International Finance and Growth in Developing Countries: What Have

We Learned?

Maurice Obstfeld*

University of California, Berkeley

March 2007

The years since 2002 have produced a surge in net capital flows from richer
countries to the developing world. The International Monetary Fund estimates 2006
net
private capital flows into developing countries at nearly $800 billion. A decade
ago, an
earlier surge of private capital to developing countries preceded a period of
extreme
financial turbulence, starting in Asia but spreading out to Russia and Latin
America. The
recent experience has been more tranquil, but against a particularly benign
backdrop of
strong economic growth, low world interest rates, and elevated commodity prices.
Would
a possible unraveling of these favorable macro conditions expose the developing
world
and possibly industrial-country financial markets to renewed crisis?

After the Asian debacle of 1997-98, prominent critics of financial globalization

argued that its benefits were intangible and undocumented, whereas its risks were
enormous and real. The years since the late 1990s have, however, seen concerted
attempts, both at the national and supranational levels, to make the international
financial
environment more stable. Furthermore, the trend of financial evolution and opening
in
developing countries has continued. Accompanying the latter trend has been a
seemingly
successful bid, in many developing countries, to achieve stability in inflation
and, to a
degree, in the public finances. Once again, however, these achievements arguably
have
been facilitated by a generally benign global macroeconomy.

* Draft prepared for the Commission on Growth and Development. I am grateful for
research assistance
from Jose Antonio Rodriguez-Lopez.
This paper reviews the benefits and costs of having financial globalization

embrace the developing countries. Both theory and evidence are covered, with
emphasis
on the supporting institutional and policy reforms that seem most likely to result
in net
gains, and the progress countries have made in achieving those reforms. I will
argue that
despite the meager direct evidence that developing countries gain from financial
globalization, they should nonetheless proceed albeit cautiously, in an
incremental
manner. There is strong evidence that domestic financial development spurs growth
under
the right conditions, and these conditions plus domestic financial development
itself
are likely to make capital inflows from abroad more productive. Furthermore, over
the
longer term, an internationally open financial system is likely to be more
competitive,
transparent, and efficient than a closed one. Finally, extensive domestic financial

development makes it much harder to police and enforce binding financial-account

restrictions, especially as international trade in goods and services expands.

I start by describing the trend of financial opening as well as recent capital

flows
to developing countries, comparing the circumstances of the recent surge with those
of
the one that ended a decade ago with the Asian crisis.

Trends in financial integration and recent inflows to developing countries

Researchers have devised both de jure and de facto quantitative measures of a

countrys integration with global capital markets.1 The former types of measures
often
are based on information from the IMFs Annual Report on Exchange Arrangements and
Exchange Restrictions (AREAER), a prominent example being the measures devised by

1 Stulz (2005) discusses the measures described below, as well as some others.

2
Figure 1: Quinn's de jure measure of capital account openness

1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995

100

90

80

70
OECD

60

East Asia
50
South America
SubSaharan Africa

40

MENA
30

20

10

Quinn (1997) and shown in Figure 1 for the period ending in 1999. For developing
countries, these data indicate a trend of financial opening beginning in the late
1980s.

There are well-known problems with the de jure measures, however; see Kose et
al. (2006) for a thorough discussion. Aggregative de jure measures are quite
subjective in
some respects, for example. Moreover, capital controls that appear strict based on
their
statutory descriptions can, in reality, be quite porous. These limitations of the
de jure
measures motivate the consideration of various de facto measures of international
financial integration.

3
Figure 2: Assets plus liabilities, 1970-2004 (ratio to group GDP)

0.00
0.50
1.00
1.50
2.00
2.50
3.00
3.50
Assets + Liabilities (H)

Assets + Liabilities (E)

Assets + Liabilities (D)

Assets + Liabilities (G)

One illuminating de facto measure is based on the data on total foreign assets and
liabilities assembled by Lane and Milesi-Ferretti (2005); see Figure 2. The data
shown
are disaggregated as characterizing high-income, industrialized countries (H),
middle-
income emerging markets (E), generally poorer developing countries (D), and Gulf
oil
exporters (G). In all country groups (other than the Gulf group, which is a special
case),
the trend of de facto financial integration since the early 1990s is upward, most
sharply in
the high-income group, followed by the emerging markets.

Recent years have seen a surge of net financial flows from richer countries into
the developing world. Table 1 provides documentation of some of its
characteristics,

4
along with comparative data for the 1990s surge that preceded the Asian crisis.2
Three
contrasts stand out: In the recent period the developing world is in substantial
current
account surplus, whereas in the 1990s there was a net financial flow from rich to
poorer
countries. Second, the level of net inflow now is about double what it was then.
Finally,
one counterpart of the current account surplus cum financial inflow is a massive
level of

Table 1: Two surges in financial inflows to developing countries

(USD billions)

1992-97 average 2003-06 average

Current account balance
all developing countries
-89.3 335.9
Net external financing
all developing countries
289.2 548.1
Increase in reserves
all developing countries
66.9 481.2
Current account balance
Ex China, Russia, Middle East
-91.0 -3.1
Net external financing
Ex China, Russia, Middle East
218.2 272.0
Increase in reserves
Ex China, Russia, Middle East
36.9 118.1

Source: IMF, WEO database (as of March 2007).

average annual reserve accumulation in the last four years, as compared with the
more
moderate pace seen in the period 1992-97. Of course, there has also been an
accelerated
rate of acquisition of claims on the industrial countries by developing-country
private
residents.

2 Net external financing refers to the net resources foreign investors provide in
order to finance a
countrys current-account deficit, its net international reserve accumulation, and
its residents own net

5
Recent data are dominated, however, by the substantial Chinese presence in
international financial markets and by the commodity-price driven surpluses of the
Russian Federation and Middle East. Stripping out those regions, we see that the
level of
financial inflows in recent years is (growth-adjusted) comparable to its level in
the 1990s.
However, the two other differences remain. The developing world, ex China, Russia,
and
the Middle East, is in approximate current account balance (the deficits of Central
and
Eastern Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa being matched by surpluses elsewhere).
Furthermore, even outside of China and the oil surplus regions, reserve
accumulation has
been much more rapid recently. There are two implications for financial stability.
First,
countries running current account surpluses do not have an external borrowing need
that
might suddenly be eliminated by capital-market pressures. Second, a high reserve
level
provides a precautionary cushion of ready liquidity that can be drawn on in a
crisis.

We may examine two other indicators of financial fragility. Average debt

maturity levels, having fallen in the developing world through the Asian crisis
according
to World Bank data, have since then lengthened somewhat. See Figure 3. This
development, taken alone, would tend to enhance stability by lowering the burden of
a
sudden capital flow reversal. The overall share of equity-like flows in net
external
financing (portfolio equity plus FDI) is little changed compared to the 1990s
inflow
experience, 58 percent in 2003-06 as against 59 percent in 1992-97.

purchases of assets located abroad. The measure includes errors and omissions.
6
Figure 3: Average maturity by income level (years)

29

24

19

14

LI C
LM C
MI C
UM C
In both cases of capital inflow surge, low global interest rates have been an
initial
driving force. However, the level of nominal dollar interest rates (and real dollar
rates) is
lower now than in the 1990s, for reasons that remain under debate. Figure 4 shows
average nominal dollar borrowing costs for different income classes within the
developing world. It remains to be seen if the recent upturn in borrowing costs
will
eventually become problematic, as happened during the 1990s (and as some prescient
observers at the time, in the wake of Mexicos crisis, suggested might occur see,
for
example, Calvo, Leiderman, and Reinhart 1996).

7
Figure 4: Average borrowing cost by income level (per cent)

1
3
5
7
9
11
13
LI C LM C MI C UM C
Fear of financial opening

Most economists agree that, despite some controversy and caveats, greater
openness to trade in goods is beneficial to the growth performance of developing
countries. The case for financial openness is much more controversial. Jagdish
Bhagwatis celebrated 1998 article on The Capital Myth in Foreign Affairs
demonstrated that even those committed to free international trade in goods need
not
support unfettered international trade in assets, given that some dimensions of
economic
globalization hold potentially devastating perils. At the time Bhagwati wrote, the
recent
Asian financial disaster, surely exacerbated by the crisis countries access to
global
capital, provided an immediate example of the risks. As discussed below, however,
concrete evidence of gains from financial globalization at least gains of the
type

8
traditionally claimed on the basis of simple economic theory have proven hard to
document in any definitive way. On these grounds, critics of financial
globalization such
as Bhagwati, Rodrik, and Stiglitz have all made cases against broad, willy-nilly
financial
opening.

International trade, whether in widgets or in dollars, inevitably carries side

effects
which can act against the theoretical mutual gains. The difference is one of degree
in
general a large difference in degree though at the individual level the loss of a
job due
to import penetration can be as devastating as the loss of a job due to a financial

meltdown. Theory teaches us that while in principle trade is Pareto-improving, in

practice
it carries distributional effects that create losers as well as winners. To realize
the
potential Pareto improvement entailed by a move to freer trade, income must be
redistributed domestically.

In practice, however, the lump-sum redistributions that would be necessary are

never made. And it is easy to see why. In a dynamic market economy, change, and
with
it, shifts in economic fortunes, is constant. Government cannot possibly eliminate
all the
ex post losses and if it did, the resulting adverse economic incentives would
seriously
impair economic efficiency and growth. Europe and the United States, for example,
find
themselves on different portions of the equity-efficiency spectrum as result of
Europes
greater propensity to provide social insurance in various ways. Regarding trade:
outside
of a laboratory setting, it is difficult (indeed impossible) to isolate empirically
the
income redistributions attributable to international trade per se and therefore
impossible
to calculate the appropriate compensation. Witness the difficulty economists have
had in
determining the role of trade versus technological change on the U.S. wage
structure.

9
And if we cannot somehow isolate effects of trade, we are back, in effect, to a
regime of
continually making transfers to offset all kinds of market-induced redistributions.

So even international trade in goods is a two-edged sword. That is not to deny that

the rapid and widespread devastation associated with financial crises overshadows
the
more gradual effects of changes that originate in the trade accounts. The potential

destructive power of financial meltdown is also present, however, in a purely

domestic
context that is, even in an economy completely closed to trade and capital
movements.
Financial collapse can propagate more quickly and destructively, even in autarky,
than
more run-of-the-mill shocks to goods markets that do not impact the financial
system
significantly. The interesting question is how these intrinsic problems of
financial
markets are exacerbated once those markets are opened to the outside world. An
answer
to this question, in turn, requires an explanation of precisely how dollar markets
in
general differ from widget markets.

The basic differences relate to the intertemporal nature of financial trades and to

the potential for asymmetric information to eliminate trade gains. Asset trade
inherently
involves commitment the commitment to pay on a later date. Payment in reality is
therefore always contingent, and the circumstances of contingency can depend on
information known to only one party to the deal. Thus, financial transactions
inherently
must allow for the asymmetric-information distortions that we call moral hazard and

adverse selection. These distortions reduce the gains from asset trade that would
otherwise be available even with an efficient and impartial judicial enforcement
system.
As is well appreciated, government guarantees aimed at mitigating the
redistributive
effects of financial crises can, in fact, worsen moral hazard and raise the
probability of

10
eventual crises. Domestic financial systems evolve and are regulated by
governments
so as to contain the effects of these distortions.

Again, the difference compared to goods markets is a matter of degree. A

consumer durable yields returns over time, it may be known to the seller to be a
lemon,
yet an unconditional service contract may leave the owner with insufficient
incentives to
operate the durable good appropriately. But there is no doubt that commitment and
informational problems are by far most severe, and have the widest systemic
ramifications, in the financial market setting.

Every country faces the challenge of coping with the potential distortions in
financial markets, and they do so through some combination of insurance, prudential

policy, transparency requirements, and market discipline. Even leaving aside the
international aspects of financial transactions, the ramifications of home-grown
crises can
be severe in terms of forgone GDP witness the S&L crisis in the U.S., the Nordic
banking problems of the early 1990s following deregulation there, and the drawn-out

post-bubble sclerosis of Japans banks. Right now a crisis among U.S. subprime
mortgage lenders is rattling markets.

Often these crises arose in the aftermath of deregulation typically the removal
of
financial-sector restrictions inherited from the Great Depression and World War II,
or, in
developing countries, a move from the centralized allocation of savings to a more
market-
oriented system. In many cases, the particular mode of deregulation, driven in
general by
political imperatives rather than by a sound vision of financial-sector optimality,
induced
additional moral hazards and abuses. There has clearly been a learning process in
coping
with these problems, yet new versions of the misuse of other peoples money (e.g.,

11
Enron) emerge, and most likely always will. Most countries reckon that the
advantage of
a market-oriented system, even when subject to some political pressures, outweighs
the
inefficiency and blatant abuses that characterized centralized systems of credit
allocation.
The hope is that the safeguards to the system can gradually be enhanced as result
of
experience, while avoiding systemic meltdowns. In general, in most of the
industrial
countries, this approach has done tolerably well so far though there are clearly
recent
areas of financial excess, such as the home equity market in the United States.

So domestically, at least, financial markets raise perennial problems. Economists

agree that to safeguard its own domestic health, every individual economy should do
its
best to make its own financial system immune to systemic crisis within a market
framework. Of course, this approach might well entail allowing individual investors
to
lose and individual institutions to fail. But there is little sentiment (as there
was after the
disruptions of the early 1930s) for an all-out assault on domestic finance. The
moneychangers have returned to the Temple.

What do international financial flows add to the mix? Here we see the second-
best analysis of Lancaster and Lipsey in action. If the domestic financial system
is
distortion-ridden, then eliminating restrictions on asset trade need not improve
matters,
and may well make them worse. This indeed was the case in Chile in the early 1980s,
in
Mexico in the mid-1990s, and in Asia later on in the same decade. There is no doubt
that,
given the existing distortions within the crisis countries financial sectors, the
mode in
which financial opening played out driven in many cases by internal politics and
vested
interests only enhanced vulnerability.

12
There are at least three basic aspects in which the international margin raises
potential new problems:

1.
Sovereignty. The potential involvement of two (or more) governments as
implicit parties to international contracts (Tirole 2002).
2.
Regulatory end-run. International transactions can sometimes be used to evade
domestic supervision.
3.
Currency mismatch. The potential for unbalanced currency positions for
example, dollar liabilities versus domestic-currency assets creates a
significant additional systemic risk.
The realization of potential net gains from international financial trade relies on

containing the risks raised by these three factors. If the domestic financial
system is not
fairly sound on a stand-alone basis, the additional channels for malfeasance
provided by
financial-account opening can greatly increase the potential for instability. And
these
channels, if not plugged by international regulatory cooperation and other measures
(such
as sufficient exchange-rate flexibility), may pose new risks even for a sector that
would
be quite stable otherwise. The threat of government intervention or expropriation,
subtle
or not, is an additional risk factor. Empirically, it seems that most crises have
resulted
from the opening of unsound systems to capital flows with the resulting levering-
up of
existing risks and there are certainly cases (e.g., Japan) where financial
problems seem
to have little or no connection to international financial flows.

13
Some crisis mechanisms

The literature has identified numerous mechanisms that can lead to currency and
financial crisis. For emerging markets in particular, there is a potentially
explosive
multidirectional interaction among the currency market, the government finances,
the
banking sector, and the corporate sector.

Shaky government finances as in Argentina, 2001 can lead to a widening of

government borrowing spreads to an extent that default becomes inevitable. In that
case,
with central-bank reserves drawn down through capital flight, the previously fixed
currency is inevitably allowed to depreciate. Banks and corporates with foreign
currency
liabilities then are squeezed and they are squeezed even if they have lent
foreign
currency to domestic corporates that are themselves forced into default due to
mismatched assets and liabilities. At the same time, government finances may be
strained
further by explicit or implicit bailout promises, and by the ultimate need to
restructure the
financial system. When the financial system is at an early stage of development and
firm
borrowing is heavily constrained by balance sheet considerations, currency
depreciation
can cause investment to crash, The problem can, at some level, begin anywhere in
the
chain, with for example, devaluation fears sparking bank withdrawals and financial
distress as part of the stampede into the safety of foreign currency.

These mechanisms are distinct from the unique-equilibrium story proposed by

Krugman (1979), where an unsustainable fiscal deficit leads to reserve loss,
current-
account deficit, real appreciation, and inevitable collapse, as in the Southern
Cone
experiences of the 1970s. Yet even those episodes contained some of the financial
elements that have been the hallmarks of the 21st century crises.

14
Regardless of the mechanism, crises have been very costly. In a study focused on
emerging markets from the mid-1970s through 1997, Hutchison and Noy (2005) find
that
a typical currency crisis reduces output by a cumulative 5-8 percent, whereas a
typical
banking crisis reduces output by a cumulative 10-13 percent. Their analysis also
suggests
that the cost of a twin crisis banking plus currency is additive in the costs
of its
components. Even so, these are big losses.

Of course, while crises may sometimes be driven by expectations, their possibility

presupposes some weakness in various fundamentals of the economy. These may be
institutional fundamentals, such as the quality of bank supervision, the quality
and
transparency of corporate governance, the state of domestic financial development,
and
the strength of the domestic judicial system. Or they may be more traditional macro

fundamentals, such as a competitive real exchange rate and a sustainable trajectory

for
public debt, the level of liquid international reserves, and the term and currency
composition of external debt.

Among richer countries that have addressed the most serious domestic financial-
sector problems and have flexible exchange rates, private financial flows have not
entailed significant additional financial instability in recent years. Thus, there
is at least
the potential for creating an environment within which trade in financial assets
can yield
net welfare gains. Outside of a few exceptional cases, these generalizations do not
yet
apply, however, to most developing countries, which have suffered quite harshly in
financial crises.

At a global level there has been an explosion in gross foreign asset positions in
recent years. The averages shown in the figure below, which are based on the data
of

15
Lane and Milesi-Ferretti (2005), conceal the fact that for some countries smaller

countries and major financial centers gross foreign assets and liabilities now
stand at
three or four times GDP. The rapid expansion of gross asset positions, far beyond
the
minimum asset trade that would be needed to settle current account imbalances, is
certainly driven in part by enhanced risk sharing between countries. But it
certainly also
reflects transactions that, while they do not create additional trade in underlying

economic risks, do raise the risk of counterparty failure. Since leveraged

international
portfolios generally are not balanced in currency terms for example, the U.S.
borrows

Figure 5: World foreign liabilities and assets (percent of world

GDP)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000
2002
A sse t s
Liab i lities
overwhelmingly in dollars, but balances its assets more evenly among dollars, euro,
yen,
and other currencies exchange rate changes have the potential to redistribute
large sums
internationally in minutes. So far, however, the international financial system
does not

16
seem to have been overly stressed, although, as always, the precise source of the
next
crisis may not be evident except with hindsight. One cause for current concern is
the
proliferation in international financial markets of unregulated nonbank actors
managing
huge portfolios.

External financial deepening does not yet extend to most of the developing world,
with a few emerging exceptions, of which Chile is one of the most notable. Chile
has,
however, learned from its troubled past, and both institutional reform and a
flexible
exchange rate regime have contributed to its apparent ability to engage relatively
safely
in world capital markets (Cowan and De Gregorio 2005). Other of the poorer
countries
have not yet reached this stage, and still face difficulties in finding a
comfortable
reconciliation of open capital markets with the exchange rate regime, as is
discussed
further below.

Institutional weakness not only can lead to crises in developing countries; even
short of crises, such weakness may severely limit the gains from international
asset trade.
Stulz (2005) presents a clear account of one set of mechanisms, based on imperfect
protection of equity investors, coupled with the possibility that the state
expropriates firm
profits. If corporate insiders can secretly appropriate benefits from running a
firm,
benefits that naturally reduce the dividends of outside shareholders, then insiders
will
have to put up a substantial equity stake in the firm to align their incentive to
receive
dividends with those of the outsiders. The result will be a concentration of firm
ownership that limits the beneficial effects on the firm of financial
globalization, and
simultaneously limits the economys ability to benefit from international risk
sharing

17
opportunities. For example, if financial globalization brings a fall in the cost of
capital,
the agency problem may limit the firms investment response.

Stulz argues that if government predation is also a problem, fewer firms will be
created and the concentration of ownership will be magnified. Because insiders have
a
greater incentive to adopt opaque practices and entrench themselves, they can
appropriate
private rents more easily, and will have to co-invest more in equilibrium. Firm
managers
may take on excessive short-term debt, hoping that government fear of financial
crisis
will deter over-zealous predation or other interference. Foreign shareholders may
be
especially vulnerable to expropriation by the government. So it is not surprising
that a
weak rule of law and unreliable protection of property rights can limit the gains
from
financial opening. Of course, some of the mechanisms discussed here for example,
any
propensity to take on additional leverage, especially of short maturity also
accentuate
the risk of crises.

Empirical evidence on the effects of financial opening

What do the data tell us about the gains developing countries might attain from
financial globalization? There is an extensive literature trying to assess the
gains from
financial globalization, both at the macro level and at the level of firms. There
are several
excellent comprehensive studies of the empirical gains to emerging markets from
financial liberalization among them, Eichengreen (2001), Prasad et al. (2003),
Collins
(2004), Kose et al., (2006), and Henry (2006). Theoretically, there are some major
direct
channels through which financial opening could benefit developing countries that
pursue
it.

18
One theoretical channel of gain is improved risk sharing. In principle, countries
can use equity or derivatives markets to trade the risks of income fluctuations
with
foreigners. This risk sharing process, in principle, could reduce the level of
consumption
relative to output volatility.

There is no reliable evidence that such volatility reductions have occurred in

developing countries as a result of external financial liberalization. Prasad et
al. (2003)
examine the trends in income and consumption volatility for groups of industrial,
more
financially integrated (MFI), and less financially integrated (LFI) economies. For
each
group, they focus on median volatility. They find that between the 1980s and 1990s,

when much liberalization occurred, consumption-growth volatility fell in the

industrial
and LFI economies, but actually rose in the MFI countries. Income growth volatility
fell
in all three groups, though less noticeably for the MFI group. An implication is
that for
the MFI countries, consumption relative to income volatility rose and it did so
sharply.
This outcome seems to flatly contradict the prediction that external financial
opening
should allow countries better to smooth consumption across states of nature. The
end of
the 1990s is responsible for higher consumption as well as income volatility for
the MFI
countries, suggesting that the crises of that period as well as the consumption
booms
sometimes preceding them play a role in explaining the findings.

A more formal econometric approach to assessing how liberalization affects

volatility is taken by Bekaert et al. (2006). Theirs is an exhaustive multi-country
panel
study of the effects of equity market liberalization and more general capital-
account
opening on aggregate volatility, especially the volatility of consumption growth.
In a very
detailed paper, the authors link consumption-growth volatility over five-year
windows to

19
official liberalization indicators, a measure of liberalization intensity based on
the ratio of
investable to total equity market capitalization, and measures of capital account
openness.
The pervasive sense from the empirical estimates is that in a 90-country sample
including
industrial countries that were already liberalized throughout the entire 1980-2000
sample,
equity-market liberalization has a significantly negative effect on volatility. In
the
restricted sample of 40 (mostly) developing countries that liberalized within the
sample
period, the volatility-reduction effect of equity-market liberalization, while
often
negative, tends to be much smaller and statistically insignificant. The results
generally are
weaker for more general capital-account opening measures. These results incorporate

traditional control variables of the type typically included in the cross-country

economic
growth literature (such as human capital measures), as well as measures of macro-
policy
quality and institutional quality (which often themselves are estimated to reduce
consumption growth volatility, or to enhance the beneficial effect of
liberalization).

It is difficult to escape the conclusion that the results are driven by the
empirical
fact that consumption-growth volatility was much lower in the richer countries that
have
been mostly financially open over the entire sample period. It is doubtful that the
chosen
regressors fully explain macro volatility. Thus, when one restricts the cross-
sectional
coverage to a sample of developing countries, the liberalization effect, which may
simply
reflect the lower volatility in richer countries, disappears. Bekaert et al. try to
address this
critique by adding fixed effects to their specification, but it is unclear that
this dispels the
concerns about identification of the volatility-reducing role of liberalization. On
the other
hand, the study find no evidence to support the contention that financial opening,
on
average, raises volatility, even for the emerging-market sample.

20
A further difficulty in this work is the seeming use of consumption data that are
not adjusted to reflect deviations from purchasing power parity. Because there have
been
huge real exchange rate fluctuations, particularly in crisis situations, the
welfare
significance of the results is open to question.

A second major channel proposed for understanding developing countries

benefits from capital inflow is the alleviation of capital scarcity. This effect
may work by
lowering the cost of capital and, perhaps transitionally, increasing the rate of
economic
growth. More generally, there may be other reasons why financial opening may
enhance
economic growth, and there is a substantial literature that searches for such
effects.

One strand of empirical literature on trade gains is the study by Gourinchas and
Jeanne (2006), who show that the gains to developing countries from borrowing
abroad
to attain their steady-state capital stocks are very low. The basic problem is that
the
polities of the poorer countries generally offer such low protection of property
rights that
steady-state capital stocks are themselves low. There is no great incentive to
invest, and
thus no great incentive for capital inflow from richer lenders.

Prasad et al. (2006) emphasize that over the 2000s, capital has tended to flow
from poor to rich countries, rather than from rich to poor as theory might lead one
to
expect. This compounds the paradox of small capital flows to poor countries raised
by
Lucas (1990). Only FDI seems to follow the conventional pattern of traveling from
rich
to poor countries (and there is more FDI these days from richer to poor within the
developing country group). Prasad et al. show further that growth is significantly
positively correlated with the net capital outflow (current account surplus) for
nonindustrial countries, whereas the opposite correlation prevails for industrial
countries

21
 only for the latter group does greater net use of foreign capital appear to be
associated
with higher growth. Aizenman et al. (2004) reach related conclusions.

Indeed, in a recent study, Gourinchas and Jeanne (2007) point out that such
capital as does flow to developing countries tends, on net, to flow perversely, to
the
relatively low productivity locales. The problem is that greater beneficial effects
of
inflows presuppose a level of domestic reform that, if it exists at all, is too
recent to be
reflected strongly in the historical record to date. Even in a framework like that
of
Gourinchas and Jeanne (2006), capital inflows will yield substantial benefits if
preceded
by reforms that raise the desired level of investment and capital (Obstfeld and
Taylor
2004). But financial opening, introduced without the requisite reforms, can be
damaging,
as we have seen.

Even though developing countries as a group have been in current account surplus
in recent years, it is still possible that there are gains from the swapping of
different
assets on a gross basis, with, for example, the benefits of inward FDI on the one
hand
spurring growth through various spillovers, while the surplus allows the luxury of
reserve
accumulation and the resulting liquidity insurance.

What is the econometric evidence on financial opening, growth, and investment?

Researchers have pursued a variety of empirical approaches.

One of the most popular has been the cross-sectional approach, which builds
directly on the copious growth-regression literature. Typically studies investigate

empirical regressions of long-period average growth on theoretical determinants,

including variables measuring the extent of capital-account openness. From the many

studies that have been conducted, one gleans the conclusion that there is no robust
cross

22
sectional relationship between liberalization and growth; see Prasad et al. (2003,
table
3.2) for a summary of extant research. A typical cross section study finding no
effects is
the widely cited one by Edison et al. (2002).

A problem in interpreting the findings of this literature, however, is the absence

of
a clearly specified theoretical framework within which openness will affect growth.
In a
recent survey, Henry (2006) presents a persuasive critique of the cross-section
approach.
To take an example from his paper, assume a standard Solow growth model in which
long-term growth is determined by an exogenous rate of TFP growth, whereas in the
transition to a steady state, growth will also reflect capital deepening. Assume
also that
rich countries have fully open capital accounts over the sample period, while
poorer
countries have initially closed capital accounts but open up at some point in the
period.
One frequently used measure of financial openness is the variable SHARE, measuring
the
fraction of years in the period for which the capital account is open according to
the
IMFs dichotomous AREAER measure. The assumption in the example is that SHARE <
1 for poor countries, SHARE = 1 for rich countries.

If all countries are initially in steady state, then the financial opening that
occurs
in the sample period for the poorer countries will induce a capital movement from
rich to
poor. Transitionally, this shift in capital stocks will reduce growth in rich
countries while
raising growth in poor countries. But notice the implication: cross-sectionally,
growth is
negatively correlated with SHARE. This negative correlation is found despite the
fact that,
in the model, capital is moving from richer to poorer countries as a result of the
latter
countries opening, raising the growth rate of per capita output in the poor
countries just
as the neoclassical paradigm predicts. Examples such as this one call into question
the

23
usefulness of the cross-sectional approach to testing the growth effects of
financial
opening.

A different approach exploits the temporal dimension in the data, linking financial

opening to subsequent economic events. Henry has extensively explored the event-
study
approach to financial liberalization. In a series of papers, he finds that equity-
market
liberalization leads to substantial equity-market appreciation and an implied fall
in the
cost of capital (2000a), to a large increase in the growth rate of private
investment
(2000b), and to an increase in the growth rate of the capital stock (2003). Other
researchers have found similar effects.

Regarding growth per se, Bekaert et al. (2005) estimate (using 1980-97 data) that,
post equity-market opening, the growth rate of real per capita output rises by 1
percent
per year on average in the following five years. Once again, their methodology is
to add
liberalization indicators to a standard growth regression, though they perform
substantial
further robustness exercises. Importantly, Bekaert et al. also find that the
positive effect
on growth is largest when the quality of institutions and the level of financial
development are high. However, their benchmark country sample is a broad one,
including industrial countries. When analysis is restricted to a sample of 40
(mostly)
emerging markets, the effect of equity-market liberalization on growth proves
robust, but
the effect of Quinns measure of capital-account openness, which is positive and
significant in a broad sample of countries, becomes insignificant. An interesting
question,
returned to below, is the nature of the forces that might generate such a large
increment to
GDP growth following equity-market liberalization.

24
These results are striking, but there are a number of pitfalls in interpreting
them.
One is simply that the methodology often requires a precise stand on the date of
liberalization, which may be tricky, in part due to the distinction between de
facto and de
jure situations. A second major issue is endogeneity. Countries may liberalize when

growth prospects turn favorable, or when future macro volatility is expected to be

low. In
addition, liberalization may be spurred by political factors that simultaneously
spur
additional reforms, be they of policies or institutions. Thus, Henry (2206)
suggests that
the extremely large growth effect found by Bekaert et al. (2005) cannot be
accounted for
quantitatively unless equity-market opening is accompanied by an increase in TFP
growth. Various controls can be added in an attempt to correct for some of the
policy
reforms that might accompany opening, and in some instances these somewhat reduce
the
liberalization effect. However, it is always questionable that the control
variables
adequately capture the nature of the economic reforms, so the endogeneity issue
remains.
This endogeneity critique is perhaps the major reason for being skeptical of all
the
econometric work suggesting that financial opening, in and of itself, spurs more
rapid
aggregate economic growth (or reduces macroeconomic volatility).

In some cases, microeconomic, firm-level data may be useful in circumventing

some of the endogeneity problems that plague the more aggregative studies. For
example,
suppose the reforms that accompany liberalization affect all firms in a sample
similarly,
yet liberalizations effects are concentrated in a subset of the firms. In that
case, a
comparison of firm performance across the treatment and control groups allows
identification of the effect of liberalization. Of course, this conceptual
identification

25
framework is valid in theory, but the strong maintained assumptions it requires may
make
it difficult to implement in practice.

Henry (2006) and Kose et al. (2006) survey the recent micro-level literature, but a

discussion of two selected studies illustrates the favor of the results that have
been
obtained.

Mitton (2006) draws on a sample of 1,141 firms from 28 countries to examine the
effect of equity liberalization. The major innovation is to use firm-specific dates
on which
individual stocks become eligible for purchase by foreign investors. This approach
largely eliminates the concern that liberalization is jointly determined with
aggregate
economic reforms or with expectations of good aggregate economic performance
although the concern that expectations of strong future firm performance determines
the
firm-specific liberalization date remains. Mitton attempts to control for this
problem in
various ways. Even after doing so, he concludes that equity liberalization has a
positive
and large effect on firm performance across five dimensions: real sales growth,
investment, profitability, efficiency (ratio of real sales to work force), and
leverage.

Chari and Henry (2004) study a data sample of 430 firms from 8 countries,
finding an average 15 percent firm-level equity appreciation (in real dollar terms)

following liberalization. They are able to tie about a third of this appreciation
to a factor
suggested by the CAPM model, the covariance of firm-level equity returns with those
on
a broader market portfolio. Before liberalization, a firms equity price depends on
the
covariance of its return with the local stock market. After, it depends on the
lower
covariance with the world stock market. Thus, it is possible to identify a firm-
specific
effect of equity-market liberalization on the cost of capital.

26
The key importance of the structural setting

I noted above the finding of Bekaert et al. (2005) that the positive effect of
liberalization on growth is largest when the quality of institutions and the level
of
financial development are high. In another study, Alfaro et al. (2004) find that
FDI has a
stronger growth-promoting effect when the local financial sector is better
developed. The
literature examining such hypotheses more generally is somewhat fragmentary, but it

suggests the importance of certain structural preconditions in order that financial

inflows
have the maximal beneficial effect on an emerging market economy. This conclusion
seems plausible in light of the anecdotal evidence on emerging-market crises and
the
literature on institutions and growth. Indeed, there is some evidence that the
institutional
and regulatory setting is important even for reaping the benefits of opening to
merchandise trade (Bolaky and Freund 2004).

Mishkin (2006) has provided an accessible overview and interpretation of recent

emerging-market crises that places center-stage the way in which faulty
institutional
underpinnings have distorted the effects of capital inflows from abroad and led to
economic instability. (Of course, some of these factors were present in much
earlier
crises, and noted at the time by perceptive commentators, e.g., Diaz-Alejandro. In
this
sense, the events of the 1990s should not have come as a total surprise.)

In South Korea prior to its 1997-98 crises, the fundamental institutional

distortion
was the political power of financially shaky chaebols, which effectively
manipulated the
financial system to obtain access to cheap foreign funding. Moral hazard a
government
bailout mentality was pervasive. The financial fragility was compounded by the

27
governments decision, earlier in the 1990s, to open the economy to short-term but
not
long-term foreign lending.

In Argentina prior to its 2001-02 crisis, the structural problems included an

inflexible labor market, fiscal excess (in part due to the spending autonomy of
provincial
governments), a regulatory structure for the banks that did not adequately account
for the
losses they would incur in the event that convertibility collapsed, and,
eventually,
changes in bank regulations designed to induce banks to hold more government debt.

Kose et al. (2006) usefully delineate four sets of structural features of an

economy
that can affect the level of benefits countries reap from financial inflows:
financial-sector
development and regulation, general institutional quality, the macro policy
setting, and
the degree of openness to trade. They present a detailed discussion of the
empirical
evidence on each of these structural factors, both econometric and anecdotal.

We have already seen how distortions in the financial system have historically
helped give rise to financial crises. Lax supervision of financial markets may
allow
currency or term mismatches that can render banks and other actors insolvent in the
event
of a crisis. Moreover, in an international environment, regulators must conduct a
comprehensive value at risk analysis for all the economys interlinked sectors,
as
stressed by Dornbusch (2002). Consider an emerging-market bank that notionally has
matched currency positions on its books, because its dollar liabilities are matched
by
dollar lending to domestic corporates. If those corporates, however, have revenue
streams
denominated in won and that currency falls sharply against the dollar, the
corporate bank
loans may go into default, throwing bank lenders into crisis themselves. In this
case, the
currency risk taken on by the corporates perhaps so they can enjoy lower dollar
interest

28
rates is passed back to the banks in the form of credit risk. The regulatory
framework
must take a comprehensive view of the risks and ensure that moral hazard due to
expected bank bailouts does not give banks the wrong incentives when making loans.

Financial-sector development matters in other ways. Resources borrowed from

abroad may not be channeled to efficient uses if financial institutions are weak,
and in
this case the likelihood of eventual default will be higher. Illiquid domestic
financial
markets will also be less able to provide interim funding for investment projects
that
would be profitable long-term if credit were available. In principle, equity
inflows to an
emerging market are less likely to be destabilizing than debt inflows, because
required
payments to foreign shareholders are contingent on firm outcomes. The share of
equity in
total inflows, however, is likely to be higher if the degree of shareholder
protection
which also encourages domestic equity holding is high.

Various institutions also matter for the effects of financial inflows. These
include
protection of property rights, political stability, judicial effectiveness and
impartiality, the
degree of corruption, and corporate governance standards. A number of empirical
studies
indicate that better institutions lead to a higher proportion of equity investment
relative to
debt in financial inflows (especially of FDI, which may entail positive spillovers
to the
economy through technology transfer and learning-by-doing effects). Weak
institutions
also reduce the overall level of private financial inflows to an economy.

The framework for macroeconomic policy is also important, and I return to it later
on. The case of Argentina indicates how fiscal imprudence can generate unstable
government debt dynamics, in which government borrowing rates rise to reflect
higher
default probabilities, inducing further borrowing, further rate rises, and eventual
crisis.

29
Institutions to limit fiscal excess, including strictly circumscribed bailout
promises,
restrictions on subnational governments, and legislated fiscal limits and
transparency (as
in Brazils 2000 fiscal transparency law; see Singh et al. 2005) can all contribute
to the
stability of capital flows.

The exchange-rate regime is a key aspect of the policy environment. Most

financial crises have occurred in setting of fixed, or inflexibly managed, exchange
rates.
A key tenet of macroeconomic policymaking, the open-economy trilemma, holds that no

country can simultaneously enjoy all three of: free capital mobility, a fixed
exchange rate,
and a monetary policy directed toward domestic goals (such as an inflation target).

Countries that have attempted to maintain a rigidly fixed currency, such as

Argentina in
its 1991-2001 decade of legislated convertibility, have faced harsh tradeoffs in
sacrificing
a monetary policy that might help combat unemployment, external imbalances, and
real
appreciation of the currency due to internal inflationary pressures. Even China,
which
maintains capital controls, faces such a situation now. Moreover, market
participants may
pay inadequate attention to the risks of an exchange-rate collapse, relying on the
government either to provide forward cover (as the Thai central bank did, at
considerable
fiscal cost, in 1997) or to mount a defense of the parity long enough that short-
term funds
can be withdrawn or repaid. Adjustment of a current account deficit is always more
problematic under a fixed rate. For these reasons, it seems likely that a flexible
exchange
rate rather than a fixed one is more likely to enhance the benefits from financial
globalization. Exchange-rate volatility in itself could conceivably be costly to
growth, but
Aghion et al. (2006) find that this effect seems to operate only for countries at
low levels
of financial development, which tend to have closed capital accounts. For more

30
financially advanced developing countries, there is little obvious association
between the
flexibility of the exchange rate regime and growth (or other standard measures of
financial development), but exchange rate pegging does seem to raise the
probability of a
crisis; see, e.g., Husain et al. (2005).

Central bank independence may also contribute to financial stability. Prohibitions

on central bank financing of fiscal deficits can stabilize expectations. Moreover,
a history
of inflationary instability is a prime contributor to the dollarization of
liabilities, a factor
that makes it more difficult to operate a floating exchange rate, even a managed
float.
Thus, institutional changes that help stabilize inflation expectations (central
bank
independence, but also fiscal controls) can help make exchange rate flexibility
feasible.

Policies that affect the maturity of external debt, if feasible and effective, can
potentially reduce financial instability. With longer maturity borrowing, of
course,
repayment of principal is deferred, hopefully until after a crisis passes. A famous
instance
of a policy working in this direction was Chiles encaje, a two-year unremunerated
reserve requirement on financial inflows, which acted as a tax falling most heavily
on
short-term inflows. Its long-term efficacy has, however, been debated. It is
certainly true
that policies that promote short maturities (recall the South Korean example) can
be
disastrous.

The extent of rigidity in markets, especially in the labor market, can also be
critical. An excessively high regulatory burden can hamper the movement of factors
between sectors of the economy, in turn impeding the allocation of capital to its
most
productive uses. An inflexible labor market, in particular in the presence of a
rigid

31
nominal exchange rate, can make the economy especially vulnerable to volatile
bidirectional
capital flows.

Finally, consider trade openness. This structural feature of an economy may

facilitate financial stability through diverse channels. For example, greater
openness to
trade might foster competition in product markets, reducing the political power of
entrenched interests that were previously able to lobby successfully for policies
favorable
to themselves, but otherwise harmful to the economy. Greater openness also reduces
the
vulnerability to a sudden stop in foreign lending (Calvo 1998), in the sense that
the
required real exchange rate adjustment will be smaller, as will be the knock-on
financial
effects of that relative price change on balance sheets and the income
distribution.
Frankel and Cavallo (2004) provide some empirical support. Martin and Rey (2006)
provide a model in which, for given costs of international asset trade, higher
barriers to
merchandise trade make a financial-market crash more likely.

To the extent that trade openness itself promotes economic growth a proposition
for which there is now a near consensus a host of adjustment issues that might
alarm
the financial markets can be mitigated. Any necessary resource movement between
sectors of the economy becomes less painful when growth is more rapid, because
there is
less need for absolute employment reductions in relatively shrinking sectors.

Often the preceding four structural areas overlap. For example, bailout
guarantees, while promoting moral hazard, also can reduce the credibility of
commitments to maintain a prudent fiscal stance.

Of course, inferring causality from the empirical associations can, as always, be

perilous. For example, fiscal rectitude, labor market flexibility, and trade
openness

32
typically reflect endogenous government policies, which can be driven by deeper
political factors that, in themselves, make the economy better able to live
productively
with an open financial account. It is hard to believe, however, that a favorable
configuration of conventional fundamentals will not make an independent
contribution to
financial stability.

Endogeneity of institutions

Must external financial opening therefore await thoroughgoing structural reform?

Kose et al. (2006) present a detailed case that the answer is no, on the grounds
that
liberalization itself will promote a structural evolution that enhances the
beneficial effects
of liberalization while reducing the likelihood of negative effects. In their view,
financial
opening can lead to improvements in financial sector development, the quality of
institutions, and in macro policies. These collateral benefits, at least over the
longer
term, enhance the net benefits that even an emerging country wins from financial
opening. They will also, in and of themselves, promote investment and growth.

The hard empirical evidence is, unfortunately, sketchy. Kose et al. document a
simple positive correlation between measures of financial development, measures of
institutional quality, inflation control, and de facto financial openness.
Unfortunately, as
the authors acknowledge, these correlations leave open the possibility that it is
high levels
of structural quality that encourage de facto openness.

Attempts at structural estimation are, for the moment, few. One study is that of
Chinn and Ito (2005), who present a panel analysis, 1980-2000, for 108 countries.
They
find that, once a critical level of legal and institutional development (measures
taken

33
from the International Country Risk Guide and other sources) has been reached,
further
development in that dimensions directly fosters the development of equity markets,
but
also interacts positively with financial openness to promote equity markets.
Development
of the banking sector, they find, is a precondition for equity-market development.
In
another study, Tytell and Wei (2004) find a disciplining effect of financial
openness on
monetary policy (but not on fiscal policy). There is some supportive anecdotal
evidence
as well, Brazils experience under President Lula da Silva being a case in point.

There are some plausible and even persuasive theoretical arguments, however.
For example, the analysis of Rajan and Zingales (2003) suggests that financial
opening
may promote competition and thereby weaken the power of obstructive incumbents to
block reforms that are counter to their interests. Emerging-market firms that list
on
industrial-country stock exchanges may be forced to import higher governance
standards.
Once a country or firm becomes dependent on international investors, it may be more

amenable to their demands for better governance and transparency. Foreign financial

actors (such as foreign banks) may, through a competitive effect, promote the
spread of
more efficient and prudent practices. Governments that see themselves as dependent
on
foreign finance may hesitate before embarking on excessively expansionary or
populist
policies (at least when the next election is sufficiently distant). Stulz (2005)
suggests that
the fall in the cost of capital and the expanded financial opportunities attendant
upon
financial opening makes it more attractive for entrepreneurs to lobby the
government for
measures that increase shareholder protection. These measures, if implemented, can
make
it easier for firms to reap the gains from financial trade. He further argues (p.
1633) that

34
financial opening can restrain the predation of the state and hasten institutional
reforms,
because crises will be more probable otherwise:
[F]inancial globalization reduces the ability of those in control of the state to
extract rents. If they attempt to do so, resident investors can put their money
elsewhere, foreign investors can go home, and local firms will become
uncompetitive. From this perspective, it is not surprising that financial crises
will
sometimes occur in those countries in which investor protection is weak and
respect for property rights suspect.
Rather than viewing financial crises as the downside of financial
globalization, this view suggests the possibility of such crises intrinsic to the
benefits from financial globalization. Free capital flows make it harder for the

state to expropriate investors because it gives investors an exit (Stulz 2005, p.

1633).
In light of the skimpy empirical evidence, one must hesitate to jump to the

tempting policy conclusion that, if only the capital account is opened, all will
eventually
work out for the best. At least some sequencing is called for (as indicated by a
classic
literature), with greater trade-account openness, a reliably good degree of macro
stability,
and a viable exchange-rate arrangement (to be discussed in the next section) as
minimal
prerequisites for successful financial opening. For countries not already open, a
phased
approach, opening first to FDI and portfolio equity flows, is prudent. Steps that
might
promote the development of a market in local-currency bonds (also to be discussed
in the
next section) should be taken in preparation of further opening.

The macro-monetary framework

I have alluded at a couple of points above to the importance of the exchange rate
system. Indeed, a distinct argument in favor of capital controls is a pure macro
argument not directly motivated by issues of financial stability. Through capital
controls,
a country can simultaneously attain exchange rate and domestic monetary policy
targets.

35
Clearly the revealed preference of the main industrial regions has been to embrace
open capital markets, along with whatever gains they bring, and to trade away
exchange
rate stability in favor of a monetary policy oriented toward domestic objectives.
It is not
clear that the alternative of capital controls would even be feasible for the
industrial
countries, given the extent of domestic financial development and the growth of
world
trade even in the early 1970s industrial-country capital controls were hard to
enforce.
Interestingly, the preceding pattern seems to hold also in emerging markets
greater
exchange rate flexibility, financial sector reform, fiscal and monetary frameworks
conducive to moderate and stable inflation but as Fischer (2003) observes, no
generalized retreat from open capital markets (and this in the absence of the type
of
foreign pressures for financial opening seen in the 1990s). For a number of
countries, of
course, we also see increasing self-insurance through the acquisition of sizable
foreign
reserves. It seems that reform and restructuring efforts are driven in part by a
belief
among emerging-market policymakers that integration with the world economy, in
finance as well as in trade, is eventually a necessary concomitant of graduation to
higher
income status. Domestic financial development seems firmly recognized as a
prerequisite of economic growth see, for example, the studies collected by
Demirguc-
Kunt and Levine (2001) and a sophisticated, deep financial system is hard to
insulate
from the rest of the world, especially given the reality of growing merchandise
trade.

But what macroeconomic/monetary framework is most suitable in this setting?

The available choices are delimited by the trilemma. Given a degree of capital-
account
openness, monetary policy can be deployed to set the exchange rate, or to reach a
domestic policy objective (such as inflation control), but not both. In order
credibly to fix

36
the exchange rate in a world of highly fluid capital mobility, however, it is not
enough to
renounce domestically-oriented monetary policy through words alone. The
authorities
hands must effectively be tied through far reaching institutional change. This is
why the
longevity of conventional fixed exchange rates has been so limited (Obstfeld and
Rogoff 1995). Even Argentinas radical convertibility plan collapsed after a decade
as the
political pressures undermining it became irresistible. If the institutional
scaffolding is
weak, as it was in Argentina, then credibly fixed exchange rates will require
giving up a
national currency altogether, as in dollarization or through membership in a
currency
union such as the euro zone. The empirical evidence seems to support the movement
toward a bipolar world in which governments eschew adjustable or heavily managed
pegs; see Figure 6.

Figure 6: Changes in exchange-rate flexibility, 1991-2004

(Figure taken from World Bank 2006)

37
Adoption of even a fully credible exchange rate peg entails some disadvantages,
especially for larger economies, notably, the sacrifice of the shock absorption
capacity of
exchange rate flexibility when nominal prices and wages are sticky. This capacity
of a
flexible rate can be an aid in inflation control, in moderating unemployment, and
in the
adjustment of incipiently large external imbalances.

Developing countries, often characterized by an inability to borrow externally in

their own currencies as well as extensive domestic liability dollarization, cannot
weather
large exchange rate movements as easily as industrial countries can. The reason is
familiar from recent crises. A large depreciation of the domestic currency causes
the
value of debts relative to assets to balloon. If external liabilities are in
foreign currency,
the net wealth of the country can fall precipitously, and external debtors go
bankrupt. But
the potential problems are even more severe. If there are unmatched foreign-
currency
liabilities in intranational positions, for example, dollar bank deposits held by
domestic
residents, the debtor balance sheets deteriorate sharply, possibly throwing many
actors
within the economy and their creditors into bankruptcy. Furthermore, the need
to
borrow abroad in foreign currencies imparts a structural disadvantage to their
foreign
exchange markets, making exchange rates more volatile (Obstfeld 2004). A result is
the
Calvo-Reinhart (2002) fear of floating and with it, reduced monetary autonomy:
the
apparent tendency of emerging market floaters to be guided more heavily by
exchange-
market developments than are industrial countries. But fixed exchange rates seem
not to
be an option they have certainly contributed in several ways to the harsh
character of
emerging-market crises. And there is no doubt that a regime with at least some day-
to

38
day exchange-rate uncertainty is a useful preventive measure against currency
mismatch
and crises.

An attractive conceptual framework is that of managed floating plus, proposed

by Goldstein (2002). This framework combines substantial exchange rate flexibility,
a
credible inflation targeting regime (preferably buttressed by credible central bank

instrument independence), and, crucially, measures to limit currency mismatch, both

within the economy and with respect to the external investment position. Goldstein
and
Turner (2004) discuss practical measures for monitoring and limiting currency
mismatch.
The limitation on currency mismatch is intended to reduce the balance sheet
repercussions of exchange rate fluctuations, freeing the monetary authority to
tolerate
exchange rate movements that are a byproduct of inflation-oriented policies (and
thereby
reducing the fear of floating). It might be added that a healthy financial system
is also a
prerequisite, and for a similar reason: central-bank credibility requires the
ability to make
significant and possibly abrupt interest-rate changes in the face of an inflation
scare.

Useful in implementing such a program is the development of a local-currency

bond market. Such markets not only mitigate the problem of currency mismatch, they
facilitate the conduct of monetary policy and enhance the economys ability
efficiently to
channel resources to investors. In this context, a major development of recent
years has
been the growth of local-currency bond markets in a number of emerging markets.
There
has also been increasing external placement of local-currency bonds in some cases.
The
World Bank (2006, p. 66) reports that East Asian bond markets grew from $400
billion in
1997 to $1.6 trillion by end-September 2005. This growth was partly a result of
governments issuing local-currency bonds in connection with financial and corporate

39
restructuring after the Asian crisis. With the major exceptions of China and India,
these
bond markets are much more open than in 1997. This development has been supported
by
innovations in contingent contracting, notably, the increasing use of credit
default swaps
and nondeliverable forward transactions.

Latin American countries and Russia have been able to issue some local-currency
bonds in world markets. This is not unprecedented: Argentina was able to borrow in
pesos abroad during 1996-2001, under its convertibility plan. More recently,
though,
Brazil, Colombia, and Uruguay have tapped the international sovereign borrowing
market
with local-currency debt, payable in dollars, and, in Uruguays case, indexed to
domestic
inflation. Is this the wave of the future? This seems unlikely. International
issuance of
local-currency debt is second best to a more vigorous development of a domestic
bond
market open to foreign lenders. Tovar (2005, p. 117) judiciously concludes,
[T]here is
no guarantee that the recent increase in this sort of issuance by sovereigns in the
region
reflects a permanent trend. History provides many examples of rapidly shifting
preferences on the part of international investors.

Domestic bond market evolution in emerging markets has been promoted by

measures ranging from pension reform to initiatives by international organizations
(and,
of course, by a lowering of formal inflow barriers). It is important to ask,
however,
whether institutional reforms of the type that are likely to enhance the benefits
from
financial inflows might play a catalytic role. According to the notion of original
sin
advanced by Eichengreen and Hausmann (1999), there might be little that developing
countries themselves can do to gain access to domestic-currency loans from abroad.

40
Using a 2001 dataset on domestic and foreign-currency bonds outstanding in the
markets of 49 industrial and developing countries, however, Burger and Warnock
(2005)
conclude that the size of the bond market, and the currency composition of
borrowing,
are endogenous. The most robust positive predictor of both bond market size and the

share of local-currency borrowing is a history of low inflation variance

(consistent with
the theoretical prediction of Jeanne 2005). There thus may be a virtuous circle, in
which
low inflation promotes development of local-currency bond markets, which in turn
allow
a more credible pursuit of low inflation by the authorities. For government bonds,
Claessens et al. (2003) find that greater exchange-rate flexibility is associated
with a
bigger local-currency bond market.

Burger and Warnock also find that a high rating on a rule of law measure
promotes the size of the local bond market relative to GDP, whereas strong creditor
rights
promote a high share of local currency bonds. Claessens et al. likewise find a role
for
institutional variables. Further corroboration comes from two studies of emerging
bond
markets by Eichengreen and Luengnaruemitchai (2004, 2006), who focus on Asias
relative success. They find that bond-market capitalization (2004) and foreign
participation in the domestic bond market (2006) both depend positively on aspects
of
institutional quality and domestic financial development.

While these results are intriguing, they must be interpreted with caution. There is

a possibility of endogeneity, of course, which Burger and Warnock try to address

through
the timing of regressors and various instruments. Conceptually, however, why should

creditor rights influence local-currency borrowing, but not the total extent of
bond market
development, as Burger and Warnock find? To what extent do the results simply
capture

41
that the industrial countries, being richer, have deeper bond markets and a more
rigorous
rule of law? The regressions show a strong negative effect of economic growth on
bond
market development, which surely captures the fact that Asian countries grew more
rapidly than the industrial world over the 1990s, yet still had more limited bond
markets
in 2001. Hopefully future work will throw further light on policies and reforms
that
promote local bond market development and the escape from original sin, both of
which
can greatly ease the implementation of a macro framework that includes extensive
exchange rate flexibility and can safely support an open financial account.3

A full managed float may be impractical at the early stages of financial opening
and market liberalization, when capital controls still are in place and somewhat
effective.
China, for example, is in this position now. As a transitional measure, some system
such
as the basket, band, and crawl (BBC) suggested by Williamson (2001), can be
appropriate. Roughly speaking, the basket peg helps maintain multilateral
competitiveness, the crawl offsets differential inflationary trends, while the
bands place
limits on excessive volatility or misalignment. The bands, of course, would not
long be
viable absent capital controls.

Chiles case shows, once again, that progress is possible. Chile had a disastrous
early experience of financial opening culminating in a 1982 crisis involving a huge

output loss, steep currency depreciation, and nationalization of much privately

contracted
financial-sector external debt (Diaz-Alejandro 1985). This sobering history
provides the
background for the successful reforms undertaken since the mid-1980s.

On the currency side, from the mid-1980s the Chilean pesos USD exchange rate
was kept within a crawling band, the central parity of which was adjusted daily to
reflect

3 A very interesting discussion of the Australian experience is in McCauley (2006).

42
the inflation difference between Chile and its main trading partners. The goal of
the crawl
was to maintain competitiveness though there is a danger in any such system that
expectations feed into inflation, resulting in accommodation of the expectations
via the
exchange rate. Partly for this reason, no doubt, as well as due to pervasive
indexation,
inflation remained relatively high in Chile for a decade, dropping below double
digits
only in the mid-1990s. (In 1998 lagged domestic inflation was replaced by an
inflation
target in the definition of the crawl, a key reform in bringing inflation down
further.)
Although the top end of the band (weak peso) was tested frequently prior to 1991,
1991-
97 was a period similar to the recent past in China, with the peso near the strong
edge of
the band and attempts by the authorities to resist capital inflows and to
sterilize.
(Estimates of the quasi-fiscal costs of sterilization run about 0.5% of GDP per
year, a
huge number. Net international reserves peaked at 25 percent of GDP.)

In 1992 Chile moved to a BBC when it redefined its central peso rate in terms of a
basket including the DM and yen as well as the USD. Variations in currency
composition
were made opportunistically. Starting in September 1998, in the wake of capital
outflows
associated with Asian-crisis spillovers, the currency-band width was set at 4
percent and
widened continuously until December 1999, when free floating of the peso was
declared.

On the financial account, prior to liberalization, Chile channeled transactions

through a formal foreign exchange market consisting of the central bank, commercial

banks, and specially authorized exchange trading houses. An informal (but

completely
legal) informal foreign exchange market existed for non-financial transactions; it
had a
floating exchange rate. Initially, however, exporters and importers of capital were
obliged
to sell foreign exchange proceeds in the formal market. The non-financial private
sector

43
was allowed to acquire foreign exchange informally. The strength of enforcement
sometimes reflected balance of payments pressures. Only by the mid-1990s had the
discrepancy between formal and informal exchange rates essentially disappeared.
Chile
still maintained, for some years afterward, its encaje or unremunerated reserve
requirement on foreign capital inflows, but this was scrapped in the late 1990s.
Prior to
full financial liberalization and, shortly afterward, free floating, Chile
extensively
restructured its domestic financial system and imposed extensive regulation and
supervision, with special attention to currency mismatches on balance sheets. There
was
also a substantial development of domestic forward exchange trading after 1995,
allowing a better allocation of exchange rate related risks.

Conclusion

Particularly at the macro level, it is hard to find unambiguous evidence that

financial opening yields a net improvement in economic performance for emerging
countries. The major problems in empirical evaluation are the bundling of financial

opening with a potential host of other growth-friendly reforms, and the endogeneity
of
the liberalization decision itself. Microeconomic evidence may provide less
ambiguous
evidence, but even in the micro context identification problems can remain.

Nonetheless, policymakers in emerging markets have displayed a remarkable

revealed preference for financial openness, and the trend is likely to continue
(perhaps
with occasional seizures when global economic conditions sour). Why? Domestic
financial development is attractive from several perspectives it promotes growth,
can
enhance welfare more generally, allows easier government borrowing, and eases the

44
conduct of a domestically oriented monetary policy. Such domestic financial
deepening,
along with merchandise trade expansion, makes capital controls ever costlier to
enforce.
Furthermore, financial opening is likely to promote, through several channels, a
more
competitive and resilient domestic financial system.

Domestic financial development itself is likely to make external financial

liberalization easier to live with. But there are other institutional reforms that
ultimately
are also helpful relating to the rule of law, corruption, contract enforcement,
corporate
governance, and the like. These reforms cannot be accomplished overnight, and in
the
process, a phased and cautious piecemeal approach to liberalization is in order. It
is
important, though, that the piecemeal nature of the approach not exacerbate
existing
distortions or create new ones for example, by liberalizing short-term debt flows
ahead
of long-term flows.

Regarding the appropriate macro-monetary framework, we have learned much

from the crises of the post debt crisis years. World Bank (2006, p. 140) puts it as
follows:
As developing countries become more open to international financial markets,
designing and building a sound regime of external financial policy making and
regulation presents an urgent challenge. A consensus has formed around the three
core components of such a regime membership in a credible currency union,
such as the [euro zone], or an exchange rate that reflects market forces; gradual
opening of the capital account; and a monetary policy framework that favors price

stability.
Conversely, a stable and sound macro-monetary framework seems likely to promote
complementary structural developments in the economy. One instance is the
possibility,
suggested by the evidence, that inflation stability promotes domestic-currency bond

markets. In general, financial liberalization itself can yield collateral

institutional
benefits for the economy, benefits that both spur growth and make an open financial

45
account less crisis-prone (Kose et al. 2006). Determining the extent to which this
has
been reliably true in practice is an urgent item on the research agenda for growth
and
development economists.

The conclusion that financial integration is inevitable, and eventually even

helpful, is in line with a classic insight from the trade policy literature: the
efficient way
to correct a distortion is to attack it at to its source. In the present setting,
domestic
financial market imperfection and institutional weakness, not financial openness,
is the
primary problem. The ideal response would be a correction of domestic imperfections

plus intervention to address the specific additional issues raised by the

international
margin. Only if this approach is unworkable might a closed financial account be the

answer.

A hopeful aspect in this picture is that the financial and institutional reforms
developing countries need to carry out in order to make their economies safe for
international asset trade are simultaneously reforms they need to carry out anyway
so as
to curtail the power of entrenched economic interests and liberate the economys
productive potential. Taken all alone, capital mobility is not a panacea and it
could be
poison. The empirical record suggests that its benefits are most likely to be
realized
when complementing a range of domestic policies to enhance stability and growth.

46
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