The lectic between Occitania and France in the Thirteenth Century Elizabeth Aubrey Early Music History, Vol. 16 (1997), 1-53, Stable URL hitp:/flinks.jstor-org/sicisici 161-1279%281997%29 16%3C1%3ATDBOAF%3E2.0,CO%3B2-Z. Early Music History is currently published by Cambridge University Press. Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at hup:/www,jstororglabout/terms.hml. ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. 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For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support @ jstor.org. hupulwww jstor.org/ Sat Oct 8 07:28:03 2005Ely Muse History (1997) Volume 16, © 1987 Cambridge Universi Pres Printed inthe United Kenge ELIZABETH AUBREY THE DIALECTIC BETWEEN OCCITANIA AND FRANCE IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY* INTRODUCTION ‘The thirteenth century was a time of turmoil in Occitania, starting with the buildup to the Albigensian Crusade during the first decade and its eruption in the second and third, which resulted in the establishment of the university in Toulouse in 1229, the founding of the Order of Friars Preachers a short time later and the unleashing of several decades of inquisition led by these Dominicans, and ultimately the dissolution of the powerful county of Toulouse.' France profited both economically and politi- cally from this plundering of the rich culture to its south: the consolidation of power by the late Capetian monarchy owed much. to the absorption of Occitania into its holdings. The inhabitants of the Midi continued to demonstrate their fierce independence from their conquerors in myriad ways, some overt, some subvers- ive. But the tempestuous events in their homeland caused some trauma among the troubadours, and although this did not neces- sarily result in a general deterioration in the quality of the songs that they produced, it probably is at least partly to blame for a sy is an expansion of a paper presented at the 23rd British Gonference on ‘and Renaissance Music a the University of Southampton in July 1996.1 wish to thank Rebecca Baltzer, Bonnie Blackburn, Jacques Boogar, Lowell Cros, Mark Evers, Christopher Page and Peter Rickets for help and suggestions they extended in the course of the preparation of this paper for publication, ‘The Midi fe often refereed to losely a2 the acu become part of the king of. 1229 at the end of the Albigensian Crusade. In this settlement Count Raimon, VIL agreed that his county would pass upon his death to his daughter Jeanne, who became the wife of Alphonse of Poitiers the brother of Louis IX. Raimon died in 1249, and because Jeanne and the king’ brother ultimately had no children, when Alphonse died the’county of Tovlouse, along with most of the rest of Occtania inching Provence, reverted to the French crown, See JR. Strayer, De Aligenian sad (Ann Arbor, 1971), pp. 136-74, who suggested the use of the term “Oecitania™ tovtefer to the region where the troubadouts flourished 1 of France’, although it did not ‘real of the Treaty of Paris fof France until 1271Elizabeth Aubrey decline in the number of both songs and composers.’ During the same century, in the north the newfound military and political strength of Philippe Auguste and, later, Louis IX of France provided a secure environment within which new techniques and forms of monophony and polyphony could flourish. But while these developments signal a shift of cultural leadership north- wards, septentrional composers continued to owe a considerable debt to the troubadours, whose artistic activities continued until the end of the century. Indeed there is some evidence that during the thirteenth century the cultural influence of the south on the north was more profound than that of the north on the south ‘The region of Limousin and Poitou was a cultural as well as a geographical intersection between the kingdom of France to the northeast and the regions of Auvergne, Aquitaine, Gascony, Languedoc, Catalonia and Provence to the south. The twelfth century had seen the rise of lyric song in this west-central area, both in the vernacular art of the troubadours and in the Latin versus of the Aquitanian sacred repertoire. As the troubadours began shifting their activities farther south into the heart of Occitania during the second half of the twelfth century, the versus of Limousin and Aquitaine and the courtly monophonic songs of the early troubadours crossfertilized,’ and the new aesthetic of lyric song soon influenced the extra-liturgical practices of Paris and other sites in the north, The secular world of the north, too, began to adopt southern innovations, as poet-composers who spoke the langue doi! began imitating the style and structure of songs in the langue d'oc.* 2 A brie survey of these historical developments and of the lives of the troubadours eho left bond some of their music can be found in E_ Aubrey, The Masi ofthe Trowbadwrs (Bloomington and Tndianapolis, 1986), pp. 1-25. > Sce'H. Spanke, ‘Zur Formenkunst des ttesten Tronbadours’, Studi medina, NS. 7 (1984), pp. 7284: J. Chailey ‘Les premiers troubadours et les versus de Mécole GAquitaine’, Romane, 76 (1955), pp. 212-39, and "Notes sur les troubadour, les ‘ersus et la question arabe’, in‘Melage de inguitiue de tdvature romance 8 la Inemote dite Frank (Ssarbrdcken, 1957), pp. 118-28; MLL. Switten, "Mode et Sariations: Ssint Martial de Limoges et ler teoubadous' in Contacts de langues, de ilations terest, Aces Hime Congr: Intratoal de PAacation Interatonale ‘TEiude Oeste, ed. G. Couiran (Montpelier, 1982), th 679-96, and W. Arlt, Zur Interpretation zveier Lieder! A. mate de Dear und Ret glo’, Baer Jabbuck far strc Musas, | (1977), pp. 117H30, For the historia, political and social trckground of the county of Bofou, see G. A. Bond, ed. and trans, The Pct of Willem VI, Coun of Pte, IN Dake of Aquitaine (New York, 1982), pp. See W Ari, ‘Musca e testo nel canto Irancese: dai primi troratort al mustamento Silstico intro al 1300" Le Musica el Tempo i Dantes Ravine, Comune dt Reena, 2‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France By the early thirteenth century the art of the troubadours had settled in Languedoc and Provence, while in the north the cathedral of Notre Dame and its satellites in and around Paris had taken the lead in the development of new sacred types, and many trouvéres began to work in Artois to the northeast. ‘This increased geographical separation between the cultural worlds of the north and the south did not, however, diminish the interac- tion between the two societies. The Albigensian conflicts of 1209- 29 not only enforced upon the south the political hegemony of the north, but also occasioned an abrupt intrusion of Parisian scholasticism into the Midi, which apparently included the intro- duction of organum to Toulouse, the dominant city in the early thirteenth century and a constant target of the crusaders. Jean de Garlande, a master of grammar at the University of Paris who appears to have witnessed the siege of Toulouse in 1218,’ was appointed to the faculty of the new studium at Toulouse in 1229, and he later reported that the masters of this young university (in theology, canon law, liberal arts and grammar) laboured to transform the ‘barren and uncivilised” intellectual atmosphere of the wayward city into a model of Aristotelian learning. He suggests that Toulouse was even more accommodat- ing to free inquiry than Paris itself (which happened to be undergoing some turmoil at that moment): Practerea ne ligones ad steriles et incultos deferatis agros, vobis, magis- tri Tholosae legentes, tribulos plebaeae ruditatis et spinas asperae sterilitatis cacteraque removerunt obstacula. Hic enim Theologi discip- tulos in pulpitis et populos in compitis informant, logici liberalibus in artibus tyrones Aristotilis eruderant, grammatiei balbutientium linguas in analogiam effigiant, organistac populares aures melliti_ gutturis ‘organo demulcent, decretistae Justinianum extollunt, et a latere medici praedicant Galicnum. Libros naturales, qui fuerant Parisius prohibiti, Poterunt illic audire qui volunt naturac sinum medullitus perscrutari.* Opere di Dane, Musica/Reat, 12-14 wtembre 1986, ed L Pestalozan (Milan, 1988), pp 175-97 and 306-21, and M. 1. Switten, "The Voice and the Letter: On Singing in 1 Vernacular, Words and Mie Act, 17, ed. PR Laied Binghamton, N.Y. 1999), pp 3173. See T. Wright, ed, Johamis de Garlandia: De tramps ela, te cts A Latin Pom of the Thitenth Cniry (London, 1858), pp. -v. Wright, eds p. 97. See also C.E, Smithy The Unisrsity of Toulouse in the Middle Ag Its Origins and Grow to 1300 AD. (Milwaukee, 1958), pp. 1-35. Jean probably wrote the De riumphswalesae about 1252, although the origins of the section concerning the Albigensian Crusade may have been contemporary with the events themselves, see ¥, Dossat, Les premiers maitrer 8 "Université de Toulouse: Jean de Garlande, 3Elizabeth Aubrey While the University of Toulouse gradually gained strength as a centre of liberal learning, little evidence suggests that the new polyphonic musical practices of France took firm root in the south, at least until late in the century or early in the fourteenth. But mutual exchanges among troubadours and trouveres are amply documented. The trouvéres first imitated the grand chant courtois of the troubadours in the twelfth century, and several of them achieved enough sophistication and creativity in their songs by the thirteenth century that troubadours sometimes imitated them in return, The wide variety and extent of these exchanges are well known.’ They involved direct adoption of versification and strophic form (resulting in contrafacta), translation and citation or allusion, and also scores of less exact imitations or adaptations as well as mere evocations of structure, style, genre, topos or language. In contrafacta, where the poetic structure of the imitated song was retained it is assumed that the melody also was borrowed, since the musical structure is so intimately tied to the syllable and verse number of the poem.’ But exactly what constitutes a contrafactum is difficult to establish, since actual practice manifests much fluidity in the imitation of form. For example, the number of verses was sometimes changed, and versification features such as rhyme scheme (including shifis from oxytonic and paroxytonic rhymes) do not always transfer well from one language to Htinand’ in Les unieits du Langudbe au XIU scle (Toulouse, 1970), p. 188. See alse WG. Waite, Johannes de Garlandia, Poet and Musician’ Spculam, 35 (1960), ‘pp. 179.95, who argues that this master of grammar was the samme petson as the Music theorist responsible forthe De musica mensurail ‘The bibliography on this topic is considerable. Recent studies include Art, “Musica fe testo nel canto francese’ J Gruber, Die Digit des Trbor’ Untevachunge 2 Sruktar and Enesclang der tanh und ronson Minoan des 12 Jabbanders (Tubingen, 1985); J. 1. Marshall, Pour Vétade der conajata dane In potsie der teoubadour', Ronen, 101 (1980), pp. 269-335; tem, "Une versifiation Irique pope Tassante en’ancien provencal’ in Actes du pwr congs intonation! de TAsocation Inernatinale Etudes Orcas, ed. . T. Richets (London, 1987), pp. 35-66; M-R. Jung, A propor de la poésie leique courtoise de et Pot, Shut Francs « Penal ‘4/85, Romance Valgata Quadens 8/9 (1966), pp. 5-36; and M. Venturi, “Ancora un caso intertestualts fra trvirt«trovator Maiaso Roman, 15 (198), pp. 321-29. In adition to the works cited im the previous note see F. Genatich, Dic Kenai {im Linchafen der Abtudaters, Soma Muricae Medi Aew 12 (Langen bei Frankfurt, 1965); dem, Der muskluche Nace dr Troubedbus, Summa Muricxe Medi Aes 3 and 4 Darmstadt, 1958-60), 1, pp. 277-8, and n, pp. 126-34; idm, “Internationale Initclaletiche Melodie’, Zaischrit fir Mutkutssenchaf, 11 (1926-29), pp. 239-96 find 521-48; and H-H. Rake, Die mualce Ercheinungyfrm der Trowieponte (Berne, r97). 4‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France another.’ It is perhaps not so surprising, then, that only a small number of actual musical conirafacta ~ melodies transmitted with an Occitan text in one source and a French text in another ~ are extant.” ‘The reasons for the scarcity of explicit evidence of wholesale musical borrowing between the two repertoires are not entirely clear, but the dissemination patterns evinced by the manuscript sources of the songs of the north and the south provide important clues. The well-known fact that many more extant manuscripts (cighteen) transmit the melodies of northern composers than of the troubadours (four, two of which are among the eighteen French sources) may suggest that more contrafacta existed between the two repertoires than the written evidence records." Many Even within the Occitan repertoire conafactum isnot always clearcut, and scholars do not always agree on whether the poctie structure har been snitated oF not. Genntich’s edition of troubadour melodies (Der musdaiche Nachle) inches sixteen "Erschlossene Melodien” that he postulated ae contrat, but JH. Marshall hs called {nto question seven of them (Pour Tétude', 328-35). ‘They include the following, using the numbers assigned in the standard indices of Occitan and French song, respectively A. Pillet and H. Carsten, Biligaphie der ‘Trowbadouws (Walle, 1983; hencelorth "PC) and H. Spanke, G. Reynaud Bibliographic es alipancisichn Lids (Leiden, 1955; hencetorth RS!) PC 10,7 (Bernat de Vents ddr cena) = RS 1057 (anonymous single stanza); PC 7043 (Bernart de Ventadorn ane) = RS 1934 (anonymous chanson de fee), RS 365 (anonymous ev part) and RS 549 (hanson by the ‘Chancelier de Pars’a French adaptation af Pipe the Chancel low’ Quis cons e ent: PC 167,22 (Gauceln Faidit plant) = RS 381 (Alart de (Chane srmeti)s PC. 366,26 (Pero cans)» RS 41 (Hue de Saint Quentin powell, PC 392." (Raimbaue de Vaquelras etempida; see discussion below) = RS. 1506 (anonymous chao); PC 4043 (Raimon Jordan conn) = RS 353 (Ro de Navarre jee Dart; see Marshall, Pour Vétude', 314-16}, RS 1459 (anonymous Marian song) ad RS 388 (Guillaume Te Viner Marian song); and PC 461,148 (anonymous paste With a hybrid’ Franco-Occitan text; see Marshall, ‘Pour Tétude’, 304-9) = RS 7 (Gnonymous religion rong) and RS $22 (Jaque de Heudin chawon cnte ls omnes) ‘One Occitan song with an extant melody survives alo ins French translation with the same melody: PC 372. (Pstletasimenta) = RS 641 Manvscrpt sigla used here ate: Ba = Bamberg, Staatbibliothe, Lit, 115; C= Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, nou. acq. 19521 (the manuscript la Clyette, Ctr = Cambridge, ‘Trinity College, 02.1; F = Florence, Uibloteca Medicea- Laurenziana, PL 28; G = Mian, Bibloteca Ambrosian, SIP (im RTI sup); Ha ‘Burgos, Monasterio de Lax Huclgas unnumbered codex; K= Oxford, Bodleian Library, Douce 308; Lo = London, British Library, Egerton 2615, LaB = London, Britsh Library, Egerton 274 M ='Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, ff 44 (he ‘manuscript du ro, also known as toubadout ms. W); Mo = Montpelier, Bibotheque Interunversiaire, Section de Médecine, H. 196; R'= Pars, Bibiotheque Nationale Frances 2583 SV = Pars, Bibthéque Nationale de Fancy at. 1313 arin, Bibliotheque Nationale de France fr 12619 (the “ch Noailles), U's Pus Biltiegue Nationale We Peace fa tie east Se Germaindes-Prés’, also known as troubadour ms. X); Ws = Wolfenbittel, Herzog. ‘August-Bibliothek, Helmstad. 1009, 3Elizabeth Aubrey French songs whose poetic structures match those of extant Occi- tan poems survive, but the melodies of the latter in the main do not, so we cannot verify that the melodies of the models were borrowed too.'? ‘The quantitative disparity in the transmission of the music of the two repertoires is not the only significant difference between them.” The manuscripts which contain the northern repertoires were produced in the north by scribes who spoke some version of the langue d’otl; several of them contain collections of works in a Frenchified style of Occitan, including two important sources that between them transmit seventy-two troubadour melodies." In con- trast, the songs of the south were preserved more carefully outside Occitania than within it.' Only one extant manuscript of trouba- dour music was produced in Occitania itself; this and one other manuscript, an Italian one, contain the only sizable collections of troubadour melodies extant. Only one manuscript out of the approximately forty extant which preserve the troubadours’ poetry contains a collection of French works, and it was copied in Italy and contains no music. Clearly the works of the troubadours were influential and popular in France, Italy and northern Iberia as well as in Occitania, but the popularity of the northern songs was chiefly in France, The written record reveals another important distinction between the extant monophonic songs of Occitania and those of France. The surviving songs of the troubadours, most of which are securely attributed, are courtly in form, style, language and theme: strophic and in the aristocratic register. The northern (One explanation for this relative paucity of writen troubadour melodies may be that ‘most of them were not performed more than once of twice and were not remembered And crentualy recorded. So while we can be sure that French composers revered Sind emulated troubadour poetry, we cannot be certain that the southern mass fnjoyed widespread homage. See Aubrey, The Mui of he Toadars, pp. 2-65, 3 SCOE. Aubrey ‘Literacy, Orality, and the Preservation of Preach and Occitan Medieval Gourtiy Song’, in acar de XV Conran de le Sociedad Tntraconal de Muli, ‘Caltres muses meiternes 141 romaine, Madnd/3-10/TV/192, ed. Sociedad Esaiola de Musicologa, Recta de Muselagay 16/4 (1993 (1996), pp. 2355-06 Trouvére manuseripts M and U; ace M Raupach and M. Raupach, raniere Trbade Iynte Zar Cberifrang prvenalchr Lider i fancsichen Hendon, Beshefte zor Zeitschrift foe romaniche Philologie 171 (Pabingen, 1979), pp. 62-79 and. Avbrey, The Music ofthe Towbars, pp. 34-3. See P. Bee La riqu fang moyen ge (NIP-NIP scl coniation awn Opole es genes podiques mato, 1 (Pari, 1917), pp 30-2 6‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France sources, on the other hand, preserve in addition to courtly songs hundreds in the popular register, a majority of them anonymous."* ‘These include dance types such as virelais and rondeaux, songs with refrains like the rotrouenge, short refrains interpolated into long narrative poems, and sundry non-strophic and heterostrophic pieces such as ais — all indigenous to the north. While itis possible that genres comparable to the dances, refrain songs and other popular types of the north were more widely practised in the south than the written record indicates, it is notable that southern scribes did not bother to write them down. Northern melodies were vastly more mobile than those of the south, not only within the courtly register but also between the courtly and popular registers and between French and Latin reper- toires.” Judging from what survives in the manuscripts, northern musicians mined both poetic and musical material from virtually all of the genres, forms and styles of the songs of the north as ‘well as the courtly songs of the troubadours, and transformed what they borrowed to fit their own parochial forms and styles in both the courtly and the popular registers, Pierre Bec has called adap- tations between aristocratic and popular registers ‘interférences registrales’, which, like the initial imitations of troubadour poetry by trouvéres, appear to have flowed more from south to north than the reverse." Their absence from southern sources indicates that certain genres which originated in the north, especially popular ‘ones and ones with extended poctico-musical form, appear to have inspired little or no imitation in the south. In the pages that follow I will scrutinise several concrete examples of the dialectic between the south and the north in the thirteenth century. These include: (1) the evocation of the langue oc or of Occitan works in the motet repertoire; (2) paired-verse For detailed studies of these popular genres, see P. Bee, La brie fangaie, and Marshall, ‘Une versifeaton Iique popularisant See Bec, La Brig frncie, tp. 51 and psn. This, along with other dissemination features, suggests that northern melodies had an identity 2+ music independent of their texts, whereas troubadour melodies had a closer Unk with ther poems. See Aubrey, ‘Literacy, Oral’, pp. 2360-4 Bee, Le Brique raja, 1, p27 and panim. Bec argues that these interferences were brought about chiely through the medium of ‘jongenresque’ performance, and that their occurrence mainly in the north is evidence of the greater afinty of French musicians with popul in contrast to the closer ties of southern composers with the ‘gund chon court which was invented bythe troubadour 7Elizabeth Aubrey or paired-versicle or ‘sequence’ form in the lai and the descort; and (3) the estampie and estampida. These examples of the exchange between composers of France and Occitania illustrate the extent of the influence that the courtly song of the south had on the north in the thirteenth century, and of the relative resistance of the south to inroads from the north. MOTETS Four thirteenth-century motets have been described as containing ‘Provencal’ or Qccitan elements.” But since there is no direct evidence of any tradition of motet composition in the south until the fourteenth century, it seems certain that all of these motets were created by French composers who for some reason evoked the language and perhaps certain musical and textual stylistic features of the south and adapted them into an indigenous northern polyphonic texture. These four motets are preserved only in northern sources, three of them in Mo and one in We (along with other sources, as explained in the discussion below). ‘The circumstances of dissemination as well as the nature of the ‘Occitan’ elements are quite different in each of the works, so 1 will examine them individually. The two vernacular texts of Li jalous par tout sunt fustat/Tuit cil qui sunt enamourat/Veritatem® are extant only in the form of a double motet and are preserved uniquely in the fifth fascicle of Mo (fols. 218-219). Pillet-Carstens lists Li jalous joer tout sunt fustat among anonymous troubadour songs as number 461,148, evidently intending thereby to include both texts as two stanzas of a single work (while recognising it as a three-voice motet),”” but philologists from as early as the late nineteenth century have pointed out both Occitan and French elements in the two texts.” "See, for example, Gennich, Der muialiche Naas, pp. 125-6 and 265-76, and pp. 125-6 » Tenor = M37, motetus = no. 467 and tviplum = no. 468 in F. Ludwig, Rperorium ganoram reeions et mao veut si, 2d ed, ed. L_A. Dittmer (Brook, 1961), t, pp. 60-1; sce sho F. Gennrch, Bibiogrphie dir alusten fanishen und latainishn Motten, Summa Msicae Mit Aevi 2 (Darmstadt, 1957), pp. 3-4 Tut il qui sont enanourat has since been assigned ity owe PC. number, 461,240, See I Franky “Tut al gut sun enamourat’ Romania, 73 (1954), pp 101-2‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France Literary scholars now agree that both texts were composed by a French-speaker, and they are listed in the catalogue of Old French verse forms by Mélk and Wolfzettel, and (under one number, as in Pillet-Carstens) in Linker’s index of Old French lyrics. These texts read.” Triplam Motetus 4 jalous par tout sunt fustat Tut cil qui sunt enamourat ct portent corne en mi le front; veignent dancar, li autre non. par tout doivent estre huat. La regine le commendat La regine le commendat tuit ci que sunt enamorat que d'un baston soient frapat que Ii jalous soient fustat et chacie hors comme larron. _fors de la dance d'un baston. Sten dancade veillent entrar, Tait cil que sunt enamourat fier le(s] du pie comme garcon. viegnent avant, i autre non. In addition to the mixed linguistic traits in this motet, some scholars have suggested that the musical and poetic structures of the upper voices point to possible Occitan connections.” The motetus text, Tui cil qui sunt enamourat, has a refrain at the begin- ning and end, and its eight verses are arranged in the classic form of a rondeau: AbaAabAB.” The triplum text uses the same two thymes as the motetus, -at and -on, and has the same abaaabab thyme scheme, but since it has no refrain the triplum text is not a rondeau, Istvin Frank, in a succinct and thorough essay on the textual and musical counterpoint in this motet, says of the two texts that ‘the stanza Li jalous is surely, and the rondeau Tuit cil probably, a literary pastiche’, and that the text of the motetus ‘is obviously a variation on the text’ of the triplum: the jealousy theme of Li jalous par tout sunt fustat is developed out of verses 5 and 6 of the motetus. He says that this ‘juxtaposition of a rondeau and of a strophe without refrain which reproduces its [the ron- © U. Mlk and F. Wolfzettel, Riper marque dela pase iguanas doin & 1330 (Munich, 1972), RW. Linker, 4 Bibliography of Old Pach Lyris (University, Miss, 1979), no. 265-1070, M.Everiat recently called the motet a parody of Provengal music and verte structures’ in The Rondeau Mote: Pari and Artis the Thirteenth Century’ uc nd Letom, 189 (1988), p19, a discussion reproduced in his French Motes inthe Thirteenth Century Music, Paty ond Genre (Cambridge, 1991), p. 106, F. Gennvich, Rondeau, Virais und’ Ballade' aus dom Ende der I, dew XI, ad dem ten Drie des XIV. Jolyhunders (Dresden, 1921) 1, p. 42k classifies the motets fe 8 rondow but says thatthe form ie siht gane sreng’ (3),Elizabeth Aubrey deau’s] fort is, in metrical terms, absurd’ and points out that such a juxtaposition occurs nowhere else in either the French or the Occitan repertoire.” The ‘queen’ who reigns over the boisterous scene painted by the two vernacular texts evokes the tenor upon which these voices are built, Veritatem (M37), which is from the Gradual of the Feast of the Assumption of the Virgin, Propter veritatem.”” A more obvious association with the Marian theme is found in a contrafactum motet on the same music (with a small but important difference, dis- cussed further below), found in the fourth fascicle of Mo (fols. 102-103) with wo Marian texts in Latin in place of the vernacu- lar ones: Past partum virgo/Ave regina glorie/Veritatem.”* The triplum has the same abaaabab rhyme scheme as the two vernacular texts but has no refrain, so like the French triplum it is not a rondeau poetically; the rhyme scheme of the motetus differs slightly ~ abbbabab. Only incidentally do the two Latin texts have the same intertextual relationships as the two vernacular texts: Triplum Motetus Post partum virgo mansisti Ave, regina glorie inviolata, Maria, ‘et angelorum speculum, que filium peperisti, que peperisti Dominum, ccuius filia fuistis triumphatorem omnium, cet partu tuo fecisti qui te assumpsit hodie stupere naturalia ad ethereum thalamum Te precamur, mater Christi cet in sanctorum requie ‘esto nobis propicia, fruens perhenne gaudium, ‘The Marian association appears yet again in the interpolation of the two refrain verses, Tout cil gui sont enamouraziviegnent dancier et autre non, in the late-thirteenth-century religious poem La court de Paradis, where they serve the benign function (in contrast to their coarser context in the motet) of summoning ‘pucelles, virges, dames et demoiselles, apostres, martirs, innocens’ to dance in cel- ebration of the Virgin’s ascension into heaven.” This poem of 640 verses quotes nineteen refrains including Tout cil qui sont enamouraz, % See Frank, uit i, pp. 101-4, See ¥. Rokseth, Pljphoner du XUIP slr (Paris, 1983-9), 1, p. 178 ‘Tripluin no. 469 ain) motetus no. 470 in Lachig, Repotorsm, up. GO; see also Genatich, Bulapaphe, po 1. See Frank, Tuite, pp. 105-6,‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France and one of its three manuscripts (Paris, Biblioth¢que Nationale de France, f. fr. 25532, fols. 331'-335) gives their melodies.” ‘The music of verses I and 2 of the motetus and triplum in the French motet is repeated (with slight variations) for verses 7 and 8 at the end (but the notes of the tenor are different - see below), as can be seen in Example 1. The melody of Tuit cil qui sunt enanourat does not match the rondeau structure of its text in that verses 3 and 4 do not repeat the A music exactly; Frank calls this a ‘schéma libre’."’ But as he points out, the musical phrase of these two verses is made up of a combination of the first half of the A phrase and the second half of the B phrase, which might be graphed as follows (where subscript numbers refer to the text syllables involved): AB ABs AuBas A BDA BY melody A Ba A ab AB txt This construction by means of motives prompted Frank to opine that the two-verse refrain as it appears in La court de Paradis existed before the composition of the motet, whose composer built six musical phrases out of the two: "This is not the original music of an authentic rondeau, since its elements are not arranged in a way that is normal to the genre.” While this musical structure is not a ondeau in the classic sense, it does demonstrate on a small level the idea of combining two musical units ~ here half phrases rather than halves of a refrain ~ into a larger whole. The melody of the triplum of the French motet, Li jalous par tout sunt enamowrat, although also not a strict rondeau, has been called one by most scholars. The only incompatible element is the construction of verse 3, whose second half is the same as that of ™ The poem is edited by E. Vilamo-Penti, La cout de Poeds (Helsinki, 1953). The refrain ate Fisted in N. HJ. van den Boogaard, Rondeau vefins du NIP wile a bt de XIV" (Paris, 1969), pp. 828-8, the refrain iso. 1822 in van dem Boogaard's Index, and the full endeau fest is-n0, 110 in his catalogue and edition of ronda, F.Gennrich, Rondeau, Vilats und Baladen, ut (Gottingen, 1927), pp. 222-5 (vee also pp. 42-4), provides transcriptions of the refrain melodies; Tou ef qu sont enamorat Js on fol, 334 of Pats fr 25552. The refrain in La cout de Paradis given in diplomatic facsimile in J Beck, Die Melodin der Troubadbrs und Trouser (Strassburg, 1908, p. 62, Frank, "Tui a’ pp. 103-4 See alo F. Gennich, Da alifancvsche Rondeau und Vira im 12. und 15 falehundt Bond ITT dey Rondeour:Varleis und Bolladen, Summa Musicae Medit Aevi 10 (Langen bet Frankfurt, 1963), pp. 1-4, Fran, Tait ci, p. 10Elizabeth Aubrey Example 1 Motet Zi jaas par ut suet fat Tutt el gut rant enamauratVortate, Mo Tint al mt = nes ment nr pe oa a _ ===The Dialectic between Occitania and France Example 2. Verses 3 and 4 of motet Pst potum vtgo mansiti‘Ave regina glove Vora, Mo fats. 102-3, pohetib ag EI the B phrase (as in the motetus) but preceded by a new motive on the first four syllables, here designated C,... The melody of the Latin triplum, Post partum virgo mansisti is not identical to that in the French motet: its verse 4 repeats the music of verse 3 (with a slight ornamental variation) rather than the A phrase, as is seen in Example 2 and graphed here: AB CuBys A A. BY AB melody of Li jalous par tout sunt fustat un A BY A BY melody of Post partum virgo mansisti aba a a boa b text AB C.Bss C Whether or not this structure is closer to strict rondeau form than that of the triplum melody is perhaps open to question. Frank argued that the correspondence between musical and poetic form in the Latin motetus and triplum suggests than the French motet was the model for the Latin one, and that the author of the latter based his Latin rhyme scheme upon the musical structure of the French melody.” Thus in Frank’s chronology the two-verse interp- olated refrain was the model for the text and melody of the eight- verse rondeau Tuit cil qui sunt enamowrat, whose author gave a more or less rondeau musical structure to the triplum text Li jalous par HL Tischler, in his edition of Mo, ‘coreects' the melody of verse 4 of Li jus to conform ro the reading of Ps part. See his The Mop Caen, Recent Revestches In the Music ofthe Middle Ages and Early Renaissance 2 (Madison, 1978), p. hi, and, p. 188 » Frank ait ei, pp. 109-4, BElizabeth Aubrey lout sunt fustat (which was derived from the text of the motetus), and the Latin texts were composed later and fitted to the music of the French motet. The music of the two voices in these motets seems to be evidence of the late-thirteenth-century experiment- ation with musical structures and the gradual evolution of refrain forms that eventually culminated in the ‘classic’ formes fixes The musical counterpoint of these two motets merits closer examination (sce Example 1). The composer has adapted the ‘wo pre-existent melodies (that of the liturgical tenor and that ‘of the rondeau in the motetus) to each other and composed a third for the triplum. The phrases of the motetus and the triplum are precisely of the same length, and the composer has made all eight phrases begin with an upbeat, a unique occur- rence in the thirteenth-century motet repertoire (to my knowledge).”” The tenor Veritatem is stated twice, and the second statement coincides with the second half of the motetus and triplum, The motetus is consonant with the tenor on strong heats (except in bars 2 and 10), while the triplum Li jalous is sharply dissonant against the tenor on strong beats in several places, including bars 7, 8, 13 (twice) and 14. While the music of the motetus and triplum in verses 7 and 8 is identical to that of verses 1 and 2, it is sounded against the second half of the tenor rather than the first, which explains the dissonances in bars 13 and 14. But the composer modified the rhythm of the tenor slightly in bars 13-14 (compare to bars 5-6), amelior~ ating the dissonance slightly. The final sonority of verse 4 of the Latin motet (Example 2) is ‘a consonant octave on F, whereas in the French motet, in which the triplum melody on verse 4 repeats the music of verse I (as shown above), this sonority is a ninth. One might wish to believe that the more dissonant reading is a corruption (which is how Tischler interprets it), but one could as easily argue that the con- sonant reading of the Latin motet is the result of scribal regularis- ation..” If one accepts Frank’s argument that the Latin texts were “The refrain melody as it appears in Uke manuscript Paris fr. 25582 lacks this upbeat inthe fit pirate, whose neumes are written L2I-L-LB-L-B-Shi The second phrase Js also not consistently modal, with neumes Bp 21-6 3-L-2h-B.L. » The two motets appear to have been written by the same seribe in Mo. See M. E Walinsk, "The Compilation ofthe Montpellier Coden’ ary Music His, 11 (1992), 4‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France created to fit the music of the French motet, and if the versions that are transmitted in Mo represent this compositional priority, then it is possible that as the composer constructed his Latin poems he also modified the music a little to make the counterpoint more pleasing to his ear. In this process, the composer accomplished a small tour de force. Starting with a simple French two-verse Marian refrain, he expanded its text into two separate poems, one in rondeau form and another in a freer form, both of whose meanings cross from the spiritual dimension into a decidedly more earthly one, but he retained the Marian association of the original refrain by linking the new texts to a Marian liturgical tenor. He divided the two phrases of the melody of the refrain into two half-phrases and built an eight-verse melody out of the four motives, aligning this assembly with a newly composed melody whose form coincides more or less with that of the other. Against these two melodies he arranged two statements of the melody of the Marian tenor, modifying the rhythm of the second statement to make it a little more consonant than it would have been if it had remained strictly isorhythmic. All together, these materials constitute an intricate structural and thematic counterpoint of text and melody. The dis- sonances that result among the voices (and in particular those between the two upper voices) are no more numerous than occur throughout the thirteenth-century motet repertoire, although one pethaps can see in the first half of the piece an aesthetic arising from a desire for consonance, which gives way to more dissonance as the complicated compositional procedure becomes less controllable. The claim of Occitan provenance for this motet has been based ‘upon linguistic elements in the texts and upon the refrain features of the poetic and musical structures. A number of scholars have asserted that the eight-verse rondeau Tuit cil qui sunt enamourat is Occitan in origin, although it is generally recognised that the linguistic traits are hybrid. The song also is sometimes cited as an example of an Occitan dance form, either the rondet de carole or the balada, described by poetic theorists of the late thirteenth pp. 266-7 and pasim. She dates the compilation of the frst seven fascicles of the ‘manuscript to the 1260s oF 1270s 15Elizabeth Aubrey and fourteenth centuries as having some sort of refrain (respos).”" Several troubadours were quite adept at the kind of manipulation of half-phrases (and of smaller motives) that we have observed in the structure of this rondeau. But the only extant examples of this musico-poetic form are found exclusively in northern sources," and given the late dates of the poetic treatises that dis- cuss the balada, dansa, rondet and similar types, it seems difficult to infer that Tuit cil qui sunt enamourat could be of southern prov- enance. Pierre Bec has argued that both rondet and balada were latecomers to meridional culture, and that there ‘the term and the genre [balada} slid toward the aristocratic register’."' The pres- ence of occitanisms in the texts of the double motet seems to point to a desire to evoke southern sounds, but direct imitation of specific pieces or of a formal structure is not clearly established. As for the two-verse refrain Tout cil qui sont enamouraz, Frank is equivocal on the issue of whether or not it is of Occitan prov- enance, although he suggests that this is possible, and that in any case it had popular origins." But, once again, all extant examples of such refrains are northern, and there appears to be no evidence of a southern tradition of interpolating them in longer narrative works. This motet appears to be a clever experiment by a French composer in manipulating secular structures and themes and grafting them into related liturgical structures and themes. Why he would in the process evoke Occitan linguistic traits remains a mystery, ‘Two motets which sometimes have been included in the Occitan repertoire have even more tenuous associations with southern traits than the example just discussed. One of them occurs in the complex of polyphonic works based upon the tenor Agmina from the feast of St Catherine of Alexandria, a complex which includes twelve settings (clausula, motet and conductus-motet) for two, three and four See Bec, La brique fangs, 1, pp. 228-33; F. M. Chambers, An Intadction to Old Provera Verication (Philadelphia, 1985), pp. 228-8; and Evers, "The Rondeau Moret, pp. 18-19. % See Aubrey, The Mase of the Troubadour, pp. 184-94. Only in manuscript M.See Aubrey, The Muse of he Trubadurs, pp. 123-6. Bee, La byigue fas, 1p. 229, Frat Tui ay pp. 100-7 16‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France woices.”” The motetus text, Agmina milicie celestis omnia, is by Philippe the Chancellor (d. 1236),"* and its melody survives in monophonic form in the French manuscript M (fol. 199) on a contrafactum text that has been considered by some to be Occitan, Lialtrier cuidai aber drada (PC. 461,146). None of the extant polyphonic pieces gives this vernacular text as one of the voices. The only extant version of the two-voice clausula of this work survives in the music fascicle which comprises several irregular gatherings at the end of the manuscript StV, a large codex of the third quarter of the thirteenth century which originally contained a wide variety of classical and medieval texts.” The music fascicle (fols. 255-93) appears to have a different style of decoration from that of the rest of the manuscript, and there are several notation hands, writing blocks and staving formats among the gatherings. In addition to the forty clausulas the fascicle contains several mon- ophonic works, organa a2 and a3, conductus al, a2 and a3, and motets a2. ‘The Agnina clausula is the last one in the final gathering (fols. 288-93) of the music fascicle, among two clausulas a3 and thirty- Including a clausula a2 (SEV fol 292), a conductusmotet a2 (two versions: SEV fo 258 and LoB fol. 45), the same conductusmotet with « tied voice W, fl 123, Lo fol. 81, fol. 396, Hu fol 0, and Ce fo. 280"), double moet with a tripium on a French text Quen’ fore (Ba fol. 4), and a triple motet with 4 quadruplum on another French text Bele siege Katrine (Ch fo. $79), See Ludwig. Repoterum, 1, pp. 78-81. The planchant source is either M65, the Alleluia ¥. Coa Iwate voginis, of O40, the responsory Virgo faglatur Y. Sponut anat, see T. Payne, "Poetry, Polite, and Polyphony: Philp the Chancellors Contribution to the Music of the Notre Dame Schoo!” (PhD. dissertation, Univesity af Chicago, 1991), 410. See ib, 1% p. 8H for a summary of the complex oF pulyphonic works based ‘pom this chant ‘Ste’ Philippe's biography in Payne, ‘Poetry, Pls, and Polyphony’, 1, yp: 399, Which includes a elatfication of the persistent confusion of the chancellor with Philippe de Greve, who continues to be cited erronenusly by various scholare as the See thd, pp. 410-11 for a discussion of the medieval atribution “Agwina milite text (motes no. 382 in Ludwig, Rpertrium, pp. Motetus no. 587 in Ludvig, Reprtoriam, 1, pp. TE-B. See also Gennch, Bibliographic, pp st-2 See. Stenal, Die virig Clawulae der Hendcft Paris, Bibihique National 15159 (San Vitor ~ Clauala), Publikationen der Schweiverichen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft, ser, vl. 22 (Berne and Stuttgart, 1920); E. Thurston ey The Muse inthe St Vir Menuet Pars lat. 15139 Pphoy af the Thirteenth Contry (Toronto, 1859), p. 5; G. Reaney, ed, Manucrptr of Palphonis Muse, 11th Early 14th Century Reperteite International dey Sources Moricaes, B11 (Munich-Dulsburg, 1966), 400, Lodiig, Rperoriam, VI, pp. 139-4. "Elizabeth Aubrey ight clausulas a2. The clausulas in this ternion are identified by the tenor incipit, but alongside each of them in the margin is also a French incipit, presumably intended to cue the reader to a text for the duplum melody. These incipits are in a hand later than that of the manuscript, perhaps of the early fourteenth century Next to the Agmina clausula, the last part of which (on fol. 293) is scratched out, are written the words L’autriar cuidai avoir, Scholars have disagreed on the chronological relationship between the Latin text and the vernacular one. The monophonic song Lialtrier cuidai aver druda is transmitted uniquely in the northern manuscript M, where it has two stanzas with the melody entered above the first. It is in a section of the manu- script that contains Occitan songs, some of which have attri- butions to composers such as Peire Vidal and Bernart de Venta- dorn, but in the gathering in which L’altrier ewidai is found there are no medieval rubrics. The eight songs immediately preceding Lialtrier cuidai have empty staves on which music was never entered, suggesting, as in many of the sources of courtly song, that the melodies were entered only as they became available to the scribes ‘The versifications of the Latin text by Philippe the Chancellor and of this vernacular text do not match exactly in rhyme scheme, accentuation or syllable count, although the two melodies are essentially the same. The discrepancies in syllable count are rec onciled between verses, as for example in the first two verses which in the Latin contrafactum occupy seven and six syllables respectively (on the rhyme words ‘milicie’ and ‘omnia’), for a total of thirteen syllables, where in the vernacular version verse 1 com- prises eight syllables the last of which is atonic (forming a paroxy- tonic rhyme, on the word ‘druda’) and verse 2 occupies five syl- lables (on the rhyme word ‘meillor’), for the same total of thirteen syllables. This difference in rhyme and syllable count results in a shifting of the notes that link verses 1 and 2, in that the B on the first syllable of verse 2 in the Latin version (‘celestis’) is the last note of verse I in the vernacular version. This shift is obscured by the layout of both the Latin and the vernacular texts in the manuscripts, which mark the end of verse 2 with a point in the text and a vertical line on the staff, but where no mark is made 18‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France in either the music or the text at the end of verse 1 (see Figures Vand 2). ‘The melody in M is strikingly similar to the readings of the motetus on Agmina milicie in the polyphonic sources, not only in the pitch content but even neume by neume, shape by shape, stroke by stroke, plica by plica, Bb by Bb (see Figure 1). Particu- larly noticeable is the doubling of the notes at the ends of many phrases, a paleographical phenomenon rarely seen in notations of secular monophony. The notation of this melody appears to be the work of the principal scribe of the manuscript, who entered most of the French and all of the Occitan melodies. But in contrast to all of the other melodies that he entered, the scribe here used a G-clef; the only other place that such a clef is found in the original layer of this manuscript is in a French motetus in the motet fascicle (fol. 205), This rare clef (for this manuscript), the doubling of notes at the ends of phrases, and the sudden resumption of musical notation after an interruption of two leaves, taken together with the fact that the versification schemes of the Latin and the ‘Occitan’ texts are not identical, all suggest that the scribe located this melody in an unusual source, possibly a polyphonic one such as StV, which also doubles those notes at the ends of phrases presum- ably to indicate lengthening (see Figure 2). Ernest Sanders has proposed that the melody of Agmina milicie may have been composed by Perotinus, the presumed composer of a three-voice organum on the same melisma.” Thomas Payne argues that the three-voice conductus-motet found in five sources was the earliest of all of the polyphonic versions — clausula, conductus- motet, double motet and triple motet."" He further speculates that the motet with Philippe’s motetus Agmina milicie was composed before the untexted clausula, which is transmitted (with the French E. Sanders, ‘The Question of Perotin's Ocuvre and Dates’ Fst fr Walter Ira ‘im 30. December 1965, 1. Fincher snd C-H. Mabling (Kasse, 1957), p. 27. See lo C. Wright, Marc nd Ceemany at Notre Dame de Poi 300-1550 (Catidge, 1989), 209 138. Payne, ‘Poetry Politics, and Polyphony’ , pp. 545-50. The complex musical setting and dissemination profile of the motet prompted Payne 10 suggest that this iva “Iter pce’, falling in a period between about 1215 and 1286 19Elizabeth Aubrey w sre no pcan dost wan eo ma eat ar laman etn ee) een fer S0EG Pos Agu Gy — Sie Feat gra pre qe ma not op mo Sout we a xperagurenba arm Loman eon wie dr mr | Vf sx avis man garde. wena, lamina minora paces os, “ae er pare ees vo ide aber dda, M fol. 199 iiotheque Nationale de France) Figure 1 Anonymous canon Ltr (igures IP2 reproduced by permission of the 20‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France {eo 298° Figure 2 Motet Agmin mile cats omnia/Agming, SUV fal. 238 21Elizabeth Aubrey ‘marginal incipit) only in StV." He also points out the somewhat complicated metrical and contrapuntal relationships in the motet, whose tenor melody Agmina is repeated three times but not in synch- rony with the beginning of the rhythmic pattern of J. J. J. 4. J (he calls the motet ‘almost isorhythmic’), and in which the intern ally regular musical phrases of the motetus do not coincide with the restatements of the tenor.” Dominique Billy has argued, on the basis of the metrical regularity of the vernacular text, that it was the model for the Latin text.” But the paleographical features of the monophonic melody in M suggest that its scribe copied it directly from a motet exemplar (see above), actually hinting at the modal rhythms of the motetus melody even though he was copying in square notation ‘The song L’alirier cuidai aber druda is a lover’s complaint against the ill treatment of his lady, in which the author spews a string of unchivalrous epithets against her. The piece has been called a ‘Sir- ventesartige Parodie einer Canzone’, and Robert Taylor has pointed out the derivation of its topos from the pseudo-Ovidian De Vetula that circulated in northern France and England in the thir- teenth century."” Because of the numerous occitanisms in this seem- ingly French text, the poem has long been recognized as being in a hybrid language, but Taylor demonstrates many lexicological pecul- iarities (including expressions that seem to have been in use only in the north) which indicate ‘that the poem was composed in the northeastern area of France by a French-speaking poct who knew a ‘good deal of Occitan and who chose, for some reason, to formulate the song in Occitan rather than in Old French’.* Its exclusively © Bid, pp. M0 n, 2 and 548-0, % Thid. pp 474, 487-9, 520-90, 592. The threeswoice ‘conducturmotet ie transcribed in 8, pp. 818-20 °° D. Billy “Une imitation indirete de Le uidat ake dade: le motet Quant fire trait a fil Encontre le sion Get’, Nephillgur, 4 (1990), pp. 536-48. Billy goes on to suggest that Agios mile iis turn was the model for the French text Quant foidure of the quadruplum in the motet af in WE and CL and a9 in Ba, See also Beck, Die Meladien pp. 65-8 © PilletCarstens, Bbdagaple, p. 480. © BLA Taylor, "“Laltriercuidal aber drada™” (PC 461,146): Edition and Study of a Hybrid: Language Parody Lyric’, in Stadia Otani: fe Menorian Paul Reny, ed. HE. Keller (Kalamazoo, Mich, 198), 1, pp. 190-1 Taylors "Lattin cuidal aber dru p. 193, D. Billy, “Lair cid aber dada, pitce lyrique en langue miste, Reeder Languer Romane, 91 (1987), pp 108-20, does hot believe that Taylor has made the case adequately, although ‘he acknowledger 2‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France northern dissemination buttresses the argument that the author was French. Whether French or Occitan, though, itis likely to have been a text that was fitted to a pre-existent melody whose origins were within the context of northern polyphony. The paleographical circumstances of the song in M, where the text was entered first and the melody some time later, recommend the explanation that a scribe noticed a loose structural similarity between the vernacular text and the Latin motet text and copied the melody from a poly- phonic source, Another marginalis in the same StV gathering of clausulas is a ver- nacular text that begins ‘Al cor ai une alegrance’ (on fol. 289°). It is found beside a two-voice clausula on the tenor Et gaudebit (M24), from the verse of the second Alleluia for Ascension Day, Non vas relin- quam. This tenor inspired an even more complex family of motets than the one on Agmina, involving six different Latin texts in motetus and triplum (at least one of them again by Philippe the Chancellor), and two texts in the vernacular, including Alcorai une alegrance, which unlike L’aliriercuidai aber druda does survive as a text of adouble motet (El mois d avril quivers va departant/Al cor ai une alegr- «ance/Et gaudebit), in Wy (fols. 194-5). ‘The reading of the melody of the duplum of the clausula in StV is, very close to that of the motetus in Ws, with the obvious paleographi- cal difference that the StV reading is primarily in ligatures while the cum littra reading of the motetus in We is chiefly in simplices with an occasional ligature where a syllable carries two or more pitches. that the text is in a hybrid language. He argues thatthe author could have been ‘an Occitan author with a good knowledge of French vocabulary, particularly now literary (p- 110). J. Beck and L. Beck inthe introduction to their facsimile edition (OM, Le Monae du Re, fonds oni no 844 dels BibtNque Nationale (Philadelphia, 1938, pp. 101 and 1045, attribute the song to the earytwellh-century troubadour Marcabra (fi, 1128-49) on the basis of the stile ofits text and melody, an aeertion that would place the composition of the vernacular song several deeades before its ce ina motet, This unlikely atribution hay not been accepted by any scholar of Occitan literatu repeats tin bis The Sie and Bsaution of the Eariat Mots (Gira 1270) (Henryl, Pa 1983), t, no. 34 % See Payne, ‘Poetry, Politics, and Polyphony, pp. 832-5, and 9, pp. 919-30, ‘ho 918 and riplum ™ no. 319 in Ludi, Repertrim, t, pp. 10-8; Gennrich, Biliogaphic, pp. 28-30, For a study of this motet complew see . Baltzer, “The Polyphonic Progeny of an Et gaudet: Asesing Family Relations in the Thirteenth-Century Mote’ in Hearing the Mott: Eiays on the Mott of the Midde Age and Reneszener, ed. D. Pesce (Onfody 1997), pp. 17-27. 3Elizabeth Aubrey A Bhis given at the beginning of every system in StV, whereas in Wr itis added only where needed. This plus some differences in the shapes of two- or three-note ligatures where they coincide between the two readings suggests that there is not a filial relationship between the musical readings of these two sources. ‘There is no extant vernacular monophonic song with this text apart from its motet context, nor is the text a contrafactum for the melody of any of the other texts in the motet complex. The mar- ginalis in StV gives more than just an incipit,” and its continuation departs significantly enough from the text as given in We to suggest that whoever entered this text (at least its last three verses) used a source other than the motet: sv Ws Al cor ai une alegrance Al cor ai une alegrance d'un fol dol en oscurade d'un fier dol et obscurade {que mes maris par fungnanche per hoc sai al cuer pesance Steslonge de m’amourade dont joi cointe er rin nominatim cenluminade mais je ferai un ami d'un s'amor m’a dounade. sgracieus clere joli As with L’altrier cuidai aber druda, Al cor ai wne alegrance has been taken to be an Occitan text,” but its language as it appears in We is also a hybrid, ‘too obscure to classify’,” and is listed only in the Old French indices, not the Old Occitan.” It seems most likely that it was composed by a French-speaker who was evoking occi- tanisms and even latinisms, although the reason why he would do so is impossible to fathom Only one of the four motets with Occitan associations can be shown to have a real connection with the troubadours: a motet ‘on the Marian tenor Flas flius eius (from the responsory Stirps Jesse Y. Virgo Dei genitrix, for the Assumption of the Virgin) which appears with three voices in the fifth fascicle of Mo and in Cl and ‘As Tischer points out (The Earl Mots, mt, p. 97), it appears that a new hand fntered the second pair of verses See Ladwig, eprtoram, sp. 131 Taylor, “Walter cuidai aber aruda’, p. 200 n,23. © Linker, Bblgraply, no. 265-6, and Milk and Wolfzetel, iptv 4‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France with two in T" The motetus, Molt m’abelist amorous pensament (PC 461,170a), begins with a quotation of the first verse of a canso by Folquet de Marselha (PC 155,22), a troubadour who composed 1178-95 before he took holy orders and apparently abandoned the art de trobar. He eventually became bishop of Toulouse and played a major role on the side of the Church in the Albigensian wars. Folquet’s poem is preserved in twenty-two manuscripts, and its melody is among the better preserved in the troubadour reper- toire, appearing in three versions (in the Occitan chansonnier R. and the Italian chansonnier G, and incompletely in the badly ‘mutilated northern manuscript M). Example 3 shows the first four verses of the motetus as it appears in Cl, aligned with the same verses in the three versions of the monophonic canso. The reading of both the text and the music of verse I of the motetus is closest to that in the northern codex M, which is the only source of the canso to give the first word as ‘Molt’ and not ‘Tant’. The second verse of the motetus, although its contour resembles that of the canso, diverges signifi- cantly in pitch level and interval content. Its melody is altered to remain consonant with the tenor, as for example at the beginning of verse 5, which echoes the beginning of Folquet’s melody but does not correspond to the comparable place in the original tune The rhyme scheme and verse number of the text also are changed, and from this point to the end of the piece the motetus bears no relationship to any version of the canso, either musically or tex- tually ~ the rhyme scheme is changed to echo the rhymes of the triplum, the language becomes essentially French rather than a hybrid Franco-Occitan, and its meaning is quite different. Here are the first three stanzas of Folquet’s canso from Stronski’s critical edition,” with my translation: ‘ant m’abellis Pamoros The thought of love pleases me pessamens, so much, que ses vengutz € mon fin cor which has come and taken root assire, in my faithful heart, © ‘Tenor = O16 and motetus Gennrich, Bibtapapte, p67 © S’Stronsi, Ze roubadiur Pole de Morel: de ertgu pri dune tude bngrapigue literate (Cracan, 1910), pp. 15-17 wo. 64 in Ladwig, Reertariom, 1h pp. 98-54 see also 25Elizabeth Aubrey per que no.i pot nuills autre pes that no other thought can find caber room there, ni mais negus no m'es dous ni nor is anything else sweet or plazens, pleasing to me, 4uadone viu sas quan m’ aucizo. for I live in good health even cossire ‘when the thought kills me, ¢ fin’ amors aleuja.m mo martire and faithful love eases my martyrdom Example 3 Verses I-t of Folquet de Marselha's Tan wll Pamaras enanens, Rf 482 G fol. and M fol 188 and verses Lot of motetas Molt malls amorous eran, ia 371 (Pee nnne 26‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France Example 3 (ont) que.m promet joi, mas trop lo.m which promises me joy; yet I find dona len, my lady far away, qu’ap bel semblan m’a trainat whose beautiful image has drawn Tongamen, ‘me for so long. Be sai que tot quan faz es dreiz I know well that none of this is niens! Just; Eu qu’en puese mais s’Amors mi but what can I do if Love wishes ‘vol aucire? to killl me? 7Elizabeth Aubrey qu’az escien m’a donat tal voler for truly it has given me such desire que ja non er vencutz ni el no which indeed is not vanquished vens; ‘or conquered vencutz si er, qu’aucir m’an li if you vanquish now, kill my sospire sighs tot soavet, quar de liey cui so gently, for from their desires dezire T believe non ai socors, ni d’allors no that T have no relief, nor from Paten, ‘others do I expect it, ni d’autr’ amor no puese aver nor from another love can I have talen. (what 1] want. Bona dona, si.us platz, siatz Good lady, if you please, be sufrens patient del ben qu’iesus vuel quiieu sui with the goodness with which I del mal sufrire, wish to suffer this evil, ¢ pucis lo mals nom poira dan for then evil will not be able to tener harm me, ans m’er semblan quel partam rather it now seems to me that egalmens; it goes away also; pero, sius platz qu’az autra part but if you want me to turn me vire, somewhere else, ostatz de vos la beutat e] dous removed from your beauty and rire sweet laugh 1 bel semblan que m'afollis and the beautiful face which ‘mon sen: destroys my reason, pucis partir m’ai de vos, mon then I will take my leave of you, e assuredly. ‘The motet is given in Example 4 (from Cl, with the missing words supplied from Mo and enclosed in brackets). The interplay between rhyme sounds of the motetus and the triplum and the occasional sharing of key words such as ‘cuer’ and ‘ensement’ are typical intratextual devices in a polytextual motet. The two texts also conflate two poetic arguments, which were presented in suc- cessive stanzas in Folquet’s canso, but here in the motet are sounded simultaneously through the overlay of two separate texts, here translated literally: motetus triplum ‘The thought of love pleases me Never has he loved loyally very much, 28The Dialectic between Occitania and France which subtly has assailed my who because of torment heart, abandoned true love, and my lady's beauty [pleases _nor does the heart have joy me) likewise, which she who has so much wisdom does not obey its will entirely, and worth; for when I admire her wisdom for no one could profit in any and her worth other way T cannot have sadness or pain, than to place himself honestly, but night and day (I have] joy entirely, at its mercy, for truly, and happiness and great comfort. in it is all learning. The first two stanzas of Folquet’s canso serve as an exordium about fin’ amors and its cruelty; the troubadour finally addresses his ‘bona ‘dona’ directly at the beginning of stanza 3. The triplum of the motet, whose subject also is fine amour (verse 3), serves as an exor- dium which pronounces the demands of love on him who would enjoy its fruits. The motetus, in the meantime, begins with a short exordium of two verses, which are followed quickly by a new thought, the beauty of ‘ma dame’ (‘mi doint’), at the beginning of verse 3.° The motet maker has compressed and telescoped the arguments of Folquet’s entire canso into two simultaneously sound- ing texts. This ‘polyphonic poetry’, in the apt phrase of Sylvia Huot," creates a juxtaposition that is challenging for the ear and mind to manage, but which T suggest a thirteenth-century listener familiar with the rhetoric of courtly song would have appreciated. In my view it is likely that the inventor of this motet knew the same version of Folquet’s song as the one that appears in the trouvére chansonnier M (even if he did not see the song in that manuscript in particular), and that the composer, in adapting a widely known work to a new compositional medium, is not so much quoting as evoking, He features at the beginning of his motet the first verse of a song that his audience might well have recognized, he teases them with its continuation, and then he suddenly dem- Bee, La briue fame, 1, p. 42, points out that the exordiam in an Oecitan cane it generally specie to the content of the complete poem, whereas in northern popular types an exordium can be move general and hence more mobile from one song ¢® atother 5" Heot, Polyphonic Poetry: The Old French Motet and Its Literary Contes’, Fenh Forum, 14 (1989), pp. 261-78 29Elizabeth Aubrey Example 4 Motet Ongus wma loan! Molt wb Vomorus ersonent ls lis eas, Cole. 370-1‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France Example 4 (cmt) (Se Sj nese met tate met wat] hk mee onstrates the subtle virtuosity possible only in the polytextual motet by transforming the linearity of the courtly poem into synchronic textual and musical counterpoint.” Why Folquet de Marselha? Among the few extant motets that appear to evoke Occitan language and song, this is the only one which unequivocally quotes from the work of a known composer. Folquet was probably one of the best-known troubadours in the north: his songs are among the most widely disseminated of all troubadour songs (thirteen of his melodies survive, four of them in manuscript M). As bishop of Toulouse during the Albigensian conflict of 1209-29 he had helped establish the Dominican order, which took the lead in the subsequent inquisition, and he thereby © G.A. Anderson, in ‘Motets of the Thirtenth-Century Manuscript La Clayette: The Repertory and lis Histrial Significance’, asics Diciplng, 27 (1973), . 20, suggested that Polquet’s cone was a ‘redaction rom 3 hypothetical two-part ‘Provengal motel ‘which is possibly a onttafactum setting of a French moter which then led to the ‘FrenchProvengal bilingual motet in La Clayete and Mo 3” But Stronsk proposed ‘on the strength of historical implications im Folquet’s song that it was compored between 1180 and 1185 Pale de Marl, pp. 12-13), which appears to rule out the priority of a motet. 31Elizabeth Aubrey had earned the enmity of his southern compatriots. His role in the Albigensian Crusade was described in the famous Ganso de la crosada, an epic poem in the langue d'oc. At least the first part of this long poem, describing the course of battles and sieges through 1213 in a manner sympathetic to the French cause, was probably begun as early as 1210, and it constitutes something like an eye- witness account. An even more straightforward first-hand account of the early stage of the crusade is found in a prose Latin chronicle by a cian monk (of the same order as Foulque) named Pierre de Vaux- de-Cernay, a Frenchman who took part in the crusade in the com- pany of Simon de Montfort, the leader of the crusading forces. ‘This Historia Albigensis was begun in 1213, and its narrative ends abruptly in 1218, presumably with the author’s death. It is the work of a faithful historian, albeit one with a decidedly French bias, characterised by many details whose veracity seems reliable. The work was widely disseminated in the thirteenth century (three manuscripts are extant) and was recopied a number of times during the three following centuries (eleven manuscripts of the Latin text in various redactions are extant from the thirteenth through the sixteenth centuries). Of particular interest to this investigation, it was also translated into French during the thir- Jean de Garlande had known Folquet in Toulouse, and he mentions the late bishop ‘in is poem about the Albigensian crusade, De mamplisEeeae (ed. Wright, p92), 4 work that he composed around the middle of the thirteenth century, long afer his return to Paris (sce above, n. 6). See Aubrey, The Music ofthe Troubadour, pp T314 Falquet was a hero not only tothe French but also to the Haan, who often favoured hie with top billing in their chansonniers of troubadour songs; he earned fa place in Canto IX of Dante's Parade © Edvand trans, E, MartinChabot and adapted by H. Gougaud, Ghawon dela Crsade Albee ((Paris}, 1909) The two parts of this epic poem appear to have been the Srork of wo diferent authors, The first 2749 verses, covering appeosimately the Gest three years of the crusade, were composed by a cleric named Guile de Tudela (a town in Navarre) who was sympathetic to the French and the cause for which Bishop Foulque served his church; he praises Foulque and Simon de Montfort, the military leader of the French forces, The second part of the epic, which recounts events ‘through the death of Simon de Montfort, takes the point of view of the besieged toulosains, and it seems Hkely that this anonymous poet was a native of Toulouse, the city that became the spiritual and political centet of the Abbigeos heresy. The ‘only surviving manuscript ofthe epic dates from about 1273, neaely ity years after the final events that it relates, @ P. Gucbin and E, Lyon, ede, Pet Valium Sarma’ Monachi, Htre Aliens, 3 vol. (Paris, 1926-39) © Guebin and Lyon, Pat Vall, pp. xbbit 32‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France teenth century; two sources of this anonymous translation are extant, one of them the manuscript de La Clayette in whose motet fascicle the motetus that cites Folquet de Marselha’s song is found.” We must take a closer look at this codex.” Most of the book consists of French texts in poetry and prose, including a bestiary, lives of saints, a book of ‘moralities’, miracles of St James and other texts that are related to works found in the Godex Calix- tinus, a genealogy of kings of France, a translation-paraphrase of | parts of the Bible, miracles of the Virgin Mary, and a few worldly texts about courtly love. Many of these texts are French versions of Latin works translated into the vernacular by a certain Pierre, a monk of Beauvais (not the same Pierre who was the author of the Historia Albigensis) whose aristocratic patrons, members of the house of Dreux, were participants in the Albigensian Crusade.” ‘The chronicle of the Albigensian crusade (which I think may also have been translated by Pierre de Beauvais, a possibility that no one, to my knowledge, has yet suggested) occupies the fascicle immediately preceding the motets. Its last two leaves were cut out of the gathering some time after the text was copied (presumably after the entire codex, including the motet fascicle, was completed), leaving the end of the chronicle incomplete, but it has been reconstructed from the other extant manuscript of the chronicle.” Bishop Foulque of Toulouse, the one-time troubadour Folquet de Marselha, who by this time had not composed any love songs The French translation is edited in Guebin and Lyon, Pari Vallam, pp. 1-190, aller the copy of Cl made by La Curne de Sainte-Palaye (Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Moreau 1715-1719, and Bibliotheque de UAtsenal, MS. 6361) belore the ediscavery of the medieval manuscript in 1952. See 5 Solente, Le grand recuil La Clayete 2 la Bibliotheque Nationale’, Seiptrim, 7°(1953), pp. 226-54, and A. Rosenthal, ‘Le manuscrt de La Clayete retro Annales Muscolopiqus, (1853), pp. 105-30, Fas. ed L- Dittmer, Part 13321 © 114 acsnile, Iodactn, Inder and Transcription from the Monat Pari, Hil. Nat Nee, Avg. Fr. 13521 (La Clayet) and Let. 11411, Publications of Mediaeval Musical Mame Scripts + Brookly, 1959) ny, Les oeuvres poétiques de Pierre de Beauvais’ (Poston de Theses, Geole ides Chartes, 1962) I wish to acknowledge with gratitude the kindness of Mame Angremy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, who graciously alloyed. me to read her thesis. See also her La Mappenonde de Pierre de Beawvaie, Romenta, 108 (1985), pp 16-90 and 357-198 Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale, MS 15703. See Guébin and Lyon, uri Valium, Invi and 188-90, pp. 33Elizabeth Aubrey for over twenty years, is featured prominently throughout the chronicle. In the final paragraphs the chronicler relates how the bishop brought more crusaders from France to the aid of the knights at the siege of Toulouse; how Simon de Montfort was Killed by a stone thrown from the wall of the besieged city and ‘called upon God and Our Lady St Mary’ before succumbing to his mortal wound; and how bishop Foulque accompanied Simon's widow and other French nobles back to France to enlist the help of King Philippe. ‘Thus what might seem to be the incongruous inclusion of a fascicle of music in this large codex otherwise comprising only texts becomes clear, especially if (as seems likely) the motet fas- Cicle immediately followed this vivid story in the original gathering order. Indeed, this would seem to be no accident, since the music collection begins with a series of motets on Marian tenors whose motetus and triplum texts, like Simon de Montfort, call upon God and the Virgin Mary: Ave virgo regia mater/Ave glorisa mater! Domino and O Maria virgo davitica/O Maria maris stella/In veritatem, and one of which invokes a song by the bishop of Toulouse, whose activities heroic to the French ecclesiastical and political establishments are approvingly described in the preceding leaves. This motet might have been among the earliest vernacular motets composed, perhaps dating from about the same time as the Albigensian Crusade, maybe even composed (by Folquet himself?) for the nobles of the house of Dreux in Beauvais, who almost certainly knew Folquet de Marselha as a result of their own involvement in the crusade. That this early example of the genre borrows from the Occitan repertoire points to the intellectual and cultural grip of the art of the troubadours on the north, even while northern political and military forces were flexing their muscles against the southern domains. DESCORT AND LAL Scholars have used a variety of criteria to define the dai and the descort and to identify extant examples; these include self- reference within a song’s text, designation as such by a manu- script rubric or inclusion in a section of a manuscript devoted to one or the other type, other explicit external testimony to the work’s generic identity, or certain stylistic or structural fea- 34‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France tures.”* Most literary specialists agree that the descort originated in the south and developed a few decades before the lai, and that the lai evolved in the north in the early thirteenth century. It also is commonly accepted that the descort shares stylistic, thematic and structural characteristics with the grand chant courtois (including the fact that most extant descorts are attributed), whereas the /ai, most extant examples of which are anonymous, has roots in a more popular tradition. Although scholars do not all agree on individual works, the number of pieces that have been identified with these criteria as descors is about thirty-eight in Occitan (three of which survive with music) and ten in French (all surviving with music); the number of pieces identified as lais ranges from five in Occitan (three with extant music) to about irty-five in French (twenty-five having music).”” Whatever the precise number, it is clear that there are many more pieces identified as descorts than lais in the Occitan repertoire, and many more lais than descorts in the French, Some scholars believe that the terms lai and descort refer to the same genre, that the French % Standard studies include C. Appel, ‘Vom Descor’ Zier fr Remansce Phillie, 11 (1887), pp. 212-30, A. Jeanroy, Lz Brandi and P. Aubry, ede, Lait ef det fangs de NIN site: tte mrige (Paris, 1901), J. Mallard, Bolton et etiigue Lt riguedes origins afin du XTVeme ste (Pais, 1963); dem, Problemes sca et literaires du descor’ Menges de Hinguisique ede ltérature romaner ala née ‘Phan Frank (Saarbrocken, 1951), pp. 388-409; idm, “Structures melodiques com plexes au Moyen Age’, Melange de langue et de tidratue madisalr eerie @ Pome Le Gentil, ed. J- Dufournet and D. Poiion (Paris, 1973), pp 525-895 R. Baum, "Les troubadour et les Iai’, Ziti fr Romanicke Pilg, 88 (1969), pp. I-# dem, “Le descort ou Mantichanson Mélange de pllolge omane dis 8 ls mémive de Jean Beutre,ed, UM, Cluzel and F. Pirot (Lidge, 1971, 1 pp. 75-98; E. Kabler, ‘Deliber ations on a Theory of the Genre of the Old Provengal Descort Malian Lila, ‘ots and Branches Esa in Honor of Thowas Galéard Bein, ed. G. Rimanelh and KJ. Atchity (New Haven, 1976), pp. 1-13: Bee, La brigue feng, |, pp. 188-215; J TY Marshall, "The Des of Albertet and Its Old French Initations Zeit je Romanische Phillie, 95 (1979), pp. 290-806; iden, “The Isostrophicdscat in the Poetry of the Troubadour: Romanct Pill, 35 (198i), pp. 180-37; D. Billy, "Le descort ‘ccitan:réexamen critique du corpus Revue des Langues Romans, 87 (1988), p. 1-28 ‘dim, Lat et der la théorie des genres comme vloaté et comme representation ‘Acted premier cong international de Ulsacation Intematioale Etudes Octane, P.T.Rickets (London, 1987), pp. 85-117; idem, "Pour une structure sémanalogique de “ais fondements et conséquences’, Aces du NVLIP Cong international de lingustique de pillage romanes, Crise de Tes 1986, ed. D. Kremer (Tubingen, 1988), , pp. 161-75 » See J. Maillard, Elation a exhtigu, p70; Bec, La pig angie, tp. 195; and Bly, "Late dear, pp. 95-7. 1. Frank, Ripe matrigue do pie des troubadour (ats, 1966) 1, pp. 185-95, graph thiny Occitan works which he believed to be tlther der ot a.Elizabeth Aubrey Jai was an adaptation (with greater formal and thematic variety, including ‘interference’ with the popular and religious registers) of the Occitan descort, and that each region adopted the term that was more familiar.” ‘The trait that most scholars agree is common to works that have been considered descorts or lais is what Dominique Billy calls the ‘Versicle principle” in the poem’s structure, wherein the stanzas consist of two or more members (or versicles) with ident- ical rhyme and metrical structure, The form can be either iso- strophic, in which all stanzas have the same structure and there- fore can (but do not always) share the same melody, or heterostrophic, in which every stanza is different in structure from the others, and therefore cannot share the same melody.” ‘A hypothetical isostrophic song with paired verses within each stanza might have the following form (in which each letter represents the same rhyme and musical phrase): stanza stanza II stanza IM stanza IV stanza V AABBCCDD AABBCCDD —AABBCCDD —AABECCDD—_AABBCCDD A hypothetical heterostrophic song with paired members within versicles might be graphed in the following way: stanzal stanza I stanza IT stanza IV stanza V AA BB cc DD AA In both cases the large-scale poetic form is AABBCCDD, but in an isostrophic piece this would be the structure of one stanza and the melody presumably would be repeated for every stanza, while in a heterostrophic piece this is the structure of the entire work and the melody could be repeated for each identical versicle within a stanza but could not serve (without modification) for all of the stanzas. Thus aside from the fact that in some heterostrophic ™ Bag Bec, Le brique rami, 1, pp- 199-206, who calls the French fata "sous pro’ fof the Occitan dear see iid, pp. 17-48 and pain for Bec's clasic discussion of the notion of interférences registrles’ among medieval irc genres. See also Baus, "Les troubadours et les las! and Le descort ou Vantechanson’s who asserts that there are no "authentic? Occitan les, For a contrary view see Maillard, Elton etdiqu, "The Desart of Albertet and Billy, ‘Lat et deat 98 and passin Tiverton and Billy, Lai et deo (p. 101), both of whom point ‘ut that despite this common assumption about structure ot all works designated li for dn i Tact have this form, and that most dacs have a fomada which occurs fnly in an sostrophic structure 36‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France Table | Occitan descorts with extant melodies iS Notation Author Incl ical form RA9 square Aimerie de Qui la ve en palred.werside, Peguilhan dite ‘trophic Aimeric de Qui la ve en through-composed Peguilhan dite M85 M85 ” Sill qu'es caps through-composed € guile 05,5 MiB6 Guillem Ses alegratge —_paired-versicle 46137 MII7_ mensural anonymous Bella domna __through-composed 461,124 M212, square anonymous Gent me nals paired-verscle 7 (Lai Markiol) 461,122 M213, square anonymous Finament’_paired-versicle TH (Lai Non par) pieces” poetic and sometimes musical material from the first stro- phe returns at the end, the musical structure of such works is essentially through-composed, whereas the music of an isostrophic piece is repeated over and over. Only six poems in Occitan — or some form of that language — which are commonly regarded today as descorts or lais survive with music. Two of them are attributed, one to Aimeric de Peguilhan (Al. 1190-1225), the other to Guilhem Augier (fl. 1209-30); the rest are anonymous. All six of the poems are transmitted with melodies in the northern manuscript M, and the song by Aimeric Qui la ve en ditz (PC 10,45) is transmitted also in the Occitan manuscript R with a different melody from the one in M, a point to which I shall return. These pieces are given in Tables 1 and 2” Mainly dis: see Baum, ‘Les troubadouts et les las and Kahler, ‘Deliberations See E” Aubrey, Issues in the Musical Analsis of the Troubadour Dexa and Lai The Cultaral Mies ofthe Trubadburs ad Trace, Musicological Studies 62/1, ed. N. san Deusen (Ottawa, 1904), p. 68. Some information in note 1 im that article was Tost in the Wansition Geom proofs to print the correct citations are given im a. 7 above 37Elizabeth Aubrey As these tables show, there is no structural feature, either poetic or musical, common to all of these songs. All of them have a paired-verse or paired-versicle poetic structure, but one of them, Qui la ve en ditz, is isostrophic while the rest are heterostrophic."" The notation of four of the pieces is mensural, but the melody of only one of these (Ses alegratge) has a versicle structure, while the rest have no musical repetition even for paired poetic versicles. The language of two of the poems (both transmitted in the northern manuscripts M and 7), the ‘Lai Nonpar’ and ‘Lai Marki- ol, has recently been called ‘Franco-Occitan’,” the hybrid tongue of a northerner, which if true would remove these two works from the southern corpus, leaving extant only one truly Occitan ai with music, Bella domna cara.” It has long been known that the ‘Lai Markiol’, which is extant in manuscripts M and T, is transmitted also with two contrafactum texts, the Latin lai Veritas eguitas largitas by Philippe the Chancellor and the French Marian song Flors ne glais (RS 192), once thought to be by Gautier de Goincy (listed in the anonymous section of Linker’s index)."” The chronological relationship among these contrafacta has never been established, although it is usual to date at least the French and Latin versions, and possibly the ‘Occitan’ one, around 1200." The indisputably northern provenance of the two former works, along with the exclusively northern dissemination of all of the songs and the "Qt ls seem dtc alvo as a rade. Bill, ‘Le descort ocitan’ (p, 6), points out that (Qu le se om diets deined as a deco? aly by virtue ofits ilusion among other felldesigated decane in two troubadour manuscripts, both of which are Tealian Cadices ofthe fourteenth century and neither of which contains music (Paris, Biblio theque Nationale de France, fr 12474, and New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS MBI). © JOH, Marshall, ‘Une versication frique popolarisan’ p38, and id, ‘The Trans: tission of the Lyric La in Old French Chemonnir 7", The Ear and he Tex, PLE. Bennett and GA. Runnalls (Edinburgh, 1980), p. 21, See also his review of ML and M. Raupach, Fenairte Trbaderbit in Romance Philly, 36 (1982), p. 88. © D. Billy "La et decor p98. Bec calls the ‘Lai Nonpar and the ‘Lai Markol “ais foccitane dorgine Irangaee™ (La brique amas, tp. 19), © Lada, Reprorum, hyp 257; G. A. Anderson, “Notre Dame and Related Conducts: Catalogue Raisonne, iMiallare Mutepica, Adelaide Stubs tn Mul, 6 (1972), pp. 115-200, no. KO2; R Falck, The Nore Dame Conducts A Study of the Repro, Masicological Studies 33 (Heneyile, Pa, 1981), p- 254, no. 375. Linker, Bingapy, no. 205-712. Ie is alo listed as RS 192. % Scel Spanke, Sequette und Lai Stadt Medial, ms. 11 (1958), p, 54-6; F. Gennvich “Does aleanatsinche Lait Studi Medieal, ns. 13 (1942), pp. 38-9; H.Husmann, ‘Die musitalivche Behandhing der Versarten im Troubadoongesang der Notre-Dat Zeit Acta Maseegien, 25 (1953), pp. 7-13. 38‘The Dialectic between Occitania and France hybrid form of the language of the ‘Occitan’ poem, suggests that the lives of all of the works were limited to a region no further south than Limousin. As mentioned above, the one isostrophic song, Qui la ve en ditz, is transmitted in an Occitan source (manuscript R) with a melody different from the one in the northern codex M; in R the melody is strophic and is given only for the first stanza, whereas the melody in M is through-composed.”” The song has three stanzas in R (but lacks its tomada, which is found in seven other manuscripts), but only two of these stanzas are transmitted in Ms unique (o the latter manuscript are two additional stanzas with the same poetic form, and they are listed in Table I above as a separate piece (Sill qu’es caps € guitz).® Some scholars have con- sidered these two new stanzas to be a creation either of the scribe of M or of a northern poet who was imitating Aimeric’s original. Elsewhere I have argued that the music in M for both stanzas of Qui la ve en ditz and for these two new stanzas is new, and that none of it was the work of Aimeric.” These circumstances all indicate that an extended hetero- strophic paired-versicle musical structure was not indigenous to the south and that troubadours showed little interest in the form. No melody of an extant Occitan lai is to be found in a southern manuscript, nor is any descort or lai with a pure Occitan text and an extended heterostrophic paired-versicle musical structure found in any source other than a northern one. Two lais which have such a structure are considered now by most literary scholars to be products of French-speakers rather than troubadours. The melody of the only Occitan song of either type found in an Occi- tan manuscript is isostrophic, in the manner of the courtly canso. In the north, where the extended heterostrophic structure (both poetic and musical) is quite common, a few Occitan or pseudo- Occitan texts show up in two manuscripts produced by northern scribes. In the case of Qui la ve en ditz, it seems evident that a Diplomatic facsimiles of these melodies are given in Aubrey, ‘Tesues’ pp. 84-8 See WP. Shepard and FM: Chambers, ds, The Poon of iment de Pguilhon (Gxanston, Hl, 1950), pp. 212-16 Aubrey, Tues, pp. 76-7, CE. Marshall, ‘The lostrophic Dacor’, pp. 148-51, and J Maillard, “Descort, que me veux? -.”, Gabi de Citation Mdisale, 25'(1983), pp. 221-2 39Elizabeth Aubrey northern scribe transmogrified a southern strophic courtly song, which exemplified the art of the troubadours, into a peculiarly northern phenomenon, extended, heterostrophie and through: composed. Whether descort and lai are the same genre or not, it seems clear that southern and northern composers approached the musical settings of the two types quite differently. The versicle principle turns up in some examples of another type of piece, itself the object of considerable attention and contro- versy, the estampie (French) or estampida (Occitan). This will be the focus of the final section of this essay. ESTAMPIE/ESTAMPIDA, ‘The linguistic manifestations of the cognate and syntactic forms of the term estampie, the extant repertoire, and the theoretical descriptions of the genre conspire to present a confusing array of evidence, not easy to reconcile into a single definition (although many have tried). The French verb estamper, with several mean- ings including ‘to pound or stamp’ or ‘to turn around’, occurs in the late twelfth century in narrative poetic texts. The past participle estampie appears about the same time, and by the end of the twelfth century the word is used both in that syntactic form and as a substantive (feminine in gender), the latter with several connotations.” This slippery grammatical usage of the word creates ambiguity and confusion, which has sometimes resulted in forced interpretations of its meaning in particular contexts. The earliest extant text to use the substantive form of the For an edition ofthe extant tempi, including the fourteenth century Ialianistnpite in London, British Library, Add. 29980, se TJ McGee, Medea! Instrumental Dancer (Blom Indianapolis, 1989); a study of various theoretical references ie ound in Ly Hibberd,‘Extanpic and Stonie' Speculum, 19 (1944), pp- 222-49. See also E. Aubrey, The Af of the Troubadour, pp, 121-2 and 126, Fr discussion of the pociy se D. Billy, ‘Les empreintes métriques dela musique dans Testampie hrique’ Romania, 108 (1987), pp. 207-28, . ALJ Greimas, Distonnsive de Pancen fons le Moyen Age (Paris, 1995), p. 247. See Bee, Le lique fens, pp. 243-1. For a suvey of the occurrences of the cognate forms of the word in all Iunguages, see C. Schima, "Estampie, Handesrrbch de ‘muialchn Tomiolge, Order It BL, ed, H. H, Eggebreeht (Stuttgart, 1993), and dem, Die Extampie Unterachungn anhand der aberdeen Denkmaler and eigntsscen Enudhnangen Net cinr tion llr Masideypce und Tene

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