Académique Documents
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Jovito R. Salonga
Delivered at the Ateneo de Manila University Seminar of “The
Responsiblities of Freedom” held November 12, 1964.
When the Philippines became independent on July 4, 1946, our country was
in ruins its agriculture and industry had been wrecked, its principal cities were
a nightmarish jungle of twisted steel and shellshattered concrete and a great
number of people were torn between the losses of the war and the hopes of a
new day.
The memories of the conflict with Japan were still fresh and men debated
bitterly and long about their loyalties. Collaboration was the redhot issue. To be
called a collaborator, even without proof, was worse than committing murder. It
was as if one had sold the country to the enemy. Patriots and resistance leaders
grew in number long after peace had descended upon towns and villages. And
so, the issue of collaboration occupied the minds of our people for many months
even after Manuel Roxas, who had won on the issue, bested his opponent,
Sergio Osmena, who was "the untainted one" in the presidential elections of
1946. As it turned out, even in the elections of 1949, Elpidio Quirino who
became President after the death of Roxas made much use of the
collaboration issue against his opponent, Jose P. Laurel, the wartime president
of the Japanesesponsored Philippine Republic, in an election that was both
bitter and fraught with dangers to the newborn State.
But the collaboration issue obscured in some way one crucial fact: that 1946
was more than just the year of political independence. The events of that year
shaped the course of the Republic. It was in that year when the foundations of
the new nation were laid. It was in that year, to be more specific, when the
United States Congress passed the Philippine Trade Act of 1946, which
contained the socalled "parity" clause and the 33year arrangement for the
adjustment of freetrade relations between the United States and the
Philippines. It was in that year when the United States Congress, in an effort to
fulfill all sorts of promises made by responsible American officials during the
war, passed the Philippine Rehabilitation Act of 1946 which provided that the
payment of war damages to any claimant in excess of US $ 500 (which included
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 1
roughly 80% of the claimants) would not be made until the Parity Act became
effective. This meant the Filipinos had to amend their Constitution in order to
give citizens of the United States and "all forms of business enterprise owned or
controlled, directly or indirectly, by citizens of the United States," the same rights
which Filipinos have in the development of our natural resources and the
operation of public utilities. And amend the Constitution we did.
It was also in 1946 that the American Congress passed the Military
Assistance Act, to be followed in a year's time by the Military Bases Agreement,
under which military bases were established by the United States in the
Philippines.
Actually, what happened to us was this: we launched our ship out into the
open, turbulent sea, but what we did launch in 1946 was a vessel that could not
sail the way we might have wanted it. To be sure, we asserted our right to be
free, to the beating of drums and the blare of trumpets. In international
conferences, we even pointed with great pride to the glorious record that was
associated with historic names Bataan and Corregidor. But while our hearers
acknowledged the bravery of our people, they saw through our loud and
sonorous protestations. Our offers of leadership were spurned by our coAsians,
Nehru being the best example, and we were described as nothing more than an
American puppet by those who had no regard for our finer sensibilities.
"New forms of alien bondage political, economic and military
were being clamped down on the Filipinos. The United States was
trying to preserve the colonial character of the Philippine economy,
perpetuate the economic dependence of the Philippines on American
capital and transform the Philippines into a permanent auxiliary base
for the American Army and Navy in the Western Pacific...
"The most serious shortcomings of the American record became
apparent within a few years of independence when the Bell Mission
made a systematic review of the situation in the Philippines and
prepared a detailed report on what had to be done by the Philippines
and the United States if the Republic were to survive in 1950.
Although intended mainly as an economic survey, the discussions
and recommendations of the Bell Mission extended to the social and
institutional changes that were necessary for economic growth. Many
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of the changes, especially those relating to land tenure and
productivity, could have been brought about during the 50 years of
American occupation... By 1950 it was obvious that when the US
Congress was fulfilling the promise of independence in 1946, it was
not laying the foundations for the development of a strong and
independent Philippines. The Filipinos got off to a very bad start on
the road to independence."
Had this rather blunt criticism been aired by a Filipino during the height of the
Huk movement, particularly in 19501951, he would have been branded a
Communist, here and abroad.
But we now can look back with objectivity at the events that transpired since
we asserted our right to be free.
In 1949, the Nationalist Government was driven out of mainland China. In
1950, the Korean War broke out. The Huks had been up in arms in many places
in Luzon. And the situation in IndoChina was deteriorating very rapidly. The
attention of the United States was drawn closely to Southeast Asia and
particularly to the Philippines her most reliable friend in a region of raging
turmoil and conflict.
An Economic Survey Mission was sent to the Philippines in 1950 upon the
request of President Quirino. Known as the Bell Mission, named after its
Chairman, former Undersecretary of the Treasury, Daniel W. Bell, it rendered a
comprehensive report on the economic problems of the Philippines our
inefficiency in production, the gross inequalities in wealth, the imbalance
between prices and wages, between government expenditures and taxes,
between production and need and suggested financial and social reforms
including the enactment of the minimum wage law and certain tax measures.
The Mission recommended that the United States make loans and grants of US
$250 million, on the condition that the Philippine Government took steps to carry
out the recommendations of the report. Reluctantly, we didand the United
States made its point: that financial help can be used as leverage to correct
what has been described as "the results of 50 years of neglect in the
Philippines." In short, instead of crippling the Republic, as it did in 1946, the
United States apparently began to help the Filipinos help themselves.
In the early 1950's, Ramon Magsaysay, as Quirino's Secretary of National
Defense, with the help of American arms and propaganda, decimated the Huk
movement and in 1953, defeated Elpidio Quirino in the presidential elections.
Whatever may be said about the quality of his administration, Magsaysay
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achieved one thing: he revived the faith of the people in their government and
gave them a new sense of hope.
In the meantime, the Philippines, effectively aligned with the United States,
through a series of agreements and pacts, began its quest for security from
Western powers in Asia and likeminded neighbors. In 1954, the Manila Pact
gave birth to the SEATO with the following as signatories: United States,
France, the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Thailand
and Pakistan. It may be described as the first organized attempt to counteract
Communist aggression and subversion in Southeast Asia through military and
economic means. It was also during Magsaysay's tenure that the Philippines
participated in the historic Bandung Conference.
During President Garcia's tenure, efforts were created to review the Military
Bases Agreement and the SerranoBohlen negotiations were, to a certain
extent, fruitful. It was here that it was made clear that an attack on the
Philippines would be considered an attack on the United States, a point
emphasized by President Eisenhower, and recently asserted again by President
Lyndon Johnson, in his joint communique with President Diosdado Macapagal
during the latter's Washington visit.
It was actually during President Macapagal's time that fresh efforts were
exerted to assert Philippine voice in Asian affairs. The Association of Southeast
Asia was formally launched in 1962, much of the spadework having been
accomplished during President Garcia's tenure with Malaya, Thailand and the
Philippines as the initial participants. It was designed for friendly consultation,
collaboration and mutual assistance in the economic, social, cultural, scientific
and administrative fields. But ASA, so hopefully launched, became moribund
with the establishment of MAPHILINDO, a loose association of Malaya, the
Philippines and Indonesia. But no sooner was it launched than the three found
themselves in quite a conflict: Indonesian confrontation with Malaysia (the newly
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organized federation of Malaya, Singapore and Bornean territories) and the
Philippine claim to North Borneo, one of the component parts of Malaysia.
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 5
It was at this point that our memorandum on the claim to North Borneo was
submitted by the Philippine Delegation to the Tungku. Later, Kuala Lumpur sent
an aide memoir proposing exploratory talks, to which the Philippines agreed in
the light of the Phnom Penh announcement that the next order of business
would be the fixing of the mode of settlement. As it turned out, what Kuala
Lumpur wanted was not this. It wanted to be clarified about "the nature, the
substance, the basis and the inspiration" of the claim. The Philippine panel
agreed to this modification, subject to the understanding, in view of the Phnom
Penh communique, that in the event of disagreement which was certaintoken
of our respect for the rule of law and our adherence to the Phnom Penh
understanding and the UN Charter which specifically enjoins member states to
refer legal disputes to the International Court of justice for settlement.
For a new framework
This summary of facts, however brief and inadequate as to details, indicates
the main direction of Philippine foreign policy since 1946. It is a twofaceted
foreign policy as one can readily see: the strengthening of our relations with the
United States and the cultivation of friends in Southeast Asia. The two aspects
need not be inconsistent, but in practice they collide and involve us in some kind
of a dilemma. For the moment we identify ourselves closely with the United
States, we become suspect in the eyes of our Asian neighbors. The term
"puppet" has an immediate attraction for those who do not see eye to eye with
us. And it is a contaminating term, particularly in Asia. The problem for
Philippine policy makers is how to resolve the dilemma, that is, how to build an
independent image in Asia without abandoning our firm commitment to the
ideals of a free society.
In striking that balance, I believe it may be well to pause for a while and
consider whether the time has now arrived to get out of the traditional
framework and examine the relations of the Philippines with the outside world
from a new perspective. I believe that our relations with the United States and
our homecoming, as it were, to Asia, where we really belong by virtue of
geography, color and culture, will be shaped by global events and factors over
which we have no control and which neither the United States nor the rest of
Asia can afford to overlook. These events and factors I would like to itemize as
follows:
(1) That the bipolar struggle between Soviet Russia and the
United States is long over. What we in fact have now is a competition
between various centers of PowerNorth America, the Soviet Union,
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 6
Western Europe, Latin America, the new Asian and African States
and of course, Red China. In the future, Eastern Europe, which has
recently shown signs of vitality and strength, may be another center
of power.
(2) Whatever our individual preferences and however painful the
prospect may be, Red China has shown unquestionable signs of
viability and staying power. It is now time to dispose of the illusion,
with which we have tried to delude ourselves in an effort to escape
reality, that our esteemed friend Chiang Kai Shek, can in due time
recover the Chinese mainland. Unless there is a major upheaval or a
catastrophic war war between Red China and one of two major
power this seems to be an impossibility and even assuming the
coming to pass of such a dreadful event, the Nationalist forces may
yet have to be located amidst the ruins.
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 7
(4) That the new States that have just emerged, particularly in
Africa and partly in Asia, are bound to have long periods of instability
and disorder. Even now, the viability of some African States is under
serious doubt and the question has been posed whether in these
states, democracy, in the Western tradition, can work in the context of
societies that have a low degree of political maturity and afflicted as
they are by chronic economic insufficiency and excessive
dependence on the government for the satisfaction of their daily
needs.
In the latest issue of Foreign Affairs, Grayson Kirk emphasizes this as a fact
that should be kept in mind in thinking about American foreign policy. Says Kirk:
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 8
of South Vietnam and Malaysia, American foreign policy will somehow be
influenced by pressures that will be brought to bear upon the United States by
her Western Allies. It may be worth mentioning, parenthetically, that on the eve
of our diplomatic conversations in London in early 1963 on the North Borneo
question, the US State Department came out with a statement in favor of the
British stand, without considering the feelings of the Philippine negotiators
headed by Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez. Just how effectively the new
Labor Government in England can help shape American foreign policy in Asia is
of course too early to predict at this time.
This bring us to the overriding thought in Southeast Asia and inevitably to the
rest of the world: Red China with the bomb. The explosion that recently
occurred was foreseen years ago. It coincided very dramatically, whether by
accident or design, with the ouster of Khrushchev from his seat of power.
Recent analyses have indicated that it is not as crude and primitive as first
thought to be. But what is more important is the effect it will have on Southeast
Asia.
Despite the agricultural decline that was supposed to be the aftermath of the
socalled Great Leap and the economic stagnation and crisis that followed, one
thing may be conceded: that China, at long last, has taken a tighter hold on her
national life. The Communist Government of Mao Tse Tung has demonstrated
its effectiveness and the quality of dedication and perseverance of its leaders.
We can in the free world imagine the cost of the progress Red China has
achieved, in terms of great human degradation, suffering and misery. But this is
not what will appeal to many people in Southeast Asia. What may appeal to
them is the spectacle of a China united, awakened and feared. What will
undoubtedly appeal to them is the fact that Red China has the bomb and is now
a member of the nuclear fellowship. What will appeal to them is the fact that this
occurred without Western aid and intervention. What will strike them is the fact
that the backward conditions in prebomb China were or are still comparable to
their present condition. What will register with them is the fact that many
countries in the free world have acknowledged and recognized Red China as a
political reality.
To my mind, the admission of Red China into the United Nations, regardless
of whether the rift with the Soviet Union is healed, is just a matter of time
maybe in two or five years or thereabouts. In the AfroAsian Preparatory
Conference held in Jakarta early this year, the overwhelming sentiment among
the various AfroAsian states was in favor of Red China's admission and were it
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 9
not for the rule of unanimity, a resolution to that effect could have easily passed.
The one striking fact is that most of the Commonwealth countries and virtually
all African states were in favor of Red China's membership. How long the United
States can maintain her opposition is a matter of speculation. One may hazard
the thought that were it not for the ChinaIndian boundary dispute, the United
States might have given in at this time. But on one point all of us may agree:
That but for American might, the balance of power in Southeast Asia would be
in favor of Red China.
I submit we in the Philippines should look forward and begin to prepare for
what is an eventual certainty, however unpleasant the prospect. We all do not
like bad weather, but there is nothing wrong in preparing for it, when it comes.
We should begin to know more about Red China. This implies continuing
studies and researches by both government and private groups. This means
incidentally a more liberal outlook in the matter of passports and visas. I think it
is an unflattering estimate of the vitality of the democratic idea when we disdain
the thought of our newsmen, representing probably the freest press in Asia,
going to Red China and making a factual report of what they see. They may
commit mistakes in the process of reporting, they may be misled in their guided
tours, but I believe that newspapermen should be credited with a greater degree
of sophistication and a better quality of judgment than we are willing to concede
in their favor. This also means that we should tackle the Chinese problem
squarely, while the element of time is favorable. We have been temporizing, and
far too long, with this problem and we have not done a thing. The problem of the
overstaying aliens is not difficult they represent merely a fraction of the
problem. Whether we exclude them or not is not of momentous' consequence.
What is more pressing is the case of the 200 to 300 thousand Chinese, most of
them born here, doing their business here, living the best years of their lives
here. I submit that it is time we laid down certain workable criteria for the
admission of the more desirable elements into our body politic and when I say
"more desirable" I mean those who have demonstrated their fitness to be
absorbed and have adopted our ways and customs. Those who do not comply
with the criteria laid down should be excluded. And let us treat as full citizens
those who are admitted as such. It is no triumph of reason to be paralyzed by
the cries of the fanatics and the haters some of them undoubtedly of Chinese
extraction themselves. What is particularly detestable in the repressive
measures that we carry out is that we have unconsciously abetted the practice
of extortion and by increasing the feeling of insecurity among the more desirable
Chinese, we fail to inspire their best contributions to the national effort and have
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 10
in many instances, induced them to become opportunistic and what is worse, to
even corrupt our public officials, in their effort to save themselves from so much
harassment.
The election of Johnson underscores the importance of the recent visit of the
President and the understandings reached in Washington. Parity extension will
be an explosive issue in the years to come but it may just be possible we are
missing the central point. If we work hard enough and organize our resources
with discipline and foresight, we do not even have to think of extension; but if we
fail to come to terms with our biggest enemy, namely, our own selves, if we
allow bitter partisan politics to distract us from our goals and if we do not
discipline ourselves and apply our energies and resources to the tasks at hand,
there may be no room at all for negotiation we may have to beg on our knees
for the extension of parity and for more aid, for more loans and for more foreign
investments of whatever kind.
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 11
hand, there is no reason for branding the Philippines as desiring to impose a
colonial rule, since what we desire is settlement by force of reason, rather than
by reason of force. And, assuming a victory in the World Court, we have clearly
indicated that we shall abide by the principle of selfdetermination, in
accordance with the United Nations' procedure on the point.
But there is one important point that is missed in the discussion on the
subject and it is this: That Malaysian viability is still very much in doubt. Its
reluctance to agree to a World Court reference betrays a weakness that cannot
be concealed. And the capability of Malaysia to sustain a jungle war in North
Borneo against the natives or against foreign irregular troops is still under test. If
the Malaysian concept succeeds, our danger is the infiltration of Borneo with
Chinese undesirables coming from other parts of Malaysia, such as Singapore.
It may be well to remind ourselves that North Borneo is only 18 miles away from
our southernmost tip. From the longrange viewpoint, indeed, it may be well for
the free world to keep alive the Philippine claim to North Borneo. Already, the
economy of Borneo is dominated by the Chinese. If the Malaysian concept does
not succeed and political chaos ensues, then, in the language of one American
analyst puts it "If it came to fighting neither the Philippines nor the United
States could do very much in Borneo without the help of the other." (Taylor, 269,
270).
Indonesia is of course a source of possible danger. Sukarno is able to strike,
as yet, a balance between the Communist Party (PKI) and the Army. The
danger may become critical if Sukarno, for one reason or another, is disabled
from doing so. This danger became a reality. Major General Suharto led the
Army in putting down an allegedly communist coup d'etat on September 30,
1965. He then led a purge of communists and leftist in public life. Sukarno,
became a virtual prisoner. Suharto took control of the government on March 12,
1966. It is true that they have a sizeable army which is equipped with Russian
arms and weapons. On the other hand, the economy of the country is shattered
and cannot possibly sustain a war of long duration. The central government at
Jakarta has yet to consolidate its position, in the light of the periodic revolts that
flare up in various parts of Indonesia, notably in Sumatra and Celebes.
Salonga J.R., Land of The Morning, Regina Publishing Company, 1967 12
external coercion, the potentialities of our nation to the highest level attainable.
We need to be strong to resist the invader from without and prevent a
breakdown from within. Our ultimate goal is to build and maintain, on this
portion of God's earth, a society of free men, where respect for the sanctity and
worth of the human personality is the principal article of faith.
It may well be that in the final analysis, Red China, Soviet Russia and what
may possibly be a Communist Indonesia are not our formidable enemies. Our
biggest enemy is still ourselves. Our voice abroad will not ring clear and true if it
lacks the quality of inner strength. But if we begin now, before time runs out on
us, to organize our assets and resources, tighten our hold on ourselves and get
moving with strength of mind and will, we may inspire the profound respect of
our friends and the grudging admiration of the Communist world even when
we speak with a low, soft voice.
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