Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
857
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PHILIPPINE REPORTS ANNOTATED VOLUME 077 1/12/17, 11:47 PM
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suicide.
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RESOLUTION
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866
under whose protection he is.' United States vs. Wong Kim Ark, 18
S. Ct., 456, 461; 169 U. S., 649; 42 Law. ed., 890. "Allegiance is that
duty which is due from every citizen to the state, a political duty
binding on him who enjoys the protection of the Commonwealth, to
render service and fealty to the federal government. It is that duty
which is reciprocal to the right of protection, arising from the
political relations between the government and the citizen. Wallace
vs. Harmstad, 44 Pa. (8 Wright), 492, 501. "By 'allegiance' is meant
the obligation to fidelity and obedience which the individual owes to
the government under which he lives, or to his sovereign, in return
for the protection which he receives. It may be an absolute and
permanent obligation, or it may be a qualified and temporary one. A
citizen or subject owes an absolute and permanent allegiance to his
government or sovereign, or at least until, by some open and
distinct act, he renonunces it and be. comes a citizen or subject of
another government or sovereign, and an alien while domiciled in a
country owes it a temporary allegiance, which is continuous during
his. residence. Carlisle vs. United States, 83 U. S. (16 Wall.), 147,
154; 21 Law ed., 426.
" 'Allegiance/ as defined by Blackstone, 'is the tie or ligament
which binds the subject to the King, in return for that protection
which the King affords the subject. Allegiance, both expressed and
implied, is of two sorts, the one natural, the other local, the former
being perpetual, the latter temporary. Natural allegiance is such as
is due from all men born within the King's dominions immediately
upon their birth, for immediately upon their birth they are under
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oath, taken usually at the town or leet, for, by the common law, the
oath of allegiance might be tendered to every one upon attaining
the age of twelve years." (3 C. J. S., p. 885.)
"Allegiance.·The obligation of fidelity and obedience which the
individual owes to the government under which he lives, or to his
sovereign in return for the protection he receives. 15 R. C. L., 140."
(Ballentine, Law Dictionary, p. 68.)
" 'Allegiance/ as its etymology indicates, is the name for the tie
which binds the citizen to his state·the obligation of obedience and
support which he owes to it. The state is the political person to
whom this liege fealty is due. Its substance is the aggregate of
persons owing this allegiance. The machinery through which it
operates is its government. The persons who operate this machinery
constitute its magistracy. The rules of conduct which the state
utters or enforces are its law, and manifest its will. This will,
viewed as legally supreme, is its sovereignty." (W. W. Willoughby,
Citizenship and Allegiance in Constitutional and International Law,
1 American Journal of International Law, p. 915.)
'The obligations flowing from the relation of a state and its
nationals are reciprocal in character. This principle had been aptly
stated by the Supreme Court of the United States in its opinion in
the case of Luria vs. United States:
"Citizenship is membership in a political society and implies a
duty of allegiance on the part of the member and a duty of
protection on the part of the society. These are reciprocal
obligations, one being a compensation for the other." (3 Hackworth,
Digest of International Law, 1942 ed., p. 6.)
"Allegiance.·The tie which binds the citizen to the government,
in return for the protection which the government affords him. The
868
duty which the subject owes to the sovereign, correlative with the
protection received.
"It is a comparatively modern corruption of ligeance (ligeantia),
which is derived from liege (ligius), meaning absolute or
unqualified. It signified originally liege fealty, i. e., absolute and
unqualified fealty. 18 L. Q. Rev., 47.
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* * * * * * *
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I. SUSPENDED ALLEGIANCE
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* * * * * * *
878
tional law took place. By the time the Nazis came to power it was
thoroughly established that launching an aggressive war or the
institution of war by treachery was illegal and that the defense of
legitimate warfare was no longer available to those who engaged in
such an enterprise. It is high time that we act on the juridical
principle that aggressive war-making is illegal and criminal.
"The re-establishment of the principle of justifiable war is
traceable in many steps. One of the most significant is the Briand-
Kellogg Pact of 1928 by which Germany, Italy, and Japan, in
common with the United States and practically all the nations of
the world, renounced war as an instrument of national policy, bound
themselves to seek the settlement of disputes only by pacific means,
and condemned recourse to war for the solution of international
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* * * * * * *
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"* * * His (Of occupant) rights are not, however, commensurate with
his power. He is thus forbidden to take certain measures which he
may be able to apply, and that irrespective of their efficacy. The
restrictions imposed upon him are in theory designed to protect the
individual in the enjoyment of some highly important privileges.
These concern his allegiance to the de jure sovereign, his family
honor and domestic relations, religious convictions, personal
service, and connection with or residence in the occupied territory.
"The Hague Regulations declare that the occupant is forbidden to
compel the inhabitants to swear allegiance to the hostile power. * *
*" (III Hyde, International Law, 2d revised ed., pp. 18981899.)
"* * * Nor may he (occupant) compel them (inhabitants) to take
an oath of allegiance. Since the authority of the occupant is not
sovereignty, the inhabitants owe no temporary allegiance to him. * *
*" (II Oppenheim, International Law, pp. 341-344.)
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"To have bound those of our people who constituted the great
majority who never submitted to the Japanese oppressors, by the
laws, regulations, processes and other acts of those two puppet
governments, would not only have been utterly unjust and
downright illegal, but would have placed them in the absurd and
impossible condition of being simultaneously submitted to two
mutually hostile governments, with their respective constitutional
and legislative
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Army, did not intend to act against the principles of the law
of nations asserted by the Supreme Court of the United
States from the early period of its existence, applied by the
President of the United States, and later embodied in
theHague Conventions of 1907."
The prohibition in the Hague Conventions (Article 45)
against "any pressure on the population to take oath to the
hostile power," was inserted for the moral protection and
benefit of the inhabitants, and does not necessarily carry
the implication that the latter continue to be bound to the
political laws of the displaced government. The United
States, a signatory to the Hague Conventions, has made
the point clear, by admitting that the military occupant can
suspend all laws of a political nature and even require
public officials and the inhabitants to take an oath of
fidelity (United States Rules of Land Warfare, 1940, article
309), and as already stated, it is a doctrine of American
Constitutional Law that the inhabitants, no longer
receiving the protection of their native state, for the time
being owe no allegiance to it, and being under the control
and protection of the victorious power, owe to that power
fealty and obedience. Indeed, what is prohibited is the
application of force by the occupant, from which it is fair to
deduce that the Conventions do not altogether outlaw
voluntary submission by the population. The only strong
reason for this is undoubtedly the desire of the authors of
the Conventions to give as much freedom and allowance to
the inhabitants as are necessary for their survival. This is
wise and humane, because the people should be in a better
position to know what will save them during the military
occupation than any exile government.
"Before he was appointed prosecutor, Justice Jackson
made a speech in which he warned against the use of the
judicial process for nonjudicial ends, and attacked cynics
who 'see no reason why courts, just like other agencies,
should not be policy weapons. If we want to shoot Germans as
a matter of policy, let it be done as such, said he,
901
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