banu Asfar
Benli Hasan, see Ahl, Mevlana
Berar, 298
Berbers, 177
Berggren, Jacob, 410, 413
Berlin, 363, 365, 369, 372, 377, 378, 386, 395,
396, 414
Beroia, see Karaferye
ber} (a narcotic made of hemp leaves or opium
and syrup), 97, 188, 266
Be$ikta$, 94
besmele (formula), 210, 365 ff.
Bespirem (Veszprem), 340
bevvab (chamberlain), 410
bewitched, 290
BeyanI (poet, SU), 360
BeyanI (poet, S II), 362
439
Beyazit Devlet Kutuphanesi (Istanbul), 384,
412
beyt (distich), 52, 60, 61n, 70, 98, 123, 222,
223n, 224, 258, 416
Bezmi (copyist) (see also Ibrahim Bezim), 381
Bible, (see also Injil, Tawrat), 82, 83, 170, 413
bibliography, Ottoman, 412
Bibliotheca Reale (Turin), 391
Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris), 381, 396, 399,
413
Bidar, 298
Bldarl (poet, SU), 104, 360
Al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, 28, 38,45, 79n, 252,296
Bidlis, 325, 334
(al-)Bidllsi, Abu 1-Fadl (Muhammad), 30n, 36
(al-)BidllsI, Hakimaddin Idris b. Husamaddln
(Mevlana, historian, B II), 22, 30, 40, 43n,
53, 63, 67, 72, 73, 83, 84n, 107, 138, 169,
174, 201n, 215n, 237, 277, 301, 312, 320,
321
Bielgorod-Dniestrovskii, see Akkerman
Biga, 304Bihi$tI (poet, B II), 355
Bihi$tl (poet, SU), 360
Bihram, 270, 271, 275
Bljapur, 298
Bint Karlmaddln Khatun, 54 and n
biographer (Ottoman), 12, 64, 70, 97, 101, 103,
127
biographical sections (in the Essence), 3 ,28n,
44, 45, 54, 77, 8 6 , 89, 90, 96, 97, 99, 101,
119, 133, 135, 166, 219, 254, 280, 348 ff.
biographical dictionary, see tezkire
biography, 2, 3, 9, 10, 13, 18, 25n, 26n, 31n,
43n, 55, 56, 62, 65, 87, 91-93, 96-98, 101,
102, 117, 119, 127n, 201n, 210, 215, 218,
219,226,249,250 and n, 251,252,254,281-
286, 288, 295, 296, 298, 325, 326, 333, 335,
338, 347, 369, 383, 388, 390, 396, 415, 416
biographies of poets (in the Essence), 8 , 10,
4 In, 45, 99, 207, 223, 25In, 396
birds, 118, 258, 275, 322
Birge, John Kingsley, 39n
Birnbaum, Eleazer, 9
al-BIrunl, Abu r-Rayhan, 24, 28n, 112n, 130
BistamI, 'Abdarrahman, see 'Abdarrahman B.
al-Bitrlq, Yahya, 25n
Blachernae, Palace of the, 94
Black Sea, 94, 8 8 , 95, 167, 174, 246, 247, 275,
311
 440 INDEX

black(s) (persons), 140, 253 Brittany, 168

Bloch, Marc, 275n brocade, 241, 243, 247, 275
Blochet, E., 381, 396, 399 Brockelmann, Carl, 23n, passim
Bodur, Husnu, 154n brothel, 247
Bogazkesen, fortress (Rumelihisan), 311 Browne, Edward Granville, 394, 413
Bohemians (see also Qeh), 180, 300 Brude, see Bordeaux
Bolu (Boh), 56, 102, 307, 337 Bruijn, J.T.P. de, 72n, 126n
boliik (regiment), 95 Brus?a (Brustza), 317
boliik halki (cavalry troops of the Janissary Brustza, see Brusca
corps), 164, 249, 339, 340, 344 Bruya (? king of Egypt), 294
Bombaci, Alessio, 16, 276 Bucarest, 163, 345, 346
book, 54, 58, 60, 61, 64, 6 8 , 75, 76, 92, 94, 103, bucketmaker, 408
104, 108, 122, 146, 170, 171, 215, 227-230, Buda (Budin), 13, 57, 128, 158, 162, 164, 183,
258, 262, 285, 287, 289, 293, 311 202, 204, 323, 324, 326, 339, 340, 341, 346,
book (ceride, part of the Essence), 293 347
(book-)binder, 259, 260, 404, 414 Budak Beg (B II), 317
(book-)collector, 404, 406, 409, 410, 412 budget (Ottoman), 53, 89n, 281
(book-)market, 4, 59, 409, 410 Budin, see Buda
bookseller, 400, 414 buffaloes, 143
bookshop, 60 buffoons, 217, 344
Bordeaux, 168 Bukhara, 61, 103
Borlukce Mustafa, see Mustafa B. al-Bukhan, Abu 'Abbas Muhammad b. Ismail
Boskov, Vanco, 266n, 267n b. Ibrahim, 23, 38, 46
Bosna, see Bosnia Buhayre-i Eras, see Lake Van
Bosphorus, 67, 94, 95, 126, 174, 242, 246, 247, Bundukiye, see Venice
275, 312, 314, 317 al-Bunl (al-Qurashl), (Muhylddin) Ahmad, 35
Bosnia(n), 13, 101, 143 and n, 144, 162, 164, Bulaq, 264
181, 202, 204, 255, 272, 304, 326, 339 Bulbul, Hafizu 1-Kuran Feyzallah, 373, 383
Bostan (Qelebi) (Ottoman historian), 197n Bulgar, 179, 292
Bostan, Mevlana (S II), 362 Bulgarian fortresses, 304
Bostan Efendi, see Musliheddln, Mevlana Bulgarians, 174
bostancibafi (commander of imperial guards), Buqrat (? Hippocrates), 297
155, 162, 340 Burdil , see Bordeaux
Bostanzade Mehmed, see Mehmed B. bureaucracy, Ottoman, 10, 150, 159, 201, 259,
Bostanzade Muhylddln (feyhii l-lslam, MU III 279, 325
- M III), 54n, 156, 160, 163, 342, 345 bureaucrat, see ehl-i kalem
Bosworth, C.E., 29n, 147nBoyle, J.A., 74n, bureaucratic career f Alfs), 281
271n bureaucratic consciousness, 202
Bozan 'All Dede, Shaykh (SU), 120, 126 Burhanaddin Nizam-Shah, 298
Bozcaada, 315 Burhaneddin, Cadi/ Mevlana (Mu I - BI), 304,
Bozok, 55, 323 349
Bozok Celal (rebel leader), 322 Burhaneddin Haydar, Mevlana (M I), 350
Bragadino, Marco Antonio, 181 Bursa, 57, 65, 67, 100, 258, 259, 261, 265, 303-
Brahmins, 136 309, 316
Braudel, Ferdinand, 184n businessmen, see merchants
Breisach, Ernst, 275n, 276n Busse, Heribert, 105n
bribe(ry), see corruption butcher (qassab), 297
Britain, 168 Buyids, Buyid dynasty, 147
Britamye, see Britain, Brittany buyruldi (rescript), 161, 332
British Library (London), 384, 391, 399, 413
 INDEX 441

Byzantin, Emperor/ King, 114, 138, 174, 176, camelriders, 230

177, 312 Cam! (poet, M II), 353
Byzantine Empire (Rum), 79, 80, 126, 140n, Cami (Ahmed) (poet, SU), 360
173, 175, 177 Cami'u l-buhur der mecalis-i sur (by 'All), 49,
Byzantine princess, 89 52n, 183
Byzantine territory, 177 Cami'u l-kemalat (by 'All), 9, 122
Byzantines, 170, 172, 177, 180 Cami'u l-meknunat (by Mevlana 'Isa), 22, 41,
Byzantium, 173, 184, 185 43n, 301, 305
camomile, 272, 273, 275
C Camphor Island , see Cezire-i kafur
Canard, M., 89n
Cac, 178 Canbaz Qukuri, 189
cadi (judge), 51, 52, 57, 64, 91, 94, 95, 97-102, CanberdI Gaza IT (vail, SU), 323
132, 135, 157, 158, 160, 164, 194, 248, 258, Canbulad Beg b. Kasim Beg (SU), 124, 158
260, 263, 265, 266, 268, 290, 306, 313, 329, Qandarh family, 255
336, 394, 408, 410 Canfeda Hatun (kedbdnii of the Harem, S II),
cadiship, 52, 92, 156, 248, 257, 258 243, 331 cannibals, 131
Ca'fer, Mevlana (SU), 359 Canik, 308, 309
Ca'fer Aga (S II), 329 Canopus, 290
Ca'fer Aga (brother of Gazanfer Aga), 244 Cantemir, Dimitrie, 5, 14, 18, 20, 111, 187, 409,
Ca'fer Beg, Hum (SU), 322 411
Ca'fer Beg/ Qelebi, Tac(beg)zade (nifanci, B II, capital, the Ottoman, see Istanbul
SI), 53, 55, 92, 119, 269, 319, 320, 353, 356 Gar, see Emperor
Ca'fer Efendi, Mevlana (S II), 362 caravansaray, 241
Ca'fer Pa$a (beglerbegi of Kefe, Shirwan, MU carousing, 87, 91, 244, 246, 303, 306, 316, 329
III), 44n, 142, 336 carrier-pigeons, 4n, 95, 321
Ca'fer Pa$a, Hadim (beglerbegi of Cyprus, carp, 290
Tunis, S II), 361 Caspian Sea, 68
Ca'fer Pa$a, Hadim (beglerbegi of Tabriz, MU Castello (Kastelye), 182, 325
III), 338, 380 castration/ -ated, 244, 275
caftan, 247 cat, 239
Cain, see Qabll catamite, 212, 227, 268, 275, 363
Cairo, 1,4,10,11, 12,60,95,100,164, 242, 318, Cathay, 37, 136, 294, 295,
321, 327, 328, 343, 363-365, 368, 371, 379, Caucasians, 170
380, 390, 406, 408, 415 Caucasus, 1, 142-144, 189, 327
Gakirbekar, 308 Caucasus campaign(s) (of 1578-83), 1, 11, 128,
Cakiri (poet, B II), 355 160, 161, 203, 238, 327, 332, 334-336
Calabria, 182 causality, historical, 195n
Galdiran, 337 favuf (halberdier, herald), 321, 324, 340, 410
Galdiran, Battle of, 188, 320 cebeci (armourer), 249
calf, 345 Geh (Bohemia(ns)), 180, 181, 184
caliphate, 146, 177, 197, 198, 297 Celal Beg (Celali, poet, S II), 46, 70, 99, 244,
caliph, 28n, 31n, 85n, 87, 90, 105, 139, 146, 196, 328, 362
246, 250, 253n, 288, 297 Celaleddln, Mevlana (SU), 358
Caliphs, the (first) four (the Four Friends), Celali, see Celal Beg
30n, 113, 296 Celalzade, Mustafa (Mustafa b. Celal, Koca
calligraphed, 60, 406 Ni$anci , Ni$am) (nifanci, historian, poet,
calligrapher, 9, 61 and n, 414 SU - S II), 22, 41, 55, 56, 93, 98, 128, 199,
calligraphy, 66, 403 227, 258, 301, 324, 325, 416
Cambridge, 393, 413, 416 Celalzade, Salih, Mevlana (SU), 264
camel, 239, 242, 246, 333 Gelebi, Shaykh (M II), 353
 442 INDEX

Celebioglu, A., 29n Chosroes, see Kisra

Celill (poet, B II), 355 Christian scholars, 136
Celfli (poet, SU), 100, 258, 360, 396, 400 Christian state, 280
Celsing, Gustav, 388, 393, 412 Christianity, 125, 170, 280
Cem, Prince (son of M II), 40n, 167n, 185, 191, Christian(s) {Nasdrd), 14, 37, 97, 111, 128,
311, 315, 316, 355 135n, 138, 140n, 168, 169-171, 174, 175,
CemaleddTn tshak, Shaykh (B II), 354 177, 180, 184, 186, 192, 199, 233, 254, 260,
CemaleddTn Mehmed b. Mehmed AksarayT, 268, 292, 295,311, 330,336
Shaykh (MU I), 349 chronogram, see tdrih
CemaleddTn Mehmed Karslizade, 7 chronology/ -gical, 49, 50, 86 , 135, 136 ff., 196,
Cemali (poet, SU ah), see Ahmed D a l 219, 251, 284, 289, 292, 295, 402
Cental! (poet, S II), 362 church, 128, 168, 174, 176, 268, 317
Cental! $eyhzade (poet, M I), 350 Qbukova, 114, 152, 305
CemTl! (poet, M I), 350 Cildir, Battle of (1578), 333
Cemlll (poet, M II), 353 Cigalazade, see Sinan Pa$a
Cenabi (Pa$a), see Ahmed Pa$a, HayalT Cigerdelen (Parkany), 346
censorship, 19 CihangTr, Prince (poet, son of Suleyman), 159,
censure (see also invective), 77, 161, 202, 206, 327, 328, 360
212, 226, 246, 270 Cihdnniimd, 40
centipede, 236, 275 Qn, see China
Cephalonia, see Kefalonya tins, see race
ceride, see book Circassia, 191
Cermik, 335 Circassian (person), 117, 142-144, 150, 169,
Cevhert (poet, SU), 360 180, 190, 292, 300- 302, 319, 336
Cevri Celebi (copyist), 409 Circassians (Mamluks o f Egypt), 54n, 8 8 , 191,
Ceybi- (poet, S I), 356 260, 283, 297, 316, 321
Cezayir-i magrib (Algiers), 325 Circassian army, 125
Cezire-i ezhar ( Flower Island), 131 Circassian women, 95, 321
Cezire-i kafur ( Camphor Island), 131 circles {devoir) of the earth, 291
Cezmi (novel by Namik Kemal), 189n circle of equity, 134
Chagatay (language), 221 circumcision (festivities), 49, 51, 56, 150, 153,
Cham, see Ham 178, 178, 183, 241, 243, 244, 304, 310, 318,
chaos, see ihtilal 324, 326, 335, 336, 343
chaplain, 413 circumcized, 178, 275
Chapur, 253, 298 circumference (of the earth), 130
Charles V, 181 city boys / ragamuffins , see $ehr oglanlan
Charles Albert of Sardinia, King, 414 class {tabaka), 297
chicken, 186, 242. 272 class distinctions/ structure, 135, 216
chicken kebab, 216 classes of kings, 302
Chin, 141 classes (of the Ottoman population, see also
China (Qin, Md(in), 30n, 167 and n, 172, 178, educated/ lower/ middle/ ruling/ upper
187, 291, 294, 368, 370, 415 class), 52, 95, 135, 216, 246, 287
China, the kings of, 172 Cleopatra, 173, 297
Chinese (people), 141 clerks , see ehl-i kalem
Chinese (seas), 130 clima (clime), see ikhm
Chinese state, 280 cloak, see hil'at
Chingiz Khan, 79, 80, 147, 148, 177, 179, 302 cock, 237
Chingizids, Chingizid dynasty, 147, 177, 198 codicological, see manuscript
and n, 199, 299 coffee, 216, 246
chiromancy, 118 coffeehouses, 93, 95, 164, 193, 246, 247, 327,
Chitur, 298 coin clipping (clipped coin), 57, 154, 274, 339
 INDEX 443

coinage, debasement of, 158, 164, 332 Corsica, 327

comet, 133, 219, 314, 330, 333, 415 Corum, 50, 318
comment, 111, 200 cosmogony, 2 , 112
commentary, 213, 229, 253, 273, 279, 280, 292, cosmographic (part of the Essence), 28, 8 6 ,
415 116, 128
commerce, 116, 275, 329 cosmography (cosmology), 22, 24n, 25n, 27n,
commoner, see a'vdmm 29n, 49, 78, 106, 111
community, see nation, umma cotton, 248
companion, see musahib court, 133, 209, 217
companion (Muhammads, see also Ansar, court (of Caliph Abu Bakr), 105
Muhdji-rm), 3, 28n, 45, 105, 124, 125, 137, court (Mamluk), 242
250 and n, 251, 252,283, 295, 296, 369, 375, court (Ottoman), 12, 51, 60, 92, 104, 120, 126,
415 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 164, 186, 201n, 204,
comparison, 91, 106, 222, 279 205, 214, 215, 243, 261, 263, 268, 269, 300,
compilation (the Essence as), 21, 59, 73, 85, 301, 306, 343, 346, 410
88 , 113, 191, 285 court (of Prince Abdallah), 258
compilative method (Alfs), 73, 74, 76, 107, court (of Prince Mahmud), 258
108, 129, 214n court (of Prince Selim), 1, 99, 328
compound (words) (see also izafet), 212, 233 court (Safavid), 55, 189
confectioner, 259 court (of Timur), 151
Conqueror, the, see Mehmed II, Sultan court (of Zulkadriye dynasty), 124
Constantine the Great, 118, 138, 174, 175 and court ceremony, 49, 219, 226, 241, 242
n, 176, 312 court-directed (texts), 406
Constantine, Column of (Istanbul), 175 Court Library (Vienna) (see also Osterrei-
Constantine V, 176 chische Nationalbibliothek), 413, 414
Constantine XI, 176 court sweeper, 259
Constantinople (see also Istanbul), 69, 83, 84, court usher (muhzir), 96, 259
94, 114-116, 118, 120, 126, 136, 138, 141, courtier(s), 51, 60n, 73,153, 154 157,189, 314,
145, 172, 174, 176, 177, 180, 199, 237, 311, 342-344, 406, 411
312, 388, 391 cow, 167, 239
Constantinus III, 175 craftsmen, see ehl-i hiref
Constantius II, 175 creation, 2, 24n, 27n, 49, 50, 74, 76, 8 6 , 108,
constellation (of the stars), 6 6 , 120, 122, 124, 114,141n, 170, 171, 196, 283, 285, 289, 290,
145, 196, 239, 270 295
conversation, 216, 250 creed, see madhhab
conversion, 250, 297, 336 creed (Muslim) (see also ehddet), 61, 148
cook, 157, 343 Crete, 131, 326
Cook, M.A., 166n Crimea, 56, 8 8 , 180, 183, 283, 291, 299, 325,
Coptic (calendar), 50 330, 337, 341
Coptic kings, 294 critical asides (in the Essence), 223, 226
Coptic language, 76 critical faculty (discrimination) 'Alps, 15
Coptic scholars, 37 critical method (Alfs, Ibn Khalduns), 16,
Copts, 140, 170, 172, 292 18, 20, 22, 58 fT., 107n, 108, 195, 280, 281
copyist, 107, 289, 363, 365 ff 407 ff. critical remark, 256
Corfu, 56, 183n, 314, 326, 330 criticism (see also censure, source criticism), 13,
corrector, 372, 414, 415 17, 18, 8 8 , 137, 144, 160, 192, 193, 195n,
corrupt(ion), 51, 52, 57, 87, 91, 93, 105, 115, 200-203, 205-207, 246, 255, 264, 281, 289,
150, 154, 156- 160, 164, 165, 193, 194, 265 305, 306, 313, 320
274, 287, 288, 290, 301, 306,313, 322, 329, criticism, literary, 226
332, 339, 342, 343, 415 cross, 174
corsair, 181 crow, 98, 272, 347
 1

444 INDEX

Crusaders, 177, 18 1, 185 Dar al-harb (Dominion of War, countries out

Cukur ?ayir, 319 side the Dominion of Islam), 166, 240
cumulative, see compilative Dar alrlslam (Dominion of Islam), 166, 182
Cunbur, Miijgan, 10 Dar al-kutub al-Misriyya (Cairo), II, 182, 363,
Ciineyd, Emir, tzmirogli, 308, 309, 310 365, 378, 371, 379, 380, 36, 390, 406
cunt, 273 Darab, King, 297
cupbearer (saki), 152, 245, 261 Darandu (?), King, 174, 176
curiosities, see 'acayib Darband, 43n, 333
curse (malediction), 67, 119, 133, 146, 151,259, Dardanelles, 303
292, 304, 322 Darnton, Robert, 242n
Curtius, Ernst Robert, 12In dark regions (zulemat), 291
cut-purses, 143 Dashful, 338
cyclical pattern (of history), 145, 176 Dasitan-i gaza-yi Egri, 376, 392
cyclism, 194, 196, 198 datepalm, 272, 275
cypress, 64, 268, 275 David, see Davud
Cyprus, 53, 56, 61, 8 8 , 100, 158, 160, 181, 183 Dawud (David),
and n, 184,267, 320, 329, 330,332, 344,411 Davud, Shaykh (B II), 359
Davud, Shaykh (SU),
Davud Kayseri, Mevlana (Orhan), 254, 348
D Davud Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350
Davud Pa$a (beglerbegi of Rumeli, M II), 316
Daghistan, 48, 102, 143, 334, 410 Davud Pa$a (beglerbegi of Anatolia, vizier, M
i
ad-Daghistanl, 'All HilmI, 363n, 379, 380, 390 II - B II), 236, 316, 252
Dahhaq(-i Marl), 51, 145, 146 Davud Pa$a(-i sanl) (vizier, B II), 353
Dahir, 178 Davud Pa$a (beglerbegi of Egypt, Syria, SU),
D a l (poet, M II), 353 357
D a l (poet, S II), 362 Davud Pa$a (beglerbegi of Timi$var, S II), 361
D al-i diger (poet, M II), 353 Davudpa;a (Istanbul), 128, 317, 411
Dal-i sam fAbdellatif Sari D aT) (poet, SII), Dawlatshah as-Samarqandl, 30
362 day-labourer, 135, 261, 265
Dajjal (the Deceiver), 136, 204, 296 Daylam, 116, 147
Dakovica, see Dugu$te Daylamls, 139, 157
damad (son-in-law), 254, 287, 338 dearth and famine, see economic depression
Damascus, I, 46, 55, 67, 95, 99, 100, 113, 118, decay, see decline
123, 148, 221, 266, 299, 321, 323 Deccan, 298
ad-Damlri, Kamaladdln, 28 decline (see also ihlilat), 51, 52, 89, 90, 91, 93,
dancers, 245 95, 106, 121, I44n, I49-I5I, 153, 156, 159, t
dancing, 263 164, 165, 185, 186,192, 196,201 and n, 206,
Dandanqan, Battle of, 147 219, 226, 246, 247, 279, 287, 288, 325, 332,
Daniel, see Daniyal 339, 346
Danishmend, Ahmed, 50 Dede 'Omer RusenT, Shaykh (M II), 353
Danishmendids, Danishmendid dynasty, 9, 50, Dedecikzade, Mevlana (S I), 356
141, 147, 299, 301 Dedesimid (ruler of Altunkal'e, MU III), 333
l
Dani$i (Kazi Pin Qelebi) (poet, SU), 360 defter (register, account book, tax roll), 53
danijmend (scholar), 313 defterdar (finance director), I, 2, 50, 56, 57, 6 6 ,
Dani;mend, Ismail Hami, 6 , 46n, 152n, 181n, 95, 98, 99, 102, 103, 123, 135, 156, 158, 159,
I83n, 240n, 309n, 34In 160, 165, 201, 203, 254, 259, 268, 313, 314,
Ddni$mendndme, 50, 60 325, 332, 337, 343, 344
Daniyal (Daniel), 69, 140 defterdarltk (the office of finance director), 4, 9,
Danube, 8 8 , 341, 346 48, 104, 157, 344
Darii 1-fiiniin Library (Istanbul) (see also Oniver- defter emini (registrar of the imperial lands), 2 ,
site Kutiiphanesi), 412 201, 204,410
 INDEX 445

Delhi, 299 direk mahbublari (mast beloveds / catami

Dellalzade (mosque), 377, 408 tes), 268
Dellalzade, see Husameddln, Mevlana Dirham b. Nasr (governor of Khurasan), 147
Deluge, 6 6 , 6 8 , 69, 70, 118, 121, 123, 125, 126, dirt phobia, 265, 266
137, 139 and n, 144, 173, 196, 238,239,252, disarray, see ihtilal
292 disorder, see ihtilal
Depedelen (Tepelene), 317 disruption , see ihtilal
deprecation, see invective distich, see beyl
Derencil Ban (Derencseny), 317 Diu, 326
Deruni (poet, S II), 362 divan (diwan, collection of poetry), 11, 51, 52,
dervish, 89, 128, 135, 155, 216, 225, 254, 262, 70, 98, 101, 103, 104, 126
263, 303, 317, 408 divan (council o f state, Imperial Council), 90,
Dervi; Beg (Ramazanogh) (sancakbegi, S II), 158, 313, 314, 324, 336, 409
266, 299, 361 divan (provincial council), 13, 328
Dervl$ Qelebi (halib, imam, SU), 92, 261 divan secretary, see kalib-i divan
Dervi$ Qelebi (poet, S II), 362 divani (script), 378 ff.
Dervi$ Qelebi b. Shaykh Baba Nakka (defter- divination, 43n, 118, 119
ddr, S II), 361 diviner (ceffar), 120
derya beglerbegis, see mirmiran-i derya-sebil Diwan an-nasab, 32
Description of Cairo (by All), see Hdldl etc. ad-Diyarbakri, Husayn b. Muhammad b.
Despot, King, 314 Hasan, 31, 38, 171
Deft-i Kipgak, 345 Diyarbekr (Diyarbakir), 48, 57, 91, 175, 291,
devaluation, 339 321, 324, 326, 338
devil (see also 'Azazll, Iblis), 65, 69, 115, 118, dizdar (fortress commander), 101
146, 274, 283, 284, 289, 290, 292, 293, 296 Djikia, S.S., 48n
devilish, 287 Dmanisi, see Tumani;
Devlet Giray Khan, 327, 328, 330 doctor, see physician
devfirme (system of recruitment), 142, 150, 151, documents, official, see archivalia
157, 158, 166, 180, 193, 197, 198, 201, 254, dog, 72n, 152, 181-183, 206, 235, 239, 258, 271,
260, 343 272, 275, 290
Dhayl ash-shaqa iq, see Shiqq Dogan Beg (MU II), 350
Dhulfiqar (sword of Muhammad), 231 doge, 181, 182
Dhu l-qarnayn, see Iskandar Don Juan of Austria, 183
dialogue, 49, 243n, 274 Donado, G.B., 412
diarrhoea, 266 Don-Volga canal, 328
Diary (Karl Siissheims), 409n donkey, 95, 239
diary(-like), 54, 200 Doria, Andrea, 181, 326
Dib (Low) Frengistan (Italy), 167, 182, 317 Dover, K.J., 267n
Didymotichon, see Dimetoka Dra? (Durres), 318
Dihni (?), Kitab, 32 dragoman, 409, 413
ad-Dimashql, Shamsaddin b. Nasiraddin, 28 dragon, 252, 290
ad-Dimashql as-Salihi, Shaykh Muhammad b. drawing (in the Essence), 371, 373, 406
Ya'qub, 31 dream, 57, 67, 80, 100, 101, 118, 120, 123, 127,
Dimetoka (Didymotichon), 319, 320 128, 294, 302, 325, 334, 342, 368
Dinar Tawwash (?) (Bahmanid), 298 dress rules, 135n
ad-DInawari, Abu Hanlfa, 35 drinkers, 245
Dinuz (Ahmed), Mevlana (M II), 352 drink(ing) (habits), 51, 91, 148, I54n, 159, 189,
Diocletian, 174 216, 245, 246, 300
diplomacy, 230diplomatic missions (see also drinking session, 258
embassy), 177, 185, 219 dromedary, 242
direct speech, see speech drug (addiction), 56, 216, 266, 337
 446 INDEX
druggist, 259
Druzes, 61
Du'aname, 43
Dubrovnik, 183, 320
dugdh (mode), 237
Dugli Baba, Shaykh (Orhan), 348
Dugu$te (Tirgovi$te, Dakovica), 164, 346
Dundar (son of Suleyman $ah), 302
Durr-i meknun, 29, 39, 252
Durres, see Drag
Dust Muhammad, Mevlana, 61
Dusturu I'amel llislahi l-halel (by Katib (/elebi),
5 343, 344, 366
dwarf (courtier), 344
dysentery, 239
E
earth(s) (see also zemm), 49, 75, 8 6 , 114, 115,
123, 125, 127, 130, 133, 135, 137, 144, 236,
239, 284, 290, 292, 294, 365, 371, 373
earthquake, 120, I35n, 174, 175, 290, 292, 317,
318, 336
eastern campaigns (fom 1583; see also Cauca
sus campaign), 44n, 157, 163, 203, 337
Ebu Bekr MIrza (Shirwan-Shah), 299
(Ebu) Eyub (Ansari) (also complex, quarter in
Istanbul) (see also Ayyub), 89, 94, 95, 97,
120, 313, 378, 412
Ebu Said, Shaykh (SU), 265, 359
Ebulfazl Efendi (defterdar, SU), 357
Ebulleys, Mevlana (SU), 358
Ebussu'ud, Mevlana (Bedreddlnzade) (SU),
358
Ebussu'ud b. Mehmed b. Mustafa el-Imadl,
see Abu Su'ud
Ebulvefa (complex, Istanbul), 313
economic depression, 96, 115, 126, 165, 331,
332
Edeball, Mevlana/ Shaykh (Osman), 254, 348
Eden, Kieran, I95n, 276n
Edhem Bey, I4In
Edip, Halide, I95n
Edirne, 92, 115, 119, 121, 152, 240, 258, 304,
306-309, 317-319, 322, 326, 330, 344, 364n
Edirne Gate (Istanbul), 126, 272, 329, 340
Edremid, 306
educated classes, 216, 416
eflak, see sphere
Eflatun (SirvanI) (poet, SU), 360
Eger, see Egri
Egri (Eger), 217, 233, 236, 247
Egri campaign, see Hungarian campaign (of
1596)
Egri felhi tarthi, 42n
Egriboz (Euboia), 315, 318
Egypt, 4, 26n, 29n, 33n, 54n, 8 8 , 95, 100, 104,
II2-II4, 118, 120, 123, 125, 126, 139, 140,
153, 157, 160-162, 172-174, 176, 177, 249,
254, 264, 265, 273, 283, 292-294, 297, 305,
316-318, 322, 323, 326, 328, 336, 338, 339,
Egyptian (person), 52, 265, 372
Egyptian campaign (of Selim I), 94, 321
Egyptian dynasty, 283
Egyptian shore, 132
Egyptian State Library, see Dar al-kutub al-
Misriyya
ehl-i beyt (Muhammads family), 232
ehl-i hiref (craftsmen), 92, 135, 320
ehl-i kalem (men of the pen , bureaucrats,
clerks, class of secretaries), 1, 6 6 , 92, 93,
104, 106, 107, 117, 135, 157-159, 214, 268,
287, 289, 313, 410
ehl-i seyf (men of the sword, military men),
104, 313
Ehlice Muhylddln, Mevlana (SU), 358
Eight Colleges, see medaris-i semamye
Ekmel, Mevlana (S II), 57, 267, 329
Elbasan, 314
Elbistan, 324
elegy, see mersiye
elephant, 13In, 167, 187, 252, 267, 290
elements, the four, 116, 124
Elisabeth I, 179
elite (see also upper class), 210, 21 In, 285
Elrnah, 319
EmanI (poet, SU), 360
Emanf (/elebi (poet, S II), 362
embassy, I83n, 184,317, 318,321,323, 329,333
Embassy, the British (Istanbul), 413
embassies, Western, 179
emin (commissioner, trustee), I, 62, 117, 201
emmship, 329
emir (prince), 148, 189, 309
emir, see sancakbegi
Emir Buhari, see Mehmed Buhari
Emlr-i (/In 'Osman, see Osman, Emlr-i (/In
Emir Hasan Qelebi b. Seyyid All Qelebi, Mev
lana (SU), 358
 INDEX
Emir Hasan Riiml, Mevlana (SU), 358
Emir Khan, 333
Emir Sultan, Shaykh (B I), 120
Emlrek Hakim b. Mevlana Idris (physician, S
I), 356
Emlri (poet, B II), 355
Empedocles, 173
emperor (anburur, far, fasar, kaysar), 37, 169,
173, 177, 180, 182, 295, 300
emperor, Byzantine (kaysar, see also tekfur),
175, 177
emr-i serif (imperial decree), 53, 330, 339
emperor, Roman, 283, 295
Emrl Qelebi (Emrallah) (poet, SU), 101, 360
enchantment, 118, 119
encomium, see eulogy
Encyclopaedia o f Islam (El), 8
encyclopedia/ -die material, 21, 22, 23n, 27n,
29n, 8 8 , 107
encyclopedic chapters, lemmata, parts (in the
Essence), 77, 219, 220, 226, 281
encyclopedic scholar, 144
Endeliis, see Spain, southern
Enderiin-i hiimayun kiitiibhanesi, 218, 385,
392, 406
Enez, see Inos
engineering, 117, 262
England, 168, 179
Engstrdm, Count Jon E., 401, 413
Engiirus, see Hungary
Enife (?), 318
EnlsI (?), Hiiseyn, 43
Enisii Irkulub (by 'All), 11, 100
Enoch, see Idris
enslaved/ -vement, 237, 334
entertain(ment) (literary), 215, 218, 281
Enverl (poet, SU), 259, 360
Ephesus, 171
epic, 24n
epigraphic material, 22, 54
epilogue(s) (in the Essence), 284, 338
Eraslan, K., 29n
erazil (lowly people), 93, 216
erbab-i devlet (members of the ruling classes),
95
Erdelogh, 182
Eregla MIrza (son of Alexander Han), 333
Ere?, 238, 333, 334
Eretna dynasty, 67
erkan, see pillar
447
Ermen, see Armenia
erotic purpose, 2 1 1
Ertugril, 44n, 79n, 302
Erunsal, I.E., 59n, 60n, 2I5n, 407n, 41 In, 4I2n
Erzenii r-Riim, see Erzurum
Erzincan, I35n, 151, 305, 309, 320
Erzurum, I, 56, 79, 80, 98, 102, 103, 121, 127,
203, 238, 333- 337, 343
Es'ad, el-Hacc (?), 370, 392
Esau, see 'Ts
Eski odalar meydam (Istanbul), 326
Eski Sultan Mehmed (Fatih) Mosque (Istan
bul), 313
esoteric (doctrines, elements, ideas, scholar
ship), 74, I I2n, 129, 213, 263
E$ref, a'ir, 14In
E$refzade, Mevlana (M II), 352
essay, see risale
Essence ( = Essence of Histories), I, pas
sim
Essence of Histories (Kiinhii l-ahbar), see
Essence
Esztergom (Usturgon), 43, 57, 163, 187, 326,
346
ethics, 288
Ethiopia, 125, 179
Ethiopian (Habash, Habefi), 65, 141, 253
ethnic allegiance, 116
ethnic background, data, origin, 141, 250
ethnic diversification, 22 0
ethnic groups (of the Ottoman Empire), 267
ethnology, 2, 3
etymology, 292
Euboia, see Egriboz
eulogy/ -gistic, 72, 77, 91, 92, 97, 98, 105, 123,
163, 179, 202, 203, 205, 219, 224-227, 235,
240, 241, 244, 245, 249, 286, 295, 303, 335,
347
eunuch(s), 126, 154, 155, 217, 243
Euphrates, 302, 321
Europe(an), 14, 37, 167 and n, 168, 169, 174,
175, 181-183, 188, 189, 195, 199, 256, 270,
274, 281, 292, 295, 312-314, 363, 409, 413
Europe, western, 112, 131
European MSS, 414
European powers, 180-182, 184, 320
European scholars, 412
evba} (scoundrel), 188
Eve, see Hawwa
event (hadise, vaki'a, narrative unit in the
 448 INDEX
Essence), 13, 15,45,46,48, 105, 124, 135,
183 and n, 219, 250, 284, 294, 367
Evrenos Beg (Orhan - MU I), 304, 349
evsat-i nds/ evasit-i nds (middle classes), 135,
212, 213 and n, 216, 217, 259, 274, 287
evliya (saints), 217
exordium (see also introduction, introductory
sections), 212, 218, 226, 227-230, 282
exoteric (doctrines, part), U2n, 213
Eyiib, see Ebu Eyub
EzelTzade, Shaykh (S II), 267
Ezherl (poet, M I), 259
F Ferhad Pa$a (of Albania) (vizier, S I - SU), 322,
factory, 413
Fahd, T., 43n
Fahhari (poet, MU II), 351
Fahraddln, Mevlana (SU), 358
Fahraddln 'AcemI, Mevlana (M II), 263
Fahraddln lsrafllzade, Mevlana (SU), 266
Fahraddln ar-Ruml, Mevlana (SU ah), 349
fahrlye (self-glorification), 224
fairy-tale elements (in Ottoman histories), 112
Faklri (poet, S I), 356
falcon, 67, 121, 154, 240, 272, 275, 304
Famagusta, see Magosa
faqlh, pi. ftiqaha (jurisprudent), 296, 371, 375
Far'an, 114, 139 and n
Farazdaq (Arab poet), 45
farmer, see peasant
Fars, 148
Fars b. Adam b. Sam, 139
Faryabi, Abu 1-Hasan, 32
Fas (Fez), 411
Fast al-khitab li-wasl al-ahbab, 28
Fathallah irvanl, Mevlana (MU II), 351
Fatih, see Eski Sultan Mehmed
Fatih Library, 411
Fatimids, Fatimid dynasty, 61, 149, 177, 254,
297, 372
Fatima, 128
favouritism, 51, 156, 159, 160, 164, 294, 300,
301
Fayikl (poet, SU), 360
Fazlallah, Mevlana (M I), 350
Fazlallah, Shaykh (founder of hurufT sect, M
II), 263
Fazlallah Beg (Musa), 255, 350Fazlallah Pa$a
(vizier, MU II), 350
Fazlallah b. Semseddln, Shaykh (M II), 352
FazlI-i leng (poet, SU), 360
FazlI ( Kara) (poet, S II), 257, 259, 362
Fehml, Mevlana, 45, 301
felek, see orbit
fern, see science
Feodosiya, see Kefe
feraset (science of), see physiognomy
Ferdi (poet, SU), 269, 360
Ferdinand I, 184, 185, 324
Ferhad Aga (M III), 51, 155, 344
Ferhad Beg/ Pa$a (sancakbegi of Bosnia,
beglerbegi of Buda), 1,13, 47, 57, 202, 204,
255, 339
323
Ferhad Pa$a (of Hungary) (vizier, SU), 60, 357
Ferhad Pa$a, Solak (beglerbegi, SU), 215, 357
Ferhad Pa$a (grand vizier, MU III, M III), 6 ,
54n, 102, 126, 157, 158, 162, 163, 202, 204,
206, 271, 272, 337, 338, 342, 344, 345, 347
FeridI, 46
Feridun Ahmed Beg (ni$anci, MU III), 42, 53,
160, 332
Feridun Beg (MU III), 57
Ferrard, Christopher, 2I3n
Ferruhaddln (Karamanh), Mevlana (SU), 359
Ferzend-i lbn Muharrem Efendizade, see Meh
med Emm b. Suleyman
fethname (official letter announcing a military
victory or conquest), 18, 19, 40n, 43, 44n,
45, 48, 53, 102, 204, 230, 235, 237, 382, 415
fetrel (interregnum), 72, 8 6
fetva (fatwa; formal, legal opinion), 54, 8 8 n,
115, 156, 163, 188, 191, 321, 334, 338, 345
feudatories, 193, 302
Fevri (Mevlana Ahmed b. 'Abdallah, S II), 100,
128, 162
Feyzallah, Hafiz, see Bulbul
Feyzi (poet, SU), 360
Fez, see Fas
fiction, 200, 207, 274, 281
Figam (poet, B II), 355
FiganI (Ramazan) (poet, SU), 258, 360
Figari, Mevlana ( Mehdl irazi ) (SU), 359
figurae etymologicae, 222
Fikri, Mevlana (Dervl$) (poet, SU), 104, 360
Filfus, see Philippus
Filibe (Plovdiv, Philippopolis), 409
fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), 29n, 97
Findikoglu, Z. Fahri, I97n
 INDEX
Firaki Va'iz (poet, SU), 360
Fir'awn (Pharao), 139 and n, 141
Firdawsi, Abu 1-Qasim, 24, 89, 140, 286
Firdevsi (poet, B II), 355
fire (see also hell), 52, 95, 102, 199, 126, 159,
170, 237, 249, 290, 305, 329, 330, 346
Firenc, see France, French
fire letter, see Harikname
fire-worshipper, 168, 175
fire-worship, 177
Firi;teogh, see Ibn al-Malak
Firuz Aka, 54n
Firuz Beg (MU I - B I - MU II), 304, 349
Firuz Beg (B II), 317
Firuz Beg (nifanci, S II), 264, 266
fish, 118, 130, 131, 290
filne (rebellion), 121 , 188
fleamarket, 260
fleet, Frankish, 304
fleet, Ottoman, 55-57, 97, 101, 125, 182, 183,
311, 318, 320, 326, 330, 336
fleet, Spanish-Venetian, 326
Fleischer, Cornell H., 1, 10, 11, 13n, 17, 19,21,
96, 111, 133n, 134n, 137, 143n, 192, 194,
197, 198,200,201, 209,214,219n, 274, 393,
395
Flemming, Barbara, 1In, 41n, 43n, 45n, 73n,
76n, 115n, 214n, 225n, 228n, 365, 369, 372,
378, 386, 396, 409n
Flood, see Deluge
Flower Island, see Cezire-i ezhdr
Flugel, G., 382, 389, 397
fly, 239, 275
Fodor, Pal, 193n
followers, Muhammad's, 3 In, 250 and n, 251,
252, 283, 295, 369
Foreign Bible Society, 413
Fountain of Life, 291
France, 168, 169, 182, 183, 185, 320, 413
France, King of (Rey d'lfrans), 37, 169
Franpa, see France
Francis I, 185
Franpko, see Francis, French
Frankish alliance, 314
Frankish corsairs, 315
Frankish emperors (of Byzantium), 176, 312
Frankish fleet, see fleet
Frankish infidels, 187
Frankish line of emperors, 175, 312
Frankish trouble, see syphilis
449
Franks, 135n, 141-144, 168, 169, 177, 181 and
n, 301, 302, 311, 314, 318
Fransa, see France
Fra$eri, see Semseddln Sami F.
Freely, John, 175n
Freimark, Peter, 108n, 201n, 213n, 227n
Freising, Otto von, 195
French (person), 180, 181, 183, 185, 300, 413
French siege, 318
French-Ottoman (naval expedition), 327
Frengistan , see Europe
frog (-shaped), 141n, 188, 239
Frye, Northrop, 225, 275
FununT (poet, S II), 362
Fursatndme (by 'All), 11,48,77, 121 n, 203, 204,
417
Fusul-i hall u 'akd f i usul-i harf u nakd (FH, by
All), 5, 50, 91n, 124 and n, 132, 135, 145,
151 and n, 152, 153, 167, 176, 192,199, 204,
279,405,412, 413
Fusiil al-muhimma fim a'rifat al-aimma, 29, 38,
62n, 71, 251
Fusus al-hikam, 29n
Futuh-i Misr, 32
Al-Futuhat al-Makkiya fi ma'rifat asrar al-mali-
kiya, 26, 65
Futuhat-i amiye, 40
Fuzuli (poet, SU), 31, 360
G
Gabriel (Jibrfl), Archangel, 125, 128, 293
Gaddari, Mevlana (B II), 353
Galata, 70, 94, 95, 181, 261, 268, 318, 412
Galenus, see Iskilinus
Gallipoli (Gelibolu), 1, 12, 57, 60, 70, 96, 97,
240, 24In, 255, 261, 269, 303, 314, 322, 329
Gallotta, A.,
garden, 65, 84, 94, 97, 101, 240, 253, 274
gardener, 127, 259
garnet, 243
Garshasp, King, 297
Gay, Peter, 195n, 275
gaza (military raid on behalf of Islam), 151,
231, 301, 303, 322
Gazali (Mehmed, Deli Birader) (Ottoman
poet, SU), 45, 258, 267, 360
Gazali, CanberdI, see CanberdI G.
 450 INDEX

Gazanfer Aga (M U III - M III), 50, 56, 105, Geyiklu Baba, Shaykh (Orhan), 348
123, 157, 202, 205, 206, 243, 244, 331, 346 Ghar al-kanz, 32
Gazanfer Pa$a (beglerbegi, SU), 357 al-Gharnatl al-Andalusi, Abu Hamid, 25
gazel (sonnet), 9, 103, 104, 222, 224, 245, al-Ghawwas, Abu Husayn b. Ibrahim, 32
269, 328, 417 Ghaza, 323
gazi (warrior on behalf of Islam), 57, 58, 128, al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid b. Muhammad, 25, 6 8 ,
151, 162, 233, 238, 241, 255, 305, 341 69, 90, 283, 296
Gazi Giray II Hassan (Khan of the Crimea), Ghazan, Sultan (Ilkhanid), 302
162, 163, 299, 300, 341, 346, Ghaznavids, Ghaznavid dynasty, 146, 147, 298,
Gehlhar, James Norman, 223n 299
Gejou, D. (?) Elias, 384, 413 Ghiyathaddm (Ghurid), 148n
genealogical-ethnic affiliations/ network, 135, Ghiyathaddln Mas'ud III (Seljuk), 190n, 300
138 ff 294 ghuk (a drink), 143
genealogy, 250, 251, 295 al-Ghuri, 'All b. Ahmad, 26
genealogy (Arab), 29n Ghur (?), 291
genealogy, Ottoman, 76, 141, 199, 301 Ghurids, Ghurid dynasty, 148 and n, 298, 299
Genesis, 82, 170 Ghuzz, 141
genitalia, see pudenda Gibb, E.W.J., 8 , 12, 270
Genoa(n), 168, 181, 184 Gibb, H.A.R., 28n, 107n
Geografike hufegesis (by Ptolemy), 32n Gibbon, 276,
geographical chapters (of the Essence), 15, gift, see bahfif
38, 63, 87, 93, 108, 167, 168, 240 Gllan, 298
geographical elements, 275 gilman (palace pages, see also 'acemi oglan), 92
geographical work, 22, 23n, 24n, 25n, 3 In, 195 Giray khans of the Crimea, see khan(s)
geography, 2, 27n, 28n, 29n, 167 ff., 285, 289, Giurgiu, see Yergogi
291, 294, 366, 370 Giyaseddin, Mevlana (B II), 354
geomancer (remmal), 120 Glassen, Erika, lOn
geomancy, 118 Glubb, John Bagot, 23In
Georgia, 178, 238, 239, 325, 333 Goeje, M.J. de, 383, 417
Georgian campaign(s), 326 Gog and Magog, see Yajuj
Georgian campaign(s) (of 1580-81, 1584), 48, Gokyay, Orhan aik, 5n, 10, 19n, 215n
57, 337 Golconda, 298
Georgian Chronicle, 179n golden age (of Ottoman history), 18, 257
Georgian chroniclers, 178 Golden Horn, 70, 94, 167, 262, 311, 320
Georgian kings, rulers, 333, 337 Goletta, La, see Khalq al-Wad
Georgian (person), 142, 143, 180, 300, 301 golf (cirid), 119 and n
Gerede, 308 Goodrich, Thomas D., 167n
Germans, 142, 144, 180, 301 goose, 118, 242
German campaign (of 1532), 101, 185, 325 Gori, 337
German(y), 11, 169, 181, 300 Gospel, see Injll
Germiyan, 152, 304 Gossman, Lionel, 276n
Geschichte der Osmanischen Dichtkunst (GOD, Gotz, Manfred, ll,4 8 n , 121
by Joseph von Hammer), 6 gout, 263, 315
Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches (by Joseph Goynuk, 61 and n
von Hammer), 6 , 14, passim Gozliogh (rebel leader), 308
Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre grammar, 97
Werke, Die (GOW, by Franz Babinger), 9, Granada, 183, 184
passim grave, see tomb
Geste de Melik Danigmend, La (by Irene Greece (ancient, classical), 173, 174, 267
Melikoff), 10 Greek alphabet, 385, 399

Greek (line of) emperors (of Byzantium),
175, 176, 322
Greek (language), 171
Greek (person), 67, 69,76, 118, 140, 141 and n,
173, 180, 292, 311, 322, 409
Greek scholar, 413
Greek thought, 199
Greek tradition, 130
Groot, A.H. de, 184n, 378n
Gross, Erich, 39n
Gubari ('Abdarrahman) (poet, SU), 360
Guenee, Bernard, 107n, 109n
guerilla, 184
Guherdan, 338, 380
Gujarat, 149, 298, 327
guftar ( speech , historiographical unit), 74
Gulistan, the (by Sa'di), 92, 258
guildf (sweet made from starch wafers), 216
Gulfen-i fu'ara (by 'Ahdi), 12, 41, 64
Gul}eni (poet, M II), 353
GulsenT, Shaykh Ibrahim (SU), 119, 323
Gumis ayakh (Silver Foot), 182
Gumi;liogh (Amasi), Pir Ilyas (Shaykh, M I),
104, 350
Gumi;liogli Mehmed, see Mehmededdln b.
Shaykh Celal etc.
Gumulcine (Komotini), 16, 304
Gun Khan, 177
Gunahi (poet, SU), 264, 267, 360
el-Guram, see Semseddin Ahmed b. Ism ail el-
G.
Guvahi (poet, S I), 355
Gyor, see Yamk
Gyula, 327
H Hafiz 'All, Misri, 126
Haarmann, Ulrich, 18, 107n
Habash, see Ethiopian
Habb (Yemen), 329
Habeft, see Ethiopian
Habib-i Hamidi, Mevlana (SU), 97, 262
Habib Karamam, Shaykh (M II), 353
Habil (Abel), 121
Habsburg army, troops, 182, 234
Habsburg campaigns, 281
Habsburg Empire, 187
Habsburg envoy, 13
Habsburg king, 163, 200
Habsburg order, 187, 200
INDEX 451
Habsburg war(s), 13, 162, 181, 183, 185, 230
Habsburgs, 181, 188
Hacc Baba, Mevlana (M II), 352
Hacc Halife, Shaykh (M II), 263, 252
H ad Bayram, Shaykh (B I), 349
H a d Beg, Gad (S I), 320
H a d Beg (SU), 55, 358
H a d Beg (Mucerred) (poet, S II), 362
H a d Bekta$, see Bekta;
H a d Halife, Shaykh (SU), 359
H ad llbegi ('Osman - MU I), 254, 348, 349
Haci 'Ivaz Pa 5a (vizier, M I), 350
H ad Pa;a, Mevlana (physician, B I), 349
H a d Selim Aga, 366, 377, 412
Ha?ova (Mezokeresztes), Battle of, 202, 234,
236, 270, 347
al-Haddad al-Misri, Radiaddin b. Muham
mad, 28
al-Hadi (Abbasid), 90
hadim-i harem-i serif (servant of the Imperial
Harem), 391, 410
hadimu l-haremeyn (servitor of the two sacred
cities), 319, 321
Hadiqat as-su'add, 31
hadise, see event
hadilh (tradition), 22, 23n, 24n, 47, 60, 70, 71,
75, 76, 82, 107, 113, 114, 116, 125, 128, 129,
136, 137, 172, 193, 215, 216, 252, 285, 287,
289, 290, 291, 293, 296, 311, 417
Hafli (poet, M II), 353
hafif (metre), 224
Hafiz (Persian poet), 9, 45, 126, 256, 261, 288
Hafiz-i Abru, Shihabaddin 'Abdallah, 29, 67,
85n
Hafiz Ahmad Imam Shafil (al-Khusrawjirdi)
(Abu Bakr), 35
Hafizeddln Mehmed Kerderi, Mevlana ( B I),
349
hafiz-i hadilh, pi. huffaz-i hadith (one who has
learned traditions by heart), 296, 371, 375
hafiz-i Kuran/ pi. huffaz-i K, (one who has
learned the Koran by heart), 373, 410
Hafiz-i Leng (Ottoman derwish and poet, SU),
96
Hagar, see Hajar
Hagia Sophia, 7, 36n, 115, 121, 126, 174-177,
311-313, 330, 347
hagiographic character, tendency, 251
hagiography, 273
 452
Haig, T.W., I78n
hail, 78, 115, 290
hailstorm, 158, 338
Hajar (Hagar), 69, 81, 83
haji (pilgrim to Mecca), 329, 411
Haji Giray Khan, 149
Haji Khalifa, see Katib Qelebi
hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), 103, 139, 317
Hajj (vizier and padishah), 178
Hajjaj b. Yusuf, 125, 253
Hakdyikii l-ekdlim (HE, by 'All), 179
HakI, Monla (poet, MU II), 351
HakI (poet, B II), 355
hakim (ruler, administrator), 72, 94
(al-)Hakim bi'amrallah (Fatimid ruler), 61
Hakim Efendi (Muhylddln) (shaykh, S II), 362
Haklm;ah Mehmed, Mevlana (B II), 354
Haklmzade Muhyiddln, Mevlana (SU), 359
Hdldt-i hunarwardn, 6 In
Haldtii l-Kdhire mine l-dddti z-zahire (HK,
Description of Cairo , by 'All), 4n, 10,93,
95n
Halet (Efendi) (Seyyid Mehmed Said), 392,
412
Halet Efendi Library, 41 In
Halet! (poet, SU), 360
halife (assistant to, successor of a shaykh), 104,
263
Halil (MS owner), 371
Halil, Mevlana ( Kara Halil of Qandar, Hay-
reddln Pa$a, Orhan - MU I), 348
Halil, Mevlana (B II), 354
Halil Beg (S I), 321
Halil Beg (MU III), 57
Halil Beg (Ramazanogli), 55
Halil Hamid Pa$a Kiitiiphanesi (Isparta), 364n
Halil b. Ibrahim, Dervl$ (copyist), 385, 394,407
Halil b. Mehmed Lutfallah (?), 371
Halil b. Mehmed b. Lutfl Pa$a (?), 375
Halil Pa$a, Qandarh (grand vizier, MU II - M
II), 311, 350, 351
Halil Pa$a (beglerbegi of Bosnia, MU III), 339
Hallll (poet, M II), 267, 353
Halimi (poet, S I), 356
Halimi Qelebi (poet, S I), 356
Halis Efendi Library, 367, 383, 390, 395, 399
Halm, Heinz, 71n
Halvetl(ye) (order of dervishes), 56, 101, 128
Ham (Cham), 69, 140-142, 196, 294
INDEX
hamdallah (the formula Praise be to God),
114
Hamdi (copyist), 366
Hamdl, Monla (poet, M II), 353
Hamdi Qelebi (B II), 61
Hamid Efendi (kdzTasker, SU), 46, 56
Hamid b. Musa, Shaykh (B I), 115, 259
Hamideddin b. Afzaladdin, Mevlana (M II),
352
Hamld(ili), 184, 304, 309
Hamidlye Library, 411
Hammer(-Purgstall), Joseph von, 6 , 7 , 8 , 14, 19,
20, 195, 200, 409, 411, 413, 414
hamr emini (superintendant of taxes on wine?),
57, 158, 339
Hamza (great-uncle of Muhammad), 143, 231
Hamza, MIrza (Safavid), 189, 336, 337
Hamza(vl), Mevlana (Ottoman historian, SU
Sah), 43, 305, 350
Hamza b. 'All, 61
Hamza-i Karamani, Mevlana (MU II), 351
Hamza kissasi, 43n
Hamza Beg (sancakbegi, S II), 255, 361
Hamza Qelebi (re'isii l-kiittab, MU III), 338
Hamza-i ami, Shaykh (M II), 352
al-Hanafl, 'Abdalbasit (b. Khalil b. Shahin al-
Malati al-Qadl), 36
hardf (land tax), 152, 178, 183, 184, 292, 311
hardf -payers /-paying, 255, 315
Hardy, Peter, 20In, 2I3n
Hardegg, Count, 182, 186
hare, 290
Harem (Imperial), 83, 153, 154, 157, 160, 161,
164, 243, 257, 410
Harem Kele, Shaykh, 55
harici (heretic), 190, 324, 339
Harikname(Fire letter, by 'All), 52, 101, 329
Hariri (poet, M II), 353
Harkil, see Heraclius
Harklr, Island of (= HarkH/Heraclion?), 66
Harun (Tulunid), 149
Harun ar-Rashid, Caliph (Abbasid), 90, 253,
297, 372
Harut (fallen angel), 6 8 , 290, 293
Hasan, Mevlana (poet, MU II), 351
Hasan, Mevlana (SU), 359
Hasan, Prince (son of MU II), 311
Hasan, es-Seyyid, 389
Hasan, Shaykh ( Ahl Hasan) ('Osman), 348
 INDEX
Hasan, Shaykh (MU II), 351
Hasan, Uzun (Akkoyunh), 92, 190, 241, 315
Hasan 'Abdassamd, Mevlana (M II), 352
Hasan b. AbT Numayy, Sharif, 300
Hasan Aga (palace official, MU III), 217
Hasan Aga, Yemisgi (agha of Janissaries, MU
III), 341
Hasan b. 'All, Mevlana Seyyid (MU II), 351
Hasan Ba$a, Silihdar, 380
Hasan Beg, Mahmudl (SU), 358
Hasan Beg (MU III), 333, 334
Hasan Can, 42n
Hasan Qelebi (defterdar, SU), 357
Hasan Celebi (A lizade), Mevlana (SU), 358
Hasan Qelebi, Kinahzade (tbn el-Muhanna),
12, 42, 64, 70
Hasan (^elebi, Mevlana (of Karasil (?)) (SU),
358
Hasan Qelebi b. Mehmedsah el-Fenari, Mev
lana (M II), 352
Hasan Fehmi Library, 385
Hasan Fehmi Pa$a, 412
Hasan b. (?) el-Hacc 'Omer, es-Seyyid, 391,414
Hasan HakkI Beg, 394
Hasan Husnu Pa$a (minister of the navy), 412
Hasan Kafi Akhisari, see Akhisari
Hasan Kayseri, Mevlana (Orhan), 348
Hasan MuId (poet, B II), 355
Hasan (al-Mukhtar b. 'All, the second Imam),
30n, 123, 198, 232, 296
Hasan Pa$a (vizier, B II), 353
Hasan Pa$a (beglerbegi of Karaman, S II), 361
Hasan Pa 5a (beglerbegi of Buda, MU III), 340
Hasan Pa 5a (commander in Rumeli, M III),
163, 187, 345, 346
Hasan Pa$a, Damad (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Hasan Pa$a, GazI (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Hasan Pa$a, Sa at?i (MU III), 57, 127, 342
Hasan Pa$a, Sokolli (beglerbegi of Syria, MU
III), 57, 334
Hasan Pa$a, Telli (governor of Bosnia, MU
III), 162, 185, 340
Hasan Pa$a b. 'All, Mevlana (B I), 349
Hasan es-Sabit, Mevlana (SU), 359
Hasan b. es-Seyyid Mustafa el-lstanbull (co
pyist), 373, 408
Hasan b. Seyyid Sinan, Mevlana Seyyid (S II),
361
Hasbl (poet, SU), 360
453
haseki (sergeant of the sultans bodyguard), 410
Hashim, Muhammad, 276n
Hasht bihisht (by Idris Bidllsi), 22, 30,40, 43n,
63, 76, 83, 84 and n, 107, 215n, 312
hasib (accountant), 410
Ha$im Pa$a (minister of Public Instruction),
394, 410, 413
HasimI (poet, B II), 259, 255
bass (fief), 104, 154n, 164, 344
Hassiyetu l-insaniye, see Kiyafetu l- insdniye etc.
hasslar kaztsi (cadi of Eyub), 97
Hatemi (B II), see 'Abdarrahman b. 'All b.
Mueyyed
Hatemi (poet, S II), 99, 362
hatib (preacher), 96, 128, 261
Hatlbzade, see Ibrahim b. Ibrahim, Muhylddln
Hattab b. Abulkasim, Mevlana ('Osman), 348
hatt-i humayun (Imperial decree), 161, 332
hatt-i mansub (the connected style of calli
graphy), 6 6 n
Hattox, Ralph S., lOn
Hatvan, 162, 340
Haven (Afik Kaziogli") (poet, SU),360, 400,
416
Hawayij, Kitdb, 33
Hawran, 57, 329
Hawwa (Eve), 75, 150, 252
Hayall, see Semseddln Ahmed b. Musa, Mevla
na (M II)
Hayall (Beg) (poet, SU), 70 98, 256, 261, 264,
360
Hayal abhaywandt, 28
abHayawan, Kitdb, 23
Haydar (ruler of Sind), 178
Haydar (poet, M II), 353
Haydar elebi (defterdar, SU), 357
Haydar Pa$a (vizier, SU), 357
Haydar Sarih, Mevlana (S I), 356
Haydari (dervish), 317
Hayr Beg (S I), 321
Hayreddln, Hoca Mevlana (SU), 358
Hayreddln, Mevlana (M II), 352
Hayreddin, Mevlana (SU), 359
Hayreddln, Mevlana Hoca (M II), 351
Hayreddln, Mevlana (SU), 358
Hayreddln Hizir, Mevlana ( Mevlana 'Atum)
(S I), 356
Hayreddln Pa$a (Kara Halil), see Halil,
Mevlana
 454
Hayreddin R eis/ Pa$a ( Barbarossa) (begler-
begi of Algiers), 4In, 182, 325, 326
Hayretl (poet, SU), 360
headaches, 331
heaven(s), 64, 74, 75, 82, 8 6 , 87, 115, 116, 125,
129, 145, 170- 172, 232, 237, 239, 240, 241,
244, 270, 271, 274, 275, 285, 290, 293
Heawood, E., 366 ff.
Hebrew, 171
hedgehog, 290
Heft meclis (HM, by 'Ali), 7, 46, 77, 203
Hein, J., 44n
Heklmogli 'AIT Pa$a (grand vizier), 386, 393,
411
HelakT (of Karaman) (poet, SU), 361
Helakl-i diger (of Istanbul) (poet, SU), 260,361
HelakT Karamam (cadi, SU), 262
hell, 74, 87, 129, 171, 231, 275, 290
Hellenistic tradition, 26n, 116
Hellert, J.J., 14
Hemdem Pa$a (vizier, S I), 320, 355
hemistich, see misra'
Heraclius, Emperor, 175, 176, 312
Hercegnovi, see Neve
heresy, 90, 133, 169, 190, 263, 288, 321
heretic, see non-Muslim
hermaphrodite, 237
Hermes Trismegistus, see Idris
Herodes, 173
Herzegovina, 314, 327
Herzegovinian (person), 8 8 , 142-144, 184, 301
Heft bihift, 41
Hevayl, see MuhyTddTn, Mevlana (B II),
Hezarfenn, Huseyn b. Ca'fer, 5, 89n
Hezargrad (Razgrad), 344, 391, 411, 414
Hicri (poet, SU), 361, 382, 416
Hidayetallah b. Yar 'AIT, Mevlana (SU), 358
higher classes, see upper classes
Hijaz, 142, 155, 18In, 230
hijra, 138
hikayat (stories), 417
Hikmetl Qelebi, 44
Hilall (poet, B II), 355
hil'at (robe of honour), 102, 103, 162,242,245,
305, 343, 344
Hillenbrand, Carole, 62n
Hilmgiray b. Sehbazgiray (?), 368
Hilyat al-abrar, 25n
Hind, 140, 182, 291, 295, 299
Hindustan, 183
Hippocrates, see Buqrat
INDEX
Hippodrome, see At meydam
Hirzu l-miiluk, 193
Hisham (Umayyad), 146
historians, Arab, 197
historians, Islamic/ Muslim, 2,63n, 73, 86 , 113,
135, 191, 196, 214
historians/ historiographers, Ottoman, 4, 5, 7,
8 , 12, 13, 17, 19, 21, 44 55, 63, 65, 72, 76,
98, 99, 113, 197, 209, 2I4n, 277, 279, 301,
302, 306
historians/ -riography (early Ottoman), 106,
212, 214
histories, see akhbar (see also story)
historiographical methods (Ottoman), 1, 10,
46, 59
historiography, Islamic, 2, 42n, 63, 72, 73, 8 6 ,
106, 107, 177, 194, 197, 215, 230, 241, 249,
271, 279
historiography/ histories (medieval, Western),
107, 109, 281
history, universal, see world history
History o f Ottoman Poetry (by E.W.J. Gibb), 8 ,
passim
Hizir (Khadr, Ilyas), 71, 72n, 104, 115, 116,
120, 123 and n, 140, 187, 296, 312, 317
Hizir Beg b. Ahmed Pa$a, Shaykh (S I), 356
Hizir Beg b. CelaleddTn, Mevlana (Ottoman
poet, MU II), 103, 351
Hizir Celebi, Cadi (Mevlana) (SU), 263, 358
Hizir Pa$a (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Hizir Pa$a (MU III), 335
Hizir;ah, Mevlana (MU II), 351
Hizir$ah b. 'AlaeddTn b. HacT Hasan, Mevlana
(S I), 356
hoca (teacher), 56, 104, 154, 156, 160, 204, 235,
240, 243, 261, 265, 313, 343
Hocazade, see Musliheddin b. Yusuf
Hodgson, M.G.S., 6 In, 74n
Hoffmann, Birgitt, 107n, 275n
Holland, 412
Holy Cities (Mecca and Medina), 155, 273
Homeros, 173
homonym(y), 64n, 222
homosexual(ity), 116, I3In, 266, 268, 271, 272,
290
Hormuz, 327
horoscope, 120
Horovitz, J., I45n
horse, 71, 94, 127, 143, 152, 162, 169, 188, 212,
227, 231, 232, 234, 239, 242, 247, 255, 257,
275, 341
 INDEX 455

horseman, 230, 232, 260, 342 Hiisameddm, Mevlana (Dellalzade) (B II), 354
horse market, 268 Hiisameddln b. 'Abdarrahman, Mevlana (S I),
horse-riding, 328 355
horsetail, see tug Husayn, Cadi (sherifs deputy), 163, 329
hospital, 319 Husayn (Imam), 30n, 31n, 62, 70, 71, 125, 232,
hotbath, see bathhouse 235
House, Frequented, see Kaaba Husayn Bayqara, Sultan (Timurid), 6 8 , 72, 90,
hoyrat (rustic), 184 199, 283, 287, 298, 320
Huart, Cl., 24n, 6 6 n Husayn Ghiiri, 298
HubbI Hatun (poetess, S II), 250n, 362 Hiiseyn Beg, Sultan (SU), 358
Hubbi 'Omer Beg (MU III), 70n, 98 Hiiseyn elebi, Yeganzade (defterdar, B II),
Huber, Alfons, 182n, 186n 353
hiiccet akfesi (fee paid for the issuing of title Hiiseyn Ma'anogh, 408
deeds), 97 Hiiseyn Pa$a, Lala (Tiitiinsiz Hiiseyn) (vi
Hiiccetu Irebrar, 4 In zier, S II), 361
Hud (prophet), 139, 141n, 145, 238, 275, 294 Hiiseyn Pa$a, Pertev (beglerbegi, S II), 361
Hudayi (poet, SU), 362 Hiisrev, Mevlana (Celal Mehmed b. Kayiimers)
Hiidayl (poet, SU), 361 (M II), 351
hukema (ancient sages), 118 Hiisrev (DTvane Hiisrev) (poet, S II), 117,
hiikm (decree), 264 362
Hiikml, Monla (poet, S II), 362 Hiisrev Beg (SU), 326, 357
Hulasatu 1-ahvS-al (by 'All), 10, 52, 135 Hiisrev Pa$a ( DTvane) (vizier, SU), 324, 357
Hiilegii Khan, 6 6 , 91, 124, 146, 198, 246 Hiisrev Pa$a (beglerbegi, SU), 357
hiima (bird), 75 Hiisrev Pa$a (beglerbegi of Van, Erzurum, MU
Hiimami (poet, MU II), 351 III), 333, 335
Hiimayunname (by 'All elebi), 49, 55, 258 hulbe, see khutba
Hungarian army, 305 Huzuri (poet, S I), 356
Hungarian ban, 317 hyacinth, 173, 272, 273, 275
Hungarian border, 127
Hungarian campaign(s), 77, 323, 324, 326, 327,
342 I
Hungarian (Egri) campaign (of 1596), 3, 42n,
183, 202n, 234, 284, 338, 347, 393, 404 Iai, see Ya$
Hungarian horsemen, 342 'lbadl (poet, S II), 96, 222, 362
Hungarian king, 314, 317 Iblls (see also "Azazil, devil), 139, 294
Hungarian fortresses, 127 Ibn 'Abbas, 'Abdallah, 6 8 , 137, 146,
Hungarian front, 272 Ibn al-'Adim, see al-'Adlm
Hungarian (person), 8 8 , 142-144, 180, 183, 184, Ibn al-'Arabl, Muhylddln (Shaykh Akbar ,
300, 301, 310, 320 Seyh-i Ekber), 26, 29n, 35, 65, 100, 128,
Hungary, 162, 164, 169, 181-184, 309, 310, 315, 285, 321
317, 327, 340, 341, 416 Ibn 'Arabshah, al-Ansari, Ahmad, 29, 39, 71,
Hunyadi, Janos, 185, 310, 317 72, 245, 305, 306
Hiirrem Pa$a (beglerbegi, SU), 357 Ibn al-Athlr, 67, 6 8 , 70, 106
Hiirrem Sultan (wife of Sultan Suleyman), 159 Ibn al-Athlr, Abii 1-Fida Ismail b. Muhammad
hiiri(s), 75, 232, 243, 247 'Imadaddln, 27, 38, 63
huriic (rebellion) (see also sahib-huriic), 146,148 Ibn al-Athlr, 'Izzaddin, 26
huriifism, 113, 263 Ibn-i Ghuriiz-i Rahlb, see al-'Ibn
Hiisam Hiiseyn b. Hasan et-Tebrizi, Mevlana Ibn Hashat, 33
(M II), 352 Ibn-i Hatlb, see Muhylddln
Husam Pa$a (vizier, S I), 355 Ibn Hawqal (Abii 1-Qasim b. 'All an-NasIbi),
Husam Tokatl, Mevlana (MU II), 351 35
 456
Ibn Hazm (Abu Muhammad 'All b. Said), 35
Ibn Hisham, 31n, 34
Ibn-i Inal, 308
Ibn Ishaq (b. Yasar b. Khiyar), Muhammad,
34, 37
Ibn Jawaz, 36
Ibn al-JawzI, see al-JawzI
Ibn Jubayr, 70
Ibn Kathlr, Abu 1-Fida, 28 and n, 38, 45, 58,
63n, 78, 252, 286, 296
Ibn-i Katib, see Yazicizade
tbn-i Kelb (Kopekogh, rebel leader), 308
Ibn Khaldun, 11, 17, 108n, 192, 194-196, 197
and n, 199, 279
Ibn Khallikan, Bahaaddln Muhammad, 27
and n
Ibn Khallikan, Shamsaddln Ahmad b. Muham
mad, 27
tbn-i Kubad, 308
Ibn al-Malak (Firi$teogh), see 'Izzeddln 'Ab-
dellatlf/ Mehmed b. 'Abdellatlf
Ibn Mujahid, see Mujahidlbn el-Mu'arrif,
Mevlana (M II), 352
tbn-i M uld, Mevlana (B II), 354
Ibn Muqla, 66
tbn-i 'Omer, Mevlana (B II), 354
Ibn Sa'd, 36
Ibn Said (al-Maghribi) (, Abu 1-Hasan b. 'Abd
al-Malik), 35
Ibn Slna, 112n
Ibn-i Siisteri, Mevlana (SU), 358
Ibn TaghribirdI, Abu 1-Mahasin, 30, 38, 40
tbn-i Temcld, Mevlana (MU II), 351
Ibn al-Wardi, see al-Wardl
Ibn Yaqut (governor of Isfahan), 147
tbnulemln Mahmud Kemal (Inal), see tnal
Ibrahim (Abraham), 6 6 , 69, 76, 80-83, 8 6 , 137,
140, 270, 275, 294
Ibrahim (copyist), 373
Ibrahim, Mevlana (B II), 354
tbrahlm, Mevlana Seyyid (B II), 354
Ibrahim ('Adil-Shah), 298
tbrahlm Beg (B II), 318
tbrahlm Beg/ Pa;a (Ramazanogh, MU III), 299
tbrahlm BezmI (copyist) (see also BezmI), 377,
407
tbrahlm Qelebi (defterdar, SU), 357
tbrahlm Qelebi, Mevlana (SU), 357
Ibrahim Darbandl, Shaykh (Shirwan-Shah),
299
INDEX
tbrahlm Gul;enl, see Gul;enl
tbrahlm Hanlf (?), el-Hacc, 370
tbrahlm b. tbrahlm, Mevlana (Hatibzade) (B
II) , 254
Ibrahim Khan (Safavid envoy), 103, 336, 337
tbrahlm b. Mehmed, Mevlana (B I), 349
tbrahlm b. 'Omer Qavu? el-Belgradl, el-Hacc,
371
tbrahlm Pa$a (d. 1789-90), 383
tbrahlm Pa$a (vizier, Musa - M I), 308, 350
tbrahlm Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 310
tbrahlm Pa$a (kapudan, MU III), 339, 405
tbrahlm Pa$a (son of Sokolli Mehmed Pa$a, M
III) , 345
tbrahlm Pa$a, Damad (grand vizier, M III), 2,
50, 52, 121, 202, 205, 206, 243, 270, 284,
338, 339, 347
tbrahlm Pa$a, Deli (M III), 344
tbrahlm Pa$a, Hadim (vizier, SU), 357
tbrahlm Pa$a ( Makbul, Maktul ) (grand
vizier, SU), 40n, 55,56, 119, 126, 14In, 258,
264, 265, 323-325, 356
tbrahlm Pa$a b. 'All Pa$a b. Halil (vizier, B II),
265, 353
tbrahlm Pa$a b. Halil Pa 5a, Mevlana (M II),
352
tbrahlm b. Salih, 297
tbrahlm Tenewurl b. Sarraf Huseyn, Shaykh
(M II), 353
al-'Ibri, Yuhanna Abu 1-Faraj b. (Bar He-
braeus, Ibn-i Ghuruz-i Rahlb), 27, 169,172,
297
ifoglan, see 'aceml oglan
idol, 114, 116, 118, 167, 170, 266, 268, 275
idolator (put-perest), 175
idolatry (idol worshipping), 6 8 , 146, 167, 170,
174, 176, 258, 312
Idris (prophet, Enoch/ Hermes Trismegistus),
6 8 , 139, 173,293Idris BidllsI, see (al-)BidllsI
al-ldrisl, Ibn Idris ash-Sharlf, 25
Idris b. Kemal, Mevlana (S I), 355
tfrenc , see Europe, Franks
tfrengistan, see Europe
ihtilal (disruption ) (see also decline), 10, 49,
50, 85, 8 6 , 88 , 134, 144, 155, 159, 165n, 186,
192, 194, 200, 227, 246, 247, 257, 259, 300,
307, 309, 313, 333, 338, 346
al-Tjl, al-Qadl 'Adudaddln b. Ahmad, 28, 38,
47, 105n, 231
Ikhbdr al- 'ulamd bi akhbar al-hukama, 26
 INDEX
Ikhshldids, Ikhshldid dynasty, 149, 253, 297,
372
Ikhtisar-i 'ajayib (al kabir), 26n, 70
Ikhwan as-Safa, 24, 130 and n
ikhm (pi. ekalim, clima, clime), 77, 78, 8 8 , 94,
122, 130, 168, 179, 291, 365, 370, 402
iklan-i 'orfi (pi. ekalim-i 'orfiye, conventional
clime , see also ikhm), 124, 167, 291
Iklimun, King (Cleon?), 297
'Ikrima b. Abu Jahl, 230, 231
al-I'ldm bi a'lam bayt Allah al-haram, Kitab, 31
ll Halk Kutuphanesi (Ankara), 365
Ilham! (poet, SU), 360
Ilkhans, Ilkhanid dynasty, 85n, 148, 259
?/m, see science
llm-i Jafr, 43n, 126
'ilm al-'umran, 195
'Ilml (Ahmed) (poet, S II), 362
'ilmiye (the class of ulema), 99, 153, 156, 160,
166, 194,201, 213n, 259, 262, 313, 343,408,
410
Ilya (Leo?), Emperor, 312
Ilyas, see Hizir
Ilyas, Shaykh (SU), 359
Ilyas b. Ibrahim, Mevlana (MU II), 351
Ilyas b. Yahya b. Hamza-i Rum! (MU II), 351
Imadaddln (? Muhammad b. Muhammad al-
Katib al- Isfahan!), Sultan, 35
Imadalmulk (Imad-Shah), 298
'Imad-Shahls, 'Imad-Shah! dynasty, 298
imam, 71, 96, 135, 219, 261, 379, 408
imam of the sultan, 336
Imam, the twelfth, see Abu 1-Qasim Muham
mad al-Mahd!
tmam-i Debbagln, see Musliheddln, Shaykh
Imam Kuli Khan, 334, 336
tmamzade, Shaykh (B II), 354
Imams, the twelve, 3, 29n, 3 In, 38, 61, 62, 70,
71, 113, 118, 122, 139, 250, 251, 256, 283,
288, 296
'imaret (a complex of public buildings sup
ported by a vakf), 253, 408
Imber, Colin, 79n
immorality, 301
impotence/ -nt (sexual), 19, 269, 331
Inal, lbnulemin Mahmud Kemal, 9, 10, 13, 15,
16, 19, 96, 111, 244n, 409
tnalcik, Hilal, 43n, 165n, 166n, 167n, 185n,
201 n, 214n
Inba al-ghumr bi-abna al-'umr 29
Ince Beg (MU I), 349
457
incensebumer, 259
India, 41n, 136, 148, 151, 167, 172, 179, 182,
189n, 191, 291, 295, 305, 326
India, kings of, 172, 302
Indian campain (of 1539), 260
Indian coast, 326
Indian Ocean, 327
Indian seas, 130
Indian sultans, 283
Indians, 140, 170
Ine Beg (MU I), 349
lnebahti (Navpaktos, Lepanto), 57, 101, 125,
317, 329, 416
inebriety, 229
infidel (person), see non-Muslim
inflation, 166
informants ('All's), 55-57
Ingiltere, see England
inhabitants (of the Ottoman Empire), see
(Ottoman) populace
inhabited quarter (of the earth), 129, 130, 292
Injil(the Gospel), 32, 137, 138, 170, 171, 175
ink, 227-230
inkholder, 270
inkseller, 259
Inos (Enez), 314
Ins al-jalH li ta'nkh al-Quds wa l-Khalil, 30
in$a (rhymed prose, Kunstprosa), 19, 53, 64,
160, 209-213, 216, 218, 222, 225, 226, 243,
270, 274, 281, 282
inscription, 54
insect, 67, 75, 95, 118, 191, 216, 275, 322
inspector of Imperial Endowments, see miifettif
etc.
intellect, 124
intellectual, 106, 112 , 216, 218
introduction, literary (see also exordium),
108n, 213, 289
introduction to the fourth pillar, 21, 44, 85,
133, 151, 224, 227, 229, 255, 286, 300
introduction, general (of the Essence , see
also mukaddime), 3, 21, 23, 37, 39, 41n, 60,
63, 74, 85, 8 6 , 88 , 108, 113, 133, 135, 151,
201, 209, 210, 224, 227 229, 248, 250, 255,
271, 182, 184-293, 363, 366
introductory sections (in the Essence, see
also exordium), 2, 3, 21, 22, 74, 85, 92, 212,
216, 223, 227, 229, 230, 244, 255, 273, 284,
294, 295, 301, 306, 307, 311, 316, 322, 328,
331, 332, 335, 343
 458 INDEX
invective (see also censure), 212, 223, 235, 249,
256, 270 ff. 274, 281
Ipsala, 304
lp$irli, Mehmed, 54n, 193n
'Iqd an-nuzum (manziim) f i dhikr afadil al-mulk
ar-Rum, 42 and n, 64, 257n, 265n
Iran(ian), see Persia(n)
Iran-centred, 88
Iraq, 78, 125, 142, 291, 325
irrigation-wheel, 134
Iron Gate (Bab al-abwab, Babulebvab), 128,
333, 335, 336
irsaltye-i hazine (yearly Egyptian tribute to the
Ottoman treasury), 89n
Irshad al-'aql as-salim ila ma zaya l-kitab al-
kartm, 31
Irshad al-hayara ila la rikh al- Yunan wa ar-Rum
wa an-Nasara, 171
7s (Esau), 76, 103, 130, 140, 141, 171, 302
Is a (Jesus), 3, 108, 115,137, 138,140, 171, 173,
176, 250, 251, 283, 289, 295, 296, 324'Tsa,
Hakim (physician, SU), 359
'Isa Beg, Oguzogh (M II), 351
7sa Qelebi (Ottoman prince of the fetret
period), 65, 152, 306, 308
7sa(-i Hamldi), Mevlana, 22, 41, 301
'Isa Hallfe, Mevlana (S I), 356
Isaac, see Ishaq
'Isameddln Ahmed b. Musliheddin, Mevlana
(Taskoprizade"), see Ta$koprizade
l$bitl, Emir (preacher, MU III), 127
Isen, Mustafa, 10, 12n, 41n, 42n, 251n, 364n
Isfahan, 147
al-Isfahanl, 25n
al-Isfahanl, Hamza, 24
Isfendiyar, 161, 305, 308-310, 314, 332
Isfendiyarogullari, Isfendiyar princes, 105, 152,
260
Ishak, Hakim (physician, SU), 260
Ishak, Mevlana (poet, SU), 267, 360
Ishak Beg (B I), 254n, 349
Ishak (pelebi, Mevlana (SU), 358
Ishak Pa$a (vizier, MU II - M II), 350, 351
Ishaq (Isaac), 69, 70, 82, 83, 125, 139, 140, 294
Ishaq, Amir (Ishaqid), 298
Ishaqids, Ishaqid dynasty, 298
Ishmael, see Ismail
Ishraq at-tawarikh, 28, 38, 47, 90, 105n, 231,
253
Iskandar Dhu l-qarnayn (Alexander, king
(Iskandar b. Filfus, the Greek) and pro
phet (the Koranic/ Yemenite), 3, 25n,
67-69, 123, 128, 137, 140 and n, 173, 174,
179, 294, 297, 302, 367
Iskandarlya, see Alexandria
Iskender, Shaykh (SU), 359
Iskender Beg (M II), 314
Iskender Qelebi (basdefterdar, SU), 56, 325
Iskender Pa$a (vizier, B II), 317, 353
Iskender Pa$a (vizier, S I), 320
Iskender Pa$a (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Iskender Paa, Qerkes (beglerbegi, SU - S II),
127, 328, 357
Iskenderlye, see Alexandria
Iskenderiye (Shkoder), 315, 385?, 410?
Iskillbl, Shaykh, see Muhylddln I.
Iskilinus (Galenus), 6 8 , 173
Islam, 26n, 60n, 90, 113, 114, 129, 134, 142,
166, 169, 175-178, 180, 183, 191, 231, 281,
312, 336, 415
Islam Giray Khan, 325, 336
Islam-centrism/ -tred approach, bias, 167, 179,
230, 281
Islamic civilisation (culture), 16, 151, 198
Islamic dynasties, 3, 51, 145, 297
Islamic historians, see historians
Islamic historiography, see historiography
Islamic paradigmata, 192
Islamic political thought, 144
Islamic (ideal) polity/ state, 51, 109, 111, 132,
144, 150, 186, 187, 192, 197-199, 206, 279
Islamic universalism, 17
IsmaU (Ishmael), 69, 80, 83, 86 , 139, 140, 148
Isma*71 (I, Haydarogli), Shah (Safavid), 53,148,
189, 318-320, 323,
IsmaU II, Shah (Safavid), 188-190
lsma'11 Efendi (book owner), 398, 414
IsmaU Efendi, Lala, 369, 412
Ismail Efendi Mosque (Istanbul), 411
IsmaU HakkI Efendi, Kibnsizade, 394
IsmaU el-Hasib, 398
IsmaU SirvanI, Shaykh (B II), 354
Ismalll-'Alid creed, 188
Ismallls, Ismallid dynasty, 148
Ismihan, Princess (sister o f MU III), 269, 331
Isparta, 364n
Ispanyol, see Spanish
Israel, kings of, 172, 295
Israelite exile, 295
Israfll (angel), 137
 INDEX
Israfllzade, see Fahraddln
IsraH b. Ishaq, 140
'Igretl (poet, S II), 362
(al-)Istakhri (, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim), 24n, 35
Istanbul (see also Constantinople), 1, 4, 8, 9,
12, 40n, 52, 54, 55, 83, 84, 89, 93-95, 97,
100-104, 114, 117, 119, 121, 132, 164, 167,
179, 183, 201 n, 215, 242-26, 260, 263-265,
288, 303, 305, 307, 308, 310, 313, 314, 316,
318, 319, 321-325, 327-331, 336, 339, 340,
344-346, 363, 364, 365 ff.
Istefan, Prince (Szigismund Janos), 326
Istolni Belgrad (Szekesferhervar), 162,326,340
Istunbanu, see Justinian
Istunbus, see Justine
Italy, 167, 317, 402
t'lizarname (by Prince Cem), 316
It-tebil (people), 143
'tyad, KazI (see also al-Yahsibl), 25n
Iz, Fahir, 225
izafet (nominal compound), 222
fzahli Osmanh larihi kronolojisi (by Ismail
Hami Dani;mend), 6
'Izari (poet, S II), 362
'lzari, Mevlana (B II), 353
Izmir, 305, 309, 310, 413
Izmit, see Iznikmid
Iznik, 254, 303
Iznikmid (Izmit), 115, 345
tzvornik (Zvornik), 101, 320
Izzaddtn (Qilij Arslan II (?)), Sultan (Seljuk),
54 and n
'Izzaddtn Aybak (Mamluk), 149
'Izzeddin 'Abdellatlf b. el-Melek, Mevlana (SU
$ah), 349
'Izzeddin, Mevlana Shaykh (SU), 117n
J al-JawzI, Abu 1-Faraj b., 25
Jabala b. Ayham GhassanI, 252
Jacob, see Ya'kub
Jacobites, 171
Ja'far BarmakI, 372
Ja'far b. Battal, see Battal GhazI
Ja'far b. al-Hadl, 90
Ja'far jam i' al-ahkam, 32
al-Ja'fari, Nasiraddln Muhammad b. Muham
mad, 30
Jafr, Kitab, 43, 126, 323
459
Jaghar (?), 291
al-Jahiz, 23, 50Jahn, Karl, 24n, 37n, 169n,
175n, 176n
Jajce, see Yayqe
Jalaladdln Akbar (Timurid), 299, 300
Jalaladdln Rumi, see Rumi
Jalayirids, Jalayirid dynasty, 148, 299
Jami (Persian poet), 90, 223, 261, 287
Jami', 32
Jami' al-anbiya, 32
Jami' al-athar f i mawlid al-mukhlar, 28
Jdmi'-i a'zam, 32
Jami' bayna s-sahihayn (?), 33
Jdmi'-i israral (?), 33
Jami' al-lala'if (ftasrar al-'awarif), 33
Jami' as-sahih (by at-Tirmidhi), 23, 39
Jami' al-lawarikh, 37, 167n, 169, 174, 177
Jami' al-usul, 33
Jamshld, King, 145, 146
Janissary (-lies), 2, 53, 56, 103, 104, 115, 145,
156-158, 162- 164, 187, 189, 236, 239, 248,
264, 269, 311, 314-316, 319, 320, 322, 323,
328, 332, 334, 338-341, 343-346
Janissary agha, see agha of Janissaries
Janissary corps, 53, 73, 93, 150, 153, 157, 164,
193, 249, 314, 341, 346
Janissary regiments, units, 53, 303, 340
Janos, King (John Zapolya), 324, 416
Japheth, see Yafith
Jarir (Arab poet), 45
jasmine, 173, 274, 275
Jassy, see Ya$
Jawahir ai-buhur wa waqai' al-umur wa 'aja'ib
ad- dtuhur wa akhbar ad-diyar al-Misriya,
Kitab, 26, 38, 39
Al-Jawahir al-mudiya f i labaqal al-hanafiya, 28
Jawami', 33
al-Jawhari (, Abu Nasr IsmaH), 35
al-Jawzi, Shamsaddin Sibt b., 26, 39n
Jayhun (Oxus), 139, 147
Jerusalem, 125, 173, 221, 323
Jethro, see Shu'ayb
jeune de longues, 5
jewel(ed), 162, 167,188,229,240,242,243, 245,
246, 332, 345
jewelry, 248
Jews, 131, 135n, 137, 141, 170-172, 175, 254,
260, 292, 336
Jewish (calendar), 50
 460 INDEX

Jewish (court) physician, 117, 135 Kalavriye, see Calabria

Jewish inscription, 120 Kalender, Shaykh (SU), 324
Jewish king, 173 Kalidlokos, see Philadelphus
Jewish narrative traditions (see also Akhbar-i Kahmallah, see Karimallah
Yahiid), 70, 82, 144 Kami, Mevlana (S II), 57, 100, 267, 329
Jewish pir, 68 Al-Kamil f t ta rtkh, 26, 38
Jewish quarter (in Istanbul), 52, 96, 114 Kamusu l-a'lam (by Semseddln Sami Fra$eri), 7
Jewish scholars, 136 Kandl (poet, B II), 355
Jibril, see Gabriel Kandi, Monla (poet), 45
Jidda, 2, 50, 161, 329 Kandl (poet, SU), 258, 259, 360
Jihan Shah (Karakoyunlu), 148, 241 Kangal (?), 308
jinn, 115, 118, 128, 130, 131, 283, 289, 290, 293, Kansu Gavri (al-Ashraf Qansuh al-Ghawri,
322, 371 Mamlflk), 150, 191, 320, 321, 328
Job, see Ayyub Kantur, King (emperor, vizier), 138, 176 and n,
John the Baptist, see Yahya 312
John (the evangelist), 171 John Zapolya, see kanun (dynastic law), 10, 51, 52,73, 89,91, 133,
Janos 134, 150, 151, 155, 156, 159, 192, 194, 197,
Jonah, see Yunus 198 and n, 201, 202, 260 295, 300, 306, 322,
Jong, P. de, 383 328, 331, 341, 342, 344
Joseph, see Yusuf Kanunname, 55
journey, see travel Kanz al-ghara ib f t qisas al-'ajaib, 30, 232
Judaism, 170, 297 Kanz al- 'ibad ftfa d a 'il al-ghazw wa l-jihad, 26
Judeo-Christian tradition, 129 Kappert, Petra, 41n, 197n
judge, see cadi, na'ib kapu agasi, see aga-yi bab-i sa 'adet
Judgement, Day of, see apocalypse kapu oglani (messenger), 243
juggler, 101, 243 kapuci (usher), 273
Jughraftya, 32 kapucibafi (head of the palace doorkeepers),
Julian, Emperor, 175 186, 324, 341
al-Jurjanl, 'Abdalqahir, 213, 258 Karabag, 318, 334 Karabiyikogh ahkuh ,
Justinian I, 175, 176, 312 319
Justine II, 175, 312 Kara Bogdan (Stephen the Great), 316, 317
Juwaynl, 271 Karaburun, 309n
Karaca Ahmed, Shaykh (Orhan), 348
Karaca Ahmed, Mevlana (M II), 352
K Karaca Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350
Kara deniz, see Black Sea
Kaaba, 31n, 70, 8 6 , 90, 139, 145, 146, 178, 228, Kara Devlet$ah, 308
241, 275, 290 Karaferye (Beroia), 258, 305
Kabiz, Molla (SU), 324 Karagoz Pa$a (vizier, B II), 319, 353
Kabuli, 46 Kara Halil, see Halil, Mevlana
kadirga (galley), 18In, 242, 320 Karahan, Abdfilkadir, 9
Kadiri (poet, B II), 355 Kara Han b. Mehmed Han (Zfilkadriye), 298
Kadri Qelebi, Shaykh (MU III), 57 Kara Haydar, Mevlana (SU), 358
Kaf, see Qaf Kara Hersek, 182, 186, 340
Kafelzade, Mevlana (S I), 356 Karahisar, 162, 308, 309, 341
Kafiye (by Mevlana Muhylddln), 97 Kara Hoca, see 'Alaeddln Esved, Mevlana
Kafur (Camphor), Sultan (Ikhshldid), 253 Kara KazI (cadi, SU), 324
Kahet, 179 Kara Khan, 321
kahin (priest), 118 Karakoyunh(-/lu) (dynasty), 148, 241, 298
ka'immakam (lieutenant), 163, 338 Karaman, 185, 190, 309, 310, 311, 314-316, 318
 INDEX
Karamanids, Karamanid dynasty, 73n, 150,
190 and n, 302, 304
Kara Mem! Celebi, see Mudami
Kara Muhylddln, Mevlana (SU), 358
Kara Sinan, Mevlana (M II), 352
Karatay, Fehmi Edhem, 367 ff.
Kara Yahya (of Isfendiyar), 308
Karayere (Krbava), 317
Kara Yusuf Karakoyunli, 151, 152, 305, 306
Karbala, 3In, 70, 125, 232, 235
Karlmallah (= Kallmallah?) (Bahmanid), 298
Karis, 143
Kansdiran, 319, 322
Kars, 54 236, 239, 327, 334, 335
Karshzade, see Cemaleddin Mehmed K.
Kashf at-tanzil f i tahqiq al-mabahith al
ia'wil, 28
Kashf az-zuniin (KZ, by Katib Celebi). 417
Kashgar, 178
Kashlfi, Kamaladdin Husayn, al-Wa'iz , 30,
3In, 90, 287
Al-Kashshaf 'an haqa'iq at-tanzil, 25, 27n
kaside (ode), 97, 103, 222, 225, 320, 343, 344
Kasim, Mevlana (SU), 359
Kasim Beg (M II), 315
Kasim Beg, Cerkes (SU), 358
Kasim Celebi (nisanci, B II), 353
Kasim Celebi, Shaykh (B II), 354
Kasim Hatib b. Ya'kub, Mevlana (B II), 353
Kasim Kazizade, Mevlana (M II), 352
Kasim Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350
Kasim Pasa, Guzelce (vizier, SU), 357
Kasim Pasa, Koca (vizier, SU), 357
Kasimpasa (Istanbul), 94, 261
Kastamonu, 64, 255
Kastel , Monla , see Musliheddin Kastalam
Kastelye, see Castello
katib (bureaucrat, clerk, secretary), 107, 259,
384, 408, 410
Katib Celebi (HajI Khalifa), 5, 13, 16, 171, 197,
215, 400, 417
al-Katib al-Halabl, Muhammad b. Shaddad,
27
kalib-i divan (council secretary), 99, 257, 328,
342
kalib-i yehiferiyan, see yeniferi kalibi
Katib! (poet, M II), 353
Katibi (poet, B II), 355
Katib!, see 'All R eis
Katibi-i diger (of Sinop) (poet, SU), 360
461
Kava'idu I-mecalis (KM, by 'All), 60n, 205,
21 In, 216, 226, 248n
Kavam, Kamil, 368
kavl (word, historiographical unit), 74, 75
Kawa, 51, 146
kaysar, see Emperor
Kaya Alp, 79
Kaya Celebi (S II), 99
Kayaniyan (Persian kings), 297
Kayi Han, 76, 79
Kaykawus, King, 337
Kayqubad, King, 297
Kayseri, 2, 56, 6 In, 67, 264n
Kaytak, 143
Kaytas Beg/ Pasa (MU III), 333, 334
Kaytbay, Sultan (al-Ashraf Sayfaddin Qait
Bay) (Mamluk), 182, 190, 316, 317
Kayumarth (Persian King), 6 8 , 339, 140 and n,
297, 369
kaza, see cadiship
Kazabad, 315, 318
Kazak Khan, 335
Kazanci Aga (M II), 311
Kazl-i Balat, Mevlana (MU II), 351,
kazVasker (chief military judge), 46, 56, 104,
113, 157, 160, 194, 235, 254, 307, 314
kazi dolmast (stuffed with cadis), 95
kedbanu (mistress of the Harem), 243
Kefalonya (Cephalonia, Kefalinia), 183n, 330
Kefalinia, see Kefalonya
Kefe (Feodosiya), 259, 315, 318, 336
KelamI Pasa (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Kellner-Heinkele, B., 250n, 251n
Kemah, 320
Kemal, Namik, 189n
Kemal Celebi, Mevlana (SU), 358
Kemal Hal vet! (poet, M I), 350
Kemal Pasazade (Mevlana $emsuddin Ahmed
b. Suleyman b. Kemal Pasa) (historian, S
I), 22, 40, 43n, 44, 54n, 80, 113, 115, 195
and n, 214n, 227, 262, 276, 301, 321, 323,
355
Kemal R eis (B tl), 181 (n), 167n, 317, 318
Kemal Omm! (poet, MU II), 351
Kemal-i Zerd (poet, M II), 353
Kemaleddln, Mevlana (SU), 359
Kemaleddin Ismail, Mevlana (B It), 354
Kennedy, Hugh, 233n
Kesfi (poet, SU), 260, 360
 462
Ke$Ifi Camm (rebel leader), 323
kethuda (steward), 105, 324
kethiida-i bevvaban (chief of doorkeepers), 345
kethiida-i rikab-i hiimdyiin (warden of the Impe
rial Stirrup), 392
khabr (pi. akhbar, (his)story), 196,210,217,218
Khadrja, 128
Khadr, see Hizir
Khalid, son of 'Is, 130
Khalid b. (al-)Wahd, 105, 230, 231, 321, 415
Khalil (MIrza), Sultan (Timurid), 28n, 148
Khalil Allah (Khaqanid), 148
Khalji sultans, 298
Khalq al-Wad (La Goletta), 48, 161, 333
Khamis, see Ta'rlkh khaniis
khan(s) of the Crimea, 56, 149, 183, 283, 299,
330, 336, 341, 346
khaqan(s), 87, 179, 180, 295
KhaqanI (Persian poet), 90, 286
Khaqanids, Khaqanid dynasty, 148
Kharida, 33
Khandat al-'ajaib wa faridat al-ghara'ib, 29
Kharqam, see 'Abd al-Hasan K.
Khasa'is al-buldan, 33
Khatay-nama, 30
Khatibzade, Muhammad Muhyiddin b. Ya'qub,
31
Khawarnaq, Palace of, 228, 236, 275, 289
Khazars, 141, 170, 292
Khedival Library, see Dar al-kutub
Khotan, 136, 216, 294
Khoy, 126
Khudabanda, Shah Muhammad (Savafid),
102, 188, 184, 332
Khumaraway, Sultan (Tulunid), 253
Khurasan, 146, 147, 189, 291
Khurradadhbih, Abu 1-Qasim 'Ubaydallah b.,
23, 88
Khusraw Malik (Ghaznavid), 147
khutba (Friday sermon), 72, 149, 152
Khuzistan, 131, 291
Khwaja Pasha Muhammad Parsa, Muhammad
b. Muhammad, 28
Khwandamir, 30n
Khwarazm(ia), 271, 291, 302
al-Khwarazmi, Abu Bakr b. Musa (?), 35
Khwarazm-Shahs, 147, 148n, 299
kilarfibafi (head butler), 330
Kili (Kilia), 316
Kilia, see Kili
INDEX
Kill? Arslan, 16, 72, 73n
killer, see murderer
killing, see murder
Kinalizade, see 'All/ Hasan (Jelebi
kingship, (traditional Islamic) concept of, 108,
196-198
Kirk Dokuz ( Forty Nine, nickname of
hamr emini, MU III), 57, 158, 339
Kirk hacks (by 'All), 205
Kirk Kiliya, 377, 408
Kirkkilise, 394, 408
Kirman, 147, 291, 299
Kir$ehir, 61
Kirzioglu, M. Fahrettin, 143n, 179n
al-KisaI, 36
al-Kisal, All b. Hamza, 23
al-Kisal, Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, 24, 78
al-Kisal, Abu 1-Hasan Muhammad b. 'Abdal
lah, 26, 38, 65, 252n
kisedar (treasurer), 410
kijlak (winter quarters), 302
Kisra (Chosroes, Persian emperor), 78, 175
kissa (story, see also rivayet, story), 76 Kissling,
H.J., 17, 43n, 112, 364n
KIsu, 142
kit'a (short poem), 60, 101, 222, 301
Kitab-i miistetdb, 193
Kitab alr'ibar, 196
kitabet-i vilayet (provincial register), 53, 241
Kitchen, the Imperial, 56, 117, 264, 330
Kivameddln Kasim b. Ahmed el-Cemall, Mev-
lana (B II), 354
Kivameddln Kasim b. Halil, Mevlana (SI), 355
Kivameddln Yusuf, Mevlana (B II), 353
kiyafet (science of), see physiognomy
Kiyafetu l-insaniye f i femayili l-'Osmanl ye
(iemayilndme), 42, 45, 116, 160, 342
Kiyami (poet, SU), 360
Kizil Arslan (tldenizid), 89, 286
Kizil Dag, 241
Kizil-ahmedlii, see Isfendiyarogullari
kizilbas ( red-heads), 35, 102, 113, 121, 162,
169, 170,189, 190 and n, 318, 319, 333, 334,
336-338, 345
Kizil Elma (Rome), 184
kizlar agasi (chief black eunuch), 155, 272, 314
Klis, 1, 95, 101, 202, 204, 255, 325-327
Kocavl, Shaykh, see Musliheddin
Kofhisar, 321
Koci (steward of $emsl Ahmed Pa$a), 105
 INDEX 463

Komarom, see Komran KunbayinI (?), Shaykh, 34

Komotini, see Giimulcine Kungliga Bibliotek (Stockholm), 376, 401, 413
Komran (Komarom), 187, 341 Kiinhti l-ahbar ( Essence of Histories), see
Konur Alp (sancakbegi, 'Osman), 348 Essence
Konya, 1, 173, 267, 309, 315, 323, 327, 331 Kunstprosa, see in$a
Kopekogh, see lbn-i Kelb Kunt, 1. Metin, 394
Kopri, 307 Kupa (Kulpa), River, 340
Kopnilii, M. Fuad, 31n, 40n, 61n, 195n Kiir (Kura), River, 333
Koran(ic), 23, 28n, 29n, 47, 59, 6 8 , 69-71, 72n, Kura, see Kiir
75, 82, 83, 97, 113, 114 and n, 126, 129, Kurd(s), 139, 157, 189
B ln , 137,139, 140, 145, 172,193, 215,253, Kurd Ahmed b. Hayreddln, Mevlana (SU), 359
410, 417 Kurd Beg (SU), 358
Koran interpretation, see tafsir Kurd Pa$a (MU III), 157
Koranic science, see the Arab/ religious scien Kurdish auxiliaries, 321
ces Kurdish emirs, 53, 320, 321, 338
Korkud, Prince (son of B II), 115, 119, 242, Kurdish pedigree, 317
258, 318, 319, 322 Kurdistan, 291
Koron (Koroni), 318, 325, 416 Kus?i, see al-Qushji
Koroni, see Koron Kustus, see Constantius
Kosova, see Kossovo Kut, Giinay, 41 (n), 366 IT., 412n
Kossovo, first Battle of (1389), 181, 184, 217, Kiitahya, 1, 99, 319, 328, 330
233, 304 Kutaszade Muhylddln, Mevlana (SU), 358
Kossovo, second Battle of (1448), 310 Kiitatis, 179
Kostatin, see Constantine Kutbaddin (historian, MU III), 416
Kostantimye, see Constantinople Kutbaddln, Hakim (physician, M II), 261, 266,
Kostantiniyus, see Constantinus 352
Kostendil, 57 Kutbaddin, Mevlana (SU), 358
Koyungegidi, 333 Kutbaddm IznikI, Mevlana (B I), 349
Koyun Miisa(si), 152, 307 Kutbaddin Mehmed b. Mehmed b. Kazlzade,
Koyunlihisar, 314 Mevlana (B II), 353
Kramers, J.H., 16, 19, 129n, 130n Kutlu Beg (MU I), 349
Krbava, see Karayere Kiitukoglu, Bekir, 5n, lln , 13n
Kreutel, Richard F., 40n, 44n, 76n Kuvvetlii Biga Beg (MU I), 349
Kruk, Remke, 23n
Krusevac, see Alacahisar L
Kubad Pa$a (Ramazanogli, beglerbegi, SU),
268, 299 La?m Aga (MU III), 334
Kuban, River, 142 Ladik, 43n, 53, 60
Kii(ik Monla, Dervish (SU), 46, 56 Ladislas, King, 310
Kiifik Hayreddln, Mevlana (SU), 359 Lahijan, 298
Kii(ik Semseddln, Mevlana (SU), 359 Lahsa, 95
Kudret, Cevdet, 189n Lajos (II), King, 181, 416
KudsI (poet, SU), 360 laid (tutor, see also Ism ail Efendi; Mehmed
Kuhistan, 291 Pa$a; Mustafa Pa$a; ahln Pa$a), 46, 160,
kul (slave, see also slave), 56 261, 319
kiilah (conical hat), 268 La'll (poet, M II), 353
kulogli (son of a Janissary), 269 La'll (poet, SU), 360
Kulpa, see Kupa L am l (poet, SU), 360
Kuma (?), 315 Lam il (author, poet, SU), 33n, 360
Kun Khan, see Gun Khan Lane, E.M.W., 112, 118, 128
 464 INDEX

languages, 289, 292 Levend (ruling house of Georgia), 178Levend,

languages, the four, 286 Agah Sirri, 12n, 41n, 42n, 43n, 364, 365
language of the Essence (see also Ottoman, Lewicki, T., 27n
Arabic, Persian, Turkish), 18, 77, 209 flf., Lewis, Bernard, 8 n, 37n, 43n, 144n, 169n, 170n,
274, 284, 406 171n, 179n, 184n
language, common, 211 Leys Gelebi (deflerddr, B II), 353
language, popular, 21 In lexicology, 37
languages, the confusion/ proliferation of, 6 8 , library, 10, 93, 408 ff.
69, 117, 220, 294 libraries, public, 60, 363
Laoust, J., 28n libraries, dynastic, 411, 414
Lari, Mevlana Hakim (physician, M II), 352 libraries, Islamic, 59
al-Lari, Muslihaddin b. Muhammad (historian, library, palace, see Enderun-i humayun ku-
S II), 31, 362, 374, 404 tubhanesi
Last Day(s), see apocalypse library (-ries), Ottoman, 60, 61, 97, 214, 215
Last Hour, see apocalypse library, vakf 59, 60, 403, 410, 411
Latakya, 131 Libya, 405
LatlfT ('Abdallah) (biographer, poet, SU), 42, light of Islam/ Muhammad, 74, 75, 114, 251,
44, 64, 70, 97, 251n, 255, 360, 382, 416 285, 290, 295
Latin communities, 181 lightning, 275, 290
laudatory, see eulogy lion, 181, 191, 235, 252, 275, 290
Law (brother of Yusuf), 139n literary (stylistic) elaboration, 206, 220 ff., 274,
law, see kanun, 'orf ;er' 279
Layihatii l-hakika (by 'All), 11, 52 literary pun, 250, 271
Layihl (poet, SU), 360 literary (scholarly) salon(s) (gathering(s), sean-
Layth b. Saflar, 146 ce(s), meclis, pi. meca-lis), 12, 57, 98, 99,
lazime (necessity), 50, 86 100, 101, 104, 105, 127, 132, 175, 204, 211,
Lecomte, G., 23n 215-217, 244, 245, 255, 262, 265, 288, 301,
Lees-Milne, James, 127n 305, 329, 380
Lefko$a, 329 literary sensitivities, 406
legalionspredikant, 413 literary style of the Essence, 18-20, 77,80, 84,
8 6 , 108, 207, 209 ff., 273-275, 277, 281, 285,
legend, 228, 274
legendary history, 174 289, 347
legendary materials (in the Essence), 17, 20, literary style (of MIrkhwand), 83
111, 129, 130, 191, 207, 282 literary style o f (Ottoman) histories, 21, 44, 45,
47, 58, 63, 64, 83, 209
legendary materials (in Islamic historiography),
literary style of ('Alfs) sources, 84
112, 113
literature, Arab, 227
legendary materials (in Ottoman histories), 17,
literature, Islamic, 22, 277
19, 112, 130
literature, popular, 132
Leh (Poland, Poles), 180, 182, 184 literature (Western classical/ medieval), 121
Leiden, 11, 383, 412 litterateur, 12, 19, 45, 52, 100, 106, 107, 144,
Leo III (Byzantine emperor), 89, 176 203, 209, 276n, 287, 289
Lepanto, see lnebahti liva, see sancak
leprosy, 117 Livayl (Hizir) (poet, SU), 360
Lesbos, see Midilli locust, 66
letter (written message), 13, 18, 46, 48, 52, 53, Lofsa, 317
57, 72n, 92, 100, 102, 151, 175, 177, 180, logic, 97
185, 200, 227, 244, 264, 305, 319, 321, 329, Lokman b. Seyyid Huseyn el-'Auri el-Hu-
332, 334, 335, 346, 414 seynl, Seyyid, 42,45, 64, 71, 116, 154n, 160,
levend (sailor, adventurer), 97, 188, 260 301, 342
 INDEX 465

Lombardy, 168, 169 madhhab, mezheb (creed, orthodox rite o f-fiqh,

London, 6 , 168, 384, 391, 399, 413, 416 sect), 125, 171,296
Londrin, see London Madhmakim (?), NajmaddTn Qasim b. Muham
Lot, see Lut mad, 30
love poetry, 225, 268 Madyan b. IbrahTm, 139
lower classes (social strata), 135,211, 213,214, Maghrib, 177, 183
216, 217 al-MaghribT (see also as-Sabbagh), 28n
lowly people, see erazil magic, 111-113, 116, 118-121, 170, 174, 177,
Luarsab (ruler in Caucasus), 335 238
Lubab at-ta'wll f t ma'am t-tanzil, 28 magician, 295
Liiccetii l-ahyar, 41 n Magosa (Famagusta), 181, 380
Liiccetii l-ebrar, 41 Mahan, 79
Luka, see Luke Mahasinii l-adab (MA, by 'AlT), 23n, 50, 133,
Luke, 171 154n, 155n, 205
Luqman, 65 Mahasinii l-asar ve hakayikii l-ahbar, 378
Luristan, 338 MahdT (see also Abu 1-Qasim Muhammad al-
Lut (Lot), 114, 140, 145, 291, 294 Mahdl, Muhammad Sayyah), 62, 115, 296
luteplayer, 243 mahlas (pen name), 1, 250, 271
Luteran (Protestants), 179, 180, 183, 300 Mahmud I, Sultan, 370, 385, 398, 411
Lutfallah, Shaykh (M I), 350Lutfallah, Shaykh Mahmud, Mevlana (S II), 361
(B II), 354 Mahmud, Mevlana (Hoca Kayim) (SU), 359
Lutfallah, Shaykh (S I), 356 Mahmud, Mevlana Seyyid (B II), 354
Lutfallah b. Hasan at-Tukati (Tokatl), Mevla Mahmud, Prince (son of B II), 243, 258, 318
na (LutfT) (M II - B II), 60, 353 Mahmud, Prince (son of Sehln$ah, son of BII),
LutfT, Mevlana, see Lutfallah b. Hasan at- 319
Tukatl Mahmud, Prince (son of SU), 159
LutfT Beg (defterdar, SU), 357 Mahmud, Prince (son of MU III), 127
LutfT Pa$a (grand vizier, SU), 44, 49, 55, 258, Mahmud 'Abdalvafi (copyist), 367, 408
269, 356 Mahmud Band (?), 298
Lutherans, see Luteran Mahmud Beg (MU II), 351
lull, see sodomite Mahmud Bedreddln, Mevlana (MU I), 349
Luvarsab, 178 Mahmud Qelebi (shaykh, SU), 359
lynx, 247, 248 Mahmud Efendi/ Pa$a (bafdefterdar, MU III),
lyrical episodes (in the Essence), 219, 237 57, 120, 158, 332, 339
Mahmud b. Kemal, Mevlana (Ahi Can, AhT
Qelebi") (physician, S I), 117, 264, 356
M Mahmud Pa$a (poet, scholar, beglerbegi of
Mosul, MU III), 55
Ma'alim al-qurral an-nabamya, 33 Mahmud Pa$a (beglerbegi of Yemen, Egypt, S
Ma'alim as-sunan, 33 II), 264, 273, 328, 361
al-Maarif, Kitab, 23 Mahmud Pa;a (*AdlI Pa;a) (grand vizier, poet,
Ma'arif-i haslbi, 33 M II), 90, 150, 236, 287, 313, 314, 351, 353
Mabahij al-fikr wa manahij al-'ibar, 27 Mahmud Pa$a, Zal (beglerbegi of Buda,
Macdonald, D.B., 118n Aleppo, Anatolia; vizier, S II), 361
Mdftn, see China Mahmud-i (b.) Sebuktegin, Sultan (Ghaz-
Madain, 78 navid), 89, 146, 147, 286
MadainT (Arab poet), 45 Mahmudabad, 334
al-MadainT (, Abu 1-Hasan b. Muhammad), 35 MahremI (poet, SU), 268, 360
al-MadanT, 'AIT b. 'Abdallah, 36 MahvI (Hasan Pazarba;izade) (poet, SU), 360
Maddad b. Aswad, 231 Majma' al-athar, 33
 466 INDEX
Majma' al-bahrayn (by 'All), 9
Majma' at-tawarikh, 29, 85n
makale (article, historiographical unit), 75
Makall (poet, S II), 362
Makall-i sanl (II, Kor) (poet, S II), 99, 264,
362
makam (modus in music), 122, 237
Maksud Khan, 335
Malatya, 305, 321
mat defterdan, see defterdar
Mai al-ghayba f i tawl al-'aymya, 33
Malik Mas'ud (Ayyubid), 150
Malik Muhammad (Ghurid), 148n
Malik an-Nasir Muhammad (Mamluk), 317
malediction, see curse
malik (governor), 271
al-Malikl ash-Shafil, Abu 'Abdallah Muham
mad b. Yusuf, 32
Malkara, 304, 339, 344
Malko? Beg (SU), 101, 255, 327, 357
Malkofogh 'All, Ball Beg, see 'All, Ball Beg
Malta, 325
Maltese (ships), 183n
Malwa, 298
Mamluk (dynasty; see also Circassians), 28n,
30n, 8 8 ,107n, 149,150, 182,183n, 190, 242,
260, 276n, 297, 317, 318, 321, 328, 372
mamluk (slave), 113
Mamluk-Safavid alliance, 321
Mandhij at-talibin fim a 'a rif as-sddiqin, 28
Manastirh (Jelebi, Mevlana (SU), 358
Manav SeyyidI, Mevlana (Cadi) (SII), 260,362
Manisa, 242, 309, 310, 319, 330, 331, 336, 343,
344, 347
manuscript, manuscript copy, (MS), 1, 2, 4-8,
11, 12, 13n, 47, 51, 61, 203, 214, 215, 218,
283, 363 ff.
manuscript age, 38, 59, 107, 200, 220, 280
Mansur, Sultan (Marwanid), 91
(al-)Mansur (Umayyad), 115, 178, 187, 254
al-Mansur Hakim (Fatimid), 254
Maqbul Ahmad, 32n
MaqdisI (?), 34
al-MaqdlsI, Abu 1-Yum b. Muhammad Muji-
raddin al- 'Ulayml, 3
al-Maqrizi, Taqf addin Ahmad b. Muhammad,
29, 32, 38, 118n, 132
Mar'a$, 64, 163, 342
Mardawij b. Ziyar (of Daylam), 147
Mardin, 157, 272, 321, 343
Margoliouth, D.S., 43n
Marj Dabiq, Battle o f (1516), 191, 321
Mark, 171
market (see also book, flea, horse m.), 228, 229,
241, 264, 272, 275, 331
Markus, see Mark
Marquet, Y., 24n
Mars, 270, 271, 275
martyrology, 30n
M arut (fallen angel), 6 8 , 290, 293
Marwan (Umayyad), 232, 233
Marwanids, Marwanid dynasty, rulers, 91, 306
Marwarid, 'Abdallah, 90, 287
Mary, see Maryam
Maryam (Mary), 128, 171, 243, 275
Masdbih, 33
Masa il-i sharlya, 33
al-masdlik wa l-mamalik, Kitab, 23, 8 8 , 292
Mashjar (?) al-kashshaf, 33
massacre, 321
Masse, H., 24n
Mas'ud, Sultan (Ghaznavid), 147
al-Mas'udl, Abu 1-Hasan ('All b. al-Husayn),
24, 35, 39
matbah emini (trustee of the Imperial Kitchen),
264
matla' (first verse of a poem), 99
mathematics, 117, 262
Matthias, Archduke, 183, 186
Matthias Corvinus, 184
Matti, see Matthew
Matthew, 171
mavna (barge), 125
Mavrocordato, Jean-Nicolas, 409
al-Mawd'iz wa l-i'tibar f i dhikr al-khitat wa l-
dthdr, Kitab, 29, 38, 118n
Mawdlid-i ahl-i bayt, 33
(al-)Mawardi (, Abu 1-Hasan 'A llb. Habib), 34,
35
Mawarid, Kitab, 33
Maximilian, Archduke, 182
Mazandaran, 299
Meall (Qelebi, Kose) (poet, SU), 257, 267,
269, 360
mecalis, see literary salon
Mecca (see also Holy Cities), 61, 90, 94, 115,
150, 179, 183, 20In, 264, 294, 317, 318, 329,
330, 410
Mecdeddln, Mevlana (MU II), 351
meclis, see literary salon
 INDEX
medaris-i semamye (Eight Colleges) (Istanbul),
313
medicine (Ottoman), 117, 262, 263
Medina (see also Holy Cities), 230, 231, 317
Mediterranean, 8 8 , 131, 167, 174,238, 275, 327
medrese, 1,60,164,201,213,215,248, 254,262,
263, 303, 313, 330, 411
Mehemmediye, 60, 115
Mehmed (juggler, 'A$ik Qelebis loved one),
101
Mehmed, Bandirmavlzade, 366
Mehmed, Emir, Karamanogh, 309
Mehmed, Mevlana (SU), 264
Mehmed, Mevlana ( Monla Yegan ) (MU II),
351 Mehmed, Mevlana (Mevlana ZIrek)
(M II), 259, 351
Mehmed, Mevlana Dervl$ (SU), 359
Mehmed, Mevlana Shaykh (S I), 356
Mehmed, Prince (later M II), 265, 310, 311
Mehmed, Prince (grandson of B II), 318
Mehmed, Prince (poet, son of SU), 152, 323,
324, 326, 360
Mehmed, Prince (later M III), 49, 52, 127, 153,
242, 244, 335, 336, 347
Mehmed, Shaykh (Bolih Celebi) (B II), 354
Mehmed, es-Seyyid, 391
Mehmed I, Sultan, 72, 124, 152, 307-310, 350,
401
Mehmed II, Sultan (the Conqueror), 7, 16,
40n, 51, 55, 60, 72, 73, 83, 8 6 , 87, 90-92,
122, 124, 150, 155, 166, 176, 179, 181, 182,
195n, 198n, 254, 260, 261, 265, 287, 288,
302, 311-314, 316, 342, 243, 351, 376, 379,
383, 386, 388- 391, 401, 409
Mehmed III, Sultan, 2, 3, 9, 18, 50, 51, 53, 87,
103, 114, 155, 160, 202, 203, 217, 234, 242,
244, 249, 256, 257, 274, 284, 301, 331, 338,
342, 343, 348, 376, 397
Mehmed b. Abdalewel, Mevlana (SU), 358
Mehmed b. 'Abdallah, Mevlana ( Mehmed)
(SU), 358
Mehmed b. 'Abdalkadir (Ma'lul Efendi)
(SU), 263, 358
Mehmed b. 'Abdalvahhab b. 'Abdelkerim,
Mevlana ('Abdelkerimzade) (S II), 361
Mehmed b. 'Abdarrahman, Mevlana (SU), 358
Mehmed b. 'Abdellatlf (b. el-Melek, Firi$-
teogh), Mevlana (SU ah), 29, 38, 64, 74,
75, 349
Mehmed b. Ahi, Shaykh (S I), 356
467
Mehmed b. Ahmed (copyist), 379, 394, 408
Mehmed b. 'All b. Yusuf Ball, Mevlana (S I),
355
Mehmed 'Arif Hilml (cadi), 394
Mehmed 'Ata, 14
Mehmed Bedha$I, Shaykh (B II), 354
Mehmed Beg (son of HacI Beg, SU), 55
Mehmed Beg (MU III), 333
Mehmed Beg, Gulllzade, 48
Mehmed Beg, H a d (SU), 101, 261, 269, 325
Mehmed Beg Kazlzade (nifanci, S I), 355
Mehmed Beg (Ramazanogli, M III), 55, 299
Mehmed Beg, Yahya Pa;aogh /-azade (SU),
325, 326
Mehmed Beg b. Vezir Mustafa Pa$a, Mevlana
(SU), 358
Mehmed Beha'eddln, Shaykh (S I), 356
Mehmed Buharl, Shaykh Emir (MU II), 119,
309
Mehmed Celebi (Ottoman prince of the fetret
period, later Mehmed I), 72, 306
Mehmed Celebi (nifanci, S II), 361
Mehmed Celebi (Egri 'Abdiogh) (defterdar,
SU), 357
Mehmed Celebi, Kilari (SU), 101
Mehmed Celebi, Lalezar (defterdar, S II), 361
Mehmed Celebi, Ramazanzade, see Ramazan-
zade
Mehmed b. Ebussu'ud, Mevlana (SU), 99, 359
Mehmed Efendi, Bostanzade (MU III), 336
Mehmed Emin b. Suleyman (Ferzend-i Ibn
Muharrem Efendizade, copyist), 365
Mehmed Emin Katib-i siyah, 377
Mehmed Engii$teri, Shaykh (MU I), 349
Mehmed Es'ad Efendi (seyhii /-Islam), 407, 411
Mehmed Giray Khan, 53, 102, 334-336, 341
Mehmed b. HacI Hasan, Mevlana (S I), 356
Mehmed Hamid er-Rahi (?), 376
Mehmed Hamideddln b. Semseddin, Shaykh
(M II), 352
Mehmed Han (governor of Bayburd, SU), 325
Mehmed Han, Tekeli (SU), 325
Mehmed Han (Zulkadriye) (beglerbegi, SU),
357
Mehmed b. Hasan (copyist), 393
Mehmed b. Hasan, Mevlana (S II), 362
Mehmed b. Hasan SamsunI, Mevlana (B II),
354
Mehmed b. Hizir?ah, Mevlana Dervi (M II),
352
468 INDEX
Mehmed el-Huseynl, Mevlana (Seyrek Muhyld-
dln) (SU), 358
Mehmed b. Ilyas, Mevlana Shaykh (CJivizade)
(SU), 358
Mehmed b. 'Irak, Shaykh (B II), 354
Mehmed b. Ibrahim b. Hasan, Mevlana (B II),
353
Mehmed b. el-KazI 1-merhum Ahmed (JerkesI
(Huseyn Kazlzade), 372, 408
Mehmed b. Kazl-i Ayasulug, Mevlana (MU
II), 351
Mehmed b. Kazl-i Manastir, Mevlana (MU II),
351
Mehmed Kogacizade, Hafiz (copyist), 386,408
Mehmed Kutbaddln, Mevlana (SU), 358
Mehmed b. Kutbaddln tznlkl, Mevlana (MU
II), 351
Mehmed Leblb, 7
Mehmed b. Leglek, Mevlana (Mevlana Vele-
dan) (M II), 352
Mehmed b. Mehmed b. *Adil Pa$a, Mevlana
(Mevlana Hafiz) (SU), 358
Mehmed b. Mehmed b. B ardal, Mevlana (S I),
355
Mehmed b. Mehmed Hayreddln, Mevlana
(SU), 359
Mehmed b. Mehmed b. Mehmed, Mevlana (B
II) , 354
Mehmed b. Mihal, see Mihalogli M.
Mehmed Mu'allimzade, Mevlana (miiderris,
MU III), 154, 332
Mehmed b. Musa-i sanl, see Bekta;, HacI
Mehmed Mustafa el-Emlr Semhal (?) Hazret
Hanzade, 371, 410
Mehmed b. Mustafa b. Hacc Hasan (M II),
257, 352
Mehmed b. Mustafa ZekT, Emin (copyist), 376
Mehmed b. Nasuh, Reis (SU), 56
Mehmed b. Ne$rl, Mevlana (MU II), 351
Mehmed Nurelhiida, Shaykh (M II), 352
Mehmed b. "Omer b. Hamza, Mevlana (S I),
356
Mehmed Pa$a (beglerbegi of Algiers, SU), 357
Mehmed Pa$a (beglerbegi of Erzurum, MU
III) , 335
Mehmed Pa$a (son of Sinan Pa$a, MU III - M
III), 57, 162, 187, 340, 341, 346
Mehmed Pa$a, Baltaci (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Mehmed Pa$a, Biyikli (vizier, S I), 320, 321,
355
Mehmed Pa$a, Doganci (MU III), 4 9 ,60n, 123,
154, 161, 202, 205, 206, 331, 339, 340
Mehmed Pa$a, Dukakinogli (beglerbegi, SU),
357
Mehmed Pa$a, HacI ( Soft) (vizier, SU), 260,
357
Mehmed Pa$a b. Hizir Beg (vizier, B II), 353
Mehmed Pa$a, Hocazade (vizier, S I), 355
Mehmed Pa$a, Karamam (Ni$anl) (nifanci,
poet, grand vizier, M II), 91, 315, 353
Mehmed Pa$a b. Lala Mustafa Pa$a (begler
begi, S II), 361
Mehmed Pa$a, Lala (grand vizier, M III), 155,
346, 347
Mehmed Pa$a, PIr(I) (KaramanI) (grand vizier,
S I, SU), 92, 260, 264, 319-321, 336, 355,
356
Mehmed Pa$a, Rum (M II), 315 Mehmed Pa$a,
Seyyid Emir (MU III), 157, 158, 161,
162, 164, 272, 340, 343
Mehmed Pa$a, Sokolh (Tavfl) (grand vizier,
SU, S II), 17, 3 In, 42n, 47, 48, 51, 57, 77,
91, 93, 120, 154, 156, 157, 159-161, 202,
203, 217, 261, 265, 300, 301, 329- 332, 334,
338, 345, 357, 361
Mehmed Pa$a el-YesIrallah (?), 385, 408
Mehmed b. Pir Mehmed Pa$a Cemall, Mevlana
(SU), 358
Mehmed Rakim (Paa), el-Hacc, 385, 392,407,
410
Mehmed Sadik Valide kethudasizade (?), 395
Mehmed Said, 392
Mehmed b. Serif el-Hacc Hamza Hamid Paa-
zade, es-Seyyid (?), 395, 410
Mehmed b. Shaykh Mehmed, Mevlana (B II),
354
Mehmed b. Shaykh Mehmed, Mevlana (SU),
358
Mehmed b. Shaykh Musliheddln Kogavl, Mev
lana (Seyhzade) (S I), 356
Mehmed Su'udI, Mevlana, 64
Mehmed Sultan, Prince (son of Bayezld I), 306
Mehmed Sureyya, 407n
Mehmed Tahir, 370
Mehmed Tahir (Bursah), 7
Mehmed b. TiisI, Mevlana Shaykh (SU), 358
Mehmed b. 'Urcun, Mevlana (SU), 359
Mehmed Valide Kethudasizade, 383
Mehmed b. Ya'kub, Mevlana (Acizade) (S I),
355
 INDEX
Mehmededdln b. Shaykh Celal b. Hiisameddin
PIr Ilyas (Giimi$liogh) (S I), 56, 119,263,
322, 356
Mehmed$ah, Mevlana (SU), 358
Mehmed$ah b. 'All b. Yusuf Ball (Fenari),
Mevlana (S I), 355
Mehmed $ah b. Semseddln Fenari, Mevlana (B
I), 349
Mehmed$ah b. Yegan, Mevlana (MU II), 351
mekteb-i 'iejan (school of knowledge), 95
melancholia, 306
Mellhl (poet, M II), 266, 353
Melikoff, Irene, 9, 50, 89n
Melkites, 171
MemI Pa 5a, Arnavud (MU III), 339
Menage, V.L., 5n, 30n, 39n, 40n, 42n, I I9n,
2I4n, 406n
menkabeler (narratives), 218
menakib (exploits), 62, 217
Menakib (of Shaykh Ahmad ar-Rifat), 43, 60
Menakib-i hanude, 43
Menakib-i hunerveran (MH, by 'All), 5n, 7n, 9,
10, 61 n, 89n, 204n
Mende, Rana von, II, 48n
Menfe-i infa (by 'All), 6 n, 53n
Mente$e, 304, 310, 311
Meniicihr (ruler of Altunkale, later Mustafa
Pa$a, MU III), 333, 337
merchant, 92, 97, 115, 117, 135, 142, 150, 157,
214, 225, 229, 258, 259, 264, 322, 323
Mercury, 6 6 , 270, 271, 275
Merdiiml (poet, SU), 360
Merdiiml (poet, S II), 362
Meredith-Owens, G.M., 25n, 4In, 42n, 63n,
64n
Mermizade Ahmed Re$Id (?) Efendizade Esed
Mehmed (?), 394
mersiye (elegy), 101, 159, 323, 326
Merv (Shahjan), 79Merzifon, 261
Me}a'iru f-fu'ara, 41, 63, 101, 257n
MesamI (poet, S II), 362
Mesih Aga/ Pa$a (S II), 330
Mesih Pa$a (vizier, M II - B II), 315, 318 and n,
351
Mesih Pa$a (grand vizier, MU III), 338
mesnevi(poetry composed in rhymed couplets),
49, 224, 225, 240, 417
Me$rebl (poet, SU), 361
Messiah, 169, 171, 172
Messina, 182
469
MestI (poet, B II), 355
MestI (poet, SU), 360
Mes'iid, Prince (son of B II), 243, 318
Mes ud, Shaykh (M II), 353
metamorphoses (-phosed human beings), 131
and n, 290
metaphor(ical), 64, 116, 134, 199, 222, 225,
227, 229, 241, 244, 274, 275, 281, 285
meteor, 121, 335
method (of the historian), 62, II I, 196, 200,
227, 256, 281
Methoni, see Modon
metonymic writing, 225
metre (of verse), 216, 225, 246
Mevaidri nefa is ft kava'idi l-mecalis (MN,
Tables of Delicacies , by 'All), 3n, 4n, 9,
10n,60n, 94, II7n, I34n, I44n, I53n, I57n,
I59n, 204, 211, 216, 217, 248n, 267
mevleviyet (rank of cadi or molla), 248
Mevlid, see Vesiletu n-necat
Mevlud-i nebi, see Vesiletu n-necat
mevludhan (chanter of the Nativity Poem), 96
Meyli (poet, SU), 361
meymun-baz (leader of performing monkeys),
336
mezheb, see madhhab
Mezid (rebel leader), 308
Mezld Beg (MU II), 310, 350
Mezokeresztes, see Ha?ova
Michael, see Mihal
middle classes, see evsat-i nasi evasit-i nas
Middle East, 106, 167, 363, 413
Midian, people of, 114
Midilli (Lesbos), 181, 314, 318
Mihal (Michael), Voyvoda (M III), 345, 346
Mihalayll (king), 140
Mihalogh,' see 'Ah Beg, Arslan Pa 5a
Mihalogh Mehmed Beg (B I - Miisa), 349, 350
Mihr u mah (by 'All), 9, 99, 100
Mihri (poet, M II), 353
Mihrl (poetess, B II), 250n
Mihrimah, Princess (daughter of Suleyman),
159
Mill! Kiituphane (Ankara), 368
mimicker, see mukallid
mines, 132, 168, 304
mineral bodies, 122
Mingrelia, 300
Mingrelians, 180
Minhaj as-suluk ila adab subhat al-muluk, 23, 50
 470 INDEX

miniatures, 379, 406 Moldavian revolt (of 1595), 163

Minik 'Air, see Ahlzade Moldavians, 8 8 , 142, 180, 292, 345, 346
Mink, Louis O., 276n molla (mevlana, monla), 51, 61n, 64, 6 8 , 87,
minorities (of the Ottoman populace), 135,260 103, 127, 248, 257, 265, 306, 388, 397
mir, see beg Momen, Moojan, 7In
miracles, 24n, 101, 118, 129, 251, 296 monastery (deyr), 123
miracle-working, 118, 263 money-changer, 158
miraculous actions, curing, lives, provision, moneylender, 158, 229
rescue, I35n, 196, 254, 309, 317, 321, 324 Mongol cultural heritage, 17
mirahor (master of the horse), 178, 324 Mongol custom, 245, 305
mi'raj (Muhammads ascent to heaven), 8 6 , Mongol elements, 279
108, 125, 289, 296 Mongol Great Khans, see Chingizids
mir-i 'alem (leader of troops), 307 Mongol (person), 76, 79, 141, 177, 197, 199
MIr'alem Buhari, Mevlana (SU), 359 monkey, 298, 336
Mfranshah (Timurid), I48n monks, 169, 237, 311
Mir at al-adwar wa mirqat al-akhbar, 3 1 Monla Kutiiphanesi, 393
Mir'atii l-'avalim (MA, by 'All), 49, 136, 205 Monneret, R., 396
M irat al-ka mat, 374, 404 monotheist (religion, Muslim), 58, 288
Mir'atii l-memalik, 41 monster (gul), 13In, 252, 272, 290
Mir'at az-zaman f i ta'rikh al-a'yan, 26, 39n Montgomery Watt, W., 70n, 23In
Mirkatii l-cihad (by 'All), 9, 50, 60 Montpellier, 242n
MTrkhwand (, Muhammad b. Khawandshah b. moon, 65, 75, 125, 275, 290
Mahmud), 26n, 30, 38, 40, 63, 6 6 , 6 8 , 69, moon, full (bedr), 124, 232
72, 74, 81-83, 90, 106, I48n, 223n, 280,281, moon-faced, 64, 152, 285
287, 292, 306 Moon Mountains, 131
mir-liva, see sancakbegi Mora (Peloponessus), 305, 310, 314
mirmiran-i derya-sebU (beglerbegis of the sea), moral weakness, 280
357, 361 moralistic (commentary, instruction, ten
mirror for princes, 22,23n, 25n, 49, 133, 195, dency), II, 17, 8 6 , 218, 275
200, 276n morality, 287
MTrza b. 'Abdallah (copyist), 358, 408 moralizing (purpose, tendency, tone), 270, 276
Mishkat al-anwar, 25 and n, 280, 281
misra' (hemistich), 224, 273 morals, 15, 90, 135, 155, 193, 202, 246, 247,
mizac (temper(ament)), 116, 117, 124, 135, 192, 250, 290, 306, 325, 332
226, 265 Mordtmann, J.H., 26n, 42n, 43n
Modon (Methoni), 318, 416 Morisco insurrection, 184
Moghul conquest, 298 Moriscos, 184
Moghul emperor, 180 Moscovian, 183
Moghul Empire, 179 Moses, see Musa
Moghuls, Moghul dynasty, 298 Moskov, see Moscovian
Mohacname, 40n mosque, 53,67, 94, 118, 177,241, 303, 304, 306,
Mohac (Mohacs), Battle of, (1526), 40n, 181, 311, 378, 379, 407
323, 380, 416 mosque complex, 326
Mohacs, see M oha; Mosul, 148, 232, 299
Moldavia, 158, 163, 164, 181, 183-185, 272, motif, literary, 226
300, 314, 316, 341, 342, 346 Mu'allimzade, see Ahmed M., Mevlana; Meh-
Moldavian campaign(s), 126, 163, 164, 170, med M., Musliheddln, Shaykh
315, 316, 326, 344 al-Mu'ayyad Abu Nasr Shaykh MahmudI
Moldavian raids, 342 (Mamluk), 372
 INDEX
Mu'awiya (Umayyad), 146, 177,198, 230,253n
Miicerred, see HacI Beg
miicevveze (turban), 247
Miidaml, Monla (Kara Menu Qelebi) (poet, SU
- M III), 57, 70, 329, 360
Mudanya, 131
miiderris (pi. -sin) (professor at a medrese), 87,
89, 100, 154, 156, 164, 194, 258, 260, 313
miiddet-i 'orfiye (fixed term o f office), 52, 156
Mudurm, 307
miie yyed min 'ind Allah (assisted by God),
134, 179, 302, 319
MueyyedI, see 'Abdelkadir M.
muezzin, 128, 135, 407, 408
miifessir (commentator on the Koran), 69, 136
miifellis bi-evkaf l-Haremeyne }-}erifeyn (in
spector of the vakfs of the two sacred cities),
367, 370, 385
mufti (mufti), 90, 100, 156, 188, 254, 259, 268,
343, 410
mufti of kanim" (nifanct), 201
Muhadarat al-abrar wa musamarat al-akhyar,
26
Muhdjirin (Emigrants in the company of
Muhammad), 231
(al-)Muhalhil, (Abu Dulaf) Mis'ar, 34
Muhammad (the Prophet), 2, 3, 25n, 28n, 3In,
45, 74, 75, 85n, 8 6 , 105, 108, 114-116, 120,
123-125, 127, 128, 131, 136-138, 143, 148,
174, 175,186, 230,231, 234,235,250 and n,
251, 252, 283-285, 289, 195, 296, 312, 322,
324, 341, 345, 369, 375, 415
Muhammad, MIrza, 189n
Muhammad, Sultan (Khwarazm-Shah), 147
Muhammad b. 'Asim (poet), 254
Muhammad Giyathaddln Zahri (Sultan, of
Chapiir), 253
Muhammad al-Jawad, Imam, 251 Muhammad
al-Mansur (Banu Ahmar), 183
Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Haklm an-NTsa-
biiri al-Bayi', 24
Muhammad b. Qasim, 178
Muhammad Quli Qutb-Shah, 298
Muhammad Sayyah, Mahdi (rebel leader in
Tripoli), 339
Muhammad Shah b. Jamshid (Ishaqid), 298
Muhammed Han, 143
Muharrem Qelebi (defterdar, S II), 361
muhasebat defter(ler)i (account book(s)), 53,
73
471
MuhibbI (Mehmed, of Nigde) (poet, S II - M
III), 97, 362
Muhibbi-i diger (of Cairo) (poet, S II), 362
muhazarat (polite conversation), 216
Muhlis, see Mustafa, Prince
Muhlis Pa$a ('Osman), 348
muhtasarat (excerpts), 97
Muhtari (poet, S II), 362
muhtesib (inspector of markets and public
morals), 324
Muhylddln, Bostanzade, see Bostanzade
Muhylddln, Hatlbzade ( lbn-i Hatlb), Mev
lana (M II), 265, 352
Muhylddln, Mevlana (M II), 215, 352
Muhylddln, Mevlana (B II), 354
Muhylddln, Mevlana ( Ahaveyn ?) (M II),
352
Muhylddln, Mevlana (Ciircan Efendi) (SU),
359
Muhylddln, Mevlana (Diilgerzade) (S II),
361
Muhylddln, Mevlana (Hevayi) (B II), 354
Muhylddln, Mevlana ( Imamzade) (SU), 359
Muhylddln, Mevlana ( Kebliizade ?) (M II),
352
Muhylddln, Mevlana (Tabl-baz) (B II), 354
Muhylddln, Shaykh (SU), 359
Muhylddln, Shaykh (S II), 362
Muhylddln, Shaykh (Ebu Same) (S I), 356
Muhylddln, Shaykh (Kalenderhane Imami )
(SU), 360
Muhyiddin, Shaykh (Kara Muhylddln) (S I),
356
Muhylddln 'Arabzade, see "Arabzade
Muhylddln b. 'A laeddln Cemall, Mevlana (S
I), 355
Muhyiddin Efendi, Shaykh (M II), 353
Muhyiddin b. el-Hatlb Kasim, Mevlana (S I),
355
Muhyiddin b. Hoca Fethallah, Shaykh, 4n
Muhylddln lskillbl, Shaykh (B II), 127, 354
Muhyiddin Kafiyeci , Mevlana (M I), 97, 350
Muhylddln KarabagI, Mevlana (SU), 358
Muhylddln Leys Qelebi (defterdar, B II), 353
Muhyiddin b. Magnlsa, Mevlana (M II), 352
Muhylddln MagribI, Shaykh (SU), 359
Muhylddln Mente$evi (SU), 67
Muhylddln Niksarizade, Mevlana (S II), 127,
362, 384
 472 INDEX
Muhylddln b. Nureddln, Mevlana ( Emin Ko-
sesi) (SU), 267, 359
Muhylddln Yavsl, Shaykh (B II), 120, 316
Muhzir Kuh, see Sinan Qelebi
Muldzade, Mevlana (S I), 356
M uldl (poet, SU), 361
Mu'izz, Sultan (Fatimid), 178
Mujahid (at-Tamlmi al-Basri) (, Abu Bakr b.),
35, 68
Mu'jizat al-anbiya, Kitab, 24
Mujtaba, Imam Hasan, 36
mukaddime (introduction, part o f the Es
sence), 2
mukallid (mimicker), 154, 217
mukata'aci (tax farmer), 44n
Mukhtasar-i jami', 33
Mukhtasar larlkh ad-duwal, 27
Miikrimln b. Halil b. Mehmed el-Elbistanl, see
Yinan?
mulazemet (novitiate in the 'ilmiye), 99, 156,
194
miildzim (novice in the 'ilmiye), 194, 258, 259,
313
mule, 239, 240, 242, 257
mulk (dynastic kingdom), 196
muliik-i tavaif (petty kings), 294
Miimin (poet, SU), 257, 261, 361
munafiq (hypocrite), 230
Munajyim, Muslihaddln, 36
al-Munajjim al-Farghanl (, Muhammad), 34
Muneccimba$i (Ottoman historian), 14
Munich, 386
Miinlrl (poet, B II), 355
Munfedtii s-selatin, 42, 53
miinfi (i/ija-writer, secretary) (see also secre
tary), 47, 48, 73, 210, 286
al-Muntazam wa multaqat al-multazam, Kitab,
25
Muqaddasi (?), 34
Muqaddima (Prolegomenon ), 108n, 194,195,
197,
Muqatil (miifessir), 36
Muqattam (mountains), 415
Murad I, Sultan, 67,91,119,217,233,240, 303,
348, 379
Murad II, Sultan, 30n, 119, 124, 185, 309-311,
350, 379, 388, 401
Murad III, Sultan, 3, 19, 30n, 31n, 42n, 45, 47,
49, 51, 56, 57, 60, 87, 105, 121-124, 126,
127, 154, 155, 158, 160, 161, 179, 193, 202,
204,219n, 235, 242, 249,256, 269, 300, 301,
330-343, 345, 376, 379, 383, 384, 395-398,
400, 415
Murad, the false Prince, 322
Murad, Prince (later Murad I), 303
Murad, Prince (son o f B II), 319
Murad, Prince (later Murad III), 127, 330
Murad Abdallah (?), 371
Murad Beg (kapudan, SU), 327
Murad Beg, GazI (SU), 95, 325
Murad Qelebi (defterddr, SU - S II), 357, 361
Murad Khan, Mir (ruler of Mazandaran), 299
Murad Pa$a (vizier, M II), 352
Murad Pa$a (beglerbegi of Yemen, S II), 328,
361
Murad Pa$a, Hass (vizier, M II), 351
Murad Pa$a, aytan (Devil) (beglerbegi,
SU), 95, 357
murderer, 142, 190, 264, 270, 319, 324
murder(ing), 149, 158, 159, 162, 189, 230, 237,
245, 252, 258, 265, 287, 318, 319, 321, 324,
331, 334, 336, 339, 347, 375, 377-379
Al-Mu'rib an ba'd 'ajdib al-Maghrib, 25
murid (novice in an order of derwishes, disciple
of a shaykh), 104, 119, 120, 263, 265
Murphey, Rhoads, 20In
miirsel (prophet), 293
miirfid (spiritual guide), 254, 332, 339
Musa (Moses), 69, 74, 105, 137, 140, 141, 145,
171, 173, 252, 291, 295
Musa Abdal, Shaykh (Orhan), 348
Musa Celebi (Ottoman prince o f the fetret
period), 65, 72, 124, 152, 306, 307, 350,401
Musa (al-)Kazim, Imam, 103, 325
Musa Pa$a (Kizil-ahmedlu) (beglerbegi, SU),
357
Mus'ab (Arab poet), 45
musahib (companion of a prince, sultan), 49,
51, 60n, 99, 105, 123, 133, 153, 154, 161,
217, 244, 258, 306, 328, 339
musahibe (female companion of a prince, sul
tan), 127
Musanmf, Mevlana, see 'All b. Mecded-
din
MusellemI (poet, SU), 361
music, 122, 172, 245, 328
musicians, see sazendegan
musk, 228, 275
Musliheddln, Mevlana (hoca of Prince Bayezld,
M II), 352
 INDEX
Musliheddln, Mevlana (M II), 352
Musliheddln, Mevlana (SU), 126, 359
Musliheddln, Mevlana (cadi of Aleppo and
Mecca) (SU), 358
Musliheddln, Mevlana (of Niksar, cadi of
Baghdad, Aleppo and Istanbul) (SU), 358
Musliheddln, Mevlana (hoca of Prince Cihan-
glr, S II), 361
Musliheddln, Mevlana Bagl-i ahmer" (the
Red Mule) (M II), 257, 352
Musliheddln, Mevlana (Bostan Efendi) (S II),
362
Musliheddln, Mevlana (Davudzade) (SII), 361
Musliheddln, Mevlana (Ku?ik) (SU), 358
Musliheddln, Mevlana ( Ku?ik Bostan) (S
II), 362
Musliheddln, Shaykh (M II), 352
Musliheddln, Shaykh (B II), 354
Musliheddln, Shaykh (S I), 356
Musliheddln, Shaykh (SU), 360
Musliheddln, Shaykh ('Attarzade) (M II),
353
Musliheddln, Shaykh (Gundiiz) (SU), 359
Musliheddln, Shaykh ( tmam-i Debbagln)
(MU II), 351
Musliheddln, Shaykh (Muallimzade) (SI), 356
Musliheddln, Shaykh ( Uzun Muslih) (B II),
354
Musliheddln b. BergI (?), Mevlana (B II), 354
Musliheddln Efendi, Shaykh (M II), 353
Musliheddln b. Evhadeddln, Mevlana (M II),
352
Musliheddln Hallfe, Shaykh (M I), 350
Musliheddln b. Halil, Mevlana (S I), 355
Musliheddln Hocazade. Shaykh (S I), 356
Musliheddln b. Husain, Mevlana (M II), 352
Musliheddln KastalanI, Mevlana (Monla
Kastel) (M II), 352
Musliheddln Kocavl, Shaykh (SU), 265, 359
Musliheddln Lari, Mevlana, see al-Lari
Musliheddln b. Muhyiddin, Mevlana (Mi'mar-
zade) (SU), 359
Musliheddln Musa, Mevlana (S I), 356
Musliheddln Mustafa, Shaykh (SU), 96
Musliheddln Sururi, see Sururi
Musliheddln Vefa, Shaykh (M II), 265, 353
Musliheddln b. Yusuf, Mevlana (Hocazade)
(M II), 279, 351
Musliheddln Zekeriya b. Aytogmi;, Mevlana
(M II), 353
473
Muslim historians, see historians
Muslim b. al-Hajjaj al-Qusayri an-NIsaburi,
Abu 1- Husayn, 23, 26n, 38
Mustafa (?) (MS owner), 400
Mustafa (son of Siddik Aga), 365, 414
Mustafa III, Sultan, 367, 397
Mustafa, Borluk$e (Soil Kisra), 309
Mustafa, Dervl$, 385
Mustafa, el-Hacc (re'isii l-kiiKab), 392
Mustafa, Katib (copyist), 384, 408
Mustafa, Prince, the false, 184, 309, 327
Mustafa, Prince (son of MU II), 309
Mustafa, Prince (son of M II), 314, 315
Mustafa, Prince (Muhlis) (poet, son of SU),
101, 127, 153, 159, 261, 287, 301, 323, 324,
326, 328, 360, 416
Mustafa, Serif, 385
Mustafa, Sultan, 396, 399
Mustafa III, Sultan, 398
Mustafa Aga (B II), 185, 314
Mustafa Aga (SU), 269
Mustafa Aga (MU III), 7, 155, 272, 281, 314,
415
Mustafa b. Ahmed b. 'Abdullah, 'Air, see
Ah
Mustafa Antaki, Shaykh, 380, 411
Mustafa Beg (B II), 317
Mustafa Beg (SU), 323
Mustafa Qavu$ (MU III), 186, 340
Mustafa (Jelebi, Celalzade, see Celalzade Mus
tafa (Jelebi ((Jandarliogli) (defterddr, B II),
353
Mustafa (Jelebi (defterddr, poet, SU), 56, 263,
357, 361
Mustafa (Jelebi, Duhanzade (defterddr, MU
III), 160
Mustafa Dede (MU III), 120
Mustafa Efendi, Mirza (seyhii l-Islam), 372
Mustafa GazI (B II), 317
Mustafa Hamdi (Serrac Pa$azade), 366
Mustafa el-Mecdi, Hafiz, 376
Mustafa Musarnf-i sehriyari, Cadi, 371
Mustafa Nuri Paa (Ottoman historian), 5
Mustafa Pa$a (vizier, B II - S I), 353, 355
Mustafa Pa$a (vizier, S I - SU), 55?, 320, 323,
357
Mustafa Paa (beglerbegi of Mar'a$, MU III),
163, 342
Mustafa Pa;a (originally Meniicihr, MU III),
337
 474
Mustafa Paa, Dellal (beglerbegi of Algiers, S
II), 260, 361
Mustafa Paa, Duhanzade (defterdar, MU III),
338
Mustafa Paa b. Hamza Beg (vizier, M II), 331
Mustafa Paa (Kara $ahln) (beglerbegi, SU),
357
Mustafa Paa, Kizil-ahmedlu, 327, 357
Mustafa Pa$a, Koca, 385, 394, 407
Mustafa Pa$a, Lala (vizier, MU III), 1, 17, 46-
48, 51, 53, 56, 61, 77, 8 8 , 100, 102, 120, 143,
160, 161, 202-206, 236, 328, 329, 333-335,
337, 341, 394
Mustafa Pa$a, Yaylak (vizier, SU), 357
Mustafa Samir (copyist), 399, 407
Mustafa efT b. Mustafa Min (Paa) (?), 374,
378
Mustafa Sidkl (?), HacI, 400
musta'idd ('ilmiye candidate), 98, 156, 216
(al-)Musta'sim (Abbasid), 85n, 91, 146, 198,
246, 306
Miistecab Subai (sancakbegi, MU I), 349
mustezad (poem with complemented couplets
or lines), 103
Mutahhar-i Leng, Shaykh (Zaydi leader, S II),
328, 329
al-Mutashabih (Ji) l-Qur'an, Kitab, 23
mute (courtier), 154, 344
Mutevekkill 'Ata'allah (?) (shaykh, SU), 359
mutevelli (vakf administrator), 101, 135,261
muvakkit (timekeeper), 30
Muvakkit, Mustafa b. 'All, 30
Muzaffor Husayn MIrza (Timurid), 298
Muzaflaraddln Musa (Ayyubid), 149
MuzafTarids, Muzaffarid dynasty, 148, 299
Muzaffer Paa (beglerbegi, SU), 357
MuzafTereddln, Mevlana Shaykh (B II), 354
Muzaffereddln, Shaykh (M I), 350
mystery, 284
mystical contemplation, 201
mystical poetry/ verse, 224, 268, 331
mystical sublimation, 267
myth, see legendary material
N National Library (Paris), see Bibliotheque
Nabataeans, 140
Nadasdy, Thomas, 182
INDEX
nadir, 236
Nadira l-maharib (NM, by 'All), 46, 77
Naha wand, 338
Nahgevan, 334
Nahhas Ankaravl, Baba, Shaykh (M I), 350
Nahld (female singer), 290
an-Nahrawall al-Makkl, 'Alaaddln b. Sham-
saddin Muhammad b. QadI Khan, 31
naib (substitute judge), 117, 268
N alm a (Ottoman historian), 5, 14, 195 and n,
215,408
Naim! (Cemecizade Ni'metallah (^elebi) (poet,
SU), 361
NaTml-i sanl (poet, SU), 361
Nakin (?) Salih, Mevlana (SU), 358
Nakka Ballzade, see Rahmi (^elebi
Naksbendl (order of derwishes), 96
NakI (poet, SU), 361
narh (officially fixed prices), 72, 115, 132, 157
Narin (tower), 236, 275
narration, 337
narrative (see also menkabe), 49, 62, 87, 119,
121, 133, 138, 161, 166, 177, 180, 196, 202,
218-221, 226, 234, 242, 250, 257, 259, 274-
276, 279
Nasabndma, 43
an-Nasafi, Abu M uln (?) (Muhammad b.), 35,
65
an-Nasai, Ahmad b. Su'ayb, 24
Nasara, see Christians
Nasi, Joseph, 135n, 158, 332
Nasihat al-muluk, 25, 68
nasihat-name (book of advice), 192, 417
Nasihatu s-selatm (by 'All) (see also Nushatu s-
selatm), 417
an-Nasir, Caliph (Abbasid), 147
Nasr, Seyyid Hossein, 24n, 65n, 112n, 129n,
130n
Nasr b. Ham (king of Egypt), 294
Nasrallah b. $emseddln, Shaykh (M II), 353
Nasuh, Shaykh (S I), 356
Nasuh Paa, see Mesih Paa (grand vizier, BII)
Natasli, 182
Nathr ad-durr, Kitab, 33
nation (see also umma), 69, 123, 124, 144, 182,
184, 191, 196, 285, 294, 300, 301
National
nations, ancient, historical, 63, 8 8 , 138,
286, 289, 291, 404
 INDEX 475

nations, tributary, 142, 144 and n, 145 NihanI (of Albania) (poet, S I), 356, 389
natural disaster, 219, 230, 233 NihanI (of Bursa) (poet, S I), 356
natural history (in the Essence), 219 NihanI, Mevlana (S I), 356
naval battle, 318 NihanI (poet, SU), 361
naval blockade, 311 NihanI (poet, S II), see Turak Qelebi
naval expedition, 183, 323, 325, 327 Nihayal al-arab Ji ma'rifal ansab al-'Arab, 29
naval raid, 330 NikabI (poet, SU), 261
Navarino, see Anavarin Nikeboh (Nikopol, see also Nikopolis), 258,
Navpaktos, see Inebahti 305, 391
An-Nawadir (?), 33 Nikobol, see Nikeboh
N awal, see 'AIT Shir Nikomedian , 141 n
an-Nawawi, Abu Zakariya Muhylddln, 26 Nikopolis, Battle of (1396), 181
Naxos, 135n Niksar, 60, 308
nazlre (parallel poem), 9, 47, 100, 255 Nile, 116, 130, 131, 252, 321, 415
NazmI (poet, SU), 361 Ni'met Efendi, 392
nebi (prophet), 293 Ni'metallah, Mevlana (Ru$enlzade) (SU), 359
Necatl (Beg) (poet, B II), 64, 256, 258, 259, 355 Ni'metallah, Shaykh Baba (B II), 354
Necib 'Asim (Yaziksiz), 8 , 40n Nimrod, see Nimrud
Necmeddln HanefT, Mevlana (B I - SU $ah), Nimrud (Nimrod), 6 6 , 117
349 Ni$, see Ni$
Necmeddln Mehmed, Mevlana (S II), 362 Ni$ (Nis), 85, 304, 310
Necml (poet, B II), 355 an-NIsaburi, Ibrahim b. Mansur, 25
nedim (companion), see musahib nifanci (chancellor), 47, 52, 55, 91-93, 98, 123,
Nedimi (poet, MU II), 351 133, 158, 160, 201, 254, 258, 314, 325, 332
NefI (17th-century Ottoman satirist), 246, 270 nifancilik (post of ni$anci), 48
Nehari (poet, SU), 361 Ni$am, see Mehmed Pa$a, KaramanI; Celal-
Nemce, see Austria zade, Mustafa
neo-Platonic philosophy, neo-Patonism, 25n, Nisari (poet, SU), 361
112 Nishapur, 252
nepotism, 156, 159, 204, 313 NTlu#, see Black Sea
neseb (genealogy), 188 Niyazabad, 336
neshi (script), 365 ff., 406, 407 Niyaz! (poet, B I), 349, 355
Neslml (poet, MU II), 256, 263, 351 niyel (formal resolve), 172
Ne$ri, Mehmed (historian, poet, S I), 22, 40, Nizam at-tawarikh, 27, 68
44n, 63,65,67n, 76, 80 and n, 214,227, 301, Nizami (poet, M II), 256, 267, 353
302, 317, 356 Nizam-Shah Burhan, 298
Nestorians, 171 Nizam-Shahls, Nizam-Shahl dynasty, 298
Nelayicu l-vukii al (by Mustafa N un Paa), 5n Noah, see Nuh
Netherlands, 184 non-Islamic/ -Muslim, 57, 75, 90, 92, 96, 113,
Nevadiru l-hikem (NH, by All), 11, 123n, 136n, 115, 118, 121, 123, 125, 128, 130, 132, 141,
155n 142, 145, 150, 152, 168, 170, 172, 177, 180,
Nevbaharzade Beg (SU), 357 181, 183-187, 191, 199, 216, 231-235, 237,
Neve (Hercegnovi?), 326 245,253, 254n, 255,294, 300, 301, 303, 305,
N evl (M III), 3n, 103, 104, 344 310, 316, 325, 329, 331, 336, 340, 344, 346,
Nicholson, R.A., 252n 347
Nicolson, Harold, 127n non-Muslim dynasties, 294
Nigahl (poet, SU), 261 Norberg, M., 6
Nigari ( Nakka$ Haydar) (poet, S II), 362 North, Frederic, 391, 413
nightingale, 229, 275 North Pole, 371, 373
night-watchmen, 135 nose-bleed, 119, 174, 309
 476 INDEX
notables, see a 'yan
notebook, 54
Novoberda (Novobrdo), 314
Novobrdo, see Novoberda
Nuba, 153
Nubia, 131, 291
Nubians, 140
Nuh(Noah), 65, 69, 76, 139, 140,141, 145, 196,
238, 239, 242, 275, 292-294, 330
Nuhl (poet, SU), 266
niikel, see niikte
niikte (subtlety), 104
Nu'manl, Jamaladdln Abu 'Abdallah, 33
numerological aspect, reasoning, 71, 88 , 108,
113, 123, 124, 322
numerological treatise, 9
numerological value, 2 2 In
numerology (science of numbers), 120 , 122 ,
123, 207, 279
Nur, Monla (of Bukhara), 103
Nurbanu Sultan (mother of MU III), 331
NuraddYn (Atabeg), 148
Nurallah b. Ak Semseddln, Shaykh (M II), 352
Nureddin, Mevlana (B II), 354
Nureddin Hamza, Mevlana (B II), 354
Nureddin Hamza, Mevlana (0 ? B aj) (S I),
355
Nureddin Hamza, Shaykh (SU), 360
Nuri (poet, M II), 353, 388
Nuri (poet, SU), 361
Nuruosmaniye Kutuphanesi (Istanbul), 370,
375, 377, 379, 407, 411
Nushal al-muliik, Kitab, 4 17
Nushalu s-selalin (NS, Counsel for Sultans,
by 'All), 10 , 49, 55, I33n, I53n, I57n, 160,
203, 226, 248n, 417
Nusherwan, see Nu$irvan
Nu$irvan (Nusherwan), Emperor, 124, 175, 186
Nusretname (NN, by 'All), 47, 48, 52, 53, 121 n,
205
Nutki (yehnameguy), 64, 272, 301, 342
Nuzhal al-mushlaq Ji ihliraq al-afaq, 25
O 'Osman Beg (MU III), 341
obelisk, 174, 312
objective (historian, historiography), 111 ,
187, 19 1, 195, 196, 200, 206, 281
objectivity (historical), 17-20, 192, I95n, 197,
276
occultation, 71
ocean, see Bahr-i muhit
Octavian, 173
oda kethudasi (caretaker of the little chamber
in the Palace), 320
odalisques, 128, 331, 342
Og, see 'Oj
Oghuz, 76, 79
Oghuz language, 76, 199
Oglan MemI Qelebi (deflerdar, S II), 361
Oguz Khan, 76, 177
Ohsson, Mouradgea d , 413
'Omer, Mevlana (B II), 354
'Omer, Pir (ruler of Erzincan), 309
'Omer Beg (sancakbegi of Safed, MU III), 335
'Omer Beg, Ramazanogh (beglerbegi, MU III),
299
'Omer Dede, Shaykh (M I), 350
'Omri (poet, B II), 355
Ong Khan, 177
onomancy, 263
opium, 97, 188, 266
oral information, 22, 54, 62, 84, 105
oratory, 227,
orbit, 49, 75, 129
ordu (military camp), 185, 234, 235, 308, 338,
347, 379
'orf (common usage, customary law), 198 and
n, 248
Orhan, Sultan, 79n, 91, 254, 303,'306, 348, 379
orta nesir (simple prose), 225
OruQ (Ottoman historian), 40n, 44
OruQ Beg (SU), 325
OruQ Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350
Osikama, 178
'Osman I, Sultan, 71, 76, 79n, 113, 124, 128,
254, 300, 302, 303, 306, 348, 379
'Osman III, Sultan, 370, 389, 395, 411
'Osman (Akkoyunh), 190
'Osman, Emlr-i Qm, Shaykh (Orhan), 348
'Osman, Mevlana (physician, SU), 359
'Osman, es-Seyyid, 391
'Osman Aga, Balyemez (S I), 320
'Osman Nuri es-Seyyid, 365, 398
'Osman Pa?a (beglerbegi of Aleppo, SU), 357
'Osman Paja, Ozdemirogh (grand vizier, MU
III), 44n, 53, 56, 100, 102, 161, 186, 202-
204, 260, 328, 329, 333-338
 INDEX
'Osmanli mu ellifleri (by Bursali Mehmed
Tahir), 7
'Osman$ah Beg (SU), 357
'Osmanzade $ehld Ism ail, 389
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek (Vienna),
382, 389, 397, 407
Ostrovica, see Sivrihisar
Otranto, 182
Ottoman administration, 155, 166, 202
Ottoman ancestry, 141
Ottoman army, see army
Ottoman-centrism/ -tred approach, bias, 8 8 ,
167, 179, 192, 230, 281, 286
Ottoman chronicles, 112, 174, 406
Ottoman dynasty, 2, 3, 41n, 72, 76, 79 and n,
80, 88,99, 105, 113, 123, 124, 141, 145, 149-
151, 161, 165, 180, 188, 195n, 199, 254, 284,
287, 300 ff.
Ottoman dynastic affairs, 230
Ottoman Empire (Rum), 1, 5,77,44, 54,60, 73,
8 8 , 89, 93, 96, 105, 106, 114-116, 121, 126,
132, 136, 137, 141, 151, 152, 166, 170, 179-
181, 198,200,211,121n, 155, 156,260, 274,
286, 288, 292, 300, 301, 305, 317, 318, 320,
333, 345, 347, 397, 409
Ottoman historians/ historiographers, see his
torians
Ottoman language, 46, 47, 49, 50, 199, 211,
220, 222n, 285, 406
Ottoman literature (letters), 122, 227, 413
Ottoman order, 302
Ottoman populace, 3, 96, 115, 123, 125, 141,
142, 151, 159, 165 and n, 193, 286,287, 301,
332, 335, 347
Ottoman society, 10, 52, 85, 120, 135, 155, 163,
247, 248, 257, 267, 267, 281
Ottoman state (polity), 49, 165, 185, 300
Ottoman subjects, 166, 305
Ottoman sultans, 30, 42n, 133, 134, 154n, 190,
191, 199, 300 ff., 379
Ottoman system, way , 166, 195n
Ottoman tribes, 141, 301
Ottoman troops, see army
Ottomans, see Ottoman dynasty
owl, 272, 275
ox, 74, 75, 115, 252, 290, 317
Oxus, see Jayhun
Ozdemir, Hasan, 67n, 112, 128n, 13In, 136n,
141n, 174n, 174n, 176n, 214n
477
Ozdemir Pa$a (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Ozdemirogli 'Osman Pa$a, see 'Osman Pa$a
P
padifdhhk (world leadership), 182
padishah (emperor, Ottoman sultan), 70, 72,
98, 131-134, 144, 169, 172, 178, 182, 186,
245, 249
pages, see palace pages
palace, 130, 146, 236, 240, 274, 312, 379
palace (Ottoman), see court
Palace, the New, see Topkapi Palace
Palace, the Old (in Istanbul), 83, 84, 91,
313
palace of the Blachernae, see Blachemae
palace (in Edirne), 240
palace (in Gallipoli), 240
Palace of Ibrahim Pa$a (Istanbul), 338
palace of Kisra (Chosroes), 78
palace (of Tokmak Khan), 237
palace agha, see agha
palace cooks, 157
palace functionaries/ personnel/ officials, see
courtiers
Palace Library, see Enderun-i humayun ku-
tubhanesi
palace mosque, 330
palace pages, see 'acemi oglanj gilman
Palestine, 94, 171, 177, 291, 321
Palin, Nils Gustaf, Count de, 401, 413
Pallfy, Nikolaus, 186
Palota, 340
panegyric(al fragments, episodes), see eulogy
Papa, 341, 342
Papal begs, 183
Papal coalition, 182
paradise(s), 64, 65, 75, 97, 127, 129-131, 228,
229, 237, 238, 240, 241, 247, 266, 275, 290,
301
parataxis/ -tactic, 231, 233, 276
Paret, Rudi, 72n, 83n, 145n
Paris, 6 , 168, 370, 380, 381, 396, 399, 412, 413
Parkany, see Cigerdelen
parmak hisabi (syllabic metre), 247
Parmak kapusi (Istanbul), 347
Parmaksizoglu, 1., 409n
parrot, 290
 478
Partner, Nancy E., 276n
Pa$a Qelebi b. Mevlana ZIrek, Mevlana (S I),
355
Pa$a Qelebi YeganI, Mevlana (S I), 356
Patria Konstantinupoleos, 53n
patron(age), 15, 18, 47, 89, 90, 92, 102, 104,
105, 109, 133, 150, 151, 159, 160, 162-164,
177, 199, 201-206, 217, 229, 241, 257-259,
264, 281, 286-288, 307, 311, 322, 332, 335,
341, 342, 347, 403, 404-405
peacock, 49, 75
pearl, 59, 74, 75, 188, 224, 225, 228, 232, 240,
242, 256, 275, 331
pearl-raining, 270
peasant, 52, 135, 155, 193, 260, 271, 314
Pegevi (Peguyl) (Ottoman historian), 4, 13, 16,
57, 200, 394, 399, 408, 415, 416
Peguyl, see PegevT
pederast(y), see homosexual(ity)
pedigree, see genealogy
Pekolcay, Necla, 43n
Pekre$en, 179
Peloponessus, see Mora
pen (see also ehUikalem), 76, 212,225, 227-230,
270, 271, 287, 402
Pen, the, 50, 74, 75, 290
pencase, 275
penis, 65, 117, 120, 189, 227, 272
Pentateuch, see Tawrat
perfume, 229, 275
Persia (Iran), 55, 73, 79, 85n, 8 8 , 136, 179, ISO-
183, 190, 191, 254, 292, 302, 315, 318, 327,
333
Persian border, 174
Persian calendar, 50
Persian campaign(s), 320, 321, 326, 394
Persian dynasties, 3, 51, 85n, 139
Persian emperor/ king, 24n, 85n, 124, 175, 293,
297
Persian (language), 9, 13, 22, 24n, 25n, 26n,
27n, 28n, 29n, 30n, 31n, 36n, 43n, 45, 46,
97, 100, 104, 106, 107n, 126n, 199, 204,214,
221 n, 222, 223n, 224, 227, 366, 388, 413,
416, 417
Persian legend, 228
Persian literature, 227
Persian (person), 64, 67, 92, 113, 139, 151, 157,
158, 160, 170, 172, 186, 265, 271, 272, 292,
343
Persian thought, 199
Persian tradition, 129, 130
INDEX
Persian war, 415
Persianite (language), 233
Pertev Pa$a (vizier, SU), 357
Pertev Pa$a (kapudan, S II), 330
perversion, 114, 140, 249
Pest (Pe$te), 128, 323, 326, 339
Pe$te, see Pest
pestilential boil, 119
Peter (St.), 168
Petis de la Croix, A.L.M., 5
petition(ing), 9,13,103, 154,161, 192,194, 203,
204, 287, 332
Pharao, see Fir'awn
Pharaos , 199
Philadelphus (king, Kalidlokos), 297
Philip II, 183
Philippopolis, see Filibe
Philippus, King, 140
philosophers (Greek), 140, 173
philosophers (Ottoman, Muslim), 112n, 248
philosophical concept/ tradition, 112, 199
philosophy (Western classical/ medieval), 121
physician, 117, 135, 245, 260, 286
physics, 27n
physiognomy/ -nomic, 42n, 116, 134, 142, 256,
262, 302, 311
pig, 131, 232, 275, 290
pilgrim, see haji
pilgrimage, see hajj
pilgrimage caravan, 317
pillar (one of four volumes of the Kiinhii I-
ahbar), 2, 123, 209, 251, 285, 393, 364
pillar, the first, 2, 3, 15, 23, 38,49, 63,64, 74,
77, 78, 80, 85, 8 6 , 8 8 ,93, 103, 105, 107, 130,
139n, 167 and n, 220, 221, 224, 240, 251,
255, 283, 293, 365 ff.
pillar, the second, 2, 3, 23, 38, 45, 51, 77, 78,
89, 90, 107, 140n, 198, 220, 221, 250, 251,
283, 363n, 369 ff.
pillar , the third, 2, 3, 15, 21, 23, 38, 50, 51,
55, 57, 61, 90, 108, 133, 145, 177, 178, 232,
251, 253, 283, 363n, 364, 371 ff.
pillar , the fourth (the Ottoman volume of
the Essence), 2, 3 , 6 , 10,11,13, 15,17,21,
22, 38, 39, 44, 45, 47-49, 51-55, 57, 58, 63-
65, 71, 76, 79, 83, 85, 88 and n, 94, 95, 105,
106, 108, 114, 117, 119, 132,-134, 141, 143,
144, 151, 172, 174, 177, 179, 180, 192, 198,
200, 201,224,226,229, 232,250,251 and n,
254-257, 262, 283, 284, 300, 363n, 364 and
n, 375 ff
 INDEX
pillar of the Ottoman dynasty, 123, 124, 313,
321
pillar (of a nation), 291
pillar of state, 53, 123, 314, 319, 331, 347
pimp, 290
pir (old man, spiritual teacher), 68,96, 104, 259,
263
Pir Ahmed, Mevlana (S I), 355
Pir Ahmed Beg, see Ahmed Beg
Pir Ahmed Qelebi, Mevlana (SU), 358
Pir Ahmed Leyszade, Mevlana (S II), 362
Pir Ahmed b. Nureddin Hamza, Mevlana
(Leyszade) (S I), 355
Pir Mehmed, Mevlana (SU), 359
Pir Mehmed b. 'All Efendi (Fenari), Mevlana
(SU), 264
Pir Mehmed Qelebi, Celaleddlnzade (defterdar,
B II), 353
Pin Beg (SU), 324
Pin Beg/ Pa$a (Ramazanogli, SU - S II), 55,99,
299, 357
Pin Hallfe Hamldl, Shaykh (MU II), 351
Pin R eis (kapudan, SU), 327
Piyale Pa$a (naval commander, vizier, SU - S
II), 104, 183, 327, 329, 330, 361
plague, 115, 174, 317, 331
plague, bubonic, 322
planet, 49, 75, 129, 236, 275, 290
Plato, 173
Pleiades, 236, 243, 275
Plessner, M., 32n
Plovdiv, see Filibe
poem, see verse
poet, 1, 10, 14n, 18, 41n, 42n, 45, 55-57,63, 64,
90, 95-101, 103, 133, 135, 145, 154, 211,
213, 216, 217, 225, 244, 246, 250, 252, 255,
258, 259, 264, 266-268, 286, 295, 306, 311,
326, 328, 334, 342, 343, 347, 302, 388, 407,
408
poetical correspondence, 311
poetical fragments, intermezzi (in the Es
sence ), 222 ff 274, 281, 376
poetry (see also verse), 1, 7, 43n, 45, 64, 100,
103, 153, 159, 210, 215-217, 222-225, 229,
240, 244, 256, 301, 316, 331, 374
poetry, (metre-less) folk, popular, 216, 247
Pojega (Pozvega), 101, 225, 325
Poland (see also Leh), 182, 183, 317
Poles, 180, 300
Polish, 183
political history (in the Essence), 219
479
political theory, 133, 135
polytheism/ -theist, 170, 181, 187, 234
pomegranate, 168
ponlos (Black Sea), 88
Pope, (Pap, popes), 77, 169, 172, 180, 182, 185,
283, 295, 300, 312, 316
popular elements (of language)/ expressions,
19, 21 In, 218, 222
population (Ottoman), see Ottoman populace
population pressure, 166 and n
Porte, (Sublime), 47-49, 8 8 , 104, 179, 180, 183
and n, 184, 185, 190, 193, 255, 273, 309,
317, 318, 323-325, 328, 330, 333- 339, 343,
345, 346, 412
Portugal, 169, 183, 184
Portuguese, 181, 182, 326, 327
Portuguese provinces (in India), 326
Portukal , see Portugal
Postin-pus, Shaykh (MU I), 349
PozSvega, see Pojega
praise, see eulogy
Pravadi (Prowadia), 307
preacher (see also hatib), 301
Prebeza, see Preveze
precedence, see tasaddur
predict(ion), 113, 120, 251, 328, 331, 332
preface, authors (in the fourth pillar ), 2, 3,
11,41n, 42n, 63,91, 133, 144, 179,198, 227,
229, 284, 300, 405
prefatory essay, see exordium
pre-Islamic (/Muhammedan) history, 15, 76,
138, 170, 172, 177, 178, 199, 298
Preveze (Prebeza), 326, 330
prices, officially fixed, see narh
priest, see kahm
Princes War (of 1558-1561), 56
principalities, Balkan, 341
principalities (pre-Ottoman Anatolian), 51,
150, 190, 254
printed edition (of the Essence), 7, 22, 284
and n, 403, 416
processions, 242
Prolegomenon, see Muqaddima
prolixity (of style), 213 propagandistic (func
tion), 179, 230
Prophet, the, see Muhammad
prophet, 2, 25n, 26n, 28n, 49, 67, 69, 75, 76,
85n, 118, 125, 136, 138, 139, 141n, 145, 172,
174, 196, 219, 220, 250, 251, 256, 283, 286,
287, 289, 293-295, 369, 371
480 INDEX

prose (see also infa), 1,9, 11, 19,20,43n, 46,49, al-Qazwim al-HilalT, 'Ala, 28
51, 63,64, 103,209,210,211,213, 218,222- al-Qazwim, Zakariya b. Mahmud, 27, 63
226, 240, 274, 281, 301, 417 Qibt, 140
prose style ( All's), 9, 20, 225 ff., 347 al-Qifti, WazTr Jamaladdln, 26
prose-writer, 225, 347 Qipchaks, 141
protection, protector, protege, see patro Qisas al-anbiyd (by al-Kisal), 26, 38, 252
nage) Qisas al-anbiya (by an-NTsaburi), 25
Protestants, 179 Qisas-i du jihan, 34
proverbs, 19, 25n, 222 quadrant, 117n
Prowadia, see Pravadi quatrain, 98, 104, 224, 225, 417
Psalms, see Zabur Quatremere, E.M., 387, 413
pseudo-litterateur, 301 quinsy, 306
pseudo-seyyid, 157, 343 quotation (in the Essence), 37, 38, 51, 53,
psychology /-logical, 116, 195n, 270 213, 253, 274
Ptolemean concepts, world picture, 129-131 quotations, 222, 388, 416
Ptolemy, 28n, 32n, 172 al-Qurashi, Shaykh 'Abdalqadir b. Muham
Ptolemy (dynasties, Ptolemies), 3, 51, 140, 172, mad, 28
173, 220, 283, 294, 296, 302 QurayshTs, 230, 292
public (listening, reading; audience), 74,209 ff., al-Qurtubi, Abu I-'Abbas 'Um ar (Imam Qur-
275, 277, 405, 414 ff. tubi), 26, 39, 69
pudenda, 19 and n, 178, 244n, 275 al-Qushji, Hafiz 'AlaaddTn 'All (b.) Muham
Puglia, mad (Mevlana, M II), 30n, 36, II7n, 352
Pulya, see Puglia Qutayba, 4n, 95, 321
pun(ning), see literary pun Qutayba, Abu Muhammad b., 23
punishment stories, 145 Qutayba b. Muslim, 178
puppets, 95 Qutbaddln Aybak (sultan of Hind), 299
Pylos, see Anavarin Qutb-Shah, 298
pyramids, 118 Qutb-Shahis, Qutb-ShahT dynasty, 298
Pythagoras, 173, 243, 275

R
Q
R abf al-abrdr wa nusus al-akhbar, Kitdb, 25,
Qabil (Cain), 6 8 , 70, 121, 139 and n 31n
Qadib (sword of Muhammad), 235 race, 138, 188, 190, 192, 217, 301
Qaf, Mountain, 129, 236, 275 races, coloured, 140
Qahqaha Castle, 188 racial abomination, 271
Qahtan b. Hud, 139 racial /-cist prejudice, 144, 272
Qait Bay, see Kaytbay Radtke, Bernd, I07n, 276n
al-Qalqashandl, Abu 'Abbas b. 'Abdallah, 29 Ragusalti (?), 385, 408
Qamus, 33 Rahiki (Sinan) (poet, SU), 259, 360
Qan'an, 65, 140 RahmT Qelebi (Nakka; Ballzade) (poet, SU),
Qansuh al-Ghawri, al-Ashraf, see Kansu Gavri 99, 360
al-Qdnun al-Mas'udi, 24 rain, 121, 265, 275, 290
al-Qashanl, Abu 1-Qasim, 26n rainbow, 6 6 , 290
Qasim (son of Hasan), 232 rainstorm, 318
Qasim Bawwab (Band-Shah), 298 Ram (vizier), 178
Qasimids, Qasimid dynasty, 298 Ramazan, Mevlana Shaykh (SU ah), 350
QattawTya (Egypt), 95n Ramazan, Shaykh (B II), 354
Qatya, 95n Ramazan, Shaykh (S II), 362
 INDEX 481

Ramazan(oguIIan) (dynasty of), 55, 299, 316 re'is (foreman at the Arsenal), 158
Ramazan Hallfe, Shaykh (SU), 359 reTsu l-kultab (chief o f the clerks), 70, 392,
Ramazanzade, Mehmed (Pa$a, Kiiguk 410
Ni$anci) (nifanci, historian, SU), 22, 41, re'isu l-mu ezzinln (head o f the mu ezzins), 378
49, 55, 71, 8 6 , 99, 301, 357 Remzl (poet, SU), 360
Rani (princess of Sind), 178 Renouard, Rev. G.C., 399, 413
Ranke, Leopold von, 195 and n, 275, 276 reptiles, 67, 118
Rare?, Petru (voyvoda), 184 ResmI (poet, M II), 353
Ar-Rasa il (by the Ikhwan as-Safa), 24 resul (prophet), 293
Rasa it Ikhwan as-Safa wa khillan al-wafa, see resurrection, 171
Ar-rasa'il Resurrection, Day of, see apocalypse
Rashldaddin, Fadlallah, 37, 167n, 169, 174, Revan (Yerevan), 157, 237, 320, 334, 337
I75n, 177 Revani (poet, S I), 264, 266, 356
Rasht, 298 rhetoric(al), 22, 187, 211, 213, 225, 235, 246,
Ra$id Efendi Kiitiiphanesi (Kayseri), 364n 262, 270, 275- 277, 280, 281
raven, 229, 244, 275 Rhodes, 126, 185, 238, 315, 316, 323, 324, 331
Rawd al-manazir f i 'ilm al-awa il wa l-awakhir, rhyme, 79, 83, 213, 222, 225n, 227, 235, 241
28, 291 rhymed prose, see in$d
Rawda, 34 rhyming clause, 80, 270
Rawda-i mulahhira, 34 rhyming puns, 271
Rawdal al-akhbar, 31 Riedel, W 376, 401
Rawdal al-jinan wa nuzhal al-janan (?), 34 Rieu, Charles, 391, 399
Rawdal al-mullaqin, 29, 38, 64, 74 ar-Rifal, Shaykh Ahmad, 43, 60, 348
Rawdal as-safa (ft strat al-anbiya wa l-muluk wa nk'a (script), 366 IT.
l-khulafa), 26n, 30, 38, 40, 66-69, 72, 74, 81, rind (vagabond), 329
148n, 223n, 292 risale (treatise), 60,61 and n, 104, 113, 122,262,
Rawdal ash-shuhadd, 30, 3In 265, 285, 410
Rawdal tilt l-albab f i lawarikh al-akabir wa l- Risdle-i Babtye, 43, 128
ansab, 27 rivayel (story, see also kissa, story), 75
Razgrad, see Hezargrad Riyad al-khulafa, 34
RazI (poet, B II), 355 Riyad as-salihih, 26
Razlye Hatun, musahibe, 127 RiyazI (of Oskiib) (poet, SU), 360
readers (of the Essence), see public Riyazl-i diger (II, of Istanbul) (poet, SU), 117
re'aya (taxpaying subjects), 92, 96, 134, 147, and n, 360
152, 155, 158, 164, 165, 259, 300, 303, 306, Rizay! (poet, SU), 360
314, 339, 342 Rizayl-i diger (Kassabzade Kerim Efendi)
rebellion, see huruc (poet, SU), 360
reception (of the Essence), 215, 414 Rizayl-i diger (Nikebohh Rizvan Celebi) (poet,
Red-heads, see kizdbas SU), 360
Red Sea, 334 Rizvan (favuf, MU III), 339
redactional intervention (in the text of the Riivan Pa$a (S II), 329
Essence), 404 robber(s) (also highway-), robbed, robbery,
redactor (of the text of the Essence), 406 robbing, 124, B ln , 147, 150, 158, 264, 265,
redif (a word following the first rhyming letter), 291, 324, 332, 339
236 references (cross-), 3, 220 and n, 399, Robson, 23n, 27n
414, 416 Rohrbom, Klaus, lOn, 192n
RefTT-i leng (poet, SI1), 362 Roman (language), 171
reform, 71, 192 Roman Empire, 173
Reformation, 183 Roman emperors, 173, 176, 283, 312
Reinsch, D.R., 275n
 482 INDEX
Roman (person), 76, 138-140, 172, 292
Roman Republic, 173
Rome, 130, 168, 169, 171, 174, 316
Rome, kings of, 172, 184, 185
Romulus, 173, 295
rook, 229
Roques, Thomas, 5
rose, 64, 173, 229, 239, 275
rose-coloured /-faced, 244, 255, 268
roses, conserve of, 239
Rosenthal, Franz, 3n, 26n, 38 59, 62n, 107n,
177n, 194n, 215n, 217n, 219n, 220n, 225n,
230n
Roxelana, see Hurrem Sultan
Royal Library, see Kungliga Bibliotek
ruby, 243, 268, 275, 290
Rudolf II (Kingof Austria), 13, 163
Ruhl (Mustafa) (poet, S II), 362
Ruhl, Mevlana (S II), 57, 98, 103, 268, 329
Ruhl(-i Edrenevi), 22, 40 and n, 63, 71, 214,
301, 302
riikn, see pillar
Rukneddln Zirek, Mevlana (B II), 354
ruling class (see also erbab-i devlet), 93, 151,
164, 216
Rum (the Byzantine Empire), see Byzantine
Empire
Rum (Rome), see Rome
Rum (Ottoman Empire), see Ottoman Empire
Rum (province in Anatolia), 1, 2, 50, 104, 158,
304, 308, 339, 344
Rum b. Aswad b. Sam, 140
Rum b. 'Is b. Ishaq, 140
Rumeli(an), 8 8 , 104, 142, 152, 154, 167, 21 In,
236, 260, 272, 291, 298, 301, 304, 306-310,
315, 316, 324, 327, 331, 339, 340, 346
Rumelihisart, 311
RumI, Jalaladdin, 46
Rumis/ Rumiyan, see Greek, Ottoman, Roman
Rumiye (language), see Roman
Rumlye-i kubra, see Rome
Rumuzl (S II), 98
Ruscuk (Rusje), 305, 342, 345, 346
Rusje, see Ruscuk
Russians (Rus), 141-143, 143, 174, 180, 182,
183, 269, 292, 300-302, 327, 336
Rustam at-tawarikh, 267n
Rustem Hallfe, Shaykh (B II), 354
Rustem Pa$a (grand vizier, SU), 46, 53, 55, 59,
89, 101, 117, 157, 159, 160, 258, 261, 287,
301, 322, 323, 326, 328, 341, 356
Rustem Pa$a, Guzelce (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Rypka, Jan, 24n
S
Sa'adet Giray Khan, 325
Sabaeans, 139, 292
Saban, Emir (MU III), 342
Sabayl (poet, S I), 356
Sabll al-huda wa r-rashad f i sira khayr al- 'ibad,
31
as-Sabbagh al-lsfakusl al-Maghribl, Nuraddin,
29, 38, 62n
Sabin (poet, SU), 360
sable (fur), 247, 248, 265
Sacy, Sylvestre de, 4n, 195, 413
Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, 231
Sa'dallah b. Shaykh Semseddin, Shaykh (M II),
352
Sa'dallah, Mevlana (Shaykh Sachzade) (SU),
359
saddler, 259
sade nesir (simple prose), 225
Sa'deddin (Mehmed b. Hasan Can), Hoca, 4n,
14, 22,3In, 42,53, 6 3 ,67n, 71, 79,112, 123,
154, 156, 160, 174, 202, 204-206, 214n, 227,
234, 301, 331, 332, 334, 342
Sa'deddin b. 'Isa, Mevlana (SU), 358
Sadef-i sadguher (by 'All), 241n
Sadi (poet, B II), 355
Sa'di (Ottoman poet, M II), 353
Sa'di (Persian poet), 45, 89, 223, 258, 286
Sa'di Celebi, Mevlana (SU), 359
Sa'di b. Tacbeg, Mevlana (B II), 354
Sadi Pa$a (S I), 321
Sadik (poet, S II), 362
Sadik Celebi, Mevlana (S I), 356
Sadiler, Mevlana Shaykh (S I), 355
Sadri (poet, S II), 362
Safad, see Safed
Safavid campaigns (of Selim I), 40n
Safavid campaigns (of 1578-80), 6 , 47, 102
Safavid conquest, 298
Safavid ordu, 338
Safavid troops, 327
Safavid wars, 230
Safavids, Safavid dynasty, 55, 148, 149, 170,
179, 188-190, 202, 298, 318, 320, 322, 337,
338, 372
Safayi (poet, B II), 355
 INDEX
Safed (Safad), 335
Saffarids, Saflarid dynasty, 146, 299
Sail (poet, MU II), 351
Safi (poet, M II), 353
Safi (protege of 'Ali), 45
SafTaddin, Shaykh, 188
Safieddin, Shaykh (lead Seyhi ) (SU), 359
Safiye Hatun (valide sultan, MU III), 51, 331
Safwan b. M u'attal, 253
sagird (pi. -dan) (apprentice clerk), 344
Sagittarius, 270
Sah Qelebi b. Kasim Beg, Mevlana (SU), 359
Sah Handan (poet, MU II), 351
Sah Kasim b. Shaykh Mahdumi, Mevlana
(SU), 358
Sah Mehmed Efendi, Mevlana (SU), 268, 359
Sah Mehmed b. Hurrem, Mevlana (S II), 362
Sah Mehmed b. Mehmed H ad Huseyn, Mev
lana (Dabb Celebi ) (S I), 355
Sahhaf Celebi (bookseller), 400
Sahib Giray Khan, 325
Sahib Molla (Monla), 412
sahib-huruc (Lord o f rebellion), 147
sahib-kirdn (Lord o f the happy conjunction ,
irresistable conqueror), 134, 148, 151, 177,
179, 302, 319
Sahidi (poet, B II), 355
Sahidi (poet, SU), 360
As-Sahih (by Muslim), 23, 26n
as-Sahih (, Jami', by al-Bukharl), 23
Sahin Pa$a, Lala (vizier, MU I), 348
Sahkuh , see Karabiyikogh
Sahmelik Beg (MU II), 310
Sal, 46
Salb, Mevlana (Turabi) (S I), 356
Said, Hakun, 297
sailor (see also levend), 117, 131, 261, 268
Sa'iri (poet, SU), 360
Sakalib, see Saqalib
saki, see cupbearer
Saki (poet, SU), 360
Saladin (Salah ad-Din, Ayyubid), 415
Salaheddin, Shaykh (M I), 350
Salaheddin, Shaykh (B II), 354
Salaheddin Musa b. Afzaladdin, Mevlana (B
II), 354
Salih (prophet), 139, 141 n, 145, 294
Salih b. Celal, Mevlana (SU), 359
Salih Pa$a (beglerbegi of Algiers, SU), 327, 357
Salihiya, 113, 321
Salim Khan (sultan o f Malwa), 298
Salman, Khwaja, 89, 286
483
Salomon, see Sulayman
Salonica, 261, 304, 310, 319
saltanat (sultanate), 302, 303
salyane (yearly tribute), 8 8 , 292, 339
Sam (Shem), 76, 139, 140, 141 and n, 142, 173,
196, 292, 294
Sam, see Syria
Samanids, Samanid dynasty, 146, 283, 299
samar (nightly chats , tales), 2 1 0
Samarqand, 149
as-Samarqandi, 'Alaaddin, 29
Samartin (Szentmarton), 162, 341
Sam-Gazan, Battle of (1585), 337
Sami (poet, B II), 355
Samos, see Susam
Samsam, 69
sancak (district), 61n, 104, 162, 333, 341, 391
sancakbegi (district governor, see also beg), 1,2,
16, 55, 67, 92, 101, 103, 104, 135, 144, 150,
152, 158, 162, 164, 165, 201, 202, 204, 216,
245, 254, 255, 260, 264, 271, 286, 298, 303,
313, 315, 317-319, 324, 325, 331, 333, 336,
341, 342, 344, 397
sancakdar (standardbearer), 410
Sani (poet, B II), 355
Sani (Kulogli) (poet, S II), 45, 362
Sani (poet, SU), 360
Sani (of Bosnasaray) (poet, S II), 47, 362
Sani-i diger (of Larende), 362
Sanjistan, 291
Saqalib, (see also Slav), 141
Sara, 69
Sarho Bali Efendi, see Bali Efendi
San Ya'kub, Mevlana (M I), 350
Sarmi$hk, Battle of (1511), 319
Saruca Pa$a (beglerbegi of Anatolia, MU I),
255, 349
Saruca Pa$a (beglerbegi o f Rumeli, MU II - M
II), 310, 350, 351
Saruca Ustad (M II), 311
Saruhan, 304, 305
Sassanid (dynasty), 181, 207, 297, 302
satin, 248
satire/ -rize, 98, 207, 223, 226, 246, 274, 301
satirical literature, 144
satirical kaside, verse, 343, 347
Saturn, 236, 275
Sa'yi (poet, S I), 356
Sa'yi, Mevlana (SU), 359
sayyid pedigree, 188
Savci, Prince, 304
Savciogh, see 'All Beg
 484
saz (-playing), 269, 331
sazendegan (musicians), 243, 380
scarcity, see shortages
Schama, Simon, 13 In
Schefer, Charles (C.H.A.), 30n, 381, 396, 413
Schmidt, H., 70n
Schmidt, Jan, 11 n, 12n, 18n, 21n, 117n, 144n,
I54n, 203n, 2I7n, 229n, 235n, 267n, 300,
383, 404n, 4I2n
scholars (Islamic/ Ottoman), see 'ulama, 'ulema
schoolmasters, 133
Schwarz, Klaus, 1In, 377
Schweigger, Salomon, 206
sciences, the Arab , religious, 13,60, 107,215,
216, 262
sciences (the twelve, 72), 6 8 , 122, 125, 262
science(s), exact/ natural, 26n, II2n, 116, 117,
262
scientific concept(ion)s ('All's), III, 191 ff.
scientific (historian, historiography), 191 ff.,
206, 276, 281
scientists (Greek), 140, 173
scorpion, 67, 87, 142, 236, 271, 275
Scottish Library, 9
Scriptures, the four revealed, 178
Sea, Enchanted, 290
sea-lion (dubbe-i bahr), 131
seal, see signet-ring
Sebiiktegin, dynasty of, see Ghaznavids
secretariat (of Janissary corps), 157,
secretary (see also katib, murtfi), 1,2, 53, 55, 56,
61, 99, 143, 203, 236, 258, 271
secretaries, class of, see ehlri kalem
sect, see madhhab,
Seferjah, Mevlana (B I), 349
Segal, J.B., 27n
segsar (monster), 271, 290
Segsar (Szekszard), 271
fehadet (the Muslim creed), 131, 191
Sehi Beg (Ottoman biographer, S I), 41, 64,
25In, 356
Sehln$ah, Prince (son of B II), 319
Sehmelik A'var (vizier, Musa), 307, 350
ehndme-i hiimayun, 192
ehndme-i Sultan Mehmedri sails, 42n
fehnamegiiy, 45, 64, 71, 98, 154, 160, 164, 218,
271, 301, 342
fehr-engiz (poetical genre), 144
Sehri Qelebi (poet, M II), 353
INDEX
fehr oglan(lar)i (city boy(s)/ ragamuffin(s)),
211,212,217, 259,268
fehzade (prince), 307
Sehzade mosque (Istanbul), 96
Seker, Mehmed, 12n
Seki. 333
SelanikI, Mustafa, 12, 179, 192, 193, 200, 206,
225, 277, 280, 382,415
Sellki (a'ban) (poet, SU), 360
Selim, Prince (later S I), 260, 318, 319
Selim, Prince (later SII), 1,46,99, 160,324, 327
Selim I, Sultan, 30n, 40n, 42n, 55, 56, 88,91,92,
94, 113, 115, 116, 119, 123, 125, 126, 150,
179, 188, 191, 254, 257, 258, 288, 302, 319-
322, 336, 343, 379, 384, 388-391
Selim II, Sultan, 3In, 4In, 45-47, 51, 85, 8 8 , 91,
99, 104, 153, 154, 159, 161, 202, 244, 300,
306, 327-330, 376, 378, 380, 382-384, 394-
396, 398, 399, 415
Selim III, Sultan, 373, 374, 378
Selim Aga Kutuphanesi (Oskudar), 366, 376,
379, 41 In
Sellmlye (complex, mosque, Istanbul), 31, 324,
330, 378, 407
Selimiye Library (Edirne), 364n
Sellmname(s), 40n, 43
Seljuk (dynasty), 17, 54n, 72,76,79,80,91,141,
147, I95n, 283, 299-302, 306
Seljuks, Rumi, 190, 302
sema' (whirling dance), 263
Sem al (poet, S II), 362
Semayilname, see Ktyafetu. l-insaniye
Semendire (Smederevo), 303,310, 314,317, 326
Sem i (poet, SU), 70, 268, 360
Semseddin, Mevlana (M II), 261, 352
Semseddln, Mevlana (SU), 359
Semseddin, Mevlana (Ahmed Kurkgizade) (SU),
358
Semseddin, Mevlana (M U III), 121
Semseddin, Shaykh (MU II), 351
Semseddin, Shaykh (M II), 352
Semseddin Ahmed, Mevlana (B II), 354
Semseddin Ahmed b. Ebussu'ud, Mevlana
(SU), 97, 266, 359
Semseddin Ahmed Efendi Karamam, Mevlana
(S II), 360
Semseddin (Ahmed b. tamaH) el-Guranl, Mev
lana (MU II), 265, 351
Semseddin Ahmed Efendi (KaramanI), Mev
lana (S II), 98, 267
 INDEX 485

Semseddln Ahmed b. Musa, Mevlana (Ha- seyyid, 317, 343, 408,411

yalT) (M II), 351 SeyyidI (rebel leader, SU), 324
Semseddln Khan (ruler of Nahqevan, MU III), SeyyidI, Mevlana (Hamldi) (B II), 354
334 SeyyidI, Mevlana (KaramanI) (B II), 354
Semseddln Mehmed b. Hamza b. Mehmed el- SeyyidI, Mevlana (S I), 259
Fenari, Mevlana (B I), 349 SeyyidI, Mevlana (SU), 358
Semseddln Mehmed b. 'All el-Huseynl, Shaykh SeyyidI Beg (rtifdnci, M II), 55
(B I), 349 SeyyidI b. Mahmud, Mevlana (Mucellidzade)
Semseddln 'Omer, Mevlana (SU), 359 (S I), 355
Semseddln Sami Fra$en, 7 SeyyidI Mehmed b. Mehmed, Mevlana (B II),
SemsT (poet, MU II), 351 354
SemsI (poet, S I), 356 sex(ual activities), 19, 154, 192, 249, 266-268,
SemsT Ahmed Pa$a, see Ahmed Pa$a 282
Semslye, Princess, 312 sexual abomination, aberrations, abuse, exces
Senayl (poet, M II), 353 ses, 7, 116, 135, 233, 249, 271
Senayl (poet, SU), 360 sexual organs, see pudenda
#er'(the law of God), 114, 154, 155 Sezgin, Fuat, 23n, passim
fe r '- i M u h a m m e d i (Muhammedan law), 115 Sha'bl, 36
ser-i z d k ir a n (head of z ik r performers), 385, Shaburan, see Sheki
394, 407 Shaddad (b. 'Ad), 84, 141n
Serbia, 314 ash-Shafil, Imam (Muhammad b. Idris), 381
Serbian campaign, 307, 310, 314 ShahistI (padishah), 178
Serbian (princess), 71, 245 shah (of Persia), 102, 103, 180, 183, 188, 189,
Serb(ian) (person), 88, 141, 181, 304, 314 191, 318, 320, 321, 334-336
se rd a r (commander), 1, 46, 157, 160, 161, 162, S h a h n a m a (by FirdawsI), 24, 51, 140, 145
203, 321, 328, 333-335, 337, 340, 344 ash-Shahrastanl (, Abu 1-Fath Muhammad b.
Seref Han (of Bidlis, SU), 325 Abdalkarim), 35
Serefeddln b. Kemal Kinml, Mevlana (MU II), Shahrazuri, Abu 'Umar (Mevlana), 36, 68
351 shahriyar (king), 235, 236, 245
Serez, see Siroz Shahrizul, 334
fen ~ a (t) (canonical law), 128, 134, 151, 189, Shahrukh (b. Farrukh) MIrza (Khaqanid), 149
192, 197, 198, 248, 254, 265, 288, 293, 324, ShahwardI Khan, 338
331 Shajarataddurr (Ayyubid), 149
Serif, Mevlana (SU), 358 Shamahi, 189, 334, 336
Serif 'Abdellatlf, Shaykh (SU), 359 Shamhal of Daghistan, 48, 102, 143, 334, 410
fereJT b iirc (house of exaltation), 66 Shamslya, see Semslye
serpent, 67, 272 Shapur, King, 297
Serrac Pajazade, see Mustafa Hamdl A s h -S h a q a iq a n -n u 'm a m y a f i 'u la m a a d rd a w la t
Serrai, see Siroz a l-'U th m a m y a (Crimson Peonies), 41,
server (pi. /- vera n , leader) (of medieval Europe), 42n, 65, 394, 416
292 Sharafaddln 'All Yazdl, see Yazdl
servant, 56, 261, 265, 313, 324 Sharafaddln of Khwarazm, 271
Seth, see Shlth S h a rh F usiis a l-h ik a m , 29
SevkI (poet, B II), 355 S h a rh M u s lim , 26, 39
Seyfl (poet, B II), 355 sharfa, see s e r f a
Seyh-i Ekber (Ibn al-'Arabl), see Ibn al- sharif (of Mecca), 183
'Arabl shark, 290
Seyhl (poet, M I), 256, 350 Sharnaq, King, 118
}e y h u l-ls la m (head o f the hierarchy of Shatt al-'Arab, 146
ulema), 54n, 113, 160, 262, 263, 313, 338, Shaw, Stanford J., 88n, 182n
342, 410 Shaybak Beg, 149
 486 INDEX

Shayban (Tulunid), 149 Sihri-i sanl (II, of Istanbul) (poet, SU), 259,
Shaybanids, Shaybanid dynasty, 149, 179, 298 268, 360
shaykh, 4In, 42n, 51, 57, 6In, 65, 72, IOI, Silaj, 178
104, 113, 119, 120, 122, 133, 135, 193, 217, silih d a r (guard), 410
251, 254, 259, 262, 263, 265, 286, 288, 301, Silistra, see Silistre
316, 328, 388, 400, 411, 415 Silistre (Silistra), 305, 336
Shaytan (barber), 189 Silivri, 307
Sheba, 142 silk, 247,
sheep, 128, 143, 189, 242 Simavnaogh , Kazi, see Bedreddln Mah
Sheki (Shaburan), 299 mud b. lsrall
Shem, see Sam simile, 211, 229, 233, 275
sherbet-bearer, 56, 189 Sinai, 94, 291, 321
shfa, 70 Sinan, Hakim (physician, SU), 359
Shihabaddln, Shaykh (Abbasid envoy), 147 Sinan, Mevlana (es-a'ir) (B II), 353
shi'ite heresy, 321 Sinan, Shaykh (M II), 352
shi'ite (historiography, views), 70, 113 Sinan, Shaykh (Sunbul Sinan Efendi) (B II),
shi'ite m u ftis , 188 354
a s h -S h ifd f t t a 'r i f h u q u q a l-M u s ta fa , 25 Sinan Qelebi, Muhzir kuh ( Kazi-i A$ik)
ash-Shihna, Kamaladdln, 28 (shaykh, SU), 96, 259, 360
ash-Shihna, Muhylddln, 28n Sinan Beg, Cerkes (MU III), 57Sinan Hallfe,
S h iq q a sh -sh a q a iq (D h a y i a sh -sh a q a iq), 42 Shaykh (S II), 97, 262, 362
and n Sinan Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350
Shirwan, 44n, 53, 158, 164, 333, 334, 336, 338 Sinan Pa;a (vizier, B II), 353
Shirwan campaign, see Caucasus campaign Sinan Pasa (grand vizier, S I), 321, 355
Shirwan Shah(s), 90, 148, 286, 299, 372 Sinan Pasa (b eg lerb eg i , SU), 357
Shlth (Seth), 68, 139, 140, 284n Sinan (Pa;a) Beyza-furu$ (The Egg-seller,
Shkoder, see fskenderiye MU III), 57, 158, 162, 271, 339
shop, 241 Sinan Pasa, Qigalazade Yusuf, Grand vizier (M
shopkeeper, 135, 259 III), 2 ,9n, 157,202, 203, 205,217,234,235,
shortages and high prices , see economic 270, 271, 337, 338, 345, 347, 405
depression Sinan Pa$a (governor of Cyprus, MU III?), 53
Shu'ayb (Jethro), 114, 139, 145, 295 Sinan Pasa, Kapudan (beglerb eg i, SU), 357
Shukrallah b. Imam Shihabaddln b. Imam Sinan Pasa (Koca), (grand vizier, MU III - M
Zaynaddln Dhaki (historian, MU II), 30, III), 6, 13, 17, 43n, 48, 51, 57, 77, 87, 100,
40, 49, 65, 74, 214, 351 120, 127, 155, 157, 160, I6I-I63, 185, 193,
sic ill a k f e s i (fee paid for judicial registration), 200, 202-204, 206, 271, 272, 328-330, 333,
97 335, 339-347, 405
Sicily, 131, 177, 182, 330 Sinaneddln, Mevlana ( lCopricikzade ) (SU),
Siddlk Aga, 365, 414 358
Siddik-i ekber, see Abu Bakr Sinaneddln, Shaykh (B II), 262
Sidki Musliheddin, Shaykh (MU III - M III), Sinanaddln, Yusuf (author of the R isa le -i
56 B a b iy e ), 43
Sifall, see Arslan Pa$a Sinaneddln Yusuf, Mevlana (B II), 353
S ifa l a s-sa fw a , K itd b , 25 Sinaneddln Yusuf b. Hizir Beg, Mevlana (M
sih g a h (mode), 237 II), 60, 87, 352
(signet-) ring, 121, 250, 321, 332, 335, 345, 347 Sind, 140, 178, 292, 298
Sihabeddln Pasa (vizier, MU II), 310, 350 singer, 217, 243, 261
Sihabeddin SivasI, Mevlana (B I), 349 singer (female), 290
ihabl b. $ukri, 43 sing(ing), 216
Sihri (of Edime) (poet, SU), 360 Sinimar, 289
 INDEX 487

sip a h i(s ) (provincial cavalier), 53, 92, 96, 135, Solakzade (Ottoman historian), 5
157, 164, 165, 264, 340 solar eclipse, 320
Sipahlzade, Ahmed, 28n, 31, 38 Sondik, Shaykh (Kogaci Dede) (B II), 263,
sip e h -sa la r (commander), 271 354
Siraceddevle Kasim Qelebi, PTr Mehmedzade Sophia, Empress, 312
(d e fte rd a r , B II), 353 sorcery, 68, 279
SiraceddTn, Mevlana (n ifa n c i , M II), 352 soul (n e fs), 75, 124, 347
SiraceddTn, Mevlana (h a tib , M II), 353 source, 10, 14, 195, 215, 415
Siraceddin Mehmed b. 'Omer el-Halebl, Mev source, the Essence as, 4, 7, 16, 17, 20, 165n,
lana (M II), 352 279
S ir a t, 34 source(s) of the Essence, 6, 15, 16, 18, 20, 21
IrazI (poet, MU II), 351 ff., 114, 116, 131, 167, 169, 170, 172, 180,
Sirem (Srem), 326 200, 206, 226, 231, 251, 254, 277, 279, 280,
S irr a l-'a la m a y n w a k a s h f m a ft d a r a y n , 25n 281, 286, 289, 291, 292, 302
S irr a l- 'a lim m ft ta fs ir s u r a l Y u su f, 25, 69 source criticism, 58 ff., 108, 109, 111, 117, 196,
S irr -i m a k n u n , 34 274
Sirri (Isa) (S II), 98, 362 sources, Austrian, 236
SirrT-i sanl ( Muzaffer Sirri) (poet, S II), 362 sources, list o f (in the general introduction of
Siroz (Serrai, Serez), 304, 309 the Essence), 22, 37, 38, 281, 286
SiruzT t^elebi (d e fte r d a r , SU), 268 sources, Western, 184, 206, 235
Sivas, 1, 71, 104, 158, 305, 308, 321 Sourdel, D., 66n
Sivrihisar (Ostrovica), 87, 314 South Pole, 371, 373
Siyami Beg (SU), 56 Spain, 182, 183
Siyavu? Pa?a (grand vizier, MU III), 158, 185, Spain, southern, 183, 184
242, 336-340 Spanish (person), 168, 180, 181, 183, 300, 327,
S iy e r -i a n b iy a -i 'iza m ve a h v a l-i h u la fa -i kird rn 330, 372
ve m e n a k ib -i s e la tin -i d l-i 'O sm a n (see also speech, direct, 79, 83, 281
T e v a n h - i 'O s m a n iy a n ), 41 sphere(s), heavenly (fe le k , pi. e fla k ), 121n, 122,
Skopje, see Uskub 127, 136, 145, 235, 240, 241, 245, 275
skullcapmaker, 260 spider, 67, 290
Slav (person), 131, 174, 291 spies, 118
slave (see also k u l, m a m lu k ), 52, 108, 113, 116,
spirit, 124, 270, 288
132,142, 147, 149, 150, 152,169, 189n, 237,
spirit, holy (r u h u l-k u d d u s ), 124, 125, 171, 293
247, 249,253, 254n, 255, 259, 261, 266,272,
spirit, the Muhammedan, 50, 75, 125
287, 301, 304, 307, 322
spirits, malevolent, 118
slave (female), 102,154, 171, 237,243, 266,269,
spiritual guide/ teacher, see m iirfid , p lr
272, 296, 331
spiritual world, 267
slave-concubines, 269
Smederevo, see Semendire Spuler, B., 149n
snake, 127, 173, 239, 275, 324 Srem, see Sirem
snake charm, 119, 236 St. John, cathedral of (Damascus), 123
Snouck Hurgronje, C., 83n Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz (Ber
snow, 78, 115, 238, 239, 265, 290 lin), 363, 365, 369, 372, 377, 378, 386, 395,
sodomite, 266 396, 409
sodomy, see homosexuality star, 66, 75, 77, 118, 121, 122, 170, 233, 243,
Soft Kisra, see Mustafa, Borlukge 245, 275
Sofia, 102, 316 star-worshipper, 168
Sogut, 302 steppe traditions, 197, 198
Sohrweide, Hanna, 11, 120n, 407n tefan Lacusta (voyvoda, SU), 326
Sokolli, see Hasan Pa$a, Mehmed Pa$a S. Stephen the Great, see Kara Bogdan
so la k (guardsman of the sultan), 408 Stewart-Robinson, J., 25In
 488 INDEX

Stockholm, 376, 401, 413 Sukrallah Sirvani, Hakim (physician, M II),

Stool, the, 74, 75, 122, 290 352
Storey, C.A., 25n, passim stork, 142 Sukri (historian, poet, SU), 40, 56, 360, 378
story (historiographical-narrative unit, see also Sulayman (Salomon), 126, 137, 140, 173, 174,
h ik a y a l, k h a b r , k ts sa , riv a y e t ), 58, 65, 76, 295, 312, 322
173, 210, 217-220, 250, 254, 268, 282, 285, Sulayman, Caliph (Umayyad), 253
297, 323-325, 329, 336 Suleyman (copyist), 376
story-teller, 64, 154, 217, 271, 342 Suleyman, Prince (later SU), 318
strangling, 330, 345 Suleyman (the Magnificent), Sultan, 31 and n,
structuralists, 276 40n, 4In, 46, 47, 55, 57, 71, 88, 89, 92, 93,
structure (of the Essence), 133, 218, 219 ff., 101, 103, 117, 119, 123-127, 134, 151, 153,
274 159, 161, 165, 179, 181, 192, 257, 258, 261,
student, 59, 89, 97, 117, 215, 216, 313 264, 265, 284, 288, 302, 322-327, 330, 331,
Sturtzenbecker, Adolf Fr. (?), 400, 412 360, 378, 379- 381, 384, 394-400, 409, 412,
style, see literary style 416
style level, 209, 214, 218, 220, 224-226, 277 Suleyman, Vardan, see Alihl
styles, mixture of, 276 Suleyman Aga (MU III), 161, 340
stylistic faults, 101 Suleyman b. All, Mevlana (B II), 354
stylistic mannerism, 277 Suleyman Celebi (Ottoman poet, B I), 43, 96,
stylistic motives, reasons, 403, 405 255, 349
stylistic versatility, 272 Suleyman Celebi, Mevlana (MU II), 351 Suley
Suadiye, 104 man Celebi Rurni, Mevlana (SU), 358
su b a fi (police superintendent), 324 Suleyman Halife, Shaykh (M II), 353
SubhanI (poet, SU), 360 Suleyman Han/ $ah (Ottoman ancestor), 76,
S u b h a tu l-a h b a r, I39n, 140n, 14In 79, 302
Subuti (poet, SU), 259, 360 Suleyman b. Mehmed Beg b. Zulkadr, 124
uca', Shaykh (MU III), 127, 154, 160, 202, Suleyman Pa$a (serdar, son of Sultan Orhan),
205, 266, 332 303
Sucaaddln Ilyas, Mevlana (MU II), 351 Suleyman Pa$a (vizier, B I), 349
Sucaaddln Ilyas, Mevlana (B II), 353 Suleyman Pa$a (b eg le rb e g i o f Semendire, B II),
Suca'addln Ilyas, Mevlana (B II), 353 317
Sucaaddln Ilyas (of Edirne), Mevlana (B II), Suleyman Pa$a (b eg lerb eg i of Karaman, SU),
354 357
Sucaaddln Ilyas (of Kastamoni), Mevlana (B Suleyman Pa$a, Hadim (vizier, M II), 315, 351
II), 354 Suleyman Pa$a, Ramazanogli (b e g le rb e g i of
Sucaaddin KaramanI, Shaykh (M I), 350 Egypt, Ethiopia, MU III), 299
Sugava (Suceava), 326 Suleyman R eis/ Pa$a (grand vizier, SU), 260,
Suceava, see Sugava 261, 323, 326, 356
Sucudi (poet, S I), 356 Suleyman Sah (Ottoman ruler during the f e l r e t
sufi, 112, 263 period), 72, 91, 124, 152, 302, 306-308
sufi scholars, 37 Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi (Istanul), 365, 366,
sufic theory, 25n, 26n 368-370, 372, 376, 381-385, 387, 390, 392,
sufism, 112, 216 393, 398, 414
Sufyan, Battle of (1585), 337 Suleymaniye Mosque (Damascus), 100
Suglun, see Baba S. Suleymaniye Mosque (Istanbul), 123
Suhanil (angel), 129 S u le y m a n n a m e , 397
Suhayll Waqiti, 37 Sulhaddin, Shaykh (SU), 359
Suhdf (poet, M II), 353 Sulin, 325
as-Suhrawardi, 26n sultan, 16, 52, 84, passim
Sukrallah, Mevlana, see Shukrallah Sultane, Princess (daughter of MU II), 310
 INDEX 489

Sultancik, 102, 333 Szigetvar, 47, 77, 124, 184, 327

stilus (script), 370 ff. Szigismund Janos, see tstefan
Sumner-Boyd, Hilary, 175n
sun, 65, 75, 116, 125, 136, 221, 242, 252, 275,
290 T
Sun'allah Efendi, eyhu l-tslam (M III), 193n,
194 Tabakatu l-memalik (ve derecatu 1-mesalik) (by
as-Sunan, Kitab, 24 Celalzade), 22, 41, 128, 324
Sunbul Aga, 273 Tabakoglu, Ahmet, 89n
Sunc, River, 336 at-Tabari (Abdarrahman b. Ahmad?), 44 and
SunT (poet, M II), 353 n
SunT (poet, B II), 355 at-Tabari, Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Jarir, 24,
SunT (tskender Pa;aogh Mustafa Beg, poet, S 26n, 38, 58, 63
I), 356 Tabaristan, 291
Sunl (poet, SU), 96, 269, 360 TabT, 46
sunn! (confession, Islam), 113, 129, 191, 199 Table, the Blessed, 290
super-commentaries, 262 Tablet, the, 50, 74, 75, 290
supernatural faculties, 251 Tabriz, 53, 56, 102,164, 186,188, 190,239, 241,
surgeon, chief (of the Palace), 243 317, 320-322, 325, 326, 337, 338
Siiruri (poet, S I), 356 Taceddln, Mevlana (S II), 100, 361
Siiruri, Musliheddln, Mevlana (poet, scholar, Taceddln, Mevlana (SU), 259, 359
SU), 27n, 97, 261, 359, 360 Taceddln HamldT, Mevlana ( Kugik Taced
surre (gifts annually sent to Mecca by the dln) (SU), 359
sultan), 264 Taceddln Ibrahim, Mevlana ( !bn-i Hatlb)
Suqar b. 'Is, 140 (MU II), 351
Susam (Samos), 315 Taceddln Ibrahim b. Bah?!, Shaykh (MU II),
suslii nesir (ornamented prose), 225 351
Siissheim, Karl, 7, 14, 15, 18, 22, 274, 372, 379, Tacitus, 182
396, 409, 414 Taclu Hanum (wife of Shah Ism ail I), 320
Suwar al-aqalim, 24, 35n, 291 Tacu t-tevarih (see also Tevarth-i al-i 'Osman),
SuzT (poet, S I), 356 42, 79, 80, 409
Svanidze, M.H., 48n Tac(beg)zade Ca'fer Beg/ Qelebi, see Ca'fer
swallow, 290 Beg/ Qelebi
Sweden, 5 Tael (poet, B II), 355
swine, 182 Taclzade Tugrayl, 382, 415 Tadhkirat ash-
sword, see (ehl-i) seyf shu'ara, 30
swordbearer of the sultan, see aga-yi dudman-i Taeschner, Franz, 15, 16, 24n, 27n, 28n, 29n,
silihddran 3In, 49n
synonym, 222 tafsTr (commentary on the Koran), 22, 23n,
syntactic arrangement, 233 25n, 26n, 27n, 28n, 3 In, 34, 35n, 37, 38, 47,
syphilis, 143 60, 97, 105, 216
Syria(n), 29n, 72, 114, 115, 146, 163, 173, 175, Taha Husayn (Egyptian author, scholar), 197n
176, 233, 249, 254, 291, 292, 297, 317, 341, Taherten, 151
345 Tahirids, Tahirid dynasty, 146
Syriac (language), 27n, 171, 292 Tahmasp, Shah (Safavid), 61, 149, 188, 189n,
Syrians, see Sabaeans 323, 326, 327
Szegedin, 323 Taif, 330
Szekesferhervar, see tstolni Belgrad tailor, 245, 264
Szekszard, see Segsar at-Tdj, Kitab {ft akhldq at-muluk), 23n
Szentmarton, see Samartin Taj al-ma'am, 34
 490 INDEX

la k b ir (the affirmation Allah akbar, God is Taskun Halife, Mevlana (M II), 352
most great), 126, 231 ta ss a d u r (sitting order, precedence), 313
ta k v a (fear of God), 171 Ta$kdprizade (Tsameddln Ahmed b. Musli-
ta k v u n (astronomical table), 117 hedd! n, Mevlana) (biographer, SU), 41,
T a k v im h a n e -i 'a m ire, 7, 403 42n, 44, 65, 359, 416
Talha b. Abdallah ( = Ubaydallah), 49, 79n, Tata, 162, 341
124, 296 Tatar, 88,141, 152,177,183,199,234,255,292,
Tali! (poet, S I), 356 302, 305, 307, 329, 334, 336, 346
la lik (script), 365 If., 406, 407 Tatar dynasties, 2, 198, 286
ta 'lik d t, see additions Tatar troops, 328, 334
Tallkizade (Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fenari), Tauer, F., 29n
42, 45, 64, 192, 280, 301, 342 Taurus, 239, 275
talisman, 67, 119 Tavat, 178
T a li'u s-se la tin (by All), 122, 123 tavern, 57, 98n, 246, 268, 324, 329
Taluzade-i Karaml Darwlsh Muhammad Tavukpazan (Istanbul), 119
Sham! (?), 37 t a w a f (circumambulation), 178
Tamar-Didopal, Queen, 178, 337 T a w rd t (Pentateuch), 32, 137, 170-172, 174
Tamar-Vahteng (emperor), 178 tax, succession, 341, 342
tanner, 259,-265 tax-collector, 287, 290, 323
TaqFaddin AndalusI, 37 tax (-money), 52, 89, 159, 162, 165, 193, 292,
T a q w im a l-b u ld d n , 28, 3In, 38, 78, 130 341
tdrih (chronogram), 103, 222, 311, 334, 343, tax farmer (see also m u k d ta 'a c i ), 193
399, 414 tax inspector, 98
tdrih (date, history), 292 taxpaying subjects, see re 'd y d
Tdrih (by Hamza(vl)), 43 tax-pressure, 161
T a rih -i a l-i 'O sm a n , 217 tax-value, 324
T a rih -i a l-i 'O s m a n i (by Tallklzade), 42 Tayarbi, 55
T a rih -i A y a S o fy a , 43n T azarru 'rid m e, 87n
T a rih -i H a s a n B e g zd d e , 400 teacher, see hoca
T d rih -i 'o sm a n i e n c u m e n i, 8 technology, 117, 262
T a rih -i O m eviy e, 372 ted k'ik-i d a k ik (precise analysis, historiogra
la rik a l (suf! order), 43n, 128, 262, 263 phical unit), 75
T a 'rik h , 34 te fa 'u l (drawing of auguries), 118, 125
T a rik h -i B a td lis a w a Y a h u d (?), 34n Teke, 309
a t- T a 'r ik h a l-a k b a r f i ta b a q d t a l-'u la m a wa te k fu r (also te k v u r , Byzantine emperor), 152,
a k h b d r ih im , K ita b , 27 180, 303, 305, 307, 311
T a rik h -i D h i h n i (?), 34 le k m ile (appendix), 42n
T a 'rikh -i h u k a m d , 26n, 68 te k v u r , see te k fu r
T a 'r ik h -i J a h a n -k u sh d , 271 telepathic healing, 119
T a 'rik h k h a m is f i a h w a l a n fa s ( n a fs ) a n -n a fis, lelh is (condensed report drawn up at the Porte
31, 38, 65, 69, 171, 252 for submission to the sultan), 55, 161
T a 'rik h -i M a s 'u d i, 113 Telingana, 298
T a 'r ik h -i m u lu k , 34 Temennay! (poet, B II), 355
T a 'rik h N is d b u r, 24 temper(ament), see m izd c
T a 'rik h s i n im u lu k a l-a r d w a l-a n b iy d , 24 Temple, the, 175
T a 'rikh -i S u r i, 34 te n k id , see critical faculty
T a rik h -i u m m a t-i Q ib t, 34 Tepelene, see Depedelen
T a 'r ik h -i Y a h u d , 32n, 34 Tercan, Battle of (1473), 190, 236, 315
Tarsus, 316 lerct -b e n d (poem with recurring refrain), 52
Tartary, 179Tarzi (S II), 103 T e sr ifa ln a m e (TN), 193, 194n
 INDEX
Tevarih-i 'Osmaniyan (by Ramazanzade, see
also Siyer-i anbiya etc.), 22, 41n
Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman (by 'A$ik Pasazade), 40
Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman (by Kemal Pasazade), 40
and n, 44
Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman (by LutfT Pa$a), 44
Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman (by Ruhl), 40
Tevarih-i al-i 'Osman (by Sa'deddln, see also
Tacu t-tevdrih), 22, 42n
Tevarih-i kayasira-i Rum, 43
Tevarih-i Rum, Kutub-i, 43
textual, writing history/ text-historical (evi
dence) (regarding the Essence ), 3, 12,
218, 364, 402 ff.
texts, Western medieval, 406
tezkereci (memorandum writer), 335
tezkire (biographical dictionary), 7, 13,22,27n,
30n, 4 In, 42n, 44, 106, 251, 382, 416
tezkireci, see biographer
Tezkiretu f-fu'ara (by Hasan Qelebi), 12,42, 64
Tezkiretu }-}u 'ard ve tebfiretu n-nuzama, 42
Thabit b. Qurra, 297
ath-Tha'labl, 30n, 36n
Tha'labT, Abu Mansur, 34
ath-Tha'labl an-NTsaburl, Ahmad b. Ibrahim,
24
Thamud b. Sam, 139
Thamud, people of, 114, 141n
themes, thematic features (of the Essence),
133, 192, 207, 209 ff., 277, 282
theological dispute, 323, 324
theology/ -gical sciences, see Arab sciences
thief, 290, 316
Thomas, Lewis V., 5n, 195n, 215, 409n
Throne, the (or#), 74, 75, 122, 170, 290
At-Tibr al-masbuk finasihat al-muluk, 25n
Thucydides, 195, 276
thunder, 275, 290
Tibet, 291
tick, 131
Tietze, Andreas, 4n, 9, 19, 45n, 49n, 52n, 102,
135n, 209,21 In, 221,222n, 226, 241n, 417n
Tiflis, 57, 102, 179, 238, 239, 333-335
Tigi, 45
Tigris, 175
Tillyard, E.M.W., 112n
timar (military fieQ, 306
timar defterdan (registrar of military fiefs), 1,
48, 102, 335
Timisoara, see Timi$var
491
Timivar (Timisoara), 346
Timur (Khan), 16, 28n, 29n, 71, 72 and n, 114,
118,148 and n, 151, 152,245, 255,299, 302,
304-308, 383,
Timur Khan (MU III), 334
Timurids, Timurid dynasty, 148, 149, 198, 199,
283, 298, 299
Timurid envoys, 305
Timurid crisis, interval (see also fetret), 153,
188
Timurnama, 39n
Timurtas Pasa (vizier, MU I - B I), 349
Tippelskiich, Ingrid von, 195n, 406n
TirasI (poet, S II), 268, 362
Tirendazan-i ndmveran (?), 44
Tlrgoviste, see Duguste
at-Tirmidhl, Abu 'Tsa, 23, 38, 39
toad, 239
Toderini, Giambatista, 412
Toghan Temiir (Chingizid), 299
Tognl (Seljuk), 147
Toharistan, 291
Tokaj, 125, 234, 347
Tokat, 103, 308, 315
Tokatl, Mevlana (S I), 356
Tokmak Khan, 237, 333, 334
Tolasa, Harun, 251n
tomb, 61, 67, 70, 89, 94, 103, 104, 105 and n,
172, 173, 229, 237, 250, 251, 325-327, 334,
378, 382, 415
topfu (artillerymen), 249
Topkapi Palace (the New Palace), 56, 94,
313, 330
Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi Kiitiiphanesi (Istan
bul), 367, 369, 373-375, 380, 385, 386, 388,
389, 392, 394, 397, 398, 402, 407, 411
lopos (-poi), 63n, 108n, 114,20In, 213,218,227,
228n, 268
iopo^-like, 271
Torches, Battle o f , 336
Torlak Kemal (rebel leader), 309
Tornberg, C.J., 388, 400
torture, 181, 251, 329
Toyca Balaban Beg (MU I), 349
Trablus-garb (Tripoli), 339
Trablus-sam (Tripoli), 131
Trabzon, 98, 102, 309, 314, 318, 335
tract, see risale
tradition, see hadith
translated, 311
 492 INDEX
translation, 5, 6 , 9, 14, 23n, 24n, 25n, 27n, 28n,
29n, 30n, 3In, 36n, 47, 50, 78, 79, 100, 106,
170, 172, 400, 413
translator, 97, 100
Transoxania(n), 79, 141, 146, 149, 179, 238,
302, 345
Transylvania, 125, 181, 183, 326, 341, 346
Transylvanian(s), 8 8 , 142, 180, 183, 292, 300,
331
travel(lers), 288, 294, 316, 413
travelogue, 30n, 41n
treasury, 8 8 , 89, 91, 125, 134, 147, 158, 163,
186, 230, 243, 261, 292, 312, 314, 331-333,
338
treatise, see risale
trinity, 171
Tripoli, see Trablus-garb, Trablus-sam
troops, see army
Troppau, Martin of, 169
lufeng-endazan (musketeers), 325
lug (horsetail), 127, 235, 344
tug bearer, 127
tugra (sultans monogram), 367 ff.
Tuhfat al-'aja ib wa turf at al-gharaib, 27, 38, 63
Tuhfat az-zaman wa kharldat al-awan, 30
tulip(-cheeked), 242, 275
tulip petals, 238
Tulum, A. Mertol, 87n
Tulunids, Tulunid dynasty, 149, 253, 283, 297
Tuman Bay (Mamluk), 297, 321
Tumani? (Dmanisi), 302, 335
Tunis, 182, 183n, 317, 330
TurabI (poet, M II) (see also SaTb, Mevlana),
353
Turak Qelebi (NihanI, S II), 99, 244, 328, 362
Turan, 79, 291
Turan, $erafettin, 31n, 4In, 42n, 80n, 195n,
206n
turban (see also miicevveze), 95, 128, 228, 229,
232, 238, 246-249, 257, 262, 263, 275
turbe, see tomb
Turcomans, 160, 169, 177, 188, 190, 323, 342
Turgud(ca) R eis/ Pa$a (beglerbegi of Trablus-
garb, SU), 56, 327, 357
Turin, 391, 414
Turk, son of Yafith, 6 6 , 141Turk (person), 12,
16, 17, 19, 76, 79, 92, 117, 118, 132, 139,
141, 142, 155, 157, 158, 170, 177, 180, 199,
234, 255, 272, 288, 302, 329
Turk Tarih Kurumu Library (Ankara), 364n
Turkestan, 136
Turkey, 10, 14, 363
Turkic elements, 279
Turkish ancestry, 141, 199
Turkish background, 271, 297
Turkish dynasties, 2, 198, 286
Turkish cultural heritage, 18
Turkish (language), 9, 10, 14, 17, 22, 25n, 27n,
28n, 29n, 30n, 31n, 45,47,94, 100,103, 104,
199, 201, 212, 214, 218, 221 and n, 222 and
n, 224, 231, 256, 274, 285, 396, 413
Turkish re'aya, 303
Turkish scholars, 14, 18, 197
TurnaQayin, Battle of, 338
Tursun Beg (Ottoman historian), 133n
Tursun Faklh, Mevlana ('Osman), 348
Turul, 315
at-Tusi, Naslraddin, 146
U
Ugur, Ahmet, 43n, 133n
Uhud, Battle of (625), 124, 222n, 230
Uhud, Mount, 231
Ojan (river), 241
'Oj b. 'Anaq (Og son of Anak), 69, 139, 252,
283, 293
Olama Beg/ Pa$a (SU), 325, 357
Ulca Han, 76
'ulama, 'ulema (scholars, see also 'alim), 1, 3n,
12, 22, 38, 4 In, 42n, 45, passim
Olu-abad, River, 308
'ulufecibajt (commander of guards), 264
u/u l- 'azm (prophet), 393
'Ulvan t^elebi, Shaykh ("Osman), 348
'Ulvan Hamrl, Shaykh (B II), 354
'Ulvl (poet, M II), 353
'Ulyanogh, Shaykh (S II), 328
'Umar, Caliph, 176, 231, 296, 297
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (Umayyad), 71, 87,253
'Um ar Khayyam, 288
'Um ar b. Sa'd, 232
Umayyad Mosque, 67
Umayyads, Umayyad dynasty, 2, 3, 71, 87, 90,
139, 146, 198, 230, 252, 283, 286, 298, 371
umma (Islamic/ Muslim community) (see also
nation), 71, 138
iimmet, see umma
Umur Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350
 INDEX
unbelievers/ -ving, see non-Muslim
universal history, see world history
universal state, 198
universe, 122, 128, 129, 170, 232
Oniversite Kutiiphanesi (Istanbul), 14n, 364,
367, 371, 373, 378, 383, 389, 390, 393, 395,
399, 412
Universiteitsbibliotheek (Leiden), 383, 412
Universitetsbibliotek (Uppsala), 363, 388, 392,
400, 412
University Library (Cambridge), 393, 413
University Library (Ankara), 364n University
Library (Leiden), see Universiteitsbiblio
theek
upper class(es) (see also elite), 213, 214, 216
Uppsala, 363, 388, 392, 400, 412
Uppsala University Library, see Universitetsbi
bliotek
Usd al-ghaba f t ma 'rifat as-sahaba, Kitab, 26
Oskiib (Skopje), 101, 304
Oskiidar, 95, 105, 204, 242, 315, 317, 320, 339,
345, 366, 412
uskiif (knitted cap), 249
Osta 'All Khan (governor of Samarqand), 149
Usturgon, see Esztergom
UsiiU (poet, SU), 360
Usulu l-hikem f t nizami l-'alem, 193
Osiimi (ruler), 143
Uthman, Caliph, 231, 296
'Uthman, Sultan (of Tunis), 317
'Uthman b. Mutahhar, Shaykh (Zaydi leader),
338
Oveys, Shaykh (SU), 359
Oveys Celebi (defterdar, MU III), 154, 160,332
Oveys Pa$a (beglerbegi of Syria, SU), 260, 357
Oveys Pa$a (beglerbegi o f Yemen, SU), 260,
357, 400, 416
Oveys Pa$a (MU III), 339
Uways, Sultan (Jalayirid), 89, 286
Uyun at-tafasir bi hadhf at-taqarir, 32
Uzbek (person), 103, 183
Uzun Hasan, see Hasan
Uzun Hizir (defterdar, MU III), 334
Uzun;ar$ili, tsmail Hakki, 320n
V vilayet (province), 337
Vac, see Ba?
Vahid! (poet, SU), 70, 361
493
vak'aniivls (annalist), 394
Vakayi'-i ruzmerrem (by Karl Siissheim), see
Diary
vakf (pious foundation), 59, 60, 97, 101, 135,
155, 253, 255, 273, 313, 314, 414
vakf administrator, see miitevellT
vakf library, see library
vakf stamp (seal), 357 ff.
vakftye (deed o f trust o f a pious foundation),
53, 60, 313
vaki'a, see event
vali (governor), 323, 326, 410
valide kethudast (majordomo o f the sultans
mother), 410
valide sultan (mother o f the sultan), 51, 105,
157, 271, 345
Valihi, 45
Van, 94, 102, 179, 326, 333, 337, 338
Van, Lake (Buhayre-i Ercis), 61, 94
Varna, 310
Vasfi (poet, B II), 355
Vefa, Shaykh, see Musliheddln
vekil (deputy, grand vizier), 235, 342
VelTeddln (murid to Shaykh Musliheddln Vefa)
(M II), 265
VelTeddln, Mevlana (M II), 352
vendor, 260
Venedik, see Venice
Venetian(s), 181, 183 and n, 185 Venetian
governor, 379
Venice, 168, 182, 183, 317, 320, 340, 366, 384,
386, 396
Venus, 121, 290
verse (see also poetry), 10, 12, 19, 24n, 42n, 45-
47, 60n, 64, 72n, 85, 98 and n, 99, 101, 104,
108n, 114, 123, 126, 144, 205, 217, 223-225,
236, 244, 246, 247, 253, 255, 258, 268, 274,
275, 378, 416
Vesiletu n-necat (Mevlid, Mevludri nebt), 43n,
96, 255
Veszprem, see Bespirem
Vidin, 304
Vienna, 181, 184, 186, 324, 347, 382, 389, 397,
407,409,413, 414
Vilayetname, 39, 43n
Vilasa, 336
Vilayet, Shaykh Seyyid (B II), 354
viper, 271
virgins/ -ginal, 102, 228, 269, 273, 275, 285
494 INDEX

Visall (poet, B II), 355
Visall (poet, SU), 361
vituperation/ -tive, see censure
vizier, vizierate, 6 8 , 77, 8 6 , 87, passim
vocabulary, 224
volume(s) of the Essence, see pillar(s) witchcraft, 269
voyvoda (prince o f Moldavia), 5, 158, 163, 164,
181, 184, 326, 341, 342,409
vulture, 67, 117
vulva, 65
Vusull (poet, S II), 264, 362
W wordplay, 213, 222, 224, 227, 272
al- Wddih, Kitdb, 44n
Wafayat al-a 'yan wa anba abna az-zaman, 27
wagon-driver, 317
Waldman, Marilyn Robinson, 54n, 74n, 107n,
113n, 214n
Wallachia, 158, 163, 182, 183, 300, 304, 310,
314, 341, 342
Wallachians, 8 8 , 142, 180, 181, 292
Walsh, John R 9, 16, 19, 62, 63n, 209, 214,
215n, 225n, 242n
Walzer, R., 23n
Waqwaq, Island of, 130
(al-)Waqidi (Abu 'Abbas Muhammad b.
Umar), 32, 34
Ward, John O., 276n, 406n
al-Wardl, Sirajaddin b., 29
Warner, Levinus, 384, 412
Wasif Shah, Ibrahim b., 26, 38, 39
Wassaf (Persian historian), 18
watch (clock), 117
watermark, 364 ff.
water-wheel, 415
al-Watwat al-Kutubl al-Warraq, Muhammad
b. 'All Jamaladdln, 27
wedding, 56, 119, 241, 310, 311, 317, 318, 323,
338
Wensinck, A.J., 72n
Westdeutsche Bibliothek, see Staatsbibliothek
Preussischer Kulturbesitz
whale, 371, 373
White, Hayden, 276n
White Sea, see Mediterraneanwhore(s),
21 In, 269
whoremonger, see zenpare
wine (addiction) (see also alcohol), 56, 91, 96,
115, 152, 154, 168, 171, 178, 187, 244-246,
266, 268, 300, 306, 329, 337
wine merchant, 269
wine poetry, 268
wineships, 98n
woman (see also musahibe, singer (female),
slaves (female), virgins), 95, 116, 117, 148,
149, 150, 153, 154, 159, 161, 167, 172, 179,
188, 189, 191, 193, 239, 250 and n, 253, 266,
275, 290, 311, 321, 331, 322, 343
Woodhead, Christine, 9n, 42n, 192n, 222n
wool, 248
world(s) (see also earth), 74, 81, 122, 167, 168,
176, 193, 229, 235, 239, 242, 275, 283, 288,
301, 366
world chronicle (Western medieval), 276
world empire, 179, 280
world history, 1,2, 14, 24n, 25n, 26n, 27n, 28n,
29n, 30n, 3In, 38, 40n, 4In, 109n, 135, 172,
191, 196, 226, 279, 292, 323
world leadership, 182, 319
world picture ('All's, traditional Islamic), 109,
111 ff., 230, 279, 280
Wurm, H., 5n
Y
Yafith (Japheth), 6 6 , 6 8 , 76 and n, 124, 140-
142, 168, 196, 294
Yahiogh, Ban (B II), 317
al-Yahsibl, Abu 1-Fadl 'Iyad, 25
Yahya (John the Baptist), 140 and n, 295
Yahya, Mevlana (SU), 359
Yahya Beg/ Pa$a (Ottoman poet, SU), 45, 101,
159, 258, 323, 326, 361, 416
Yahya al-Bitriq, see al-Bitriq
Yahya b. 'Omer, Mevlana (Bekta$I Yahya
Efendi) (S II), 362
Yahya Pa$a (vizier, B II), 316, 318, 353
Yahya Pa$a (beglerbegi o f Algiers, SU), 357
Yahya b. Yah$i, Mevlana (B II), 354
Yahya b. Zayd b. 'All, 296
Yajuj and Majuj (Gog and Magog), 141
Yaklnl (poet, S II), 362
Ya'kub, Hakim (physician, M II), 117,260,352
Ya'kub, Mevlana (Ace Hallfe ) (SU), 358
Ya'kub, Mevlana (Qahk Ya'kub) (S II), 361
 INDEX
Ya'kub Beg (MU III), 336
Ya'kub Qelebi, Prince (son of Murad I), 304
Ya'kub Germiyanl, Shaykh (S II), 128, 362
Ya'kub b. Idris, Mevlana, Kara Y a'kub (M
I), 350
Ya'kub Pa$a, Hadim (vizier, B II), 317, 318,
353
Ya'kub Pa$a b. Hizir Beg, Mevlana (M II), 352
Ya'kub b. SeyyidI, see Ahlzade, Seyyidi
Ya'kub Vehbi (copyist), 399, 407
Yalakabad (Yalova), 128, 303
Yalova, see Yalakabad
Yanboli (Yambol), 104
Yamk (Gyor), 162, 183, 204, 341
Yanko, King, see Hunyadi, Janos; Matthias
Corvinus
Yanko b. Madyan, 69, 114, 118, 138, 141 and
n, 174, 176n, 312, 389
Ya'qub (b. Ishaq, Jacob), 24n, 37, 70, 76, 103,
140, 221, 222n, 223, 294, 368
Yaqut-i Musta'simI, 66
Yar 'All IrazI, Mevlana (SU ah), 349
Ya'rab, 139
Ya$ (Ia$i, Jassy), 326
yasa (law), 198n
Yasln, Monla (copyist), 389, 408
Yasin, sura, 215
Yay?e (Jajce), 272, 314, 317
yaylak (summer camping ground), 302
Yaysa, see Yayge
Yazdl, Sharafaddln 'All, 28, 39,45, 71, 72, 305,
388, 416
Yaziciogh, see Yazicizade
Yazicizade, Ahmed BIcan, Shaykh (MU II),
27n, 29, 39, 351
Yazicizade, Mehmed, Shaykh (MU II), 29, 60,
70, 115, 285, 351, 382, 415
Yazld, Caliph, 232
Yedikule (Istanbul), 94, 154, 260, 320, 338, 345
Yegan, Monla, see Mehmed, Mevlana Yusuf b. Haklmzade Muhylddln, Mevlana
Yemen, l,43n,48, 100,142, 150, 154, 160, 161,
179, 202, 203, 216, 260, 264, 272, 291, 292,
323, 329, 338
Yemenites, 302
Yemen futuhati, 43n
Yemen tarihi, 43n
Yener, Cemil, 10
Yenibahge, 320
yeniferi katibi (secretary of the Janissary
corps), 1-3, 53, 103, 201, 343
Yenigeriler caddesi (Istanbul), 175
495
Yenikal'e (Ahiska), 333
Yeni$ehir, 308, 319
Yerevan, see Revan
Yergogi (Giurgiu), 115, 163, 164, 310, 345, 346
Yetlm 'All Celebi, see 'All Qelebi
Yigit Pa$a (MU I - B I), 254n, 304, 349
Yinang, MukrimTn Halil, 378 and n
yoghurt, 305
Yolhas (son of Yafith), 76
Yorgug Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350
Yousofi, Gholam Hosein, 30n
Yucel, Ya$ar, 165n, 166n, 192n, 193n
Yuhanna, see John
Yularkisdi Pa 5a (beglerbegi, SU), 357
Yunan (descendant of Nuh), 173
Yunan, see Greece
Yunams, see Greeks
Yunaniye (language), see Greek
yunluk (part of cap where a plume or aigrette
was placed), 249
Yunus (Jonah), 140, 295
Yunus Emre, Shaykh, 255
Yunus Pa$a (vizier, B II - S I), 353, 355
Yunus Pa$a (S I), 321
Yusha' (Joshua), 140
Yustiniyanus, see Justine
Yusuf (Joseph), 2, 25n, 47, 122, 123, 140, 221-
223, 270, 275, 283, 286, 294, 295, 332, 367,
401,415
Yusuf, Mevlana (B I), 349
Yusuf, Mevlana (B II), 354
Yusuf, Shaykh (SU), 359
Yusuf, Shaykh Baba (B II), 354
Yusuf'Adil-Shah, 298
Yusuf Celebi b. 'All Yeganzade (defterdar, S I),
355
Yusuf Efendi, 386, 407
Yusuf HacI 'Abduh (?), es-Sayyah es-sahir,
382, 389, 409
(SU), 359
Yusuf Halis Efendi, 412
Yusuf b. Huseyn, Mevlana ( Mevlana Kir-
mastl) (M II), 352
Yusuf Muhlis, el-Hacc, 390
Yusuf Pa$a (son o f Luarsab, MU III), 335
Yusuf Pa$a, see Sinan Pa 5a, Qigalazade Yusuf
Yusuf-i sanl , see SanI
Yusuf b. Yegan, Mevlana (MU II), 351
Yusuf u Zeliha (by Hamdl Celebi), 61
Yusufga Aga (M II), 315
496 INDEX

z zemin (earth), 49
zenith, 236, 239, 242
Zab, River, Battle on (750), 232 zenpare (whoremonger), 96, 271
zabit (commander), 94 Zerrinogh, 186
Zabur (the Psalms), 137, 174 Zettersteen, K.V., 363n
Zacharia, see Zakariya Zeyl-i 'Atdyi (Appendix to ash-Shaqa'iq an-
Zafar Khan Muzaffar I (sultan of Gujarat), 298 nu'ma niya), 394, 416
Zafarnama, 28, 39, 72, 388, 416 Zeyneb Hatun (poetess, M II), 250n, 353
Zaganos Pa$a (vizier, MU II), 350 Zeyneddln Mehmed b. Mehmed$ah Fenari,
Zahlreddin Erdebell, Mevlana (Kazizade) Mevlana (S I), 355
(SU), 358 Zeynel Beg (SU), 358
Zahir-i Faryabi, 89, 286 Zeynel Pa$a (vizier, S I), 355
Za'ifi (poet, MU II), 351 Zeynetl (poet, SU), 267, 269, 360
Za'ifi (PIr Mehmed ) (poet, SU), 360 Zihni (poet, M I), 350
za'tm (pi. zu'ama, holder of a ze'amet), 57, 135, Zihni (poet, B II), 355
187 zikr (a praising of God with recitation of
Zakariya (Zacharia), 140, 295, 312 litanies), 263, 385
Zal, 270, 271, 275 zill Allah (shadow of G od), 134
az-Zamakhshari, Abu 1-Qays Mahmud, 25,27n Zinclr (beloved of Tira$i), 268
Zambaur, E. von, 149n ZIrek , Mevlana , see Mehmed, Mevlana;
Zamlri, Mevlana Shaykh (B II), 354 Rukneddln, Mevlana
ZangT, Atabeg, 89, 199, 286 ZIrekI (poet, SU), 100, 360
Zanj, 140 zodiac, signs of the, 122-124, 236 "
ZarifI (poet, B II), 355 zoological work, 28n
ZarifT-i diger (poet, B II), 355 Zriny, Georg, 186
Zati (poet, SU), 64, 360 zu'ama, see zalm
az-Zawzani, 26n Zubayr b. "Awwam, 231
Zaydl/-did (rebels), 101, 161 Zubdat at-tawarikh, 26n
Zaydl leader(s), 154, 328, 338 Ziibdetu t-tevarth (by 'All), /n, 28n, 47, 204,
Zayir b. al-'Akar, 44 274, 374, 404
Zayn al-'Abidin, 'All b. Husayn (the fou.th Zuhuri (Pinzade), 64n
Imam), 296 Zulkadiiye, 318, 320, 323
Zayn al-'Arab, 44 Zulkadriye, emirs of, 56, 298, 323
ze'amet (large military fief), 160, 164, 165, 332 Zulkadrogh, 308
Zekayl (poet, B II), 355 Zvornik, see Izvornik
Zekeriya Halvetl, Shaykh (M I), 350

P rin ted in Belgium