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Genderand Migration
Edited by Caroline Sweetman
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Front cover: Tamil returnees on a bus to a repatriation camp, Sri Lanka. Photo: Howard Davies
© Oxfam GB1998
Published by Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK.
Typeset by Oxfam CSU JB087/98
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ISBN 0 85598 399 X
Editorial 2
Caroline Sweettnan
Workers on the move: seasonal migration and changing social relations in rural India 21
Ben Rogaly
The use and abuse of female domestic workers from Sri Lanka in Lebanon 52
Una Abu-Habib
Resources 63
Compiled by Sara Chamberlain
Further reading 63
Journals and Newsletters 67
Videos 68
Organisations 68
Forced Migration 71
Web sites 72
Editorial
explored further in Francine Pickup's article, in these terms. However, no assumptions can
which focuses on trafficking of women and be made that alternative ways of doing things
forced prostitution in the context of Russia. will be seen as more desirable.
Women living in minority communities, as
first- or second-generation migrants, face
Changing places; particular tensions in their efforts to forge a
changing perspectives sense of identity which bridges the gap
Words including 'location' and 'position' are between two cultures. Women may decide to
used by social scientists to denote more than conform to cultural norms as a reaction to the
one's physical position; they can be used in a pressures of living in an alien environment.
social sense to emphasise the link between Women's behaviour 'plays a pivotal role in
one's view of life, and the experiences in dif- upholding cherished cultural values' (El Solh
ferent geographical and historical situations 1993, 33). This could be seen as a positive
which have shaped this (Sizoo 1997). decision; while popular images in countries
Undoubtedly, travel and migration expose with immigrant communities has tended to
both women and men to new experiences which depict women as passive victims of culture, in
present opportunities for personal develop- fact, different women show incredible resource-
ment(Davin 1996, in the context of China). fulness in adapting their behaviour in a
However, colonial and post-colonial assumptions variety of ways to new settings (ibid).
that have equated such 'development' with
progress along a straight course leading to Working with migrant
European-style 'modernity' have now been
widely condemned. Rather, 'development' is
populations
now seen as a 'multidirectional process rather The policy of all states and the majority of NGOs
than something which can be defined in tends to target interventions to geographically
terms of subsequent stages or levels' limited areas, and over uninterrupted periods
(Hammar and Tamas 1997,18). of time. As Ben Rogaly's article observes in
In their article, Uma Kothari and Emma the context of India, this has the consequence
Crewe examine these issues, exploring the of marginalising seasonal wage-workers from
search for 'modernity' of Gujeratis now living in development: 'they and their children are often
Britain, who have experienced two processes of excluded from geographically targeted inter-
migration — from India to Africa and from ventions by their absence' (Rogaly, this issue).
Africa to Britain. For this community, which had Interventions could conceivably be
been prosperous in India, 'progress' through targeted differently, to meet the needs of
migration was understood much more widely mobile populations. However, policies reflect
than the opportunity to earn money. Resp- the power relations, values, and prejudices of
ondents felt that on moving to Britain, overall the surrounding society (Rao and Stuart,
losses as well as gains have been made. 1997). In her article focusing on the political,
How does 'changing places' change the economic, and social marginalisation of
women who move? Many societies place formal partly-nomadic Roma people now located
or informal restrictions on women's mobility. around Tuzla, Bosnia, Alex Jones analyses
While the restrictions may be attributed to how widespread prejudice against Roma
concerns for their safety, they also limit people among wider society has been
women's chances of exposure to other ways reflected not only in inadequate provision of
of being and doing. Women (and men) who state services before the war, but also in the
have lived in more than one location in the terms of the post-conflict peace agreement
world know that cultural difference is const- brokered by the international community.
ructed by people, rather than 'natural', and Where international agreement on an issue
can therefore question stratified gender roles is needed, the separate interests of different
Editorial
states militate against this. While new migration the varied effects of migration and exposure
flows 'go mainly between countries in the to different cultural norms and ways of life on
South..., the flows towards the North face incr- women and men's attitudes to gender
easingly restrictive immigration control' relations and roles.
(Hammar and Tamas 1997,1). Francine Pickup's Understanding the details of different
article on trafficking provides a clear example migration experiences through compre-
of this, discussing the varied agendas of hensive research offers the only way forward
different parts of the feminist movement, to address the interests of people whose way
governments, and local and international NGOs, of life is dynamic; arrivals, departures,
in the context of a report on a recent conference temporary absences, and the sending of
to discuss the trafficking of Russian women. remittances are all features of migration
which are not necessarily picked up by
conventional methods of project design. It is
Conclusion essential to understand households as
Integrating a gender perspective fully into dynamic social networks; not all members are
development work means that agencies can necessarily there at any one time, and not all
no longer characterise men as migrating to an present members are there throughout the
urban area for paid labour and bringing back year, or over a substantial period. In addition,
income and progressive ideas to the rural livelihood strategies must be seen as made up
sending area, and women as staying at home. of the activities of absent as well as present
This needs to be replaced by a more mature members of a social network.
awareness of the many different forms that Finally, as stated above in the context of
migration takes, the different people who Alex Jones' article on Romas in Bosnia, exper-
migrate, and the effects of their migration on iences of racism, directed at both sexes in minor-
social and economic conditions in both ity communities, means that a shared ethnicity
sending and receiving areas. or nationality may be experienced more power-
This more complex understanding would fully than discrimination based on grounds of
reduce the likelihood of development inter- gender identity (Yuval-Davis 1997). As Uma
ventions which make simplistic assumptions Kothari and Emma Crewe observe in their
about the scope for the empowerment of article, there is 'an eerie silence about racism' in
women living on their own, without consider- agencies working in international develop-
ing the tendency of gender ideologies to ment which urgently needs to be broken.
survive practical changes to women's and men's
lives. In various African settings, much stress
has been placed on the scope for women's References
empowerment offered by male absence in the Bjeren G, 'Gender and reproduction' in
mines of South Africa (Palmer 1981); however, Hammar T, Brochmann G, Tamas K and
this kind of de facto female-headedness leads Faisi T (eds), International Migration,
to stress, confusion and friction in decision- Immobility and Development: Multidisci-
making (Nelson 1992 in the context of Kenya, plinary Perspectives, Berg:UK, 1997
Sweetman 1995 in the context of Lesotho). Brydon L 'Gender and migration' in Brydon L
Far from being a one-way process of and Chant S Women in the Third World:
'modernisation', different cultural influences gender issues in rural and urban areas,
melt into each other to form new realities as Edward ElgarUK 1989
they come into contact. As far as gender Chant S and Radcliffe S, 'Migration and
relations and women's status is concerned, development: the importance of gender' in
this new understanding simply emphasises Chant S and Radcliffe S, Gender and
the need to examine each case of migration Migration in Developing Countries, Belhaven
individually. No one theory can encapsulate Press:UK, 1992
6 Gender and Development
Right
Tamil returnees on their
way to a repatriation camp
in Sri Lanka
'Frustrated and displaced 9 :
Filipina domestic workers in Canada
Nona Grandea with Joanna Kerr
This article examines the case of Filipina domestic workers in Canada, based on a participatory
action research study that the authors carried out with Filipina domestic workers in 1996. The
Philippines has been a major supplier of migrant labour, and is one of the principal sources of
foreign domestic workers in Canada.
oriented strategies to improve their situation. theme: the conditions of live-in domestic
These domestic workers from Toronto and workers. Research questions were then
Montreal undertook the challenging task of developed and agreed upon that would tackle
learning participatory action research methods, three issues: immigration, employment and
identifying research questions, conducting human rights, and family relations.
focus groups discussions with other domestic
workers, and presenting the findings. The second workshop
At the second workshop, the domestic workers
were trained in participatory action research
The process methods, using both English and Tagalog
The goal of the project was to make the materials and learning exercises. With these
research as participatory and action-oriented skills, they would organise and facilitate
as possible. A steering committee was estab- focus groups of domestic workers themselves.
lished, which consisted of representatives of Some of the principles of facilitation — such
domestic workers organisations and collabor- as avoiding lecturing, allowing everyone a
ating organisations, namely the Women's voice, and not being threatened by disagree-
Advisory Committee of the Philippines- ments — took time for members of the group to
Canada Human Resource Development assimilate. Members saw conducting the re-
Program (PCHRD), the Coalition for the search alone as a huge responsibility, and learn-
Defence of Migrant Workers' Rights in ing how to conduct the focus groups in a par-
Toronto, and PINAY in Montreal. These ticipatory way challenged people's former styles
organisations set the goals of the project, and of forming groups and methods of research.
recruited researchers within and outside their
The research
respective organisations.
A detailed research guide was developed,
The first workshop which outlined questions to be asked under
The first step in the research was to determine each theme. Four research teams were formed,
the research questions for the study. At the two per city, with four researchers on each
first workshop, participatory action research team. The group also developed the criteria
methods were introduced using both English for the selection of focus group participants,
and Tagalog. With the use of brainstorming, and a timetable for the research and the
semi-structured interviewing, matrices, sharing of results. The recruitment of focus
diagrams, trend analysis and historical group participants was guided by the
profiles, a common understanding was principle of social diversity, and commitment
achieved of the issues that shape the working to the research project. Domestic workers
and living conditions of domestic workers. from varying age groups, social groups, and
Within the group, there were different family backgrounds, who have different
levels of awareness of the factors under- living and work arrangements, citizenship
pinning working conditions, and disagreement and employment status, and type of employer,
on the means to use to address them. As a were invited to participate.
result of these differences, the group was not With respect to the frequency of focus group
unanimous on what the objectives of the meetings, a different approach was used in
study should be. Some wanted to address each city. In Montreal, six half-day focus
more immediate concerns, such as working group meetings were held over a two-month
hours, while others wanted to challenge the period. In Toronto, a single three-day intensive
structures that perpetuate discrimination workshop was held. Historical profiling,
against migrant workers. Consensus, there- trend analysis and semi-structured interviews
fore, had to be carefully built, and eventually were used to gather information. Researchers
the entire group was able to select a research in each city worked as a core team, although
Filipina domestic workers in Canada 9
they were subdivided into two research teams difficult to draw the line between work hours
per city. They took turns facilitating and note- and off-duty hours. Long working hours
taking. After each focus group session, the have, thus, characterised the lives of foreign
teams analysed their results, and the weak- domestic workers.
nesses and strengths of the process. These long hours are often without financial
Many of the researchers expressed a consider- compensation. In provinces where they are
able amount of frustration with the research entitled to overtime, determining the magnitude
process at first. They had to listen to the of overtime work has been a challenge. What
problems and concerns of other domestic constitutes 'real work' depends on the attitude
workers, yet they felt powerless to do anything of the employer. For instance, the time spent
to improve their situation. They didn't have by domestic workers waiting for their employers
the solutions being asked of them by the focus to come home late at night is not considered
group participants. Some researchers acknowl- overtime by the employer, although it precludes
edged that they had thought that their own other activities which domestic workers might
situations were bad, but after hearing about want to spend their time on. Playing with
the situation of so many others, they considered children during off-hours may not be consid-
themselves fortunate. By the end of the ered overtime, but it is difficult for domestic
process, however, they acknowledged that workers to avoid their employer's children,
both their experiences as researchers, and the because they share the same living space.
insights that the study offered into their own Moreover, the peculiar status of domestic
lives, were extremely empowering. For many, workers as non-standard workers and as non-
the acquired participatory action research family members has circumscribed their ability
tools offered new ways of organising, to assert their rights. For instance, gifts have
confidence-building, and mobilising the created a relationship based on gratitude, and
domestic workers in their own communities. thus distract workers from the issue of wages
In the following section, the results of the and workloads. In some cases, domestic
research on the realities of live-in domestic workers have been accused of stealing items
workers is presented, along with some of that were given to them as gifts, when there is
their personal testimonies. tension in the employer-employee relationship.
'Once when I was sick, my employer visited and I
The Findings ended up babysitting her children..'
Perhaps an issue of greater consequence is In some cases, employers ask domestic workers
the curtailed lifestyle that comes with live-in to work in their businesses, in violation of the
work arrangements. In Canada, some live-in terms of the work permit. While refusal
caregivers have been given substandard lodg- would mean the employer's displeasure,
ing facilities (for example, laundry rooms), compliance could mean their deportation.
and inadequate, or culturally insensitive,
food. Although there are legal provisions
with respect to the amount deductible from High costs,
employees' salaries for room and board, there minimal returns?
are no minimum standards set for food and
7 can tolerate it because I am waiting for my papers'
accommodation to be provided by employers.
Lack of privacy, loneliness, and isolation Financial pressures further complicate the lives
are conditions that erode domestic workers' of foreign domestic workers. In the Philippines,
mental health. Domestic workers often do not applicants for overseas contract work bear
have keys to their own rooms, or to their onerous costs related to travel, recruitment,
employer's house. There have been many and government requirements. Some applicants
instances when their right to privacy is not pay exorbitant fees to recruitment agencies,
respected, with employers going through which can be as high as US$3,500. The total
their personal belongings or having guests cost of landing a job in Canada can be as high
stay in the domestic worker's bedroom. There as C$8,300. Many migrant workers find
have also been cases when domestic workers themselves deep in debt early in the process.
are locked out of the employer's house when Low economic returns and other diffi-
they do not come home at a designated time. culties faced by foreign domestic workers stem
from the low value ascribed to domestic work.
7 nurture feelings of hate, fear and stress'
Historically, this type of work has been perceived
Just as damaging to the self-esteem of domestic as non-productive work that requires little or
workers has been the practice of 'apartheid' no skill. The integral relationship between
(separate living defined by race). In many domestic work and the functioning of the
cases, due to cultural or racial prejudice, economy, and the role it plays in raising future
employers do not allow their domestic generations, has been largely unrecognised
workers to share eating utensils, drinking (Folbre 1994). Despite a burgeoning demand for
glasses, toiletries, sheets and laundry facilities domestic workers as a result of women's
with their employers. While applicants in the contribution to the formal economy, little has
Philippines are required to attend pre-departure been done in Canada or elsewhere to set up a
training and orientation sessions, employers universal and affordable child-care system.
are not obliged to attend orientation sessions When provided in the formal economy, domestic
that would deepen their understanding of work continues to be poorly remunerated.
cross-cultural differences and their responsibility As participants in this research confirmed,
to respect the rights of domestic workers. for many Filipina domestic workers in
Living in the home of their employers has Canada, the promise of a better life has been
also made domestic workers prone to abuse. soured by difficult living and working
Many participants referred to experiences conditions, financial difficulties, and strained
ranging from verbal abuse, to physical abuse family relations. Moreover, the attainment of
from children when they do not get what they
landed immigrant of citizenship status does
want, to sexual harassment. The private
not guarantee a good life. There are barriers
nature of the workplace conceals practices
to the upward mobility of domestic workers.
that are not acceptable in a regular work
While many were trained as teachers, nurses,
environment. It also makes it difficult to
accountants, and engineers, the educational
monitor and enforce labour standards or to
background of foreign domestic workers is
ensure that contract violations do not occur.
not recognised in Canada. Lengthy separations
Filipina domestic workers in Canada 11
from their families have led to emotional fees for sponsorship, work permits, and
stress, difficult parent-child relationships and applications for landed immigrant status.
family break-ups. The difficulties of re- 5 Applications for landed immigrant status,
adjustment upon family reunification, and renewal of work permit, etc, should be processed
family adaptation to a new culture, create yet more quickly and applicants allowed to work
another source of tension. Many family while waiting for renewals.
members are, in their turn, unable to find 6 Work permits should not be tied to a
employment, or can find only low-wage jobs specific employer.
for which they are overqualified. 7 More points should be awarded to
domestic work in applications for landed
'Even after working for so many years, it seems
status, to reflect the true value of this work.
like the income was only enough to support myself
8 The policy of rejecting the whole family when
and pay bills'
one member is ineligible should be abolished.
Generally viewed as one of the best destinations 9 Wages, working house, and benefits should
for migrant workers, the researchers believe be standardised, and workload clearly defined.
that Canada does not appear to live up to its The terms 'flexible hours' and 'flexible work-
reputation. While Canada may appear rosy loads' should not be used in contracts. The provi-
compared to some countries in the Middle sions of the Employment Standards Act on
East, there is a lot more Canada can do to worker entitlements (e.g. paid sick leave,
ensure the protection of the rights and well accident insurance) should apply to domestic
being of domestic workers within its borders. workers. Salaries should be increased, and the
government should monitor working condi-
tions. Workers should be allowed to study.
Policy recommendations 10 On arrival, domestic workers should be
and action plan informed on their rights.
After two months of participatory research, the 11 Live-in arrangements should not be
researchers came together for a final gathering mandatory.
to share their results, summarise findings, 12 Skills and educational background of
and develop policy recommendations and an domestic workers should be recognised, to
action plan for change to take back to their promote labour mobility.
focus groups and organisations. Recommenda- 13 A regulating and collective bargaining
tions were targeted at the Canadian govern- body should be set up, comprising domestic
ment, the Philippines government, and the workers, employers, and government. Its
foreign domestic workers themselves. mandate should include the review of
working conditions.
Government policy changes needed in Canada 14 Employers should undergo orientation
1 Abolish the Live-In Caregiver Program. sessions to deepen their understanding of
Domestic workers should be recruited as cultural differences, and awareness of their
independent immigrants, not linked to a responsibility to respect the rights of domestic
particular employer. workers. There should be a mechanism to ensure
2 Amnesty should be granted to domestic their compliance with contract provisions.
workers who came outside the formal
recruitment program, who should be allowed
to apply for landed immigrant status. Government policy changes needed in the
3 Implementation of immigration law should Philippines
be standardised. Immigration officers should 1 Regulations on recruitment agencies
be consistent in processing papers. should be enforced. Agencies should be
4 The financial situation of domestic workers required to provide adequate information to
should be taken into account when setting job applicants before contracts are signed.
12 Gender and Development
'If people stay in one place there is no progress' of immorality and bad manners, have shattered
their illusion of modernity in Britain. When
T he stories were collected as part of a Gandhi visited Britain and a journalist asked
research project which was a response him what he thought of modern civilisation,
to some puzzling findings which he replied 'that would be a good idea'.
emerged during earlier research by Uma
Kothari in India in 1986-88. Despite their
prosperity, farming households had family
Understanding the complex
members living abroad either in the UK or causes of migration
East Africa, and those remaining had submitted Much migration and development studies
visa applications and were waiting to migrate literature has a preoccupation with the
to Britain. Many of them had family and economic causes of migration. However,
friends in Wellingborough, Northamptonshire, reasons for migration are in fact complex, and
and were planning to join them. Why did an varied; many are non-economic (see Cohen
upwardly mobile group of people who were 1997). This article challenges explanations that
becoming such important and powerful reduce reasons for migration to one cause, for
actors in the South Gujarat agricultural scene example acquiring employment and wealth,
choose to move to Britain where, like their and builds on discussions about migration,
family and friends before them, they would culture and identity (Hall 1992, Gilroy 1993).
probably live in less favourable conditions? Instead of choosing between accounts which
This article asserts that many people from focus on individual motivation for migration,
formerly-colonialised countries have migrated or explanations that look at global economics
to Britain because they hoped that they would but ignore individuals, our research looked at
find a modern, civilised, and progressive place migration from both micro- and macro-levels.
to live. For most, this search for 'modernity' in Following an introduction to the
Britain has proved to be fruitless. In general, informants and the research methodologies,
racism and unemployment, and perceptions we examine the history of Gujarati migration
14 Gender and Development
to Britain, the experience and impact of moving migration was more complex. Life histories
and, finally, suggest how these issues are are objects of study in themselves rather than
highly relevant to international development. accounts of a progression of real events. They
In this article we use a gender analysis reveal as much about the present, the tellers,
as an essential tool for understanding and listeners, as they do about the past.
migration processes. Relations between women When asking why they chose to migrate from
and men shape and are shaped by migration one place to another, it became plain that
(Wright 1995, Chant 1992). Until the mid- people's memories were highly selective. Inter-
1970s, women were invisible in studies of preting people's migration stories proved to
migrancy, and when they did emerge tended be a process of analysing how memory is
to do so within the category of dependents shaped by present social and cultural influences,
of men, as Buijs (1993) argues. Much of the as much as piecing together macro and micro
gender and migration literature concentrates factors affecting migration patterns. Similarly,
on labour migration and labour markets when exploring who made decisions about
or the distinct realm of employment in which migration, it was found that contradictions
men and women become involved follow- emerged within households. Claims about who
ing migration (Rowbotham and Mitter 1994). made decisions appeared to reveal more about
But we aim to go beyond a consideration rjow power relationships are contested than
of women's and men's different patterns how decisions were made in reality. For
of migration, to investigate individual instance, the gendered nature of both collecting
women's and men's experiences of migration and interpreting life stories became obvious.
and the ways in which gender relations have Not only were experiences often divergent for
been recreated and changed within and women and men, but the revelations about their
outside the household (see also Westwood past were expressed very differently. Men
1988,1995). tended to be less confiding and expose fewer
emotional vulnerabilities than women, despite
Methodology the stress they also experienced as migrants.
From 1996-7, we interviewed Gujarati migrants Another significant aspect of the method-
in the town of Wellingborough. The most ology relates to the researchers' responsibility
recent census tells us that the Wellingborough towards people who tell their stories. Through-
Gujarati community consists of approximately out the research we wrote about it in community
2,300 people: just under 3 per cent of the newspapers which are sent to every Gujarati
population. The research was based on household in Wellingborough. We also
qualitative research methods; we collected presented our findings in a booklet and a photo-
people's life histories in semi-structured graphic exhibition for the Gujarati community.
interviews at home, in their workplace, in
community centres, shops, factories, and
temple; or during community or religious
Migration history of the
meetings, events, and festivals. We also held a Gujarati community
reminiscence group for elderly women living Migration to Africa began in ancient times when
in sheltered housing. Finally we interviewed 400 girls from Gujarat were captured for the slave
Pakistani, Afro-Caribbean, and white trade by Arab pirates. They were rescued but their
employers and community workers, and families refused to take them back, so they were taken
white residents living within a predominantly to Ethiopia. There the king found them 400 good
Gujarati residential area. Ethiopian boys to marry who allowed their wives to
While people's descriptions of practices keep their own culture. Today, if you go to that place
within the community could be analysed you will find the girls look like Indians. They are so
alongside the researchers' observation of beautiful that when any man sees them he feels that
those practices, interpreting the histories of he will have to leave his wife immediately.
Gujurati migrants' search for modernity in Britain 15
This is, according to a Gujarati teacher living their family. It was men who sought employ-
in Wellingborough, how migration from India ment while most women were not expected to
to Africa began. It reminds us that, for Gujarati find paid work in the public domain, and it
women who, unlike men, nearly always move was entirely appropriate for young men to set
residence on marriage, migration from their up a new residence on their own. There were,
parents' home is inevitable. The story also however, two women migrants who moved
draws attention to the fact that if women's to Wellingborough independently. It is
reputations are ruined, they can be forced into revealing that they had a history of refusing
exile. Restriction on their mobility before to conform to rules, both had left their
marriage protects their own and their family's husbands and, arguably, their reputations
reputation, which is necessary not only for were already damaged by divorce.
their own marriage prospects but those of Once financial security had been estab-
other family members as well. It is already lished, and residence in East Africa was seen
clear that gendered cultural rules and as more permanent, women joined their
practices very directly shape migration. husbands. The children of first generation
Most Wellingborough Gujarati migrants East African Gujaratis often returned to India
are 'twice migrants' internationally, having for education, more often than not with their
first moved to East Africa after 1920 and then mother accompanying them. During the
to Britain. Others moved directly from India Second World War, however, when it was
to Britain from the middle of the 1950s. virtually impossible to travel, children began
Initially, male migrants travelled on their own to be educated through to secondary level in
and returned to India every few years to visit East Africa, and marriages were also arranged
16 Gender and Development
there, provided that a spouse of the right therefore, be associated only with men,
caste could be found (Dwyer 1994:180). because women can sometimes lead decision-
Gujarati migration from East Africa to making, and men and women may give
Britain, mostly soon after African countries different rationales for moving and for
gained independence, varied quite consider- choosing one place rather than another.
ably. Those who were forcibly exiled from Although a gendered perspective on
Uganda by Amin in 1972 left in family groups. migration is essential to understand the
Those who had more time to plan, for example processes involved, the choices made by men
Kenya Gujaratis who knew in 1963 that they and women also highlight certain patterns in
had to leave or take Kenyan citizenship common. Male and female life histories make
within five years, often sent someone ahead it clear that individual material gain is an
to assess prospects in Britain. Irrespective of insufficient explanation for migration. For a
age, these 'scouts' were always male. great number of people, migration was
involuntary (see also Cohen 1997). Those
Agency and migration leaving East Africa were often compelled to
Women are often represented as passive migrate as a result of government policies.
actors in migration, moving primarily at the Others were under pressure if not compulsion.
command of a male member of the household. For example, men and women in India were
Either their motivation is not explored, or it is persuaded to seek their fortunes or a good
often supposed to be identical to that of their match in another country for the benefit of
father or husband. Plainly, as Guy argues, the family they were leaving behind. Thus,
some agents have more capacity than others when there was a materially-based aspiration
to shape the process of migration (as cited by to this, it was meeting the interests of a much
Wright 1995:781), but they are not always wider group than the individual.
male. While it is true that the majority of
Explanations for moving often called upon
Gujarati women we spoke to had migrated
ideas about modernity; some said that they
initially on marriage, it should not be
were hoping to 'progress' in a general rather
assumed that migration is driven by men.
than purely material sense. One Gujarati man
First, to choose or agree to marry someone
was persuaded to move by his uncle who
who has migrated is an affirmative decision,
said 'if people stay in one place there is no
as decisive as choosing to move for any other
progress.' Many women and men came to
reason. Furthermore, mothers and other
Britain, in particular, because they had high
female relatives were often involved in
hopes of finding a modern, clean, 'civilised'
finding marriage partners.
country with high morals and plenty of
Secondly, after marriage, twice- and thrice- opportunities. This is partly because 'ideas
migrant women often had an important role about Britain were largely derived from a
in deciding where to live. Some women we colonial education system in which Britain
met claimed that they were the key decision- was revered as the 'mother country' (Fryer
maker in deciding to move from one place to 1984:374); and partly because relatives and
another. One Ugandan-born woman, for friends depicted their experiences in Britain
example, was so adamant that she did not as more positive than they really were.
want to live with her in-laws in Nairobi that Many people spoke about the excitement
she travelled to Kampala and remained in her of travel. As one informant put it 'Gujaratis
parents' house until her husband was forced have it in their blood to be enterprising, to
to join her. Many older men told us that they migrate and to have a sense of adventure.'
would like to return to India after retirement, The idea of adventure, usually reserved for
but gave in to the wish of their wives to romantic tales about European explorers,
remain in Wellingborough to be near their plays a part in the story of Gujarati migration
children. Motivation in migration should not, even if it is difficult to define.
Gujurati migrants' search for modernity in Britain 17
WORKING for
ICMHIUSTICE
particular, regulate contact between young tions are failing in many other ways as well.
men and women. Young people employ brave In theory, all public services in Wellingborough
and ingenious strategies to subvert their are for the benefit of the whole population of
parents' aims, as one young women relates: the town including Black (Asian and Afro-
Caribbean) people. Statutory authorities have
...the daughter will have promised to come back at
tended to argue that the same needs exist
11 pm and then does not go home until 2 am. She
within each community, and that all minorities
faces her parents, she waits while they tell her off,
should assimilate by using the same services
and then it is all over. It was still worth lying in
as everyone else. But as one Gujarati comment-
order to be able to go out... There are restrictions
ed, integration is not possible unless people are
on clothes too. You can't expose your body,
treated as equals. In practice, most government
especially not your legs — but trousers are OK.
and voluntary agencies have been unable to
If you do people say 'she's got no shame'. I would
ensure equality of access because their
not wear a shoulder strap dress in front of my
services are often inappropriate, hostile, and
father, but I might go out with one under a shirt
racist. As a result, members of Black com-
which covered everything and then expose the
munities are under represented as users of
straps when I got to the club.
health and social care services (Wright 1993).
Young men are subjected to more physical Given the shortage of opportunities in
racist violence than either older men or women. Wellingborough, many young people are
In common with other studies, we also found moving to larger cities. Some Wellingborough
that while men expressed feelings related to Gujaratis have moved on to the USA or plan to
unemployment, racism, and boredom (see do so in the future, and at least one has
Beliappa 1991), women's health problems moved to India.
were associated with isolation and conflicting
expectations (see Fenton and Sadiq 1991). Conclusions: inequality
Service provision for migrant communities
and modernity
Mainstream services offer no appropriate, An explanation of migration is needed that
accessible and confidential way of helping integrates a gendered perspective, pays
either women or men with these problems. attention to political, economic, cultural and
White-run statutory and voluntary organisa- ideological factors, and places social
Gujurati migrants' search for modernity in Britain 19
processes within a historical and geographical welcoming so that all client groups are encour-
context. Among Gujaratis in Northampton- aged to use them. Fourthly, agencies need to
shire, many different ideas had played a part take responsibility for combating racism, parti-
in the decision to migrate, including ideas cularly at work, in public and private spaces, in
about how countries should modernise in education, and within the statutory agencies
imitation of the West,1 images of 'home' themselves. Statutory agencies need to
versus the potentially Utopian unknown lands, acknowledge the problem of racism and work
compulsion through family conflict, pressure with Black groups to find appropriate solutions.
from relatives, and government policy. In this Some of these suggestions apply to agencies
list, culture and ideology are as significant as working in international development as
political and economic processes. well. There is an eerie silence about racism,
We have argued that a gender perspective for example, which urgently needs to be
illuminates our understanding of migration. broken. Also, since their experience of Britain
The conditions, experiences, and impact of points to chronic social, economic and
migration are inevitably gendered, in addition political problems within the country, the
to being shaped by, for example, class, age, assumption that 'West is Besf should presumably
and caste. Since women's role in migration be challenged. As Rattansi and Westwood
cannot be merely treated as an adjunct to point out 'Western modernity, however
men's, explanations that ignore the micro impressive its achievements, not only is
level (including gender relations) are insufficient. incapable of providing solutions to basic
Although gender relations shape and are problems of war and violence, environmental
shaped by migration, which inevitably leads damage, economic exploitation, bureaucratic
to a complex explanation of processes, this management and corruption, and equitable
does not mean we should retreat into an material comfort and security at national and
endlessly fractured and fragmented post- global levels, but also chronically generates
modern maze. Women and men may also share them as an almost inseparable part of its
some motives and experiences of migration in mode of operation' (1994:3).
common: for example, many have been Since the 1940s development practitioners
searching for modernity in the context of from Britain have been travelling to so-called
colonialism, post-colonialism, and globalisation. 'developing' countries to bring about modernisa-
The experience of Britain for the majority in tion through technology transfer, economic
Wellingborough has been disillusioning, and growth, and improved management (Crewe
governmental, voluntary and 'community' and Harrison, forthcoming). The idea of
support structures are inadequate. While Black modernity embodies an irony which appears
community organisations require more resources to have escaped the notice of many working
to be effective, statutory agencies need to in international development. We argue that
completely transform their policies and practices. development practitioners have much to learn
In particular, statutory agencies might, from British Black people's experiences.
firstly, abandon the assumption that 'ethnic'
minorities should assimilate. Critics have Emma Crewe is a researcher in the Department of
attacked this idea for decades, for example on Anthropology at University College London,
the grounds that there is no unitary British Gower Street, London, WC1E 6BT,
culture to assimilate to, but the idea continues emma@crewster.demon.co.uk
to thrive. Secondly, they need to recognise
that different priorities, knowledge systems, Uma Kothari is a lecturer and researcher in
cultural practices, and social inequalities exist development studies at the Institute for Development
between and within groups. Thirdly, they Policy and Management, University of Manchester,
could improve accessibility to support services Crawford House, Oxford Road, Manchester M13
by, for example, making service counters more 9GH. uma.kothari@man.ac.uk
20 Gender and Development
S
easonal and other temporary out-
migration for manual work from Indian difficult. Thus, for example, it is not currently
rural areas has been shown by many possible to determine either the most
researchers to be a major component of the appropriate riming for rural employment pro-
livelihoods of poor rural workers and their grammes or workable repayment schedules
employers in most parts of the country (eg for micro-enterprise loans. In microfinance
Racine, 1997 for south India; Breman, 1996 projects the collection of '[s]avings could be
for western India). Men, women, and children increase[d] by linking collection to the times
moving around India in search of manual and places of earning' (Mosse et al, 1997, p4).
work pose a major challenge for develop- The contention of this paper is that effect-
ment policy-makers. This is because, while ive policy and practice requires improved
seasonal wage workers are among the understanding of the extent, trends, causes,
poorest people, they and their children are and consequences of seasonal migration.
often excluded from geographically based Seasonal migration is both a part of and an
interventions by their absence. outcome of the structures'of social and
The number of temporary migrants has economic relations in the Indian countryside.
increased during the 1980s and 1990s in At the same time, through the actions of
western India (Breman, 1996) and in eastern migrants and their employers, such migration
India (Ghosh and Sharma, 1995, pl20). Mean- can in some circumstances change those
while, numbers of temporary migrants have structures. In what follows, experiences of
'not ebbed' in northern India (Srivastava, seasonal migration in different regions of
1997, p23). National level estimates indicate India are contrasted. Based on the limited
that rural employment outmigration has evidence available, hypotheses are suggested
'probably' increased for India as a whole for further research into why there is a
(Sen, 1997, pi 3). However, official information greater possibility of changing social
on the extent of seasonal outmigration is relations through seasonal outmigration in
non-existent even at the local level, making some regions than in others.
of class and caste was much more clear-cut Pradesh in south India, men rather than
(and thus less amenable to change) in the women have withdrawn from the workforce
Maharashtra case (Basu op. cit.). as they increasingly find the terms of
Connections between and changes in employment insulting compared to those
economic and social factors play a part in they experienced earlier (Da Corta, 1997).
decisions (or compulsions) to seek employ- Structural causes of seasonal migration
ment as a manual worker. Gender ideologies, thus interact, and are also regionally differ-
economic structures, and ideas about social entiated. However, as we have seen, even
rank interlink to influence decisions over this kind of migration, which is undertaken
which women and which men should do by some of the very poorest people, is not
which kind of work, including manual work. merely the outcome of structural conditions
Among caste-Hindus (and dalits — formerly but contains, to a greater or lesser extent,
untouchables — seeking to improve their an element of choice. The consequences of
rank by imitating caste-Hindu practices) in migration, which I will look at next, thus
West Bengal, for women to be employed in need to be considered not simply as what
manual work is considered a sign of very 'happens to' migrants and to social and
low status, with consequences for the rank economic relations, but also as the out-
of the whole jati in a particular locality. comes of migrants' deliberate actions.
Many seasonal migrants in West Bengal are
adivasis, among many of whom women's Can seasonal migration change social
employment in manual work does not have relations to workers' advantage?
such negative connotations. Yet ideology- Seasonal migration has consequences for
based self-exclusion such as that practised social and economic relations between
in West Bengal by caste-Hindus and dalit several different categories of people:
women (which, if the work is arduous and
low-paid, and if they in any case would • within and between migrant-worker
have to hand over their wages, may be in households;
some women's interests) shifts according to • between migrant workers and employers
material circumstance: the poorer the in source areas;
household or wider social group, the less • between migrant workers and employers
they can afford to exclude women from in destination areas;
wage work, and the greater the likelihood • between local workers and employers
that ideas about the status of wage work of migrants in destination areas;
will be reoriented (Kapadia, 1994).6 • between local workers and migrants in
destination areas;
However, such interactions between
• between employers in source areas and
material conditions, ideologies of gender and
employers in destination areas.
caste, and engagement in wage work, are
related to wider trends in the supply and Despite sexual harassment, heavy work-
demand for labour, and in the technologies loads, and the adverse health consequences
associated with different forms of production. of poor living conditions, migration is not
Moreover, these trends vary regionally. always the 'menace' (for the migrant
Migration into West Bengal is a consequence workers concerned), that it is made out to
of seasonal shortages of workers, which are be (eg in the Purulia District Plan, Govern-
connected to technological change (i.e. rapid ment of West Bengal, 1991-92)7. Although I
growth in groundwater irrigation), and will illustrate this point by developing
exacerbated by negative ideas about the further the contrast between eastern and
employment of local dalit and caste-Hindu western India, others have argued that
women as wage workers (Rogaly, 1997b). seasonal migration within a single context can
Yet in Rayalseema District of Andhra simultaneously cause immense suffering
24 Gender and Development
and improve social relations from workers' work elsewhere, could be more assertive
perspectives (for example, Lenin, 1964, both in day-to-day dealings with patrons
pp240-254). and in wage negotiations. In a neigh-
The main contrast between my study of bouring locality, an encounter between
seasonal migration in West Bengal, and local employers and outsiders on a recruit-
Teerink's in Maharashtra and Gujarat, is ment mission from Barddhaman District
that in West Bengal social relations in the was laden with tension and violence. The
source areas showed greater potential to visiting employers were instructed (by
change to the advantage of the returning representatives of local employers) to leave
migrant workers and other manual wage- the area immediately. The former had
workers in the area. Employers in the broken established caste ideologies by
Purulia locality, lacking irrigation, relied spending the night in the homes of low-
on a single rice crop. Most of the year they caste workers and eating with them. Such
required very few paid workers; but for the changes, also entailing surprising cross-
transplanting (the exact timing of which class alliances as well as fractiousness
depended on the start of the monsoon rains between members of the employer class,
and was therefore relatively unpredictable) were indicative of wider progressive change
and for harvesting, they needed all the from the Purulia workers' perspectives.
local workers they could get. Thus, employ- Migrants are also used by employers in the
ment opportunities in Purulia varied from destination area to manage social relations
periods when labour was urgently needed with local workers. Migrants in the Bard-
to periods when, as one worker put it, you dhaman locality were given accommodation
just sat and watched the mosquitoesflyin in outhouses in the employers' hamlets,
front of your face. There was no seasonal thus remaining separate from local agri-
in-migration. The two busy periods, trans- cultural workers. They did not directly
planting in June-August and harvesting in undercut local wages, which were based on
October-December, coincided with increasing a daily time-rate common to both men and
migration possibilities for local workers. women workers; in fact migrants' daily
Daily wages during harvest were a maxi- earnings were less bound by local institutional
mum of 12 rupees per day.8 arrangements and in some cases exceeded
There was little difference from the those of local workers. It was the shared
timing of the transplanting and harvest of awareness by all parties of the relatively
one of the two main rice crops in Bard- unlimited supply of migrant workers
dhaman District, where employers recruited which strengthened the position- of
migrant workers in response to seasonal employers in wage negotiations with 'their'
shortages of labour and to help to control local workers.
local workers' demands. Wages were
approximately Rs 25 per day in the
Barddhaman locality in 1991. Relations
Consequences for women
between workers and employers in Purulia and children
changed as both the demand for migrant
workers in Barddhaman and the level of Sexual harassment
real wages there increased. Employers, Women migrants have reported sexual
who had previously relied on historical harassment from employers,9 contractors
obligations around provision of homestead and — in the case of mixed migrant groups
land and annual subsistence loans, now — male migrant workers (Banerjee, 1989-90).
had to change the way they addressed Most hiring and supervision of migrant
workers. In their turn, workers, confident workers, men and women, is carried out by
in the knowledge of relatively well-paid men — either as contractors or employers.
Seasonal migration and changing social relations in rural India 25
Groups of migrants may be booked in in that they move away from restrictive
advance if they have a history of working social relations (inter- and intra-household)
for a particular employer; may be sought in source areas, and have greater autonomy
out by employers or their agents combing as migrant workers (Thadani and Todaro,
known sources of migrant workers; or 1984). As Mosse et al (op cit) point out,
(increasingly common, according to available however, whether women experience
anecdotes) may seek work through nego- autonomy in migration depends on whom
tiation at bus-stands and other evolving they travel with. For example, a young
'market places'. In West Bengal, migrants unmarried woman travelling in a group of
organise differently according to jati, with cousins will have greater control over her
mixed-sex Santal10 groups including just earnings than similar women migrating
one member — who can be a man or a with their fathers. The former are also
woman — from each household. Others, likely to be motivated to migrate partly to
including other adivasis, form groups based experience 'the friendship and freedom of
on part- or whole-family units; in these travelling with natal kin or a group of
cases, married women only travel if women their own age' (p41). Teerink
accompanied by their husbands. There is concedes that adivasi women migrants 'are
insufficient evidence to make a con- more free from social control than when
nection between the way the seasonal they stay at their in-laws in the home
migration is organised and the extent of village'. But she goes on to warn that
sexual harassment of women. However, it drinking and smoking by adivasi women
could be hypothesised that women having migrants did not necessarily indicate
to spend one or more nights at labour freedom and independence. They were
market-places and travelling without kin, 'still subject to male authority and
are more likely to be harassed by patriarchy' (op. cit., pp250-251).
employers and contractors.
Effects on children and family disruption
Reproductive work at the migrants' Access to primary education is diminished
destination when young children travel with their
In the West Bengal case, most of the repro- seasonally-migrant parents. '[S]easonal
ductive work in groups of migrant workers, migration and illiteracy are narrowly
including meal preparation, is carried out intertwined. Young children who accompany
by women. Women migrant workers thus their parents on the trek outside are
maintain their additional workloads, which destined to continue this type of roaming
are particularly heavy where women travel life at a later age' (Breman, op. cit., p48).In
with families, rather than in groups made West Bengal, young girls accompany
up of one member from each of a number groups of migrants to care for infants, and
of families. In the latter case, migrants may are less likely to receive formal education
select someone to be responsible for than are boys.11 Children in general are
cooking for everybody (usually a woman) likely to suffer ill-effects from family
and negotiate for them to be let off work disruption associated with seasonal
early each day. This would probably not be migration in western India. 'Migration
possible where there had been no previous often aggravates existing tensions among
relation with the employer concerned. and between men and women provoking
conflicts, for example, between brothers
Can seasonal migration be liberating for competing for influence or fathers/uncles
women migrants? and sons/nephews' (Mosse et al, op cit,
It has been argued that seasonal migration p41). The same study also gives seasonal
can also be liberating for women migrants migration as a cause of strained marital
26 Gender and Development
relations, sometimes as a result of new some money and returned wet to the bus-stand
liaisons formed in migration destinations at Barddhaman, came to Bankura and from
by both women and men, or if women who Bankura I came back home at 10.30 at night. I
stay behind return to their natal homes in returned to collect payment. I went to the
protest (p40). employer's house. He said he'd send the money
and rice through the hands of a man of my
village. He didn't send it. Later he asked me to
Wages in arrears: go again. Going is expensive. Return bus fare is
employers' control 50 rupees. He turns me away every time. How
mechanism or a useful can I spend so much on the bus fare — /
means of saving? haven't earned 50 paise.
Though not acting in combination in the same Two women, J and B, from Purulia, were
way as the sugar-processing co-operatives of able to use remittances from seasonal
western India described by Teerink, the migration to buy their way out of debt and
employers of seasonally migrant workers tied employment relations, respectively. J
in Barddhaman District sought other had recently been widowed and left with
means of controlling their migrant work- two young children and a debt of Rs 400,
force. Chief among these were provision of against which her late husband's land had
accommodation and payment in arrears. been mortgaged. Rs 150 was already owed
Although cash payments in arrears repre- in interest to the lender, a neighbour and
sented a form of saving for some workers, fellow Bhumij. J migrated in November
migrants could be faced with a stark choice 1991 as part of a mixed-sex group of
between early departure and non-payment. workers along with her young children, the
In December 1991, the rice harvest in West youngest of which was being breastfed and
Bengal was interrupted by five days of un- accompanied J to work in the fields. On
seasonal heavy rain. Individual employers return J used remittances of Rs 325 to repay
responded differently. Of the eleven migrants a large part of the loan and regain 0.75
interviewed on their return to Purulia, nine bigha12 of land. B, another Bhumij widow,
reported employers withholding arrears had been a tied worker for the owner of the
payments in order to prevent the migrants only rice-husking mill in the Purulia
returning home. Just two reported the locality. She had been reliant on the regular
continuation of the in-kind portion of employment to provide for her son and
payment during the rain. daughter. Now that her daughter was
approaching puberty and thus eligible for
To return home without wages caused
employment in the fields, she calculated
great shame to one male worker, N, who had
that together they would be able to survive
become ill during the rain (illness in the
long periods of scarce local employment by
cold and wet conditions was not surprising
migrating seasonally. She left her employer
given the inadequate accommodation
and migrated with her daughter and depend-
available to migrant workers). N lived with ent son in June 1991 for transplanting work.
his brother, A, who had a salaried job in the The Rs 450 and 20 kilograms of hulled rice
police force. The humiliation of not being she brought back lasted one and a half
able to bring home anything other than months, including expenditure on doctor's
increased debt was hard for N to bear, and fees and repaying her debt to the grocer.
was directly attributable to his employer's To the extent that some households can
failure to pay the wages owed. benefit financially and economically from
I worked 18 days...The night it rained, I was seasonal migration, and that part of a
there. I asked for the money, didn't get it. It woman's individual interests are associated
was raining, he said I couldn't stay there. I had with the wealth of the household of which
Seasonal migration and changing social relations in rural India 27
Rogaly, Ben, 1997a, 'Embedded markets: hired Srivastava, Ravi, 1997, 'Rural Labour in Uttar
labour arrangements in West Bengal agri- Pradesh: Emerging Features of Subsistence,
culture', Oxford Development Studies, 25 (2). Contradiction and Resistance', paper pre-
Rogaly, Ben, 1997b, 'Linking home and sented at a Workshop on Rural Labour
market: towards a gendered analysis of Relations in India, London School of
changing labour relations in rural West Economics, June.
Bengal', IDS Bulletin, 28 (3). Teerink, Rensje, 1995, Tvligration and its impact
Sen, Abhijit, 1997, 'Recent Trends in Employ- on Khandeshi women in the sugar cane har-
ment, Wages and Poverty in Rural India', vest7, in Loes Schenk-Sanbergen (ed), Women
paper presented at a Workshop on Rural and Seasonal Migration, New Delhi: Sage.
Labour Relations in India, London Thadani, V. and M. Todaro, 1984, Temale mi-
School of Economics, June. gration: a conceptual framework', in J. Fawcett
Shreshta, N.R., 1990, Landlessness and et al (eds), Women in the Cities of Asia: Migra-
Migration in Nepal, Boulder: Westview. tion and Urban Adaptation, Boulder Westview.
Below The labour-intensive work of transplanting rice seedlings provides seasonal employment
for migrant workers in many parts of India.
30
B
etween 1994 and 1997, Ikafe settle-
ment in Arua District, northern Uganda, those were attacked, to nearby towns.
accommodated around 55,000 refugees During this period, the majority of
from Southern Sudan. The long-term objective families lost any independent source of
of the relief programme was to move livelihood, as they were unable to reach
towards self-reliance for refugees. People their fields to harvest crops, businesses
were settled in small dispersed com- failed, and markets that had begun to
munities and given opportunities to flourish within the settlement collapsed.
cultivate crops and develop livelihood Refugees once again became reliant on
stragegies. In the interim, full food rations outsiders to provide food and other basic
were donated by the World Food necessities — at a time when food supplies
Programme (WFP), and Oxfam GB were delayed and other resources generally
(formerly, Oxfam UK and Ireland) was limited. They were forced to adopt a series
responsible for distribution. A year and a of short-term coping strategies to deal with
half after its inception, the whole pro- the situation.
gramme was disrupted by violent activity The changes outlined here were observed
by Ugandan rebels, which affected the area over a period of a year, as refugees coped
for much of 1996 and into the early part of with fluctuating levels of insecurity and
1997. Thousands of refugees were displaced food shortages as a result of the violence.
from their homes and agricultural land Oxfam employed two full-time social
during a period of about six months from researchers on the Ikafe programme, who
October 1996 — at the same time that food were responsible for the collection and
rations were delayed because of rebel analysis of information for use in pro-
action on the road from Kampala. By gramme planning and monitoring. They
March 1997, virtually the whole population worked closely with a team of 15 refugee
had migrated first to other less disturbed extension staff, men and women with various
points, then into 'protected' transit areas sectoral specialisations, who represented
the different tribes making up the settle- many cases, entire seed crops were sold or
ment. These staff were given training in the exchanged at very poor rates of exchange.
use of PRA tools and data analysis. Infor-
mation was collected throughout the period Employment in 'leja-leja'
of insecurity, mostly using small group or Wherever possible, refugees sought piece
individual semi-structured interviews. work (leja-leja) through local people, mostly
People tended to have difficulty thinking agricultural work, digging, weeding or
beyond the expected imminent attack, and harvesting. Wages tended to be highly
groups were reluctant to gather together. A exploitative, because of the fierce competi-
number of informal workshops were held tion for work throughout the settlement,
with the team and some key people from and became more so with the increased
within the community to discuss and number of displaced refugees who could
analyse the data. All the quotations in this not get to their own plots and were there-
article come from these discussions. fore reliant on cash income.
Culturally ascribed gender roles are more
or less similar for refugees and local people.
Coping strategies The two cultures are historically closely
aligned, and a number of tribes cross borders.
Harvesting in unsafe conditions In the context of Ikafe, this limited the
People continued to monitor the state of choice of work available to men in particular:
their crops from a distance, through while digging was done by men and women,
informal networks among both refugees weeding and harvesting were mostly
and local Ugandans, or by returning to available only to women. The fact that
their fields on foot — a distance of 5-12 kms women then were more likely to be able to
along extremely unsafe routes. Harvesting earn some income was felt particularly
food crops became a priority, except for a hard because rebel activity reached a height
very few of the refugees who had other during the long harvesting season.
sources of income. Men had already lost economic and social
Women are normally responsible for status as a result of becoming refugees in
harvesting, but it was usually men who Ikafe, particularly as there were few oppor-
risked the journey, especially after a series tunities for off-farm activities traditionally
of rapes of women who had left the relative carried out by men, such as business or
security of the camps. Single women did trading. This was coupled with the break-
not usually have any choice but to risk down of traditional community and kinship
travelling the roads alone. 'The most systems in which men played a more
movement is the harvest movement. The prominent role. Allied to loss of status was
young girls and women fear much because a sense of powerlessness in the face of the
of the raping. But conditions force them to insecurity. Respondents often reported that
go to their fields to harvest their crops' one there was more apathy among men.
woman explained when she was displaced Women were more prepared to go in
to a large transit area within the settlement. search of wild food in the bush, or to accept
Men, mostly travelling alone, were at risk lower rates of pay in the highly competitive
of beating, looting, and killing. A number job market. They often became the major
of refugees of both sexes were abducted by income providers for the household.
the rebels and taken across the borders for
training, or to be used for sex. Sexual exchange as a survival strategy
Even before the rebel activity, some Before the insecurity, there was little for
families were forced to harvest their crops men to do to support the household other
prematurely because of food shortages. In than farming, but even then, plots were
32 Gender and Development
smaller than people had been used to in tunities and movements', a woman from the
Sudan. As they found the man in the home minority Avokaya tribe complained.
unable to perform the expected role of Single people, especially those from
providing for the household, some women minority tribes, were more isolated, and
abandoned their families (and sometimes single men and women with young
their communities) to stay as 'wives' with dependents were particularly vulnerable.
local men who had better access to food 'Women without men are suffering the
and other assets. A few unmarried and mosf, one refugee explained in a personal
young girls became involved in selling sex communication at the time. 'Men move all
more directly. their women, children and property to the
bush. Single women get left out. Some have
Depletion of assets left properties because they could not carry
Other options were limited. Small-scale them.' This was noted at a time when the
business threw refugees into a vicious number of single women within the
circle once food rations were delayed, as settlement had actually increased as men
profit from activities such as brewing or returned to Sudan in search of food, to
petty trading were used to buy food, instead fight, or to attempt to cultivate land in
of being re-invested. Fewer and fewer small- preparation for a full-scale return.
scale businesses were sustained; cash was Single women were more likely to enter
generally short, and markets collapsed. unwanted marriages or get involved in
Meanwhile, petty theft increased. Food pro- other socially unacceptable activities as
ducts with high nutritional value, such as survival strategies, including selling or
simsim, which is a good source of protein, tend- bartering sex — which affected their position
ed to get exchanged for more staple food- within their own society. While they were
stuffs, especially maize flour. Some families able to ensure that their practical and
sold off any remaining assets in order to buy welfare needs were being met, at the same
food. 'How can you let a small children go time they became economically dependent
hungry when you still have a cooking pot or on someone else, and often lost sources of
some clothes sitting beside you?' liveliood and essential support mechanisms
within their own communities. During two
workshops held with refugees to discuss
Practical implications of the the implications of the overall insecurity, a
crisis number of people mentioned cases of girls
who had stayed with soldiers in Ikafe and
Problems facing single women and men had been forced to leave their parental
Informal support mechanisms had tended homes for good, when they were not
to be weak in Ikafe, where a dislocated accepted back into the community after the
population had been thrown together in a military presence was reduced.
situation where they were rarely able to
make traditional claims upon each other. Exchanging domestic roles
Once the settlement was disrupted by vio- Where families stayed together, women
lence, communities were even more disorient- very often became the primary providers
ed, and ties of responsibility to those close for the family. Sometimes (but certainly not
at hand broke down still further. Tribal net- always) men took on some of the repro-
works that cut across the settlement became ductive reponsibilities, especially cooking
more prominent; ethnic groups tended to and caring for children. It often fell on them
look to themselves first. 'People from one to collect firewood and grinding stones, or
tribe move together to look for leja-leja, and queue for water — all traditionally 'female'
they keep each other informed of oppor- tasks — particularly at night, because they
Food shortages and gender relations in Ikafe settlement, Uganda 33
were afraid for women to move far beyond Changes to gender relations
the transit camps with the ever-present risk in the household
of rape.
Decline in health Impact of changes in sexual division of
Apart from the social and economic concerns, labour
cases of malnutrition increased considerably As women took on the role of going daily
as the area became more insecure. Old in search of food, their work burdens, as
people and young children were particularly well as the psychological pressures upon
vulnerable to sickness, but even those them, were increased. Many lamented the
normally capable of walking a long distance loss of support: 'He is no longer like the
or working a full day were less able to do man in the house', a woman refugee
so once they were weakened by hunger. complained of her husband. Yet recognis-
Women who had been raped as they went ing changes in the sexual division of
in search of food, or when cultivating land responsibilities did not extend to a more
in insecure areas, needed immediate strategic questioning of traditional concepts
medical attention. This was rarely available, of women and men's work. In the few
because health centres had been heavily households where men had taken on
looted and most of the qualified staff had domestic chores, respondents noted only
left. Many women were too ashamed to go: that men's sense of inadequacy had grown,
1 didn't go to the clinic because of the shame. as they felt the pressure to assume
It's better to just keep quiet and try to get women's roles: 'Doing women's work
over it alone', a woman from Ikafe explained. makes them feel bad about themselves.' It
Women who had increased their number of was not uncommon for men to start
sexual relationships as a survival strategy drinking more heavily, which in turn
increased their vulnerability to contracting affected women, who suffered as men
HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted voiced frustrations or attempted to reassert
diseases, as well as risking pregnancy. their authority through violence.
People already faced enormous mental
strain every day, as they struggled to meet Changes in decision-making
the food needs of their families. Yet there There was no evidence that the practical
were few support mechanisms, especially changes led to very great changes in
to help men and women to deal with the women's and men's power to make
trauma of violence. Traditional healing and decisions. There were cases where women
other support mechanisms, including the did suggest that they had gained power
church, elders or close relatives, were no since taking more responsibility for food
longer functioning in the refugee context. provision. Two women interviewed in
People were left to cope alone. Everybody February 1997 for example explained how:
was suffering the violence of the rebel 'women are doing the men's work now ... It
attacks, and this may well have detracted is women who are making the decisions.'
from the specific emotional needs of both However, women's sense of having more
men and women. All those who had been power and input into decision-making was
raped spoke of an enormous sense of probably more perceived than actual. 'Even
shame; some were afraid to move out if a woman still has budget, he can still take
beyond the immediate environment of their it and she will get only a beating', one
homes; many were demoralised and woman explained. And women were still
demotivated and had lost interest in suffering from preferential feeding habits
managing their affairs, which made them of men and male children, which our
even more vulnerable. research indicated continued in Ikafe. In
34 Gender and Development
polygamous households, for example, men local beer and cigarettes', one woman
continued to eat food prepared by each of pointed out. 'If a man or woman sells food
their wives. unnecessarily, it brings conflict.' Women in
particular spoke of an impact on the health
Increased domestic quarrelling status of the entire family as a result of
Most people interviewed during the long these changes in the sexual division of labour.
period of insecurity said that the majority
of domestic arguments revolved around Marital break-down
the need for food. As one respondent put it: Women who had already been raped as a
'Most problems are because of hunger. A result of their efforts to ensure family survival
woman goes for leja-leja. Immediately she faced the likelihood of rejection by their
returns home, her husband asks her for own families. They typically complained of
something to eat. But the woman has not more domestic quarrels, and a few were
had any time to prepare anything. Then she abandoned by their husbands. Her husband
finds there is nothing to cook for sauce. left her when he discovered she had been
When the man asks why not, of course she raped by three men; it was the shame and the
will reply: "You know it's you to provide fear of AIDS' one woman refugee explained.
it", and the fighting breaks out.' Some respondents asserted that marital
There were also more domestic argu- break-down happened because women
ments as a result of the changes in gender were too tired to have sex at night.'This
roles outlined above, which brought confusion is making a lot of women leave
changes in the control men and women had their husbands. Families are breaking up
over food. As men took on harvesting, they because food is not there ... the women are
began to take decisions about sale, storage too tired [to perform their responsibilities]
and consumption of crops and food, which and fighting breaks out. This is all because
had previously been made jointly. Women of hunger', a woman refugee and member
respondents suggested they had lost the of the Refugee Council (the main refugee
capacity to make what they saw as more political and administrative body which
strategic decisions related to food. 'A man, represented the whole settlement) explained.
if he has got money today, will waste it on Some women chose to return to the homes
Right
Food distribution,
Ikafe settlement.
Food shortages and gender relations in Ikafe settlement, Uganda 35
of their refugee parents where they felt more that was a priority concern for refugees at
confident that their food needs would be met. the time, and that forced the debilitating
Simply knowing that there was a com- coping strategies the article describes.
mitment from outside to meeting food How people reacted and the choices they
needs for the medium term gave some were forced to make depended on a whole*
women a new-found freedom. Since security range of factors, among them kinship
and food supplies have improved, there structures, external (and cross-border)
have been cases of women leaving husbands support, levels of education, previous
who had previously been beating them. experiences; and as much as anything, on
This ability to move out is frequently put personality. Yet ultimately the practical
down to the fact that UNHCR has now choices related to the ability or inability to
become like 'the man of the house'. As a obtain food.
woman Chief explained: 'even if I had a man, Helping refugees to cultivate wherever
if he argues, I would say "My husband is possible was an important way of reducing
UNHCR now. He is the one to provide future vulnerability in Ikafe. Refugees asked
everything."' for seeds even at the height of the violence.
Many approached local farmers to lend
them land. Providing seeds even in quite
Changes to gender relations desperate situations can bring a sense of
at community level stability, and provides some future security.
The changes in gender roles and relations
at household level had an impact on
people's participation in community activities. Below Clearing ground preparatory to
Some men lost confidence, and felt a planting a food crop in Ikafe, before violence
and insecurity forced people to abandon this plot.
growing sense of powerlessness, which
was compounded by their having to take
on women's roles. As some men withdrew
from earlier responsibilities within the
community, women often took their places.
In addition, a significant number of men
chose to leave the settlement and return to
Sudan following SPLA (Sudanese People's
Liberation Army) advances in early 1996.
Their return was often put down to the
stresses of food shortages: many claimed to
have gone in search of food or to prepare
land for the next season. Their departure
brought some de facto changes in refugee
representation within the settlement, and
women sometimes took on that role.
Access to any form of income (or food) production systems as food is sold off to
became crucial for present and future recover a household's assets.
security. Markets collapsed in the wake of Helping men to reassume the role of
the violence, but not entirely. Women were provider by enhancing opportunities for
still seen brewing in the transit areas, them to earn income or obtain food not
which meant that a cash economy of sorts only takes the pressure from women, it also
continued to operate. Men in particular enables men to win back some social and
asked for small loans for petty trading and economic status, and with it perhaps some
to redevelop skills-based trades. In Imvepi, of their motivation — as well as providing
a neighbouring camp to Ikafe, Oxfam has much needed food. In Ikafe, Oxfam tried to
explored a system of giving out very small look for other opportunities to support
loans with a fast repayment schedule of some of the less tangible socio-political
just three months. These are paid out implications of displacement that have
directly to individuals, as a quick way of been outlined in this article. Research was
stimulating business within an unstable initiated into traditional healing mech-
environment. They are relatively low risk, anisms and to identify key people within
and so far the repayment rate has been the community to work through. Support
over 90 per cent. Refugees speak very was given to rebuild cultural activities to
highly of this loan system: 'It gave me the bring a sense of community back to the
opportunity to restart my blacksmith displaced population. Elders and chiefs
business in the transit camp at a very impor- were helped to make tribal drums which
tant time. People needed things welded and are used in various ceremonies and
new cooking pots more than ever after all the worship; and footballs and volleyballs were
troubles'(personal communication 1997). provided for the young people.
In Ikafe, we looked for opportunities linked It is especially important for displaced
to other programmes, such as making societies to rebuild community networks,
saucepan lids for improved environmental because traditional social values have often
practice; and production of scoops for food broken down. In this article, we have seen
distribution. But it was little more than a how women resorted to survival strategies
drop in the ocean. Another avenue is to that jeopardised their longer-term security:
support some of the more positive coping selling or bartering sex, in particular.
mechanisms, like offering seed banks to Focusing on short-term tangible inputs can
give a assistance against distress sales help to bring a sense of cohesion to a very
when market prices are deflated. unstable and unsupportive community
Where food supplies are under threat, environment, which in turn will help
buffer stocks can provide some security; people to cope with the pressures of day-
agencies could also consider local procure- to-day living at a time of food crisis.
ment of food in order to pre-empt sales of
assets. Another option is to look at replacing Una Payne worked as a social researcher on the
non-food items sold locally. Providing food Ikafe programme. She is the author of the
rations retrospectively may allow refugees forthcoming book on Ikafe, to be published by
to recover items pawned or sold, and to Oxfam in 1998. She is now a social policy
repay debts, but it could also have a consultant. She can be contacted via The Editor,
negative impact on market prices and local Gender and Development.
37
I
n writing this article, I have drawn on
research with a wide focus, using a recommendations for policy-makers.
sample of patients 1 previously dis-
charged from in-patient psychiatric care, The family, gender, and ties
approximately two-thirds of whom are
migrants from Pakistan and the remaining to biraderi
one-third first-generation Britons, to discuss Among women in my research sample, the
some adverse and unintended consequences roles (and the concomitant obligations)
of psychiatric care on Pakistani women most severely affected by a diagnosis and
resident in West Yorkshire. treatment of mental illness are those of wife
The hospitalisation of Pakistani women and mother, which form the core of
who participated in my research has had women's identity within the family. When
an adverse effect on their role and Haleh Afshar (1994) researched attitudes to
social standing both within their family education and employment among Muslim
and the wider community. Research on women in West Yorkshire (some of whom
had come from Pakistan), she acknow-
community mental health among Asians
ledged her surprise that marriage and
by Beliappa (1991) in the south of England
motherhood were often seen by women as
has shown that 92 per cent of people who being more important than either of the
saw their roles as negated, experienced topics which her research set out to look at.
distress. This distress could result from This view is in harmony with sentiments
conflicts in the family; damage to women's expressed by Quddus, a Pakistani author
roles and responsibilities; and some- commenting on roles within the family:
times the removal of the support from
extended family and associates that the family still retains its pre-eminence in
women have formerly received.2 The article Pakistan as the strongest bond of association
highlights the implications of current ...The father is the breadwinner and the mother
38 Gender and Development
runs the home. This demarcation works for such a healer or 'holy man' do not attract
harmony (Quddus, 1995: 73). stigma. There was some evidence, though
limited and possibly under-reported, that
The organisation of families along patri-
spouses took women to visit holy men or
lineal lines, the distance separating women
hakims. Rack (1982) points out many African,
from their families of origin through
Asian, and African-Caribbean people in
international migration, and the fact that
their countries of origin would not go to a
most women do not go out to work, has led
psychiatrist unless they were indeed
to a constriction of opportunities for social
'mad'.3 A mental hospital is therefore seen
interaction, especially among middle-aged
as a place of last resort.
and older women. Khan describes Mirpuris
from the Azad Kashmir region of Pakistan For members of a migrant community, it
(who were included in this research) as is not always possible to seek support from
'probably among the most encapsulated the extended family or biraderi. One woman,
and home-orientated of Asian migrants to speaking of the need for support said:
Britain' (Khan, 1979:38). ...at times like that sometimes I wish I had a
The roles, responsibilities, and expect- mother or a brother or a sister in this country
ations within the extended family may where I could go and off-load myself.
extend not only to family members in the
There is a recognition that the stresses of
local environment, but to relations in
separation brought about by migration,
Pakistan as well. In addition, beyond the
and other factors such as bereavement,
nuclear and extended family, as pointed
contribute to emotional distress, and that
out by Anwar and Khan, there are also
with support from the family they might
wider obligations to the biraderi. This is a have been able to cope. The informant
Pakistani Punjabi term meaning a quoted above, who lives in a nuclear
'brotherhood' based on descent from a family, and whose husband had himself
common male ancestor. Belonging to a been in and out of mental hospital over
biraderi is said to give a strong sense of many years, said:
psychological security and 'functions as a
welfare, banking and advice service' (Khan, This is why I developed all these worries and all
1979:45). In addition, the biraderi performs a this stress, keeping all these things inside, and
role which is important in the context of on top of it my husband beating me up and
this discussion: that of 'psychiatrist' shouting at me, and I didn't get any support
(Ahmad 1996, referring to Wakil 1970). from anybody, from relatives or friends. I
haven't got anybody of my own in this country
who would give me support and help.
Seeking help from
traditional sources
Respondents' views of the
Fernando (1991) argues that many Asian causes of their health
groups do not differentiate between
culture, religion, medicine, and ethics in
problems
the same way as Western cultures do. Many women clearly identified the outside
Furthermore, there is no sharp distinction causes of their health problems as family
made between 'illnesses' of the mind and problems, traumas, or conflicts. Such
of the body. It is therefore quite acceptable problems were also described by Asian
for an Asian to visit a traditional healer women talking about the sources of their
whose spiritual or religious approach is depression in other research (Fenton and
considered appropriate for resolving their Sadiq, 1993). Terms such as parishani
emotional problems or distress; visits to (worries) or takleef (emotional problems)
Mental illness and social stigma 39
were acceptable to women and to their these women were deeply distressed by the
families as descriptions of their distress, possibility that the label 'pagal' might in
because they were seen as natural resp- fact have some validity, since the drugs
onses to external stresses and problems. given to them by their GPs (family doctors)
Women saw themselves as 'under pressure' neither cured them, nor prevented recur-
from their takleef which gave rise to an rence of their depression.
illness of the mind, deemag bemari, but not
as suffering from a pathological illness or
'madness'. Social effects of
There are no direct translations of hospitalisation
psychiatric terms such as 'depression' or The stigma attached to a woman who has
'schizophrenia' into Urdu/Punjabi or been hospitalised can be severe in the
Mirpuri (the most common languages Pakistani community, conferring what the
spoken by informants). However, the word women, their relatives and members of
'mental' is translated as 'pagal: literally, 'a their community saw as a permanent
lunatic', a 'mad', or 'crazy' person . The negative label.4 Bailey5 points out that
term does not appear to allow for different hospitalisation may be used as grounds for
degrees or types of 'madness' (such as divorce and for looking elsewhere for a
depression, which is seen in psychiatry, and 'more fit wife and mother' (Bailey, 1993:15).
by the public, as a less severe or dangerous One respondent stated:
form of illness compared to schizophrenia).
The fact that a doctor admitted an indi- our people are that type, even when a person
vidual to a mental hospital meant a shift in gets better, they would still say they're 'pagal',
perception from being deemag bemari to they would still brand them.
being pagal, with its connotations of
permanence and stigma.
Marginalisation from participation
A majority of the informants indicated in family decisions
that use of this term is unidimensional and Since pagal persons are seen as being
negative: 'always out of their mind' and 'total
...well, if you say mental, if you translate nutters,' they tended to be excluded from
anything mental, they say 'pagal', that's the family decisions. Although there is no
first thing they'll say...' evidence among those interviewed that
They all say it don't they?... My mum says it, women were physically ejected from the
my brother says it... family home, there is evidence that many
... all of them, everybody, that's the only word
women are made to feel that their opinions
are of little importance. Individuals feel as
they got for it!
if their identity is negated within the family
Informants stated that family members felt setting. Speaking of others like herself who
such people cannot be trusted with any have been in hospital one woman said:
responsibilities because they are seen as
Their existence is nil, and even in the eyes of
being 'without a brain', 'daft' and 'always
their brothers and sisters they are nothing. He
talking rubbish'.
or she is not our relative.
A few younger women, particularly
those who were diagnosed as suffering Another woman referred to the effect her
from recurring bouts of post-natal depres- husband's long-standing diagnosed
sion, were sufficiently aware of their own 'mental illness' has had on her own
behaviour to determine that it was not emotional health (and which resulted in
what they considered 'normal'. But even her own admission to hospital):
40 Gender and Development
Your own brothers and sisters say he or she is women, for instance, who have a parent (or
'pagal'. He's been to 'mental' hospital and parents) who have been hospitalised shows
people say he's pagal, ...I get depressed, I get that their lives are tainted. According to
migraines, because I have to go to the hospital one such parent:
I'm labelled and people would say, 'don't listen
[Even] if you get them married off...the in-laws
to her she's pagal as well'.
would say they come from a pagal family, and
Loss of respect even the children would get very parishan in
For women with younger children, family their heart because people would say the whole
life was affected by the loss of respect on family are pagal.
the part of children for their parent, which The sons-in-law not only lack respect for
impaired women's ability to discipline their in-laws (who after marriage have the
them when necessary. According to Afshar same status as their parents) they insult
(1994) one of the responsibilities of Muslim their wives as well. She continued: 'The
women towards their children is that of sons-in-law say to their wives, "you are
teacher — of history, religion, customs, and daughter of pagal, you are prostitutes you
manners. Teaching children is difficult are bastards".' This also causes loss of
when they have lost respect for the person status among in-laws back in Pakistan,
doing the teaching. As one woman remarked: which is yet another source of stress and
Sometimes when my children fight and quarrel worry; as the woman concerned said, 'This
I can't handle them. One day I told my is how I get very parishan, I keep going
daughter what is wrong with me, and she told back to the hospital.'
her brother who then said to her, 'she's daft'. Possibilities of escape
Now whenever they make a noise or fight with The possibility of women moving away to
each other I stay quiet. escape the consequences of stigmatisation
Another woman said: is either nil or severely limited. This is not only
because it is very unlikely that a woman
My son makes mistakes, and he gets told off, would have financial independence, but also it
but whenever my husband tells him off, he says may not be safe for women to leave the
in a low tone and in a sarcastic way, 'daft'. My marital home, in the sense of leaving her
son says, 'he's not in his senses, who is he to tell husband. This would be construed as bringing
me what to do and what not to do?' dishonour on the family. At the very least such
an action would cut her off from any contact
The woman is then open to criticism from
with the family or at worst put her in danger
her relatives for not being a fit mother, as
from male relatives who may pursue her in
another woman confirmed:
an attempt to avenge the family honour.
There's always something said in the family... Given that the majority of women inter-
about the children, husband or husband's viewed were married, either previously or
parents... Therefore you think about it and make at the time of interview, such a move could
a big issue of it... Children don't respect you only happen within the context of the
when they find out you're suffering from zehni whole family moving to a new area. There
bemari (mental illness).' was no evidence from the women (or from
men who were interviewed separately) that
spouses wanted to move away from their
Stigtnatisation of children present location. This may be because many
The label of 'pagal' extends beyond individ- people migrated to particular locations to
ual women to affect the lives of their children. join other family members and therefore
The treatment meted out to young married have no wish to move elsewhere.
Mental illness and social stigma 41
where in order to receive any kind of non- Erica Wheeler is a health researcher who has
medical help they must first be labelled. done recent work in the area of mental health.
This is a 'no-win' situation where even She is currently studying for a PhD. She can be
limited help must be preceded by hosp- contacted via The Editor, Gender and
italisation, and the acquisition of a label, Development.
which has serious social consequences.
There is a need for a range of different
services both as part of existing services,
Notes
and in addition to them.6 A handful of 1 The methods used in the qualitative part
women in this research were benefiting of the research were individual inter-
from therapeutic counselling in their mother views and women-only focus groups in
tongues, by appropriately trained personnel. the 'mother tongue' of informants.
Informants suggested that counselling 2 Here, I can only touch on the range of
facilities could be offered alongside the various types of extended family that
teaching of practical skills. This would exist in Pakistani communities in Britain,
make such services acceptable to spouses and the details of family obligations;
and other family members, and thus allow these are described in more detail
women to attend more easily. It is also elsewhere. Authors tend to either make
crucial that such services do not label reference to Pakistani communities in
themselves as 'mental' health services, Britain in general (Ahmad, 1996), or
since this would defeat the very purpose of concentrate on analysing kinship ties
having such a facility. Counselling might and obligations among specific Pakistani
also be provided in GP surgeries, through a communities (Anwar, 1979; Khan, 1979).
'primary care counsellor', so that problems Although in some ways family roles and
could be dealt with before they reach crisis forms overlap with those of the white
proportions, (although GPs need to be edu- indigenous majority population, they
cated about how to refer appropriately). differ substantially in many others, but
The provision of Home Treatment7 services have equal validity.
in the geographical area where some of the 3 This is not mean to state definitively that
informants live should also be considered all Pakistanis think this way but it has
as a valuable alternative to hospital since it been recognised elsewhere (Afshar,
allows people to be treated (including 1994) that the values and indeed the
treatment and monitoring of those on beliefs of migrants tend to become
medication) within their home environment. ossified whereas thinking may have
This has proved to be a beneficial method moved on and changed in their own
of treatment, and many studies have countries which they left some time ago.
shown superior outcomes with home- 4 Although among a minority of women
based care compared to hospital care (two), there was evidence that there was
(Burns, 1993). It has also been shown to some labelling prior to admission to
have great benefits in areas where there are hospital, it was clear from the stories of
significant proportions of people from both those women and others inter-
minority ethnic groups (Muijen et al, 1992; viewed, that the decisive factor in
Sashidharan and Smyth, 1992). Home- acquiring it as a permanent (and
based care not only involves the family, but therefore a more damaging) label was
is shown to reduce the need for hospitalis- the act of hospitalisation.
ation and the concomitant stigmatisation. 5 A research worker with a community
All these services need to co-exist in order based project including the same general
for clients to be referred between them geographical location as the one in
according to need. which this study was undertaken.
Mental illness and social stigma 43
6 There are two small voluntary organi- Dean C. and Gadd E.M. (1990) 'Home
sations in the research locations (funded treatment for acute psychiatric illness'
by the statutory sector) which offer counsel- British Medical Journal, Vol. 301, 3
ling or support and information to Asian November, pp. 1021-1023.
women. Both organisations cater for Fen ton S. and Sadiq A. (1993) The Sorrow in
small numbers of people because their My Heart, CRE (Commission for Racial
staffing and their budgets are consid- Equality), London.
erably limited in comparison to the size Fernando S. (1991) Mental Health, Race and
and needs of the communities they cater Culture, Macmillan in association with
for. Nationally, however, there are a MIND, London.
growing number of voluntary organi- Fernando S. (1992) 'Roots of racism'
sations which cater for Asian clients Openmind 59 October/November.
Khan V. S. (1979) 'Migration and social
stress: Mipuris in Bradford' in Khan. V. S
References (ed) Minority Families in Britain, Macmillan
Afshar H. (1994) 'Muslim women in West Press, London.
Yorkshire' in Afshar H. and Maynard M. Muijen M., Marks I. Connolly J. and Audini
(eds) The Dynamics of 'Race' and Gender, B. (1992) 'Home based care and standard
Taylor and Francis. hospital care for patients with severe
Ahmad W. (1996) 'Family obligations and mental illness: a randomised controlled
social change among Asian communities' trial' British Medical Journal Vol. 304, 21
in Ahmad W. and Atkin K. (eds) 'Race' and March.
Community Care, Open University Press, Quddus S. A. (1995) Family and Society in
Buckingham. Pakistan, Sang-E-Meel Publications,
Anwar M. (1979) The Myth of Return: Lahore.
Pakistanis in Britain, Heinemann, London. Rack P. (1982) Race, Culture and Mental
Bailey S. (1993) Women's Views of Mental Health Disorder, Routledge, London.
Services, The Cellar Project, Bradford. Sashidharan S. and Smyth M. (1992) West
Beliappa J. (1991) Illness or Distress? Alter- Birmingham Home Treatment Service:
native Models of Mental Health, Confeder- Evaluation of Home Treatment in Ladywood
ation of Indian Organisations, London. (Unpublished).
Burns T., Beadsmore A., Bhat A. V., Oliver Sasoon M. and Lindow V. (1995) 'Cons-
A. and Mathers C. (1993) 'A Controlled ulting and empowering Black mental
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British Journal of Psychiatry, 163, pp. 49-54. Routledge, London.
44
T
he Moscow conference focused on
the results of a two-year study activities to address the problem of trafficking.
carried out by Global Survival The research for the conference drew on
Network (GSN) to uncover the growing interviews with NGOs and over 50 women
trade in Russian women for international who had been trafficked overseas, and
prostitution. Prior to 1992 there were police and government officials in Russia,
virtually no reported cases of 'trafficking'1 Europe, Asia, and the US. These were comb-
of women from Russia to the West, yet, ined with less conventional methodologies,
since the break-up of the Soviet Union, the used to discover how the traffickers operated,
phenomenon has reached 'epidemic such as setting up a dummy company that
proportions' (UN 1996,11). While a wealth specialised in importing foreign women as
of words have been expended in the past entertainers and escorts, and the filming of
on the problem of trafficking in the form of dealings with traffickers using hidden,
reports, conference recommendations,and cameras.
treaties and resolutions by UN bodies, This article argues that the violence and
implementation of resolutions has been abuses linked to sex work are due to
poor. Research and policy have been charac- stigmatisation of prostitution, and the
terised by disagreement between individuals unequal power relations involved in the
and organisations coming to the issue from work, at all levels: from the point of view of
very different ideological bases. the women themselves, and between sending
Attended by approximately 100 repre- and receiving countries and regions. Appro-
sentatives from NGOs, governments, the priate policy responses should therefore be
United Nations, and the European Com- based on an empowering approach; incr-
mission, the conference aimed to facilitate co- easing women's opportunities to help
operation between Russian non-govern- themselves is a more effective use of resources
mental groups and international NGOs, to prevent trafficking than the abolitionist
devise conference resolutions for govern- strategies of the past.
provide protection for trafficking opera- instruments for the detention and expulsion
tions and sex businesses. On deciding to of persons without residence permits, make
travel abroad for work, a woman is likely to it harder for women to obtain visas legally,
turn to one of the many employment agencies, and therefore play into the hands of
entertainment companies, or marriage traffickers. A further problem with framing
agencies which specialise in placing women trafficking as a problem of illegal border
with foreign employers. These are often crossing is that women often enter countries
illegal companies, run by organised legally as tourists, brides or entertainers.
criminal groups, which manipulate and There are various articles in the Russian
mislead the women. At the conference, criminal code that could be used to assist
Michael Platzer, Chief, Operational Activities women who have been trafficked.
at the Centre, stated that 'prostitution and Lyudmila Zavadskaya, the Deputy Minister
trafficking in women is still the biggest of Justice, explained that the Ministry had
money-maker for organised crime groups made 80 bilateral agreements with other
in Eastern Europe'. Tackling trafficking by countries to combat this 'latent criminality'.
bringing criminals to justice has proved a These agreements state that a person from
very difficult and expensive task, and has another country should enjoy the same
yielded little success. This approach is also rights as a citizen of the host country.
based on the assumption that in tackling However, Olga Samarina, the Head of the
demand, the supply of women will disappear; Ministry of Labour, explained, 'Women will
and therefore ignores the fact that women not apply for legal aid as outlined in the
enter the trafficking process in order to find bilateral agreements mentioned by the
work and earn an income. Deputy Minister of Justice, because it is
Conference participants pointed out that likely that they will be deported. If women
this strategy reflects the current popularity do apply for legal aid at the consulate, they
of the criminal law as an instrument to often have to wait months for it to
solve social problems. A criminal approach materialise. In the meantime they continue
is appealing to states, as they are then seen to be exploited and could be resold.' The
to be tackling the problem. As a result, the conference recommended strengthening
state is released from taking more difficult such bilateral agreements by making them
preventative and remedial measures, that public and so more available to NGOs
effectively meet the women's interests. working with trafficked women.
Human rights campaigners at the confer-
Trafficking as illegal migration ence argued that corruption or inaction on
The international nature of trafficking the part of government can legitimise
means the power of an individual state to trafficking. Participants cited cases of police
combat the problem is limited. One way is being bribed not to arrest pimps; forgery of
to use laws on migration. However, migration visas of women to be trafficked; state
legislation is heavily influenced by officials paid protection money; and arbitrary
prevailing economic and political interests. detention. Participants also described cases
This approach depicts trafficked women as amounting to torture, for example, the rape
criminals who have crossed borders in custody of trafficked women who were
illegally or are illegal residents; policies in working as prostitutes.
response will protect the interests of the Participants called for governments in
state, and not those of the women. receiving countries to be responsible for
Xenophobic actions by receiving countries providing information and legal assistance
to combat trafficking in women, such as to the trafficked women, rather than
tightening visa policies, limiting residence detaining or deporting them. Governments
and labour permits, and bringing in more should focus on strengthening good
48 Gender and Development
beauty contests, modelling, hotel prostitution, these conflicting understandings, and how
video pornography) currently carried out they are identified by others, has important
by Russian women suggests that a broader resource and policy implications for the
definition of sex-work is required than state and non-governmental welfare and
'provision of sexual services for payment' social institutions.
is required.
In a 1993 survey of Moscow's female
school-leavers, it was reported that in answer
Conclusion
to the question 'which is the most attractive The Moscow conference illustrates the
profession?', 60 per cent replied 'prostitution' importance of disentangling the various
(Argumenty i fakty 1993, 7). Is the way sex agendas that have influenced the definition
work is currently being seen in Eastern of trafficking, in order to pin-point whose
Europe different to its stigmatised image in interests are being served by the corres-
Western countries? ponding policies. It is also important to
Here, anthropological approaches may understand all aspects of the trafficking
help us to understand the way women's process, in order to identify which practices
life choices are determined by their specific should be combated, with a view to
context, including the particular signi- protecting women from specific instances
ficance attached to women's bodies. The so- of violence. At the same time, it is also
called 'resexualisation' of society (Corrin, important to view trafficking in women
1992) is often portrayed as liberating for holistically, as a cycle that begins before
women, because it allows them to discover women leave their country of origin,
their suppressed sexuality. For Russian encompasses their experiences in the host
women, this is epitomised by the fact that country, and continues after their return.
they can now buy lipstick in the shops, like
The conference provided a valuable
their Western counterparts.
opportunity for exchange and coalition-
Neo-liberal economists endorse the building between the new, independent
growth of the sex industry as an embodi- Russian women's organisations, through
ment of the reform process and the new discussion of a problem that has not until
social freedoms that accompany this, now been widely recognised in Russia.8 But
challenging the constraints imposed by the the focus must move from words expended
state in the past. The increasing number of at ministerial meetings and international
women entering the sex industry has been conferences, to the creation of the oppor-
seen as a sign of progress, demonstrating tunities for action by different constit-
that women are practising entrepreneurial uencies, including women's organisations.
virtues of new liberalism (Kiss, 1992). In It must be recognised that women's
contrast, some Russian commentators have motives for entering the trafficking cycle,
treated women who engage in this kind of and their self-help responses to break out of
behaviour as symbols of the times: epito- that cycle, are two sides of the same coin.
mising material vulnerability, moral confusion, Initiatives which approach the problem of
the cultural imperialism of the West, and trafficking as an organised crime or a
the degradation of the Russian nation. migration issue ignore the most important
In selling sex, therefore, the Russian opportunities to support women who are
woman sex-worker embodies an apparent trafficked. Policy should build on women's
contradiction between newly-liberated coping mechanisms as a part of the solution
feminine sexuality, aggressive market to combating the violence, exploitation, and
orientation, and confused moral identity. abuse of women in the trafficking process.
How women see themselves in relation to Empowering policy should target pre-
50 Gender and Development
ventative education initiatives and support and personal choice; deception, such as
the trafficked women on their return home. the nature of the work to be done; abuse
of authority, such as confiscating
personal documents; and debt bondage.
Notes 7 At the conference, Olga Shved from La
1 The term 'trafficking' is used critically in Strada stated that in Kiev in 1995, the
this article, acknowledging that it is police had 400 cases of parents looking
linked to a conception of the state as for their daughters, who were thought to
concerned with matters of security and have gone abroad.
national boundaries. In addition, the 8 For more information on the response of
concept of 'trafficked woman' is proble- local crisis centres and women's organi-
matic as it tends to render the woman sations in Russia to issues such as
passive. These issues will be addressed domestic violence and rape, please refer
further in this article. to Khodyreva, N. (1996) 'Sexism and
2 The condition of constraint, implied by Sexual Abuse in Russia', in Corrin, C.
the use of the term 'compulsive', was (ed.) Women in a Violent World: Feminist
removed in the 1993 International Analyses and Resistance Across 'Europe'
Convention for the Suppression in and Zabelina, T. (1996) 'Sexual Violence
Traffic in Women, but this only applies Towards Women', in Pilkington, H. (ed.)
to the international traffic in women. Gender, Generation and Identity in
3 My thanks to Ashwani Saith who Contemporary Russia.
suggested this concept to explain
women's initiative in a situation that
poses considerable constraints.
References
4 The problem with this approach had Bfindman, J (1993) Forced Prostitution in
been that it leads to a two-tier system Turkey: Women in the Genelevs, ASI
whereby Dutch prostitutes are protected Human Rights Series No. 6, Anti-Slavery
by the state and Third World women are International, London UK.
trafficked into the country illegally. The 'Besplatnykh zavtrakov ne byvaet' 1993,
state lowers the market value of legal Argumenty i fakty 1:7
European prostitutes to promote local CATW (Coalition Against Trafficking In
prostitutes and thus is driving a rift Women) 1991, 16th Session of the
between women from Europe and those Working Group on Contemporary Forms
from the Third World. of Slavery in 1991, UN Economic and
5 See for example, Raymond, J. Trostitution Social Council E/CN.4/Sub2/1991/41.
as Violence Against Women' in Women's Corrin, C (1992) Superwoman and the Double
Global Network for Reproductive Rights, Burden: Women's Experience of Change in
Newsletter 60 1997 #4. It is certainly true Central and Eastern Europe and the Former
that some governments, especially in Soviet Union London, Scarlet Press
South East Asia, are guilty of inst- Fong, M and Paull, G (1992) The Changing
itutionalising prostitution and sex- Role of Women in Employment in Eastern
tourism, through their tacit approval of Europe, World Bank, Europe and Central
market structures and networks which Asia Region, Population and Human
promote it, to increase business and the Resources Division, Report No. 8213,
remission of foreign currency. February
6 Coercion can take various forms Kiss, Y (1992) 7
The second "No": women in
including, but not limited to, violence or Hungary , Feminist Review note 13, pp 49-57
the threat of violence, including the Standing, G (1994) Labour Markets Dynamics
deprivation of freedom of movement in Russian Industry in 1993: Results from
Forced migration and trafficking of women 51
'You know, I do not really care for tea, but my in Lebanon without citizenship, she said
friend Mala does. Her employers forbid her to '...and I want the world to know that we
drink tea or any other drink all day long. They the [ ] are treated in Lebanon as if we
would only allow her to eat leftovers. When were Sri Lankans!' This statement may
they used to go out and leave her alone at home, have gone unnoticed had it not been for a
they used to lock the door and fridge and tie her listener who was equally seen as pro-
hands. I do not understand — why tie her gressive, who was quick to retort '...may
hands when the main door and everything else God forbid, never have we treated you as
in the house are locked?' Sri Lankans!'
Siani, a 36-year-old Sri Lankan domestic This article examines the lack of support
worker in Lebanon given by humanitarian and human rights
organisations in Lebanon to women
domestic workers from Sri Lanka. Despite
I
n Lebanon today, being a woman
domestic worker from Sri Lanka means their increased visibility, the predicament
facing gender, class, and race discrim- and tragedy of this relatively large and
ination simultaneously. Given the lack of predominantly female community remains
legal rights or social support for these virtually ignored. This article describes the
workers, the situation is reminiscent of different forms of gender, ethnic, and class
slavery. Sadly, however, it does not seem to discrimination to which many female
be important enough to stir the interest of domestic workers are constantly subjected,
organisations working on other human- and asks why their increased vulnerability
itarian or human rights issues. does not appear to be a cause for concern
Some years ago, I heard a woman repre- on the part of local or international NGOs.
sentative of a 'progressive' political party The article ends by suggesting approaches
give a public address. While complaining which NGOs could take to address the
about the treatment of other people living plight of women migrant workers.
Female domestic workers from Sri Lanka in Lebanon 53
The road from Sri Lanka to by a gradual paralysis in state function and
Beirut control. The deterioration of the economy
and a crisis in security encouraged Arab
It was only after the onset of the Gulf War domestic workers (mostly from Syria and
in 1990, which led to the repatriation of Egypt) to leave Lebanon, thus creating a
tens of thousands of migrant workers, that gap which was rapidly filled by cheaper
the West became aware of the tragedy of Asian migrant labour, particularly from Sri
Asian domestic workers in Kuwait and Lanka. Sri Lankan women, and to a much
other host countries in the region. Tales of lesser extent Sri Lankan men, were the first
slavery, forced prostitution, and inhumane to come en masse through illegal or semi-
treatment made media headlines for a short legal channels, typically involving employ-
time. Now, a few years later, the public ment agencies in Lebanon and Sri Lanka,
consciousness around the world has been brokers, and middlemen, including
stirred by individual cases, such as the government officials (Achkar-Noccocho
execution of a Filipina domestic worker in 1997). This migration was tacitly encour-
Singapore and the public flogging of aged by the government of Sri Lanka; as for
another Filipina in the UAE who had killed most 'sending' countries, migrant labour
her employer in self-defence as he was plays a significant role in the economy,
trying to rape her, reminding the world of including offsetting the external debt-
the thousands of women stranded away service payment, because of foreign
from home with no legal or social support. exchange remittances (Rodrigo and Jaya-
These horror stories, however, are not tissa 1989). In fact, migration simultaneously
limited to one particular host country or to produces 'dependence for both the sending
Southern women in Northern countries. state and for the individual involved'
This article draws on my own experience, (Brochman, 1993,172).
and observation of and direct contact with, Many people's food, education, health
Sri Lankan women workers in Lebanon. care, and even lives back home depend on
According to Ministry of Labour statistics, the hard work of these migrant women
Sri Lankan migrants, of whom the majority (Chant 1992). This is borne out from my
are women domestic workers, constitute own discussions with women domestic
more than half the legal migrant force in workers. An overwhelming majority are
Lebanon. This is confirmed by newspaper married, and have left their children in the
reports that, of a total of 47,974 work- care of their immediate families, in-laws, or
permits granted to foreigners in the first 10 other relatives. A wide circle of relatives
months of 1997,19,602 were for Sri Lankan often depends on the remittances of the
domestic workers, mostly women 04/ Dyar, domestic workers.
25 December 1997).
It is difficult to trace the history of the Catalogue shopping
influx into Lebanon of migrant workers for maids
from Sri Lanka or any other Asian or
African country as there is very little For a family in Lebanon, the procurement
documentation or research, which in itself process is relatively simple and efficient. A
testifies to the lack of awareness and first contact is made with a local
minimal importance of imported labour. employment agency, which offers a
However, based on empirical evidence and selection of pictures of Sri Lankan girls for
personal accounts, the major influx started prospective employers to choose from. The
in the late 1970s (Brochmann 1993), when employer then pays a lump sum of up to
the civil war in Lebanon was accompanied GBP 2000 to the agency to cover their fees,
54 Gender and Development
the airfare, and a 'deposit'. Once the the employer are willing to lose on the
payment is settled, the employment agency investment paid for bringing a maid all the
arranges for the Sri Lankan woman to be way from Sri Lanka; hence, every effort is
brought to Lebanon, helps to secure a made to ensure that the woman is re-
passport in Sri Lanka, and facilitates employed in any way possible (personal
entrance to Lebanon (personal commu- communications with activists working on
nication, 1998). the issue, 1998).
Cumaranatunga has identified three Sri Lankan domestic workers who come
stages at which problems and pressures are on contracts typically lasting three years are
experienced by women from Sri Lanka paid up to $100 per month. They do not
seeking employment as domestic workers have access to any employment benefits
abroad (Cumaranatunga 1990). The first of nor are they protected by local labour laws.
these is before their departure from Sri There have been numerous reported cases
Lanka, when women often become of employers witholding payment either
involved in an illegal process of paying temporarily or even indefinitely (ibid). Sri
bribes to employment agencies and to Lankan migrant workers to Lebanon find
unscrupulous government officials, themselves in an alien environment, where
borrowing money from loansharks, and not only practical aspects of life such as
falsifying passports and travel documents. food are unfamiliar, but they are often not
Some women are particularly likely to need permitted to fulfil their religious devotions,
to falsify documents — including minors, regardless of whether they are Christian or
and those wanting to change their religious Muslim (personal communication with
affiliation to make them more 'acceptable' domestic workers, 1997). The distress
to certain employers (internal Oxfam caused is relatively mild in comparison
report, 1997). to the suffering of those who encounter
physical and psychological abuse. Testi-
monies from many domestic workers speak
Problems in Lebanon of cruel and inhumane treatment, as well as
The second set of problems are faced on long working hours, intimidation, and
arrival in the host country. One can confiscation of passports and travel
imagine the confusion and panic of women, documents (ibid).
many of whom had never left their villages In the case of abuse, there is very little
before, arriving in a foreign country, where that a Sri Lankan maid can do except run
nobody speaks their language, and where away without her passport and travel
they have no social support system. Upon documents. She may be picked up by the
her arrival in Lebanon, the Sri Lankan maid all-too-numerous prostitution rings; if she
is handed over to her new employers, who is luckier, she may become self-employed,
are responsible for securing the necessary hiring her services as a daily maid to
residency and work permit (Achkar- employers of her own choice. Although this
Noccocho, 1997). During the first few arrangement is slightly more lucrative, it is
months of employment, if the employers do risky, as women without travel documents
not 'like' their new maid for any reason, or can be apprehended by the security forces
if she happens to have any health or other at any time, and are likely to be deported.
problem, she may be 'returned' to the Once back home, domestic workers face
employment agency, who will ensure that a third set of difficulties. According to an
she is quickly 'replaced'. There is no official assessment undertaken by the Oxfam
information about what happens to women Office in Colombo with a number of local
who are 'returned' to employment NGOs working with returnees (Oxfam,
agencies; but clearly, neither the agency nor 1997), many women are stigmatised on
Female domestic workers from Sri Lanka in Lebanon 55
return to their own communities, as they Lanka with very little gained in economic
are assumed to have led a promiscuous life terms, then the myth of the 'eldorado'
abroad. According to workers who have should be challenged, through grassroots
stayed in touch with friends who have awareness-raising. NGOs need to publicise
returned home, returnees commonly the situation of Sri Lankan migrant women
complain about husbands taking on in order to discourage the exodus. More
mistresses during their absence, or about also needs to be done in the international
tension and conflicts with an unemployed arena, to denounce this situation and put
spouse. In short, Sri Lankan migrant pressure on governments to sign and ratify
workers to the Middle East make 'few international conventions for the protection
long-term gains in terms of status, of migrant workers.
autonomy, fewer burdens or enduring
economic security' (Brochmann 1993,178).
NGOs' responses
Until recently, no local NGO in Lebanon
Presenting alternatives to has actively engaged in any form of work
labour migration with women migrant workers from Sri
The prevention of the appalling treatment Lanka or any other sending country. Since
of migrant domestic workers has been very early 1997, the newly-established Lebanese
much a concern of women's groups in League to Resist Violence Against Women
other sending countries, including the has been running a telephone 'hot-line' for
Philippines, who have pressured their women victims of violence; it is also
government to take action to prohibit involved with media campaigning on
migration, particularly to the Middle East. violence, and advocacy on law reforms,
Unfortunately, the government of Sri Lanka and is increasingly publicising the needs of
has yet to take similar action regarding women who are particularly vulnerable to
migration to Lebanon; there has been some violence: notably women with disabilities,
discussion of this, but no definite plans migrant women, and women refugees.
(personal communications with activists, Laksetha (in Sinhali 'Well-being') is the
November/December 1997). This issue is only centre for Sri Lankan and other migrant
of increasing concern especially after the workers, mostly women, in Lebanon. It is
famous case of the Sri Lankan honorary run by a dedicated and undefeatable nun
consul in Jordan, a Jordanian citizen, who from Sri Lanka of the Good Shepherd
was tried, but found innocent, on more Congregation. The centre is the last resort
than 80 charges of trafficking in Sri Lankan for Sri Lankan women in despair. Many are
women and children. runaways and hence their legal status has
Whilst the governments of both sending to be resolved, which is no easy matter
and host countries need to take serious and especially if their passports and travel
immediate action to protect women documents have been confiscated by
migrant workers, local and international employers. Many others are seriously ill
NGOs and women's groups and networks and need to be repatriated immediately.
need to take a stronger position on this Many are having to return home after years
issue. There is an immediate need for of strenuous work, with no money and
organisations working with a women's often no possessions except the clothes
rights focus to undertake field research on they are wearing. Tina Naccache, one of the
the situation of women migrant workers in very few human rights activists working
Lebanon, and upon their return to Sri with Sri Lankan migrant women in
Lanka. If women are going back to Sri Laksetha, says that 'although some
56 Gender and Development
measures of control are being introduced 'they're stealing jobs away from Lebanese',
and which is indeed a positive sign, yet the 'they complain too much and are un-
lives of Sri Lankan women are not getting grateful, they deserve it all', and 'they are
any better. The number of complaints is not thieves and liars, and I cannot believe that
decreasing and what is worrying is that we they are beaten and raped by their employ-
are seeing signs of new developing ers'. It is unusual to have such views
problems such as increased prostitution expressed without apology by develop-
and pregnancies'. In addition, Naccache ment workers and activists; many of whom
reports being asked for 'Sri Lankan' babies are women.
for adoption, a matter which is highly
unlikely. Naccache fears that the increase in
illegitimate, unrecognised, and unregistered References
half-Sri-Lankan children will undoubtedly Achjar-Noccocho, T (1997) 'Who does the
attract worldwide trafficking in children. dishes and at what cost? Paid and
Apart from these two examples, unpaid domestic work in Lebanon',
organisational responses to the interests unpublished paper presented at the
and needs of migrant domestic workers are Gender and Citizenship Conference,
largely lacking. In the course of my work Beirut, March 1997.
with Oxfam GB in Lebanon, and my Brochmann G (1993) Middle East Avenue:
discussions with different NGOs and Female Migration from Sri Lanka to the
women groups involved in rights issues, I Gulf, Westview Press
have often been amazed by the reaction Chant S, (1992) Gender and Migration in
when I suggest that the abuses faced by Developing Countries, Belhaven Press.
women domestic workers are serious and Cumaranatunga L K (1990) 'Coping with
that we should address them in the NGO the unknown: Sri Lankan domestic
community. Comments reveal the confused aides' in Kiribamune S and Samarasinghe
emotions and thoughts surrounding the V, Women at the Crossroads: a Sri Lankan
topics of labour migration and domestic Perspective International Centre for
work, and the way in which these women Ethnic Studies, Colombo.
face class, race and gender discrimination Rodrigo C and Jayatissa R A, (1989)
simultaneously, and reactions vary between 'Maximising benefits from Labour
denial, rejection, or lack of interest. Migration: Sri Lanka', in Amjad R (ed),
Typical statements include: 'they came To the Gulf and Back: Studies on the
here of their own free will', 'they would Economic Impact of Asian Labour
have starved to death in their countries', Migration, ILO/ARTEP.
57
round the world, Roma people (often from Usha Kar, former Oxfam GB Bosnia
Although humanitarian aid (in the form of group was arguably used more as a tool for
relief distributions) was clearly expressed their segregation within society than in
as a need, the Roma people also sought order to recognise them as equal citizens of a
support to access their rights and to society which respected their culture and
challenge prejudice and discrimination, as way of life. The gradual political, economic
these, for them, were the underlying causes and social breakdown of the Yugoslav state
of their poverty and powerlessness. Many in the 1980s, and existing prejudice
Roma people are hesitant to be open about towards Roma people, served to increase
their background and culture, for fear of hostility and violence towards them (ibid.).
further prejudice. There are therefore some Economically, Roma people are among
limitations to the scope and depth of this the most marginalised groups in society,
article, from the very nature of social with the highest unemployment rate of any
relationships between the Roma community community in Tuzla (interview with staff,
and the wider world. Centre For Social Work, Tuzla, 1996). While
Roma people are often popularly believed
to lead a nomadic existence, the reality is more
Life before the conflict complex. Some Roma stayed in one place,
Historically, Roma people — also known as usually those with a specific trade or craft,
'gypsies' have been relegated to low social whereas the nomadic Roma travelled to
and economic status in the countries of wherever there was a fair or festival, to tell
Eastern Europe (Crowe 1996). Roma people fortunes and to trade in gifts. However, the
identify themselves as ethnically Roma yet romantic image of gypsy nomads, as given in
can be Orthodox or Catholic Christians, or traditional folk-tales, is misleading; Roma
Muslims. Despite the significant influence society is not static but dynamic, reacting to
of their culture on Eastern European music change. Roma people have taken note of
and art, they have not commanded respect changing economic circumstances, identifying
from other ethnic groups. Prejudice has new services including car-washing, and
taken the form of social and economic new markets. Many Roma have switched
marginalisation and also of organised their attendance at overcrowded rural
violence, notably the genocide known as town markets to the bigger market in
the Porajmos ('Gypsy holocaust') between Sarajevo (Mask 1996).
1933 and 1945, when an estimated 26,000 -
28,000 people died in the territory which in
1941 became the Independent State of The impact of conflict
Croatia (NDH)2. Of the 60,000 Roma who on Roma life
lived in Serbia before World War Two,
12,000 died in the Porajmos (ibid.). Mobility and settlement
In former Yugoslavia, only Bosnia and Since the war, there are no reliable data kept
Montenegro came to recognise Roma as a on the number of Roma people in Bosnia-
distinct national group in their constitutions; Hercegovina, as no official census has been
the constitutions of Yugoslavia's other four carried out. Two years after the signing of
republics continued to identify them only the Dayton Peace Agreement and the end
as an ethnic group. The status of 'nationality' of hostilities, despite efforts by Oxfam, it
enabled Roma people to establish schools has been impossible to get any accurate
where teaching was in their own mother information from the local authorities
tongue, to defend themselves in court in about the number of Roma people living in
their mother tongue, and to media produce any one area. This has undoubtedly been
in their own language. However, in Bosnia, complicated by the Roma people's reluctance
recognition of Roma as a distinct ethnic to give information for fear of prejudice
Migration, ethnicity and conflict 59
and persecution. In an attempt to resolve this, have moved to another area to seek employ-
Oxfam has helped Roma groups to establish ment; this figure is now just 6 per cent
databases of Roma people and to carry out (Oxfam research, November/December
a census in the Tuzla area (Federation of BiH) 1997). Fairs and festivals have yet to
and Bijeljina (Republika Srpska of BiH). resume; these were not only traditionally
Informants in the research confirmed significant for livelihoods but for social
that traditional migratory movement was interaction (meeting friends and relatives)
brought to a halt with the outbreak of war. and cultural events such as marriages.
For some, migration to a third country (pri-
marily Germany), and continuing movement Changes to gender relations
within it, was their chosen option; it is unclear and women's role
how many people left. Problems face those Of all the changes that the war has brought
who now wish to return, who may find to the lives of the Roma people, the impact
other displaced people have taken over to the social status and economic role of
their houses. In the case of Bjeljina, a small women has perhaps been the most dramatic.
town in north-east Bosnia, the majority of Current data show the employment rate of
the large pre-war Roma community left the Roma population in Tuzla at 3 per cent
during the war to go to Germany. Many of (of which 2.8 per cent are men) (Oxfam
their houses are now occupied by displaced research, 19%). However, despite this ostensibly
Serbs from the Muslim-Croat Federation, low employment rate as compared to men,
one of the two new entities created from the war has brought about an emphasis on
Bosnia-Herzegovina on the signing of the women as the main providers; many men
Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995, the other fled the country or fought and were killed
being Republika Srpska. during the war. In the research, women
and men both thought the effects of this
The new constitution, drawn up as a unemployment have largely fallen on
result of the Dayton Peace Agreement, has women; Roma men now lean on women to
removed the three-tier ranking mentioned provide for the whole family, while main-
above, effectively removing the recognised taining their traditional role in the home.
national status Roma people had in society.
In most Roma communities, there remains a
For Roma people, this has meant they are
very clear distinction between concepts of
forced to migrate to the part of Bosnia
'men's work' and 'women's work'. In the
associated with their ethnic background; no
immediate pre-war period, Roma women
consideration was made for people who did
looked after their own households and took
not categorise themselves as Serb, Muslim
care of children, begging, and sometimes
or Croat. Zone of separation areas (ZOS)
providing domestic help to other house-
between the two entities are heavily mined,
holds outside of the Roma community, at
preventing border crossings. For all dis-
an extremely low wage, and with no regu-
placed people in Bosnia, the 750,000 landmines
lations regarding working conditions,
on the territory of Bosnia-Hercegovina
despite labour laws designed to prevent
have removed the chance for any temp-
this (Masic, 1996).
orary settlements on abandoned land.
Large numbers of internally displaced
Economic change people and a post-war economic crisis have
The post-war ethnic pattern of region- resulted in a drop in the number of Roma
alisation and the halt to population move- women employed. At the same time a dra-
ment means an end to the pattern of economic matic drop in the standard of living and the
migration that took place before the war. In average income in Bosnia has also seen a
later research in 1997, almost half the fall in the number of job opportunities. Where
respondents stated that when income was jobs exist they tend to require basic educa-
insufficient for a family, their families would tion; in addition, informants felt that ethnic
60 Gender and Development
background and 'connections' have become 'My husband knows I do this and he beats
paramount, virtually excluding Roma from me every time, but he still expects me to
employment (Oxfam research, July 1996). earn enough money to buy food and
In addition, there is evidence that paid alcohol for him. I have no choice, this
jobs, such as domestic work, traditionally would never have happened before the
carried out by Roma women, have been taken war. Before the war, if we had no means of
over by other displaced women. Many of income, we would have simply moved on, now
them come from rural areas and are relatively it is not possible, I am trapped'(personal
uneducated. Agencies working with displaced communication 1997).
women have developed marketing services to
assist them in securing work, neglecting to Growth in domestic violence
consider the impact of this on Roma women Domestic violence has been a feature of life in
who have previously performed these jobs Roma communities since before the conflict;
(communication, Dinka Mask, 1998). respondents attributed the causes to the
The economic crisis has led to many economic position of Roma people, lack of
women adopting emergency survival mecha- education, and male alcoholism (Masic 1996),
nisms, including an increased incidence of but substantial research was never done into
begging. Around 60 per cent of the Roma the issue; it is therefore impossible to measure
female population now beg on a regular basis whether violence has increased post-conflict
(at least five times a week) (Oxfam research, (personal communication, Dinka Masic, 1998).
July 1996). Begging is seen as a traditional However, some women in our research men-
way of earning income which is women's tioned that domestic violence has increased in
responsibility. Bosnian informants in the the Roma community, although none would
research, from outside the Roma communities openly talk about it. The prevalent factors
as well as within, rationalised this division of behind the perceived post-war increase was
labour as logical in that women and older attributed to unemployment among Roma
people were less physically strong and unable men, a breakdown in the structure of Roma
to support themselves, while men, who are society, and a shift in gender relations, brought
'physically stronger and healthy, should about by women being the 'breadwinners'.
work' (non-Roma respondent, ibid). Roma men have difficulty coming to terms
Informants agreed that before the war, with the change in relationships. In male-
prostitution among Roma was virtually headed households, even while women are
unheard of (although prejudice in wider increasingly the main providers of income, it
society led to allegations that it took place). is still the men who have control over the
However, informants who participated in fur- economic resources. Respondents felt that, by
ther research (which took place in November placing the burden of economic provision on
and December 1997, with 40 women, 25 women without giving up control of the
children and 20 men) revealed that, while resulting resources, men are trying to
the majority of Roma women who practise maintain their power; in this light it appears
prostitution are single or heads of house- that the status of women has decreased in
hold, it is not uncommon for married women Roma society, rather than increased.
to resort to prostitution in order to support
their families. Informants said tha^Roma men Single women heading households
find this abhorrent, but at the same time For many widowed women, movement is
expect women to provide for the family. impossible since social norms in the Roma
M.S., who is married with three small community will not allow women to move
children, reported that she occasionally uses alone. Single-parent households rely on the
prostitution as a means to feed her family. close-knit Roma community to protect and
Migration, ethnicity and conflict 61
support them. In single women's households, parents in one settlement in Tuzla to send
a man from another household often controls their children to school, the headmaster of
the economic resources. Control also extends one school set up an obstacle, declaring that
to women's social behaviour, including children from that settlement did not fall
where they can go and who they speak to. into the school's catchment area. After long
While many women found this uncomfortable, negotiations with the school authorities,
some did express pleasure about the four Roma children were accepted in the
relative 'freedom' singledom offered them. school (personal communication).
A.C., a widow for three years with two small This discrimination in service provision
children, stated:'although I do not have links with the strongly patriarchal culture
complete control over my life, I never had of Roma communities and expectations of
that anyway. This way, I am able to move girl children to work rather than attend
with the community and enjoy the benefits school, to the disadvantage of women and
of the community without being isolated. I girls. The pre-war figure estimates the literacy
have never had to be a prostitute, the other rate of women was 34 per cent in comp-
women have always helped me.' arison with a male rate of around 80 per
cent. At the time of Oxfam's research, 66
Girls' education per cent of boys attended school, compared
Social discrimination against Roma people to only 13 per cent of girls (all data from the
not only takes the form of popular Centre for Social Work, Tuzla).
prejudice; informants also discussed their Informants attributed a dramatic fall in
experiences of institutionalised discrimination, the literacy rate to the fact that female children
for example in education and health care. are now expected to beg: the literacy rate
The war in Bosnia-Hercegovina has caused among our respondents leads us to estimate
a crisis in basic service provision. For that the literacy rate of Roma women may be
example, attendance at school was always just 4 per cent (Oxfam research, July 1996
relatively low for Roma children before the although not official figures). One 14-year-old
conflict. This was because, first, the girl, S.A., gets up at 5.00am every morning
education they received was not in their to go to the woods to collect fuelwood for
mother tongue. While some Romany- heating and cooking; afterwards, she and
language schools opened in 1983, the her sister spend the entire day begging on
quality was generally seen as poor because the streets of Tuzla. S.A. stated: 'we have to
of the shortage of teachers trained to teach help my mother, we can not go to school, it
in Romany. Other schools who receive is our responsibility as women to provide for
Roma children seldom offer them addi- our brothers and father.' (Masic 1996).
tional support to improve their performance
and decrease the number of drop-outs.
Second, children's attendance is restricted Addressing the issues
if, as is often the case, they are expected Since the research was undertaken, Oxfam
to take on the role of providers for the GB, led by the programme manager Dinka
family. Informants attributed low school Masic, who speaks Romany, has worked
attendance largely to the movement of the with groups of Roma people on small-scale
population from one area to another grassroots initiatives and promoted the
(Mask 1996). involvement of members of the community
Both before and after the conflict, schools in all other areas of Oxfam's work.
hide behind a rhetoric of encouraging The mushrooming of local NGOs in the
Roma children's education as a priority. post-conflict period has not passed the
When Oxfam, together with Radd Barnen, Roma communities by; the first association
started a pilot project encouraging Roma of Roma people in Bosnia-Hercegovina,
62 Gender and Development
SAE ROMA, was established in September future we hope to initiate discussions around
1996, and has been supported by Oxfam GB themes such as domestic violence, prosti-
in line with its priority of promoting the tution, and alcoholism.
formation of community groups. Since
then, four other organisations have been Building trust
formed by Roma people in the Tuzla area. The most valuable lesson learnt during the
This has had the negative effect of creating work thus far is the importance of allowing
competition for resources, rather than a long period of time to build trust and
creating a united voice for Roma people to confidence between the Roma community
advocate positive change. However, this and outsiders; projects limited by time-
should be understood in the context of a frames are not viable. This makes work
vast number of international aid agencies with Roma people unattractive to many
funding work in Bosnia, and promoting the donors who are looking for quick impact.
growth of local organisations as an element Dialogue with Roma women remains
of the process of 'democratisation'. For local difficult. There are no women's groups at
people, this creation of organisations may present, and men dominate the activities of
be a very effective mechanism for survival, the association. It is hoped that women will
potentially opening up possibilities of employ- become increasingly involved in the activities
ment in a context where this is very scarce of the main association (as their particpation is
(personal communication, Dinka Mask, 1998). deliberately kept low by the men involved),
Among other activities, SAE-ROMA is and perhaps, in the future, form their own
carrying out a census of Roma people, and group. They could then begin to address some
campaigning and advocating on people's of the issues of concern for them as women,
basic right to essential resources including and participation in a group would build
shelter, food, water, health-care and educa- their confidence, to enable them to address
tion. In particular, the association is working these issues in a more 'mainstream way7.
to challenge prejudiced attitudes to Roma
people. Education for children was the starting Alex Jones is Deputy Regional Representative,
point for practical work. The project involved Eastern Europe for Oxfam GB based in
basic language training for the children in Sarajevo: Kotromanica 48, 71000 Sarajevo,
Serbo-Croat, to help them to reach the standard Bosnia-Hercegovina email: oxfam_sa@hhotmail.com
required to enter school (in the absence of
support from government, the wider agenda
of the promotion of the Romany language and
References
Roma culture has not yet been addressed). Crowe D, A history of the gypsies of Eastern
The success of this literacy project encouraged Europe and Russia, 1996, St Martin's Press
other agencies to become involved. Masic D, 'Report on the situation of Roma
Addressing the interests and needs of people in Tuzla Municipality', July 1996,
women and gender relations in the Roma Oxfam unpublished document
community remains a high priority for Oxfam.
Oxfam uses its work with children as an
'entry point' to involve women, by encour-
Notes
aging them to help their children learn. 1 With thanks to Dinka Masic and Usha Kar,
Literacy classes have also been started for for reading and providing additional
women; in addition to the immediate goal information
of literacy, the classes are intended to prepare 2 NDH and the other puppet regime of Serbia
the way for the formation of a women's were established in 1941, when forces from
group to discuss the wider issues (personal Germany, Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary and
communication, Dinka Masic, 1998). In Romania invaded Yugoslavia
63
some women, emigration provided a means series, volume 16, edited by Loes Schenk-
of achieving a social and economic mobility Sandbergen, 1995, SAGE Publications Ltd.
that they would have been denied at home. 6 Bonhill Street, London, EC2A 4PU, UK.
Explores the gender-specific causes and
Human Capital: International Migration and
consequences of seasonal rural labour migra-
Traffic in Women, Siriporn Skrobanek, 1996,
tion with specific reference to the Indian states
SHARI, Unit 3 Canonbury Yard, New North
of Orissa, Kerala, Gujarat and Maharashtra.
Road, London NO 7BJ, UK.
Provides an overview of the gender dimension
This paper shows how the rights of migrant
in migration studies, and presents case studies
women in Asia are violated. It discusses the
of three types of transformation processes
definition of trafficking in international
related to different socioeconomic, cultural
conventions, and the legal and illegal mecha-
and ecological systems: forest, sea and land.
nisms by which women are brought from
The strategies adopted by a women's organi-
Thailand to work in other countries, and
sation to reduce seasonal migration are outlined.
makes recommendations for international
action to prevent trafficking. Migration of Women: The Methodological Issues
in the Measurement and Analysis of Internal and
Labour Exchange: Patterns of Migration in Asia,
International Migration, 1995, United Nations
Bridget Anderson, 1997, SHARI, Unit 3
Publications, Sales and Marketing Section
Canonbury Yard, New North Road,
Room DC2-853, Dept. 1004, New York, N.Y.
London NO 7BJ, UK.
10017, USA.
This book looks at the context in which women
An in-depth look at the problems that con-
are now moving to find work within Asia,
tribute to the neglect of research on women's
how they are exploited, how immigration
migration. Suggests how to improve statistics
legislation, debt and recruitment methods
and indicators on migration, eliminating many
affect their living and working conditions,
biases and misrepresentations. A new and
and how governments are responding.
invaluable book on a much-neglected topic.
In the Absence of Their Men : The Impact of Male
Migration to the Arab World: Experience of Returning
Migration on Women, by Leela Gulati, 1994,
Migrants, 1990, United Nations Publications,
SAGE Publications Ltd., 6 Bonhill Street,
Sales and Marketing Section Room DC2-853,
London, EC2A 4PU, UK.
Dept. 1004, New York, N.Y. 10017, USA.
The author focuses on the women left behind
This study is a companion to 'Migration of
by men migrating to West Asia for work. She Asian Workers to the Arab World'. The Arab
discusses the problems these women face, and region has seen a massive inflow of migrant
how social change occurs in a society when workers from Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Sri
men migrate. Profiles of ten women highlight Lanka, Korea, the Philippines and Thailand.
various coping strategies, in differing social, This book is the output from research with
economic and demographic circumstances. 500 returned migrants from these countries,
Internal Migration of Women in Developing to learn what problems were encountered in
Countries, 1993, United Nations Publications, the pre- and post- migration periods and
Sales and Marketing Section Room DC2-853, during their stay in the host countries.
Dept. 1004, New York, N.Y. 10017, USA.
'For the sake of the children: gender
In relation to the changing roles and status of
migration in the former soviet union', article
women, this book examines why women
by Hilary Pilkington in Post-Soviet Women:
migrate; the consequences of migration; and
from the Baltic to Central Asia, edited by Mary
development and policy implications.
Buckley, 1997, Cambridge University Press,
Women and Seasonal Labour Migration, Indo- The Edinburough Building, Cambridge,
Dutch Studies on Development Alternatives CB2 2RU, UK.
Resources 65
Investigates forced migration within the former Sales and Marketing Section Room DC2-853,
Soviet Union after 1990, and how concern for Dept. 1004, New York, N.Y. 10017, USA.
the future of their children pushed many Explains the process, causes and consequences
women to leave their homes. Examine their of population movements worldwide, and
efforts to make a living in their new surround- identifies appropriate policy responses. It covers
ings. Argues that their experiences of resettle- Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and
ment in Russia challenges existing Western North America and deals with migration
interpretations of the gendered nature of patterns and their causes; implications for
migration which focus on displacement as receiving and sending countries; adjustment
leading to a loss of masculine identity, whilst and integration processes and policies; refugees.
having an emancipatory impact on women.
Proclaiming Migrant Rights, The New
Women's Life Worlds: Women's Narratives on International Convention on the Protection
Shaping their Realities, edited by Edith Sizoo, of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and
Routledge, 11 New Fetter Lane, London Members of Their Families, Churches'
EC4P 4EE, USA. Committee for Migrants in Europe and
Presents personal narratives by 15 women of the World Council of Churches.
different ages and from a range of cultural, Available from the World Council of Churches
religious, social and geographical backgrounds. Acct. 481021 0001. WCC/CICARWS, Migration
Challenges traditional assumptions of how Secretariat, P.O. Box 2100,1211 Geneva 2,
women, feel about womanhood, life, society, Switzerland. In English, Spanish or French.
culture and religion.
A Moment to Choose: Risking to be with Uprooted
Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences People, Statement on Uprooted People, World
of Immigration, Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, Council of Churches, Refugee and Migration
1994, University of California Press, 2120 Service, Program Unit IV — Sharing and
Berkeley Way, Berkeley, CA 94720 U.S.A. Service, World Council of Churches,
Includes chapters on Immigration, Gender, and
150 Route de Ferney, P.O. Box 2100,
settlement; The history of Mexican undocu-
1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland.
mented settlement in the United States; The
From a process of consultation and dialogue,
Oakview barrio; Gendered transitions;
with concerns contributed by nearly 100
Reconstructing gender through immigration
and settlement; Women consolidating settle- national and international church bodies. In
ment; Gendered immigration. English, French, German and Spanish.
The Dynamics of 'Race and Gender: Some
International Migration in Central and Eastern
Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent Feminist Interventions, edited by Haleh Afshar
States, 1996, United Nations Publications, and Mary Maynard, 1994, Taylor and Francis
Sales and Marketing Section Room DC2-853, Ltd., 4 John St, London, WC1N 2ET, UK.
Dept. 1004, New York, N.Y. 10017 Explores the consequences of racism for
A powerful book which will contribute to the women from different backgrounds and the
understanding of the new patterns of complexities and varieties of the forms of
international migration, and provide a useful oppression which arise.
base for informed policy formulation and
Worlding Women: A Feminist International
analysis. It supplies timely and objective
Politics, Jan Jindy Pettman, 1996, Routledge,
information and explores the causes and
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE, UK.
consequences of international migration
What can the experience of a Filipina 'mail-
throughout the region.
order bride' living in Sydney, Australia add
International Migration: Regional Processes and to international polititical theory? A lot, accord-
Responses, 1994,United Nations Publications, ing to the author. She develops a broad picture
66 Gender and Development
of women in colonial and post-colonial relations; United States, ethnicity, and comparative cross-
in racialised, ethnic and national identity national perspectives and political debates,
conflicts; in wars and liberation movements; the collection introduces immigration as a
and in the international political economy. process which has shaped and continues to
shape life in the US and American identity.
Islamic Britain; Religion, Politics and Identity
Among British Muslims, Philip Lewis 1994,1.B Temporary Workers or Future Citizens? Japanese
Tauris and Co Ltd, 45 Bloomsbury Square, and US Migration Policies, by Tadashi Hanami
London WC1A 2HY, UK. & Myron Weiner, 1997, Macmillan Press
How do British Muslims think about themselves, Limited, Brunei Road, Houndmills,
their religion and their politics? What dilemmas Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK.
do they face as they give up the 'myth of return' Examines the approaches of Japan and USA
that sustained the first generation immigrants in dealing with employer demand for labour,
and struggle to define a British Islam? This control over illegal migration, the challenge of
book challenges the sensationalist media incorporating immigrants, the legal rights
images that have sometimes sought to portray and social benefits of foreign residents and
British Muslims as a bridgehead in the West illegal migrants, and the claims of refugees
for the establishment of an Islamic theocracy. and asylum seekers.
Circle of Light: The Autobiography ofKiranjit The Politics of Immigration and Race, Andrew
Ahluwalia, Kiranjit Ahluwalia and Rahila Gupta, Geddes, 1996, Baseline Book Company, P.O.
1997, Harper Collins, 77-85 Fulham Palace Box 34, Chorlton, Manchester, M21 9LL, UK.
Road, Hammersmith, London W6 8JB, UK. In recent British history, immigration and
Born into a well-off family in India, Kiranjit associated issues of 'race' and racism have
Ahluwalia immigrated to England in 1979 to been at the heart of political debate, generating
marry a man she hardly knew. The next 10 controversy among people from different
years were a nightmare of constant physical backgrounds and perspectives. The book
and mental abuse at the hands of her gives a detailed analysis of the history of
husband. In 1989, driven beyond endurance, immigration into Britain, immigration and
Kiranjit killed him. She was found guilty of race relation policy, party politics, political
murder and sentenced to life imprisonment. participation and 'race', developments in other
After a campaign coordinated by the Southall European countries, and the Europeanisation
Black Sisters, she was set free in 1992. of British immigration policy.
Black British Feminism: A Reader, edited by Southern China: Migrant Workers and Economic
Heidi Safia Mirza, 1997, Routledge,ll New Transformation, Angie Knox, 1997, CIIR, Unit
Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE, UK. 3, Canonbury Yard, 190a New North Road,
The essays in this collection bring new critical London Nl 7BJ, UK.
insights to bear upon analyses oi gendered Gives an overview of the shift in China from
and racialised exclusion, "black' identity, and a planned to a market economy which has pro-
social and cultural difference. The specific pelled it to its position as the world's fastest-
topics discussed include 'mixed-race' identity, growing economy. It focuses on the southern
cultural hybridity, and postcolonial space. coast, analysing the region's contribution to
The Immigration Reader, edited by David China's remarkable economic growth. It
Jacobson, 1989, Blackwells Ltd, 108 Cowley questions the resulting social costs, and the
Road, Oxford, OX4 1JF, UK. government's apparent view that migrant
Explores immigration in the US from its early labour is a resource to be exploited in the
history to contemporary controversies. With interests of attracting foreign investment and
sections on the history of immigration in the developing the economy.
Resources 67
British Immigration Policy since 1939: California 95616, USA. If you wish to subscribe
The Making of Multi-Racial Britain, Ian by e-mail, send your email address to:
R.G.Spencer, 1997, Routledge, 11 New migrant@primal.ucdavis.edu. There is no
Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE, UK. charge for email subscriptions. Current and
In less than 50 years, Britain has shifted from back issues may be accessed via Internet on
being a virtually all-white society to one in which the Migration News Web page at:
ethnicity and race are significant social and http://migration.ucdavis.edu.
political factors. The book traces this transition.
Asian Migrant Forum: articles on migration
Spencer documents the restrictive measures throughout Asia, from Asian Migrant Centre.
which failed to prevent the rapid influx in the To subscribe to Asian Migrant Forum, Asian
late 1950s and 1960s of people of various nation- Immigrant Bulletin and other AMC occasional
alities, who displayed considerable initiative in publications, write to the Asian Migrant
overcoming obstacles placed in their way. Centre, Ltd., No. 4 Jordan Road, Kowloon,
Imposing Aid: Emergency Assistance for Refugees, Hong Kong. Or e-mail amc@hk.super.net for
Barbara Harrell-Bond, 1986, although out of more information, ubscription rates within
print, is available on floppy disk from the Asia are US$ 30, Outside Asia — US$ 50.
Refugee Studies Programme, Oxford University
AIWA Newsletter: a newsletter of Asian
(see organisations for contact details).
Immigrant Women Advocates (see organisa-
This publication looks at refugee migrants
tions). To receive the AIWA newsletter, write:
and the impact of food delays on Ugandan
refugees in Sudan, which forced them back to AIWA, 310 Eighth Street, Ste. 301, Oakland,
abandoned fields or to forage for food, caused CA 94607, or e-mail: aiwa@igc.apc.org.
massive malnutrition and hindered their IOM Latin America Migration Journal: A
progress towards self-reliance. bilingual publication on migration produced
by the Center for Information on Migration in
Latin America (CIMAL — for contact informa-
tion see organisations). Is distributed to 1500
world subscribers, and is available at the
Network News: Fall 1997, issue on Gender and CIMAL Web site: http://www.renua.cl/oim
Migration. Includes articles on Structural
Adjustment Undermines Social Welfare The Journal of Immigration and Nationality Law
Around the World: Women in the Global and Practice. The Journal, edited by ILPA (see
Labor Market, By Grace Chang; Transnational organisations for contact details) appears
Motherhood, By Pierette Hondagneu-Sotelo; quarterly and includes in-depth articles on
Domestic Workers ORGANIZE!, by Cristina aspects of immigration, asylum and nationality
Riegos; Women's Health, Immigration, and law and practice worldwide and summaries
Population, by Betsy Hartmann. of important cases.
Migration News: summarises the most important Know Your Rights: brochures in English and
immigration and integration developments of Spanish on domestic workers' rights, pregnancy
the preceding month. Topics are grouped by discrimination, sex discrimination, and race
region. Many issues also contain summaries and gender discrimination. Contact Equal
and reviews of recent research publications. A Rights Advocates, 1663 Mission St.,Suite 550,
paper edition is available by mail for $30 San Francisco, CA 94103, telephone 010 415
domestic and $50 foreign for one year and $55 621-0672. Free for up to 10 brochures; over 10
and $95 for a two-year subscription. Make brochures will cost the price of postage.
cheques payable to UC Regents and send to:
Philip Martin, Department of Agricultural
Economics, University of California, Davis,
gg Gender and Development
shop on Migration and Traffic in Women St. John's Cathedral, Garden Road, Central,
organised by the Foundation for Women in Hong Kong.Telephone : (852) 2552-8264,
Chiangmai, Thailand, in October 1994. fax: (852) 2526-2894
GAATW's aim is not to stop the migration of E-mail: migrant@hk.super.net
women but to ensure that human rights of An ecumenical institution established to work
women are taken into consideration by with Filipino migrant workers in Hong Kong
authorities and agencies involved. Promotes in their struggle for better working and living
the involvement of grassroots women in all work conditions. Founded in 1981, it extends
against this form of modern slavery so that support services to both individuals and
any work done addresses the real problem and various migrant organisations.
does not aggravate their vulnerable situation.
Aji-kon
Kalayaan (justice for overseas domestic workers) (The Forum on Asian Migrant Workers)
St Francis Community Centre, Pottery Lane, c/o NCC 2-3-18-24 Nishiwaseda Shinjuku-ku,
London Wll 4NQ, UK. Tel: (44) (0)171 243 Tokyo 169 JAPAN. Tel 00 81-3-3207-7801,
2942, fax: (0)171 792 3060 fax 00 81-3-3204-9495. E-mail:ajikon@jca.or.jp
E-mail: 100711.2262@compuserve.com Founded in 1987, Aji-Kon works to solve the
Since 1987, Kalayaan has been working for problems of migrant labourers in Japan. It has
the restoration of fundamental workers rights published a handbook for migrant workers in
to overseas domestic workers in the UK and English, Korean and Persian with PARC (Pacific
Europe. Kalayaan's work to change policy Asia Resource Center), as well as other books
and support domestic workers has included about migrant workers in Japan. Aji-Kon has
the systematic documentation of over 2000 case held nationwide meetings about negative
studies; the provision of services, support and changes in Japanese labour and migration
legal referral for escaped workers; lobbying laws, and about violence by Immigration
the British government, European Parliament Bureau officers. Aji-Kon publishes a monthly
and UN to address contemporary forms of newsletter Migrant Workers' News
slavery; working with the media; and mobilis-
ing support for domestic works from individuals The National Network for Immigrant and Refugee
and organisations, including community Rights
groups, trade unions such as the ICFTU, and (NNIRR, 310 8th Street, Suite 307, Oakland,
trade union bodies such as the ILO. CA 94607, USA. Tel: 010 510 465-1984, fax: 010
510 465-1885. E-mail: nnirr@nnirr.org
Asian Immigrant Women Advocates (AIWA) Web URL: http://www.nnirr.org
310 Eighth Street #301, Oakland, CA 94607, NNIRR is composed of local coalitions and
USA. Tel: (510) 268-0192, fax: (510) 268-0194. immigrant, community, religious, civil rights
Email: aiwa@igc.apc.org and labour organisations and activists. It
Asian Immigrant Women Advocates (AIWA) serves as a forum to share information and
is a community based organisation established analysis, to educate communities and the
in 1983. Through education, leadership develop- general public, and to develop and coordinate
ment, and organising, AIWA seeks to foster plans of action on important immigrant and
the empowerment of low-income, limited- refugee issues. The organisation works to
English speaking Asian immigrant women promote a just immigration and refugee
who work in the greater San Francisco, policy in the U.S. and to defend and expand
Oakland, and South Bay Area. Seeks to help the rights of all immigrants and refugees,
women to develop the skills to advocate for regardless of immigration status.
justice and dignity in their lives and workplaces.
Center for information on migration in Latin
The Mission for Filipino Migrant Workers (MFMW)
America (CIMAL)
http://www.hk.super.net/~migrant/index.htm Casilla 781, Santiago, Chile. Tel 00 562 274 6713.
70 Gender and Development
Fax 00 562 204 97 04. E-mail: CIMAL@REUNA.CL and practice in the field to MPs and
Website: http://www.reuna.cl/oim government departments. In association with
CIMAL is a specialised information resource similar professional associations in other EC
on international migration in Latin America, member states, ILPA is developing a network
the Caribbean and other geographical areas. of immigration lawyers throughout Europe to
CIMAL collects, reviews and write abstracts promote the exchange of information on
for documents written about international national law and practice in this field and
migration. Its resources include 10,000 documents developments at the European level.
with the latest information on international
migration (policy, legislation, administration, Immigration Advisory Service
refugees, illegal immigration, border migration, Head Office, 3rd Floor, County House, 190
women migrants and humanitarian assistance); Great Dover Street, London SE1 4YB
the main specialised journals, world press Tel: 00 44 171 357 7511, fax: 0171 403 5875.
clippings on the subject; a bibliographic data IAS is the largest, most experienced charity
base with document abstracts, a data base giving free advice and representation in
with the names of migration experts and immigration and asylum matters in Britain.
institutions, and various CD-ROMS. Regional offices are in Birmingham, Cardiff,
Central London, Gatwick, Glasgow, Hounslow,
Ecumenical Documentation and Information Leeds and Manchester. An IAS duty
Centre for Eastern and Southern Africa (EDICESA) counsellor is available 24 hours a day on
P.O. Box H. 94, Hartfield, Harare, Zimbabwe. (44)(0)171 378 9191.
Tel: 00 263 457 0311/2, fax 00 263 457 979.
E-mail: edicesa@mango.zw International Labour Organisation (ILO)
Has an extensive library and large documen- Migration Branch (MIGRANT)
tation department which collects information Tel: 00 41 22 799 6413, fax: 00 41 22 799 7657.
on refugee and migration related issues in E-mail: bohning@ilo.or
Eastern and Southern Africa. EDICESA works http://www.ilo.org/public/english/60empf
with Churches and international organisations or/migrant/contl.htm
to support the advocacy and activism that is Objectives of the ILO's Migration Branch are
necessary to bring about change in this region. to provide ILO constituents with enhanced
capacities to adopt policies and measures which
Immigration Law Practitioners' Association (ILPA)
improve the conditions under which desired
Lindsey House ,40/42 Charterhouse Street,
migration takes place; and ameliorate the
London EC1M 6JH. Tel: 00 44 171 251 8383,
integration of migrants and their families.
fax: 00 44 171 251 8384.
Main activities are to help governments to form-
Email: ilpa@mcrl.poptel.org.uk.
ulate and evaluate policies, to draft legislation
http://www.ein.org.uk/ilpa/
or develop procedures, to collect data on the
ILPA is the UK's professional association of
admission and rights of foreign workers; to
lawyers and academics practising in or concern-
counter discrimination in enterprises; to help
ed about immigration, asylum and nationality
trade unions through workers' education
law. ILPA aims to promote and improve the
seminars and by organising visits to other
advising and representation of immigrants; to
unions to learn from them or to collaborate
provide information to members on the law
with them. Cooperation with universities,
and practice relating to immigration and
research bodies and NGOs is also sought.
nationality; to secure a non-racist, non-sexist,
just and equitable system of immigration and Human Rights Watch
national law. ILPA organises training courses 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor New York, NY,
throughout the UK on various aspects of 10118-3299 USA, Tel: 00 212 290-4700,
immigration and nationality law. ILPA fax: 00 212 736-1300. E-mail: hrwnyc@hrw.org
presents views of immigration lawyers on law http://www.hrw.org/
Resources 71
Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting Gives practical help and promotes the rights
the human rights of people around the world, of asylum seekers and refugees, in the UK and
to prevent discrimination, to uphold political abroad. It advises asylum seekers and refugees
freedom, to protect people from inhumane about their rights; helps refugees to settle in
conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to the UK; informs advisers working with
justice. It investigates and exposes human asylum seekers and refugees; supports refugee
rights violations. It challenges governments community organisations; promotes national
and those who hold power to end abusive settlement policies for asylum seekers and
practices and respect international human refugees; protects unaccompanied refugee
rights law. It enlists the public and the children; trains asylum seekers and refugees
international community to support the cause for future employment; provides shelter for
of human rights for all. homeless asylum seekers; advocates on behalf
Stonewall Immigration Group of refugees and asylum seekers; makes the
16 Clerkenwell Close, London EC1R OAA, link between communities of asylum-seekers
UK. Telephone 0171 336 8880, fax 0171 336 in the UK and conditions in their county of origin.
8864. E-mail: info@stonewall.org.uk European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE)
http://www.stonewall.org.uk/contents.html/ ECRE EU office, 72 Rue du Commerce, 1040
The aim of the Stonewall Immigration Group Brussels, Belgium. Telephone: 00 32 2 514 5939
is to work for a change in the immigration fax: 00 32 2 514 5922. E-mail: EUECRE@ecre.be
rules and practice to ensure that same-sex ECRE is an organisation established in 1973
couples have the same immigration rights as for co-operation between more than 50 non-
heterosexual couples. governmental organisations in Europe concerned
The Commission for Filipino Migrant Workers with refugees. ECRE's objective is to promote,
St Francis Centre, Pottery Lane, through joint analysis, research and information
London W114NQ. exchange, a humane and generous asylum
Telephone: 0171 221 0356, Fax: 0171 792 3060 policy in Europe. ECRE's principal activities are
CFMW funds a varety of courses, workshops policy analysis and advocacy, legal analysis
and one-off training sessions to empower and networking, information and docu-
Filipino migrant workers. Course subjects mentation, Central and Eastern European
include public speaking, chairing meetings, programme, and biannual general meetings.
minute-taking, book-keeping, effective Refugee Studies Programme
communications, and leadership skills. CFMW Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford,
also organises health care sessions on contra- 21 St Giles, Oxford OX1 3LA, UK. Tel: 00 44
ception, HTV and AIDS, drugs, stress manage- 1865 270723; fax: 00 44 1865 270721. E-mail:
ment and alternative medicine. The organi- RSP@QEH.OX.AC.UK Web site:
sation is also running a two-year project that is http://www.qeh.ox.ac.uk/rsp/
training women to become advocates of Part of the University of Oxford's Inter-
women's issues to promote gender awareness national Development Centre. Its aim is to
and understanding throughout the Filipino increase understanding of the causes and
community in Britain. consequences of forced migration through
research, teaching, publications, seminars and
conferences, and to provide a forum for
discussion between researchers, practitioners
and policy-makers.
The Refugee Council
3 Bondway, London SW8 1SJ. Tel. 00 44 171 International Refugee Documentation
820 3000, fax 00 44 171 582 9929. Network(IRDN) Website:
E-mail refcounciluk@gn.apc.org http: / /userpage.fu-berlin.de/ Amigration/