Caloyloy (2013-16370) Anthropology 170 WFV

Sajor (2013-00337) Prof. Monica Santos

Sevilla (2013-59447) December 8, 2017

Communicative Competence in the Dec 7 Protests

____________________________________________________________________________

Jakobson (1960) identified six factors of communication with each factor determining a
different function of language. First is Context which refers to the environment in which the
message takes place is associated with the Referential Function. The Addresser or the sender of
is focused on the Emotive Function or the expression of attitude or belief. Meanwhile, the
Addressee or the receiver is the focus of Conative Function or the grammatical composition of
the speech. The Message used to foster interaction through channels displays the Phatic Function
used to sustain communication. Lastly, the Contact Code constitutes a Metalingual Function in
which language is used to describe language itself, whether addressers and addressees use the
same code. For effective communication, each factor must be present and consistent in the
speech.
To set up the context of the protest, the atmosphere at the AS lobby was rife with visual
elements that acted as symbols of rage against the administration. Some of these elements would
be the use of colors such as red and black, various caricatures of Pres. Rodrigo Duterte, etc.
These visual elements served to identify those who were members of certain organizations or
generally associated with the protest.
Placards made of cardboard about 1.5 feet by 3 feet were prevalent. These would have
text in white or black on a white, red or black background, with calls such as STOP THE
KILLINGS among others. The name of the mass organization, council, or student organization
participating were written below these calls (e.g. Anakbayan-CSSP, Alay Sining, etc).
There are various forms of sound employed in the protest. It may be in the form of
speeches made by individuals representing organizations. In general, it follows the order of the
most influential and well-known leaders, and moves downward to allow others to speak. As
addressers, these individuals were confident in their speech, defiant and strong-willed in their
delivery evoking a sense of urgency to respond to the suffering.
 The addressees participated in protest chants. The general format is a two line statement,
with each line having approximately the same number of syllables, and occasionally
rhyming.There is a specific intonation and pacing followed, and the chants are in line with both
the general political line, and the specific calls of the protest action.
The protest messages elevated during the exchange of chants, with the mass leaders
initiated the first part of this rhythmic speech to which the crowd responded loudly with the
second part. The leader then repeated this second part, and the crowd bellowed with the first (e.g.
Inutang na dugo ng pasistang rehimen! ;Singilin, singilin, pabayarin!).
The contact code is the least present among these factors as the addressers and addressees
are mostly one with the message and meaning. They rarely ask each other whether they meant
the same thing. When the speakers ask whether the audience understood, they would
enthusiastically chant back. In fact, the final (and possibly most jarring to the uninitiated) would
be a noise barrage. In this, the entire crowd, in an expression of outrage, is asked to make as
much noise as possible for periods lasting from 30 seconds to over a minute.
This communication event is a demonstration that featured the factors of communication
more completely in the engagement of the speakers and the crowd. It cannot be thoroughly
understood if we look into the language use of those who took the stage as the rage and emotions
are complemented by all actors in the scene who all aid the performing the functions of
language.
Communicative competence in short is the performance of language that is not based
solely on the consciousness of grammar and structure that a person or group used rather on how
they appropriately use in a particular speech event. In this section we further discuss the
distinguishable components of communicative competence.
Linguistic competence in the context of rally protest or any kind of speech event is a
mixture of the above terms mentioned. Since protesters used language as a medium of
communication to voice their sentiments, beliefs, ideologies, and stance that they are in. The use
of written communication through the display of placards, tarpaulins, and banners, and the oral
competence through the use of sound interaction patterns through their chants, the manner in
which they desire to emphasize words to make it more desirable to listen to and finally the way
meaning is conveyed by the protesters performance through persuasive speeches.
The second component would be sociolinguistic competence. Hymes, defined it as the
knowledge of sociocultural rules of use, i.e knowing how to use and respond to language
appropriately. Moreover, the appropriateness depends on the setting of the communication, the
topic, and the relationships among the people communicating. Being appropriate depends on
knowing what the taboos of the a culture has, what politeness indices are used in each case, what
the politically correct term would be for something, how a specific attitude is expressed.
Third, is Discourse competence. It is the knowledge of how to produce and comprehend
oral or written texts in the modes of speaking/writing and listening/reading respectively. Its
knowing how to combine language structure into a cohesive and coherent oral or written text of
different types. Hymes, argues that discourse competence deals with organising words, phrases
and sentences in order to create conversations, speeches, poetry, email messages, news articles,
and the like. We can infer that in the context of the protest, discourse competence is the most
prevalent component.
Lastly, the ability to recognise and repair communication breakdowns before, during, or
after they occur. This is what Hymes called strategic competence. For instance, the speaker
[protester] may have lost for his words, may not not know a certain word that is appropriate to
use so he resorts on paraphrasing, or might as well use verbal fillers. During a speech event,
background noise or other factors may obstruct communication. Thus the speaker must know
how to strategize to keep the flow of communication in a smooth manner. If the communication
is unsuccessful due to external factors, for instance, interruptions or the misunderstanding the
message. From this, the speaker must know how to restore communication. These strategies may
be suppressed by request for repetition, clarification, slower pace of speech, or the use of
gestures and the like.
In sum, the protest as a particular speech event offers a broad exemplification of
communicative competence and its components. Furthermore, the said event does not only infer
the ideologies, emotions, and worldviews set by the crowd, we also analyze the flow of
language, elements, medium and the manner on how it is performed.
 References

Jakobson, R. (1960). Linguistics and Poetics. In T. A. Sebeok (Ed.), Style in Language.

Retrieved from http://pubman.mpdl.mpg.de/pubman/item/escidoc:2350615/component/escidoc:

2350614/Jakobson_1960_Linguistics_poetics.pdf

Chomsky, Noam (1965). Aspects of the theory of syntax. Cambridge: M.I.T Press.

Hymes, Dell H. (1966). Two Types of Linguistic Relativity. In Bright, W. Sociolinguistics.

The Hague: Mouton. p. 114-158.

Hymes, Dell H. (1972). On Communicative Competence. In Pride, J.B; Holmes, J.

Sociolinguistics: selected readings. Harmondsworth: Penguin. p. 269-293.

 Appendix A

Interview Transcription

Almira Abril: Ang ginagawa natin na kilos protesta ngayon ay tugon natin [siya] ito doon sa
tuloy-tuloy na mga serye na pagpatay na ginawa ng US-Duterte sa halos loob ng isang taon ng
katungkulan. Libo-libong mga mamamayan ang pinatay sa war on drugs yung patuloy na
pinapatay na aktibista, mga katutubo dahil lamang sila ay lumalaban para sa ating karapatan.
Yung pangdarakip, pangha-harass sa ating mga lider masa, lider-estudyante dahil sa kanilang
matapang na pag-voice out, pag-expose ng kabulukan ng sistemang mayroon tayo sa
kasalukuyan. Yung ating tahasang pagtutol sa mga maka-dayuhan, maka-US at maka-mayaman
na mga patakaran, mga polisiya. Ngayon yung ating isinasagawang protesta ay [pagtutudli]
[crowd interference] sa banta ng martial law na mayroon sa kasalukuyan. Si Duterte talagang
(nag-uphold) siya bilang diktador, yung pagsusulong niya ng revolutionary government in
essence ito ay pagtanggal niya ng mga demokratikong o democratic processes pag-step on doon
sa Philippine constitution. Pagsawalang bahala sa demokratikong proseso ng ating estado para
mas mapabilis at mas ikonsolida, hawakan, imonopolisa, yung kapangyarihan pampulitika para
sa pang-ekonomikong interest ng iilan. So, napaka-powerful ng protesta natin ngayon dahil ang
pagpapanawagan natin hindi na lang pag-singil kay Duterte, hindi na lang paglalantad sa kanya.
Higit sa lahat, pagpapabagsak, [paglansad] sa kanyang diktadurya, paglansad sa kanyang
administrasyon at pagsulong talaga ng tunay na panlipunang pagbabago sa mukhang ng
pambansang demokratikong pakikibaka. So ayun ang esensya ng ating programa sa ngayon at
sana makasama pa tayo hanggang sa Mendiola. Para makasama ang ating ibang kasamahan.

Paolo Sevilla: Could you give us a little bit of background, yung personal niyong kasaysayan sa
pakikibaka para malaman namin ito. Kung maari niyong sabihin mula saan mass organization
kayo, kung ano ang personal ninyong adbokasiya sa loob ng pambansang demokratiko
paglalaban, pakikibaka.

Almira Abril: Ako ay si Almira, 5th year BA Broadcast Communication. Kasalukuyan ako na
tagapangulo ng StandUP ng buong Diliman. Naging isang akong aktibista noong ako ay first
year. Freshie pa lang ako, akbitista na ako. Nagtuloy-tuloy siya, naging chair person ako ng
College of Mass Communication student council, president ng isang organization ang UP
Broadcasters Guild.

Kasalukuyan, ako ay isang fulltime activist, so ibig sabihin ay hindi ako nakaenroll sa loob ng
ating pamantasan. [So lahat ng trabaho niyo ay ginagawa nyo sa pakikibaka] Buong oras ko ay
inalay ko para mag-organisa, magmulat at magpakilos ng mga estudyante dahil sa tindi ng
political situation natin. Nangangailangan ng mga kabataan na titindig talaga at buong panahon
nating iaalay ang ating sarili para labanan yung pangaabuso at pagsasamantala.

Paolo Sevilla: Maari niyo ba ilantad sa [siguro] limang punto yung pinakamalala na aspeto ng
ating pampolitikal na sitwasyon para maibungad namin sa aming research?

Almira Abril: Siyempre, unang-una na diyan ang paghahari ng tinatawag nating imperyalismo,
bureaucratic capitalism, pyudalismo. Imperyalismo, technically yung paghahari ng iilan,
pagmomonopolisa ng kayamanan ng buong mundo ng iilang bansa. Bureaukrata-Kapitalismo
ang pagpapatakbo ng gobyerno bilang isang negosyo. Pyudalismo, malawakang kawalan ng
lupa, kawalan ng lupa habang nagpapatuloy na pinagmamay-arian lang [siya] ito ng iilan. Yung
paghahari ng (IBP?) na nagreresult doon sa pagiting ng pagiging isang malakolonyal at
malapyudal na lipunan, iyon na patuloy na nakaasang ekonomiya, ang ekonomiya natin ay
import-dependent, export-oriented. Ibig sabihin, hindi tayo gumagawa ng sarili nating produkto
na malawakang kawalan ng pambansang industriya, kawalan ng lupa sa mga magsasaka,
kawalan ng trabaho at sahod na nakakabuhay. Kawalan din ng nakabatay na serbisyong
panlipunan, [ano pa ba] yung patuloy na [cut out]

Paolo Sevilla: Last two yung regarding sa Duterte Administration.

Almira Abril: Duterte administration siyempre pinapakita niya ang pagiging pasista, terorista
actually. Si Duterte ang tunay na terorista. Siya ang may kakayahan na pumatay na libo-libo sa
loob ng isang taon. Ng walang awa, walang due process, walang pakundangan, impunity talaga
yung pinapalaganap niya. Tapos siguro yung lantarang pagpapakatuta sa Estados Unidos,
maraming nagtatanong bakit daw US-Duterte? [ Sajor: Oo, di ba noon ay pinapakita ni
Duterte na galit siya sa US.] Dahil malinaw na pinapakita ni Duterte ang pagyuko niya sa
economic interest ng US. Noong nakaraang ASEAN summit mayroon tayong nakuhang deal na
makukuhang aid mula sa US. May pondong binigay ang US para sa war on drugs ni Duterte,
pondo para sa rehabilitation diumano ng Marawi, at pondo sa military. Pangalawa, yung tuloy
niyang pagpasok, pagrerenew pa niya ng military engagements ng US sa loob ng ating bansa.
Balikatan exercises, Mutal Defence Treaty EDCA VFA. Para masabi natin na tayo ay tuta ng
bansang ito. Dapat ang qualification niya ano yung military presence, political and economic
intervention ng isang, sa ating bansa. At malinaw yun kay Duterte na tuluyan na siyang yumuko
sa interest ng US. Samantalang sinasamantala niya yung binibigay ng iba pang
ma-imperyalistang bansa tulad ng China at Russia. Dito naman natin makikita, ang pagiging
negosyante ni Duterte. Maximization ng lahat ng kita, lahat ng rekurso na pwede niyang makuha
habang pinapanatili niya yung kanyang political power sa iisang bansa. Yung pagiging
mamamatay tao niya in general, yan ang kinakaharap kay Duterte ngayon. Paggamit niya ng
pasismo, direktang pagpatay para padulasin yung ibat ibang uri ng polisiya na kontra
mamamayan.

[end of interview]

Appendix B

Photos taken during the Walkout ng Kabataan Laban sa Pasistang Paghahari ni Duterte.
Accessible via Google Drive [December 7, 2017 11:00 A.M to 1:00 PM]

Folder name: Anthro 170 - Ethnography of Communication Photos

https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1lyiFkooN1iAgX9Ek9OiycxgvUEN6U54W?usp=sharing