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The American Political Science Association

Volume 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization January 2012
I n Th i s I s s u e
S ubnational C omparative R esearch on D emocracy :
T aking S tock and L ooking F orward ,
Eduardo Moncada, Rutgers University
1 Editorial Note
Michael Bernhard Richard Snyder, Brown University

W hat has the recent turn toward subnational analysis in comparative

1 Subnational Comparative
Research on Democracy
Eduardo Moncada and Richard
Snyder politics contributed to knowledge about democracy? A decade ago
1 Turning Points and the Cross- Snyder argued that the subnational comparative method, that is,
national Diffusion of Popular
Protest the systematic analysis of a small number of territorially-defined
David Patel and Valerie J. Bunce
subnational cases, such as cities, provinces, states and regions, offered a powerful tool both
2 Sisyphean Endeavor or
Worthwhile Undertaking? for getting beyond the “whole nation bias” in the field of comparative politics and for
Tomila Lankina
avoiding some of the methodological pitfalls that routinely arise in “small-N” research. 1 At
2 Scaling Down and Up that time a first generation of studies that had appeared over the course of the 1990s was
Aseema Sinha
leveraging the subnational comparative method to shed light on a broad set of questions with
3 Subnational Democracy: Lessons
from Latin America important implications for the study of democracy. Since then, the use of the subnational
Agustina Giraudy
comparative method has increased notably and the range of questions addressed with
3 Studying Local Democracy and
Studying Democracy Locally
Daniel Berger 1. Richard Snyder, “Scaling Down: The Subnational Comparative Method” Studies in Comparative International Development
36 (2001): 93-110. On “whole nation bias” see Stein Rokkan, Citizens, Elections, Parties: Approaches to the Comparative Study
29 Section News of the Processes of Development (New York: David McKay Company, 1970).
(continued on page 4)
36 New Research
42 Editorial Committee

T urning P oints and the C ross -N ational D iff usion of

F rom the E ditorial P opular P rotest ,
B oard David Patel, Cornell University
In this issue, we again feature Valerie J. Bunce, Cornell University
a more topical article and a It is far easier to explain why protests against authoritarian rulers erupt
symposium devoted to an in one country than to explain why, in a few cases, these anti-regime
important development in mobilizations spread to other countries in the same region. While
the literature on democracy both processes require ordinary citizens and oppositions to surmount
and democratization. The the familiar obstacles to collective action, which are particularly formidable in the case of
featured article, by David authoritarian regimes, the second one introduces an additional constraint. If oppositions and
Patel and Valerie Bunce, their allies are emboldened by the protests that have erupted in neighboring countries, so
looks at the phenomenon authoritarian leaders are quick to draw lessons from these dangerous precedents and take
of the regional diffusion of preemptive action. 1 Just as these leaders have significant resources at their disposal to block
democracy. The authors diffusion, so they have strong interests in doing so because their jobs, financial interests,
propound a theory of critical legacies and even lives are at stake.
cases whose impact go beyond
national politics and become 1. See Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, “Double Diffusion: The Co-Evolution of Police and Protest Behavior with
exemplars of the possible for an Application to Transnational Contention” Unpublished manuscript, 2010.
(continued on page 10)
(continued on page 4)
Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


S isyphean E ndeavor or W orthwhile U ndertaking ? T ranscending W ithin -

N ation , W ithin R egion S ub -N ational D emocracy A nalysis ,
Tomila Lankina
Leicester Business School

A decade ago, Richard Snyder made an eloquent plea for the merits of “scaling down” to the sub-national level
while lamenting the pitfalls associated with “mean-spirited,” “center-centered” perspectives dominating research
on political and economic liberalization and democracy. 1 Snyder’s sentiments were well received by analysts of
sub-national change in territorially large democratizing or liberalizing polities. They have been echoed by other
scholars of Latin America, China, India, and Russia. The substantial spatial variations in income inequalities,
historical pathways, ethno-linguistic divisions, religion, legacies of empire, and regional political regimes in many settings
understandably make sub-national analysts uncomfortable with the widespread practice of relying on national-level
generalizations and data. In this essay, I discuss the merits and challenges of sub-national analysis based on my experiences
of research into sub-national politics in developing democracies, as well as in hybrid regimes like Russia for which the label
“democracy” or “democratizing” may be inappropriate. 2 I also suggest some ways of addressing common issues in the practice
of sub-national research, such as a tendency toward within-nation and regional specialization.

There is now a growing community of scholars doing rigorous work on sub-national democracy. The bulk of this work,
including Robert Putnam’s earlier path-breaking study of social capital, has either been set in a single nation or, occasionally, in

1. Richard Snyder, “Scaling Down: The Subnational Comparative Method,” Studies in Comparative International Development 36 (Spring 2001): 93-110.

2. Henry E. Hale, “Eurasian Polities as Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Putin’s Russia,” Journal of Eurasian Studies 1 ( January 2010): 33-41.
(continued on page 14)

S caling D own and U p : C an S ubnational A nalysis C ontribu te to a B et ter

U nderstanding of M icro - level and N ational L evel P henomena ?,
Aseema Sinha
Claremont McKenna College
W hile cross-national analysis dominates comparative politics, many scholars have moved to the subnational
level to test hypotheses generated at the national level. Subnational studies allow researchers to control for
variation in a way that even the most sophisticated cross-national statistical studies are unable to. Accordingly,
scholars have sought to leverage this advantage to gain new insight into topics as diverse as democracy,
industrialization, regionalism, neoliberalism, welfare and poverty policies, social capital, and ethnicity and riots. 1
Scholars interested in Argentina, Brazil, China, India, Mexico, Russia, Spain, even Japan have incorporated the subnational level
in their analysis. Local factors were key to both China’s and India’s rapid transformations, each well recognized as significant
turning points in the global system. 2 The subnational focus also moved to international politics as a small literature on foreign
policies of provinces further opened the black box of domestic states, enhancing the dialogue between comparative politics and
international relations. 3 Importantly, decentralization initiatives across the globe have mobilized new interest in sub-state level
1. I cite only a few representative references here, as the literature is quite extensive. Richard Locke, Remaking the Italian Economy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995);
Aseema Sinha, The Regional Roots of Developmental Politics in India: a Divided Leviathan (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005); Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic
Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India (Yale University Press, 2002); Richard Snyder, Politics after Neoliberalism: Reregulation in Mexico (Cambridge; New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and Bryon Moraski, Elections by Design: Parties and Patronage in Russia’s Regions (Dekalb, Illinois: Northern Illinois University
Press, 2006).

2. Jean C. Oi, Rural China Takes Off: Institutional Foundations of Economic Reform (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999); Dali, L. Yang, Beyond Beijing:
Liberalization and the Regions in China (London; New York: Routledge, 1997), and Rob Jenkins, Democracy and Economic Reform in India (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999).

3. David Criekemans, ed., Regional Sub-State Diplomacy Today, (Leiden; Boston: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2010); Purnendra Jain, Japan’s Subnational Governments
in International Affairs (New York: Routledge, 2005); Darel E. Paul, Rescaling International Political Economy: Subnational States and the Regulation of the Global Political
Economy (New York: Routledge, 2005).
(continued on page 19)

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


S ubnational D emocracy : L essons from L atin A merica ,

Agustina Giraudy
Harvard University

S ocial and political processes rarely unfold evenly across a territory. Rather, they occur in geographically uneven
patterns and are likely to produce within-country variation. Democracy and democratization are not exceptions.
Indeed, as Robert Dahl and Guillermo O’Donnell noted years ago, the unfolding of democracy in different regions
of the world over time has been territorially uneven both across levels of government and subnational units. 1
Precisely for this reason, the study of democracy requires us to take issues of space seriously.

Echoing this claim, recent works by comparativists around the world have focused increasing attention on how territoriality
shapes democratic development. In particular, these works have centered on the limited territorial reach of national democracy
in subnational jurisdictions, challenging in important ways our previous understanding of national democratization processes.
This essay focuses on Latin America, a region of the world that due to the prevalence of “regime juxtaposition” 2—i.e.,
the existence of subnational undemocratic regimes 3 (SURs) alongside a democratic national government—has produced a
1. Robert Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971); Guillermo O’Donnell, Counterpoints:Selected Essays on Authoritarianism
and Democratization (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999).

2. Edward Gibson, “Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Democratic Countries” World Politics 58 (October 2005): 101-132.

3. The term “undemocratic” is employed to refer to regimes that are neither democratic nor authoritarian – after all, the “bounded” character of these regimes (embedded
within a nationally democratic regime) forces subnational units to be minimally democratic. For the sake of clarity, these regimes are not referred to as “hybrid” because
this is a generic term usually employed to denote different regime types, such as electoral authoritarianisms, competitive authoritarianisms, semi-democracies, or semi-
authoritarianisms, among others.
(continued on page 23 )

S tudying L ocal D emocracy and S tudying D emocracy L ocally ,

Daniel Berger
University of Essex

O ver the past several years, empirical micro-level studies have assumed an increasingly prominent place in political
science in general and comparative politics in particular. Some of these papers are purely local in scope while others try
to use well identified micro-level research designs to draw inferences about macro-level policies. In this short paper
I consider how the applied micro-tools used in studying local democracy inform what we know about democracy at
all levels. In particular, in addition to considering national effects of national democracy and local effects of local democracy
this literature reminds us that national democracy can have different local effects in different places, and that local democracy
can impose externality costs (or benefits) on other parts of a country.

The empirical study of democracy has traditionally been difficult for reasons ranging from the problem of finding a precise
and uncontroversial definition of the concept to that of devising plausible cross-national identification strategies. Micro-level
studies circumvent these issues by focusing on identification and internal validity within a specified domain. So while the line
between weak democracy and soft authoritarianism is difficult to locate precisely, the papers examined here do not require
the acceptance of a particular definition. Instead they are structured to extract the effect of a well-defined institution, rule, or
other entity as it behaves within the hard to fully characterize political environment of a specific country, region, or even city.

The newly flowering micro-level literature on democracy, and especially the within-country literature, generates valuable
insights. This research clearly answers small questions as opposed to vaguely answering big questions. Instead of wondering
(continued on page 26)

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Editors/Moncada and Snyder

F rom the E ditorial B oard , continued

(continued from page 1)

neighboring countries. They explore the and Richard Snyder, Agustina Giraudy, co-editor Bryon Moraski
logic of this across three different periods of Tomila Lankhina, Aseema Sinha, and who recruited the authors
regional diffusion – 1989 in Eastern Europe, Daniel Berger cover a number of important and coordinated the
the color revolutions in Eurasia, and the topics including a survey of the research symposium.
current episode of regime changes across of this nature and its major findings, what
the Middle East. The symposium concerns subnational research contributes to our On behalf of the Editorial
the emerging literature on subnational understanding of democratization processes, Committee,
democratization. We are again lucky to how it differs from and complements Michael Bernhard
have a nice mix of established and emerging cross-national research, and what kinds of bernhard@ufl.edu
scholars addressing this important new inferential advantages and pitfalls research
literature. Pieces by Eduard Moncado of this nature offers. Thanks are due to my

Moncada and Snyder, continued

(continued from page 1)
this method has expanded. 2 Moreover, shown in Table 1, the first generation persistence of non-democratic political
a second generation of subnational of subnational comparative research practices at the local-level. O’ Donnell
comparative research on democracy has focused on a diverse range of subjects. called attention to the presence of
now emerged, distinguished by its focus Despite their different substantive foci, “brown areas” – territorial zones within
on a new set of substantive questions, these studies shared a fundamental, formal democracies that lacked both
its use of mixed research designs that though often implicit, assumption: effective state bureaucracies and the
combine qualitative and quantitative major outcomes of interest, including rule of law and where the “circuits
methods, and the notable presence of democracy, governance, economic of power” ran on corruption and
scholars based in the global south. In reform, and violence, are territorially clientelism. 4 Others pointed to the
this article, we take stock of how the uneven phenomena whose causes existence of full-fledged subnational
subnational comparative method has and effects vary significantly at the authoritarian regimes, such as Fox’s
produced insights about key factors subnational level. Consequently, finding that authoritarian enclaves
that fortify and, alternatively, challenge making valid causal inferences and, in in Mexico threatened the country’s
our knowledge about democracy. We turn, building strong theories about democratization. 5 Snyder explored
also consider the opportunities and these spatially uneven phenomena how different types of subnational
difficulties that spatially complex and require a focus on the subnational level. authoritarian regimes, defined in terms
unbound phenomena pose for future of the varying coalitional support
research on democracy using the Subnational Authoritarian Regimes bases of state governors, the nature of
subnational comparative method. A prominent early line of research governors’ ties to national-level elites,
in the first generation of subnational and their styles of leadership, emerged
The First Generation of Subnational comparative analysis explored the across Mexico. 6 Analysis of subnational
Comparative Research on Democracy tensions between national-level efforts 4. Guillermo A. O’Donnell, “On the State,
Democratization and Some Conceptual Problems:
Ten years ago, scholars had already to consolidate democracy and the A Latin American View with Glances at Some
started to open the “black box” of (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1950); Postcommunist Countries” World Development 21
Juan J. Linz and Amando de Miguel, “Within- (August 1993), 1350.
national-level analysis by focusing Nation Differences and Comparisons: The Eight
on subnational political units. 3 As Spains” in Richard L. Merritt and Stein Rokkan, 5. Jonathan Fox, “Latin America’s Emerging Local
eds., Comparing Nations: The Use of Quantitative Politics” Journal of Democracy 5 (April 1994), 106.
2. Lily Tsai and Daniel Ziblatt, “The Rise of Data in Cross-National Research (New Haven, CT:
Subnational and Multilevel Comparative Politics” Yale University Press, 1966): 269-319; Atul Kohli, 6. Richard Snyder, “After the State Withdraws:
Annual Review of Political Science (forthcoming). The State and Poverty in India: The Politics of Reform Neoliberalism and Subnational Authoritarian
(New York, NY: Cambridge University Press 1987). Regimes in Mexico,” in Wayne A. Cornelius, Todd
3. These studies stood on the shoulders of earlier See also Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne A. Eisenstadt, and Jane Hindley, eds. Subnational
subnational comparative works, such as Seymour Shue, eds. State Power and Social Forces: Domination Politics and Democratization in Mexico (La Jolla, CA:
Martin Lipset, Agrarian Socialism: The Cooperative and Transformation in the Third World (Cambridge: The Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of
Commonwealth Federation in 1950 Saskatchewan Cambridge University Press, 1994). California, San Diego, 1999a): 295-341.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


Table 1: Two Generations of Subnational Comparative Research on Democracy : decentralization and neoliberal
An Inventor y of Key F indings
economic reforms that swept the
First Generation Second Generation
Area of Research Key Findings Area of Research Key Findings globe in the 1980s and 1990s sparked
Subnational Clientelism
numerous studies that aimed to explain
 The reach of the central  The incentives politicians
Authoritarian Regimes state is territorially uneven. face to engage in the spatially uneven implementation and
 Subnational authoritarian clientelism are a function
regimes can thrive in of local socioeconomic consequences of these policy reforms
countries with national- and political conditions.
level democracy. for development and democracy. Willis
Social Capital,  Social capital and Participatory  Local political institutions et al. looked at bargaining between
Governance and the democracy are mutually Policy Reforms have a crucial impact on
Quality of Democracy reinforcing. the intensity and quality of national and subnational political actors
 Public-private political participation.
collaboration at the local as a way to correct for the dominance of
level facilitates economic
development. economic theories of decentralization
Decentralization and  Decentralization and Recentralization  Subnational financial
Neoliberalism neoliberal economic distress can jeopardize and advance their alternative theory of
reforms are territorially national economic stability
uneven processes. and, in turn, catalyze its political determinants. The authors
 The effects of recentralization efforts.
decentralization and  The political fortunes of concluded that cross-national variation
neoliberal economic recentralization depend on
reforms on the quality of the incentives and power in patterns of fiscal decentralization
representation, public subnational actors have to
policy and service delivery oppose or support it. was shaped by the degree of political
depend on subnational
variation in the power of party centralization across national
political elites and societal
actors. and subnational governments. 9
Federalism  Subnational political units Intergovernmental  Vertical relations between
are potentially Relations governments at distinct DeMelo’s study of intergovernmental
autonomous policy levels of the political
jurisdictions. system, as well as fiscal relations in the context of
horizontal relations across
governments at the same decentralization across 30 countries
level, have a powerful
effect on citizen security, highlighted how newly empowered
democracy, and
development. subnational politicians could challenge
Violence  Cities, not just rural areas, Micro-dynamics  Local violence is often
can breed political and of Violence and driven by cleavages and national economic policies and, in turn,
ethnic violence. Conflict rivalries that are quite
 Associational networks at distinct from the “master jeopardize national macroeconomic
the local level strongly cleavages” that divide
affect the likelihood of national actors. stability. 10 Although decentralization
was conventionally expected to improve
local governance and, ultimately,
democracy, by narrowing the gap
research on the Brazilian state of Ceará between policymakers and citizens,
authoritarian regimes, in turn, helped found that collaboration between civil subnational studies found that the
explain the slow and territorially uneven society organizations and government consequences of decentralization
progress of democratization. bureaucrats across several public- depended on the nature of local-
service policy domains explained good level informal institutions. 11 Snyder
Social Capital and Governance government performance. Her work exploited striking subnational variation
Putnam’s landmark study of sharp helped set a fruitful research agenda on in institution-building across Mexican
and puzzling variation in subnational how “synergistic” cooperation between states to show how and why strategic
government performance across a dozen public and private sectors influences 9. Eliza Willis, Christopher da C.B. Garman, and
policy areas between the Northern and local development and democracy. 8 Stephan Haggard, “The Politics of Decentralization
in Latin America” Latin American Research Review 34
Southern regions of Italy launched a (1999): 7-56.
research program on “social capital.”
10. Luis R. DeMelo, “Fiscal Decentralization and
According to Putnam, the North’s Decentralization and Neoliberalism Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations: A Cross-
higher level of associational life, or The twin waves of political Country Analysis” World Development 28 (February
2005): 365-80.
social capital, enabled it consistently to 8. Judith Tendler, Good Government in the Tropics
(Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 11. Alfred Montero and David Samuels, ed.,
outperform the South. 7 Tendler’s 1997); See John Ackerman, “Co-Governance for Decentralization and Democracy in Latin America
Accountability: Beyond ‘Exit” and ‘Voice’” World (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame
Development 32 (March 2004), 449-50. For a set of Press, 2004); Guillermo A. O’Donnell, Jorge Vargas
7. Robert Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic studies on synergy – many with a subnational focus Cullell, and Osvaldo Miguel Iazzetta, eds., The
Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton – see the special issue of World Development (Vol. 24, Quality of Democracy: Theory and Applications (South
University Press, 1993). No. 6, 1996) edited by Peter Evans. Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2004).

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


interaction between subnational Violence to new aspects of, and challenges

politicians and civil society drove Scholars also turned to the subnational to, democracy such as clientelism,
the politics of reregulation after comparative method to explore the participatory policy reforms, political
neoliberalism. 12 Research on the challenges violence posed to democracy. recentralization, and intergovernmental
unfolding of national-level political and Varshney’s study of the relationship relations. Methodologically, in contrast
economic reforms across subnational between associational life and Hindu- to the first generation of research,
units thus showed how subnational Muslim riots in eight Indian cities which seldom combined qualitative case
forces can have an important impact punctured the conventional view that studies and quantitative analysis, the
on the fortunes of national political political violence in India was mainly second generation is far more likely to
projects. a rural phenomenon. Varshney showed pursue mixed-method strategies, often
instead that riot-related deaths were by crafting a “nested” research design
Federalism actually concentrated in several of that combines small-N comparative
Studies of federalism also zoomed in India’s urban centers and that the case studies with large-N subnational
on subnational units. Remmer and strength of local inter-communal quantitative analysis that situates
Wibbels flipped the causal arrow in associational networks explained cross- the cases within the full universe of
research on the politics of economic city variation in levels of violence. 15 subnational political and administrative
adjustment by looking at how The proliferation of intra-state conflict units in one or more countries. 17 Finally,
variation in subnational fiscal policies during the post-Cold War era would the second generation includes many
affected national-level macroeconomic make subnational comparative analysis scholars based in the global south, who
stabilization. 13 Gibson and Calvo an increasingly important tool in the are increasingly turning to subnational
found that electoral overrepresentation study of the causes and consequences of comparative analysis as a way to
of subnational political units in violence. advance knowledge about politics in
Argentina’s federal system explained their countries. 18 Because it offers a way
the public-spending strategies used by The Second Generation of to implement a comparative research
national executives to build support Subnational Comparative Research design in one country, the subnational
for economic reforms. National on Democracy comparative method is an especially
executives targeted public spending The second generation of subnational 17. On “nested” research strategies, see Michael
to “low maintenance” constituencies comparative research on democracy Coppedge, “Explaining Democratic Deterioration
in Venezuela through Nested Inference” in Francis
in overrepresented jurisdictions and builds on its predecessor yet also Hagopian and Scott P. Mainwaring, eds., The Third
shielded these groups from market- breaks new ground in both substance Wave of Democratization in Latin America: Advances
and Setbacks (Cambridge University Press, 2005),
oriented economic reforms. By contrast, and methods. Substantively, although 289-318; and Evan S. Lieberman, “Nested Analysis
“high maintenance” constituencies in important recent studies focus on topics as a Mixed-Method Strategy for Comparative
Research” American Political Science Review 99
underrepresented jurisdictions located that concerned the first generation, (August 2005): 435-52.
in the more urbanized and economically such as subnational authoritarian
18. See, for example, Francisco Gutiérrez and
developed regions of the country saw regimes and decentralization, 16 the Mauricio Barón, “Órdenes Subsidiarios: Coca,
Esmeraldas: La Guerra y La Paz” Colombia
reductions in public spending and bore focus of much research has shifted Internacional ( January-June 2008): 102-129;
the brunt of the economic reforms. 14 Yogendra Yadav and Suhas Palshikar, “Ten Theses
L. Gibson, ed., Federalism and Democracy in Latin on State Politics in India,” Seminar 591 (November
12. Richard Snyder, “After Neoliberalism: The Politics America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University 2008): 14-22; Ralf Leiteritz, Carlo Nasi and
of Reregulation in Mexico” World Politics 51 ( January Press, 2004). Angelika Rettberg, “Para Desvincular los Recursos
1999b): 173-204; Richard Snyder, Politics After Naturales del Conflicto Armado en Colombia,”
Neoliberalism: Reregulation in Mexico (New York, NY: 15. Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Colombia Internacional ( July-December 2009): 215-
Cambridge University Press, 2001b). Hindus and Muslims in India (New Haven, CT: Yale 29; and Germán Lodola, “La Estructura Subnacional
University Press, 2002). de las Carreras Políticas en Argentina y Brasil,”
13. Karen L. Remmer and Erik Wibbels, “The Desarrollo Económico ( July-September 2009): 247-86.
Subnational Politics of Economic Adjustment 16. Edward L. Gibson, Boundary Control: Making and For efforts by scholars based in the global south
Provincial Politics and Fiscal Performance in Unmaking Subnational Authoritarianism in Democratic to explain why subnational undemocratic regimes
Argentina” Comparative Political Studies 33 (May Countries, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press persist despite national democratization, see Agustina
2000): 419-51. (forthcoming); Robert W. Mickey, Paths Out of Giraudy, “The Politics of Subnational Undemocratic
Dixie: The Democratization of Authoritarian Enclaves Regime Reproduction in Argentina and Mexico”
14. Edward L. Gibson and Ernesto Calvo, in America’s Deep South, 1944-1972 (Princeton: Journal of Politics in Latin America 2 (2010): 53-
“Federalism and Low-Maintenance Constituencies: Princeton University Press, forthcoming); Tulia 84; and Carlos Gervasoni, “A Rentier Theory of
Territorial Dimensions of Economic Reform in Falleti, Decentralization and Subnational Politics in Subnational Regimes: Fiscal Federalism, Democracy,
Argentina” Studies in Comparative International Latin America (New York, NY: Cambridge University and Authoritarianism in the Argentine Provinces”
Development 35 (Fall 2000): 32-55. See also Edward Press, 2010). World Politics, 62 (April, 2010): 302-340.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


attractive tool in the face of resource The Participation Revolution participatory mechanisms. 24 These
constraints that can make fieldwork in The last decade witnessed a tremendous works offer a valuable window into
foreign countries and cross-national proliferation of subnational institutions state-society relations at the micro-
research prohibitively costly. designed to expand local-level citizen level by using a subnational perspective
participation in public policymaking. to zoom in on the interaction
Clientelism This, in turn, sparked a surge in among grassroots civil society, local
Clientelism is a burgeoning research studies of the origins and outcomes government, and state officials.
area where subnational comparative of participatory experiments. While
analysis plays a prominent role. Because municipal-level participatory budgeting From Decentralization to
clientelism is anchored in micro-level is the focus of many works, scholars Recentralization
social and political ties and networks have also started looking at other Decentralization still offers fertile
that are difficult to organize and exploit participatory institutions. For example, terrain for theory-building, as
on a national scale, clientelism is Avritzer studies health councils in seen in Falleti’s work, which uses
especially well-suited to a subnational Brazil, concluding that successful subnational comparisons in Argentina,
approach. Moreover, the observation participatory institutions result from Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico to
and measurement of clientelistic cooperation between a robust civil develop a novel sequential theory of
practices is likely to be more feasible society and a cohesive political society decentralization. 25 At the same time, a
at a subnational-level. In her study welcoming of increased participation. 22 new focus has emerged on the politics of
of Argentine provinces, Stokes finds Tsai finds that informal institutions recentralization. Eaton and Dickovick
that political machines leverage their that hold local bureaucrats accountable show how subnational fiscal imbalances
penetration of voters’ social networks play a central role in the provision of produce strong incentives for national
to mitigate the possibility that voters public goods across Chinese villages. 23 executives to try to rein in subnational
will use the secret ballot to renege on And Heller et al. conclude that governments in Brazil and Argentina. 26
their commitments. 19 Weitz-Shapiro local planning councils in India, or And while McMann’s work highlights
uses a subnational comparative analysis panchayats, provide spaces not only the patchwork nature of regime types
across Argentine municipalities to for participatory consultation but also across Russian provinces, Russia is now
explore variation in strategies of for the implementation of development undergoing a far-reaching process of
political survival, focusing on why projects proposed and designed through recentralization initiated under former
some politicians choose clientelistic President Vladimir Putin with complex
strategies whereas others do not. 20 Hale, “Correlates of Clientelism: Political Economy, political implications. 27 In China, Yang
Politicized Ethnicity, and Post-Communist
Recent work on clientelism in India, Transition” in Herbert Kitschelt and Stephen I. finds that the national government
Wilkinson, eds., Patrons, Clients and Policies: Patterns
Mexico and Russia also employs of Democratic Accountability and Political Competition
has largely succeeded in recentralizing
subnational comparative analysis to (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007): 24. Patrick Heller, K.N. Harilal, and Shubham
227-50. Chaudhuri, “Building Local Democracy: Evaluating
advance our understanding of the the Impact of Decentralization in Kerala, India”
political underpinnings of clientelism. 21 22. Leonardo Avritzer, Participatory Institutions in World Development 35 (April 2007): 626-48.
Democratic Brazil (Washington, DC: Woodrow
19. Susan Stokes, “Perverse Accountability: A Wilson Center Press, 2009). On the politics of 25. Tulia Falleti, Decentralization and Subnational
Formal Model of Machine Politics with Evidence participatory budgeting, see Gianpaolo Baiocchi, Politics in Latin America (New York, NY: Cambridge
from Argentina” American Political Science Review 99 Militants and Citizens: The Politics of Participatory University Press, 2010).
(August 2005): 315-25. Democracy in Porto Alegre (Stanford, CA: Stanford
University Press, 2005); Patrick Heller, “Moving the 26. Kent Eaton and J. Tyler Dickovick, “The Politics
20. Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro, “What Wins Votes: State: The Politics of Democratic Decentralization of Re-Centralization in Argentina and Brazil” Latin
Why Some Politicians Opt Out of Clientelism” in Kerala, South Africa, and Porto Alegre” Politics & American Research Review 39 (February 2004): 90-
Unpublished manuscript (Providence, RI: Brown Society 29 (March 2001): 131-63; Brian Wampler, 122.
University, 2010). Participatory Budgeting in Brazil: Contestation,
Cooperation and Accountability (University Park, 27. Kelly M. McMann, Economic Autonomy and
21. Tariq Thachil, The Saffron Wave Meets the Silent PA: The Pennsylvania State University, 2007); and Democracy: Hybrid Regimes in Russia and Kyrgyzstan
Revolution: Why the Poor Vote for Hindu Nationalism Gianpaolo Baiocchi, Patrick Heller, and Marcelo K. (Cambridge University Press, 2006); Bryon J.
in India, Ph.D Dissertation, Department of Silva, Bootstrapping Democracy: Transforming Local Moraski and William M. Reisinger, “Eroding
Government, Cornell University, 2009; Beatriz Governance and Civil Society in Brazil (Palo Alto: Democracy: Federal Intervention in Russia’s
Magaloni, Alberto Diaz-Cayeros and Federico Stanford University Press, forthcoming). Gubernatorial Elections” Democratization 14 (August
Estévez, “Clientelism and Portfolio Diversification: 2007): 603-21; Gavril Bilev, Checking the Boss:
A Model of Electoral Investment with Applications 23. Lily Tsai, Accountability Without Democracy: Legislative Autonomy and Executive Contestation in
to Mexico” in Herbert Kitschelt and Stephen I. Solidary Groups and Public Goods Provision in Rural the Russian Regions, 1992-2005, Ph.D Dissertation,
Wilkinson, eds., Patrons, Clients and Policies: Patterns China (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, Department of Political Science, Brown University,
of Democratic Accountability and Political Competition 2007). 2011.
(Cambridge University Press, 2007): 182-205; Henry

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


fiscal policies that previously were political roots of violence. To explain Subnational analysis has also facilitated
decentralized to the provincial-level. 28 this cross-city variation in responses the testing of competing theories of
These and other studies show that to urban violence, Moncada proposes political violence, as seen in Humphrey
recentralization, like decentralization, a theoretical framework that focuses and Weinstein’s appraisal of theories
cannot be understood only through on the pivotal role of local business in of individual participation in armed
the prism of national-level politics: the the urban political arena and also as a conflict using survey data drawn from
varied political, economic and social key force that mediates the impact of ex-combatants and non-combatants in
resources available to subnational actors national government policies on city Sierra Leone. 33
determine whether recentralization politics. 30 As cities try to seize new
succeeds or fails and how it affects the opportunities opened by economic Challenges for Future Subnational
quality of democracy. globalization, local governments Comparative Research:
are increasingly bypassing national Coping with Spatially Complex,
Intergovernmental Politics governments to forge autonomous roles Uneven and Unbound Processes and
Research on intergovernmental politics in accessing foreign investment and Flows
using subnational comparisons has securing markets for locally-produced Future subnational comparative research
advanced on two fronts: first, the goods and services. The subnational on democracy faces two vital questions.
study of vertical relations between comparative method offers an important First, what is a subnational unit? The
governments located at distinct levels tool for understanding these changes definition of a city, for example, varies
of the political system, and, second, and their implications for development considerably across countries. This
the study of horizontal relations across and democracy. poses a significant challenge in terms of
governments situated at the same coding and ensuring unit homogeneity,
level of the political system. A focus The Micro-Dynamics of Violence especially when carrying out cross-
on vertical relations sheds light on The study of the micro-dynamics of national analysis of subnational
the factors that produce conflict or, political violence is another burgeoning units. Moreover, subnational political
alternatively, cooperation between area where the subnational comparative units often lack the hard borders
national and subnational governments method figures prominently. In his conventionally attributed to nation-
on a range of crucial policy issues. For study of violence in villages during states. 34 For example, the boundaries
example, Sinha develops a multilevel the Greek civil war, Kalyvas shows of many cities in the global south are
framework to explain variation in how the “master cleavage” dividing expanding, both strategically, as they
economic development across Indian national political actors cannot explain absorb neighboring municipalities
states that centers on the interactions variation in the dynamics of violence that harbor vital material resources,
among national decision makers and at the subnational-level, which is and in a haphazard and unplanned
regional politicians. 29 Citizen security often driven by local political and fashion, as demographic and economic
in the face of growing urban crime and personal rivalries. 31 Focusing on two pressures produce migration to the
violence across the global south also towns in northern Nigeria divided peripheries of urban centers. Likewise,
offers fruitful terrain for the study of along religious lines, Scacco finds that regional level subnational boundaries
vertical intergovernmental relations. community-level networks strongly are often unstable due to political
Urban violence in Colombia has shape the propensity of individuals to manipulation, as evident in Africa and
generated puzzling variation in city participate in violent demonstrations. 32 Russia, and this instability, in turn,
government responses, ranging from 30. Eduardo Moncada, Politics, Business and Violence: may pose formidable challenges for
Urban Security in Colombia (1988-2008) Ph.D
traditional, hard-line coercive measures Dissertation, Department of Political Science, Brown
the longitudinal study of subnational
to reformist, redistributive policies University, 2011. See also Eduardo Moncada, Violent Demonstrations in Nigeria, Ph.D Dissertation,
“Toward Democratic Policing in Colombia? Department of Political Science, Columbia
that target the socioeconomic and Institutional Accountability through Lateral Reform” University, May 2007.
28. Dali L. Yang, “Economic Transformation and its Comparative Politics 41 ( July 2009): 431-49; and
Political Discontents in China: Authoritarianism, Eduardo Moncada, “Counting Bodies: Crime 33. Macartan Humphreys and Jeremy M. Weinstein,
Unequal Growth, and the Dilemmas of Political Mapping, Policing and Race in Colombia” Ethnic and “Handling and Manhandling Civilians in Civil War”
Development” Annual Review of Political Science 9 Racial Studies 33 (April 2010): 696-716. American Political Science Review 100 (August 2006):
( June 2006): 143-64. 429-47.
31. Stathis Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War
29. Aseema Sinha, The Regional Roots of (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 34. Of course, many putative nation-states also lack
Developmental Politics in India: A Divided Leviathan hard borders.
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2005). 32. Alexandra Scacco, Individual Participation in

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


politics. 35 These fluid and shifting onto formal political boundaries. Still, the spatially complex, uneven and
subnational boundaries raise questions many phenomena with key political unbound processes and flows of the
not only about the composition of the implications, such as crime, public health contemporary era.
subnational unit. They also make it problems, environmental degradation,
more difficult to determine precisely and migration do not fit neatly inside Eduardo Moncada is assistant professor
which actors, interests and institutions the boundaries of subnational units. 37 of political science at Rutgers University,
should command attention in research Understanding these “unbound” Newark and assistant professor/faculty
on democracy. For example, Moncada’s processes and flows requires novel fellow at New York University’s Wagner
work on urban violence and citizen technologies for analyzing spatially Graduate School of Public Service. His
security in Latin America shows that complex phenomena. In conjunction current research focuses on the intersection
security politics in major cities is often with subnational comparisons, the use between clientelism, business and urban
dominated by rural, landowning elites of geographic information systems violence in Latin America. Richard
who are based well outside cities yet (GIS) to generate spatially-coded Snyder is professor of political science
nevertheless manage to hold sway in data has proven fruitful in recent work at Brown University. His research and
urban centers. 36 on ethnic conflict and social-service teaching focus on comparative politics,
A second key issue concerns whether the provision. 38 Subnational research with an emphasis on the political economy
phenomena we want to study adhere to designs that combine comparative and of development, political regimes, and
the boundaries of subnational political spatial methodologies will provide a Latin American politics. Richard Snyder
and administrative units. Subnational stronger foundation for understanding is professor of political science at Brown
elections may map more or less neatly 37. On how variation in the spatial relationship University. He is also director of the
between crime and the boundaries of subnational
35. On how patronage politics has driven the jurisdictions affects patterns of violence, see Richard
Center for Latin American and Caribbean
creation of new districts in Uganda, see Elliot Snyder and Angelica Duran-Martinez, “Does Studies. Snyder is the author of Politics
Green, “Patronage, District Creation, and Reform Illegality Breed Violence? Drug Trafficking and
in Uganda” Studies in Comparative International State-Sponsored Protection Rackets” Crime, Law, after Neoliberalism: Reregulation in
Development 45 (March 2010): 83-103. On the and Social Change 52 (September 2009): 253-73. Mexico (2001), Passion, Craft and
political origins of reductions in the number of
regions in Russia, see Bryon J. Moraski and William 38. Melani Cammett and Sukriti Issar, “Bricks and Method in Comparative Politics
M. Reisinger, “Spatial Contagion in Regional Mortar Clientelism: Sectarianism and the Logics (2007, with Gerardo L. Munck) and
Machine Strength: Evidence from Voting in Russia’s of Welfare Allocation in Lebanon” World Politics
Federal Elections” Paper presented at the 2010 62 ( July 2010): 381-421; and Ravi Bhavnani, numerous articles on comparative politics,
American Political Science Association Annual Dan Miodownik and Hyun Jin Choi, “Three Two comparative political economy and Latin
Meeting, Washington, DC, September 2-5, 2010. Tango: Territorial Control and Selective Violence in
Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza” Journal of Conflict American politics.
36. Moncada 2011. Resolution (Forthcoming in October 2011).

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Patel and Bunce

P atel and B unce , continued

(continued from page 1)

The purpose of this brief article is to a large number of countries within the Union as well, in the postcommunist
confront the puzzle of why protests region. Thus, we are interested in the era and in the context of hybrid, rather
against authoritarian rulers spread across transition within each of these waves than communist regimes, Serbia played
state boundaries by comparing three from what promised to be at best a the same role in the spread of the color
cross-national waves of anti-regime geographically limited process (given revolutions. Oppositions had succeeded
mobilizations. The first is the ongoing the constraints noted above) to one that through extraordinarily ambitious
protests in the Middle East and North invites widespread participation. electoral efforts to wrest power from
Africa (MENA), and the second is the authoritarian leaders in Slovakia in
rapid-fire spread of popular challenges Pivotal Cases 1998 and Croatia in 2000, and these
to communist party rule that occurred The first countries to make a formal efforts were closely connected to one
in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe break with communism in 1989 were another through the operation of a
from 1989 to 1991. Our final case is Poland and Hungary, where roundtables transnational network that provided
the color revolutions in postcommunist between communists and the opposition the resources needed to launch
Europe and Eurasia from 1996 to 2005. in the first half of that year were held in unusually strong opposition bids for
In this wave, oppositions and their allies order to design the deregulation of the power. However, like Hungary and
in a group of competitive authoritarian communist party’s political monopoly. Poland during communism, these early
regimes used a similar electoral toolkit Given the combination in these two challenges to authoritarian rule in the
in order to mount sophisticated countries of a ripened opposition, soft postcommunist world also took place in
challenges to authoritarian incumbents authoritarianism, unusually blurred regimes that were by regional standards
or their anointed successors. While lines between the opposition and the unusually vulnerable to such actions as a
all three waves involved the cross- communists, and a severe economic result, for example, of large and ripened
national diffusion of large-scale popular crisis, Poland and Hungary were ideally oppositions confronting regimes that
challenges to authoritarian rulers, situated to capitalize on the political were less repressive than many of their
they differed with respect to the key openings provided by the Gorbachev neighbors.
drivers of diffusion. In 1989 as in the reforms and the subsequent spread of
Arab uprisings, the process was largely protests throughout the Soviet Union, as The subsequent and much more
driven by demonstration effects; that well as in Yugoslavia. However, precisely surprising defeat of Milosevic in Serbia
is, the ability of protest precedents set because of the distinctive aspects of these in the fall 2000 elections, however,
elsewhere in the region to encourage two regimes in comparison with their proved to be, like the protests in East
oppositions and their allies to mount neighbors, it was logical to assume that Germany eleven years earlier, a turning
similar actions. By contrast, the Finlandization—that is, the creation point in the diffusion process. Indeed,
color revolutions were the product of of islands of more liberal political the reasons why these two countries
more deliberate actions on the part orders that would not rock the regional were able to join the diffusion dynamic
of transnational networks that were communist boat—would be the result of and thereby transform a process of
committed to the electoral defeat of these roundtables. Instead, Poland and modest cross-national transfer of
authoritarian rulers. 2 Hungary took on the unexpected role of innovative challenges to authoritarian
serving as “early risers” within a much rule into a much more ambitious one
Due to space limitations, we will focus larger diffusion dynamic. This occurred in a geographical sense were the same.
our comparison on one less commonly because of the surprising outbreak of Like East Germany, Serbia featured
analyzed aspect of diffusion: the large-scale protests in East Germany in for a variety of reasons too complex to
movement of the innovation (in our the late summer and early fall of 1989. detail here the unusual combination
case, a new repertoire of mass behavior) of a relatively large and developed
from its point of origin to a country that If East Germany was the pivotal case opposition facing off against a relatively
is well-suited to project the protests to in what subsequently became a wave hard-line regime.
2. Valerie Bunce and Sharon Wolchik, Defeating that engulfed all of Eastern Europe
Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011). and significant portions of the Soviet What made mobilizations against

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Patel and Bunce

authoritarian rule in these two and Croatia—were transformed because Egypt was, in fact, a logical country
countries so critical for the subsequent of pivotal cases that led to the start of a to follow in the immediate footsteps
magnification of each of these waves? much more far-reaching wave. of Tunisia, in part because these two
One factor was that they demonstrated countries had so much in common.
the portability of the innovation and Egypt as a Pivotal Case For example, the cases both share
the fact that popular mobilizations The Tunisian protests, which began membership in the Arab Socialist
against authoritarian rule could work in with the self-immolation of a street movement and a long history of
far less supportive local contexts. Here, vendor, prompted several similar centralized, fused and corporatist
it is important to note that both East actions in other countries, as well as political economies. 3 Moreover, both
Germany and Serbia were governed by the eruption of small-scale protests in countries experienced a shift in the
long-serving authoritarian political neighboring countries, such as Algeria 1970s and 1980s to a more liberalized
leaders who had important international and Libya. In fact, many of the same economic system (which prompted
allies and who were therefore in a regional factors that propelled the popular protests in both countries),
position, far more than the early risers European and Eurasian waves were also and their leaders carried out some
in their respective waves, to test the present in the MENA—for example, short-lived and largely half-hearted
geographical limits of popular protests striking similarities among political experiments with political liberalization.
and the new, unorthodox and therefore and economic regimes in the region, In addition, like Tunisia but unusual for
not fully credible commitments of a common language, and the presence countries within the MENA, Egypt
powerful international actors in the of a large number of long-serving and had well-established state borders, a
region, such as the Soviet Union in very corrupt leaders (some of whom, at strong national identity, and a relatively
1989 and the United States in the the time the wave began, were in the homogeneous population in ethnic and
color revolutions. Moreover, these two process of positioning their sons to be religious terms. 4 Finally, Egypt, far more
states, again in contrast to the early their successors). Also similar was the than Tunisia and, indeed, virtually every
risers, were powerful states within the role of powerful international actors, other country in the MENA, had a rich
region because of their geopolitical such as the United States in the case history of political protests and strikes
importance. At the same time, these of the MENA, in pursuing a two-track (especially in the few years leading up
pivotal states were more similar in their policy by combining long-term support to 2011) and an unusually large civil
political economies to many other states for authoritarian incumbents with society and strong labor movement. 5
in the region than was the case for the expanded democracy assistance and Egypt, therefore, like Serbia and
early risers. increased pressures on some of those East Germany, featured the unusual
leaders to introduce liberalizing reforms. mixture of a well-developed opposition
In addition, it was in these cases that the At the same time, while Tunisia was confronting a highly repressive regime.
innovation was modified and became, widely viewed within the region as an
as a result, more easily transportable to atypical country, which worked against 3. See, for example, Stephen King, The New
other countries in the region. Thus, East the transmission of its precedent, it Authoritarianism in the Middle East and North Africa
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2009);
Germany showed that protests could was also unusually influential because Bruce K. Rutherford, Egypt after Mubarak: Liberalism,
propel regime change (thereby breaking protests had managed to take place and Islam and Democracy in the Arab World (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 2010); and Alan Richards
with the roundtable model used in even succeed in such an authoritarian and John Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Middle
Hungary and Poland), and Serbia later context. While these factors no doubt East (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2008).

demonstrated that the electoral victories readied publics in the region to emulate 4. Lisa Anderson, 1987. “The State in the Middle
of the opposition could lead to regime the Tunisian model of removing East and North Africa,” Comparative Politics 20
(October 1987): 1-18.
change in more repressive political authoritarian leaders from office,
settings if post-election protests were another factor played a more significant 5. Marsha Pripstein Posusney, Labor and the State in
Egypt: Workers, Unions and Economic Restructuring,
added to the opposition’s toolkit. As role in broadcasting the protest 1952 to 1996 (New York: Columbia University Press,
1997) and Solidarity Center, AFL-CIO, “Justice for
a result, what might have been a fluke dynamic; that is, the eruption of large- All: The Struggle for Workers’ Rights in Egypt: A
from a regional vantage point—that is, scale and sophisticated demonstrations Report by the Solidarity Center.” February, 2010.
Available at http://www.solidaritycenter.org/files/
the roundtables in Poland and Hungary in the capital of Egypt.
and the electoral transitions in Slovakia

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Patel and Bunce

Like East Germany in 1989 and Serbia impact. For example, they chose Thus, while the Egyptian model was
in 2000, Egypt contributed three key National Police Day to begin the protests influenced by deliberate diffusion
developments that made a possible wave ( January 25); gave specific names to and this also enhanced its ability to
much more likely to become a real one. major protest days (for example, “Day of influence publics in other countries,
First, without Egyptian participation Revolt” followed by “Friday of Anger,” the more important mechanism of
in the wave, Tunisia would have been a with the latter capitalizing on Friday diffusion to other countries seems to
solitary case of a popular uprising that congregational prayers) and used the have been demonstration effects. Here,
overthrew a dictator. Second, Egypt internet to send out false rumors about a key insight is, first, that the Egyptian
demonstrated to interested parties the timing and location of the protests. protesters succeeded in pressuring their
throughout the region that the Tunisian military to remove Mubarak from office.
precedent could travel and succeed, and, The toolkit that the Egyptian Second, and much like what happened
what is more, do so in a country that opposition deployed to take on the in the case of East Germany in 1989
was far more important in terms of size, Mubarak regime had diverse origins, and Serbia following Milosevic’s refusal
more similar to other countries in the including, for example, a recycling of to admit electoral defeat, the Egyptian
region, and unusually close to the most some of the practices used in the past protesters had managed to put together
influential international power in the by the Muslim Brotherhood and a an ensemble of techniques that reduced
region, the United States. sharing of experiences in dealing with the costs of protest while accomplishing
regime repression with the Tunisian the goal of removing an authoritarian
Finally and also like East Germany opposition. 7 Also critical, as in the leader from office. These feats in turn
and Serbia in the two earlier waves, the case of the Serbian struggle against helped people throughout the MENA
Egyptian dynamic built upon the model Milosevic, were innovations introduced to overcome fundamental problems of
first developed and applied in Tunisia, by younger members of the Egyptian coordination under authoritarianism by
but amended it in ways that made the opposition. For instance, prior to the helping individuals believe that others
Egyptian efforts innovative, successful first protest on January 25, leaders of would join the process and that, as a
and easy for others elsewhere to emulate. the younger opposition carried out result, the personal benefit of joining
In particular, while youth played a key some experiments. Thus, they held protests would outweigh the expected
role in Egypt as well as Tunisia (as they small-scale weekly protests, and they personal costs. 8
had in most of the color revolutions) walked through some popular quarters
and while they were joined by older of Cairo, yelling out complaints about Thus, after the initial “Day of Revolt”
or established opposition groups and the regime, and assessing how angry in Egypt on January 25th, activists
figures as the protests continued, the Egyptians of various backgrounds were developed and circulated detailed plans
eighteen days of Egyptian protests did with the regime and how willing they on how others could join, and they
not start with self-immolation and they were to join the procession. As they circulated maps of where to mobilize
targeted, from the beginning, large discovered through their “fieldwork,” after Friday prayers and how to move in
urban areas (as opposed to rural areas there was considerable potential for groups to Cairo’s central Tahrir Square.
as in Tunisia) and the establishment of a Tunisian-like dynamic in Egypt. Knowing that large numbers of people
control over central squares. Moreover, This information in turn was fully in would participate, tens of thousands of
the protests that took place in Egypt line with other indicators of popular Egyptians joined the demonstrations on
built upon past struggles, such as those dissatisfaction as revealed by the rapid January 28th, the “Friday of Rage.” Mass
waged by the Egyptian Movement for and large-scale response of youth and demonstrations occurred, despite efforts
Change (Kifaya), the April 6 Youth educated people to messages relayed by the regime to shut down internet
Movement, and a large and increasingly through Facebook and texting. access, limit texting, and the use of
active labor movement. 6 force by police. This was the beginning
of the Tahrir Square model that would
Finally, the Egyptian protests were 7. David D. Kirkpatrick, “Wired and Shrewd, Young 8. Susanne Lohmann, “The Dynamics
Egyptians Guide Revolt.” New York Times, February of Informational Cascades: The Monday
carefully orchestrated to have maximum 9. Available at nytimes.org/2011/102/10/world/ Demonstrations in Leipzig, East Germany, 1989-91.”
6. See, for example, Rabab El-Mahdi,Rabab. middleeast/10youth.html. and David D. Kirkpatrick World Politics 47 (October 1994): 42-101 and Timur
“Enough: Egypt’s Quest for Democracy.” and David E. Sanger, “A Tunisian-Egypt Link that Kuran, “Now Out of Never: The Element of Surprise
Comparative Political Studies 42 (February 2009): shook Arab History,” New York Times, February 14, in the East European Revolution of 1989,” World
1011-1039. 2011, A1, A9. Politics 44 (October 1991): 7-48.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Patel and Bunce

be emulated elsewhere: committed had placed in its programming over Germany in 1989, Serbia in the color
activists occupied the central square the years on political reforms. 9 The revolutions, and Egypt with respect to
continuously, crowds of moderates techniques, which were noted earlier, the Arab uprisings. In all three cases,
periodically joined and reinforced were sufficiently simple that people protests moved from vulnerable to
the activists during organized days of understood that others understood how less vulnerable regimes, yet regimes
protest that were named and highly something similar could unfold in their that nonetheless featured ripened
organized, and once modest demands own country with similar results. For oppositions. Moreover, these countries
shifted to more radical ones, such as example, the initial protests in Egypt were, in comparison with the regimes
“go!” and “the people want the downfall targeted issues of region-wide concern, that had first experienced popular
of the regime.” such as low wages, police abuses, and mobilizations against authoritarian
the need to lift emergency laws. rule in their region, more important
The value of the “square” model can in geopolitical terms; more similar to
be seen in a comparison of Egypt and Conclusions other regimes in the region; and in a
Yemen. In Yemen, a diverse coalition of Students of diffusion have tended to much better position to demonstrate
Islamist and secular opposition groups restrict their analysis to one wave, that powerful external actors were
were also inspired by the Tunisian treat its spread as a single process, willing to tolerate significant political
example and organized mass rallies and identify some general drivers change. Also critical for transforming
around the same time that the Egyptian of the dynamic, such as similarities “one small revolution,” as Robert Kaplan
protests began. The Yemeni protests, among sites, demonstration effects and characterized the Tunisian events on the
however, occurred in different locations deliberate diffusion. Our approach has eve of the outbreak of protests in Egypt,
and lacked a geographic focus. On been different, largely in recognition into a much bigger one in geographical
January 27th, the day Egyptians were of the fact that, while protests can terms, were two other features of these
planning their coordinated march on erupt in one or several authoritarian cases. 10 In East Germany, Serbia and
Tahrir Square, Yemenis demonstrated regimes in a region, they are unlikely to Egypt, citizens succeeded in bringing
in several disparate locations in the spread because the remaining regimes down authoritarian leaders, and
capital. Although these fragmented in the region are less vulnerable and opposition leaders developed innovative
Yemeni protests had led President Saleh because their authoritarian leaders approaches to protest that were easily
by February 2nd to promise to step learn from threatening precedents and transportable to many other regimes in
down in 2013 and not to position his take necessary precautions. This fact the region. In this sense, while waves
son Ahmed to succeed him, Yemeni of authoritarian life, however, must of protest against authoritarian leaders
protests did not reach a bandwagon until be placed alongside the demonstrated must start somewhere and this justifies
Yemeni protesters emulated Egyptians’ ability of such profoundly subversive all the attention paid to “early risers,” the
tactics and began a continuous sit-in actions to spread at times among regimes likelihood of a larger regional dynamic
in a square near Sana’a University on within regions, as we have seen in the depends upon a second development:
February 20th. By that point, pro-Saleh Arab uprisings and earlier, 1989 and the whether key countries in the region join
groups had already occupied Sana’a’s color revolutions in the communist and the process.
Tahrir Square to prevent anti-Saleh postcommunist world.
protesters from moving there.
This puzzle led us to compare these David Siddhartha Patel is an assistant
What made the transfer of these three waves with one another and professor of government at Cornell
techniques easier, but what was missing pose one question: why was a likely University. His research focuses on Middle
from the European and Eurasian waves, isolated eruption of protest transformed Eastern politics and Islamic institutions.
was the fact that citizens throughout the into a larger regional dynamic? Our Valerie Bunce is professor of government
MENA could watch Egyptian protests answer is that each wave became a at Cornell University and the Aaron
on satellite television and know that wave because of the participation of a Binenkorb Chair of International Studies.
others in their country saw it as well. key country early in the dynamic: East
These reports, moreover, built upon the 9. Marc Lynch, Voices of the New Arab Public: Iraq,
Al-Jazeera, and Middle East Politics Today (New York: 10. ”One Small Revolution.” New York Times, January
considerable emphasis that al-Jazeera Columbia University Press, 2006). 23, 2011, p. 11.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


L ankina , continued
(continued from page 2)

multiple countries in one region. 3 One democratic influence of non-dominant data are available for lower levels of
important reason for our reluctance to religions in these nations. In India, territorial administration, such as the
transcend regional specializations and Christians constitute a mere 2.3 percent district level. Since matching pre- and
pursue multi-country, sub-national of the population. Yet, in Kerala, where post-colonial districts is considerably
comparative analysis is the issue of data. indigenized Syrian and Roman Catholic easier than matching colonial state
Gathering data at the sub-national Christianity facilitated the spread of boundaries with post-colonial ones,
level is nearly always a “from scratch” reformist Christian movements in the I gathered district data on literacy,
project. Those who study democracy 19th-early 20th centuries, 19 percent religion, and other socio-economic
at the national level enjoy the luxury of the population is Christian. This indicators. Matching colonial and post-
of access to time-series cross-sectional state also has a reputation for being colonial districts made possible the
datasets. Datasets at the sub-national among the most literate, open, and construction of a cross-sectional, time
level for more than one country are rare democratic. In Russia, regions like series dataset spanning both periods.
and the available sub-national data are St. Petersburg, Samara, and Volgograd District-level data also provide the
often unreliable. have played host to successive waves additional advantage of having a much
of West European settlers, who in larger number of observations with
My past and ongoing research on the turn facilitated the spread of reformist which to work.
degree to which sub-national democracy Christianity. In both India and Russia,
varies in different national settings these communities are associated For Russia, the key comprehensive
illustrates some of these challenges. with developing the foundations for source of pre-communist socio-
For instance, currently, I am exploring schooling and literacy. I hypothesize economic statistics is the first imperial
how colonial and imperial legacies that this record has a path-dependent census of 1897. Communist-era
shape difference in human capital and effect on levels of human capital and censuses were notoriously suspect as
democracy in Russian regions and democracy today. Based on evidence the regime under Stalin, in particular,
Indian states. I found it intriguing from these outliers, I develop and inflated statistics for literacy and other
that some of India’s and Russia’s most test hypotheses on the whole universe achievements. 4 As a result, such data are
developed and democratic regions of Indian and Russian sub-national not sufficiently reliable for the purposes
also have a shared legacy of exposure territories. of statistical analysis. There are similar
to Western Christian institutions, problems with religious data in Russia.
which are not rooted in the dominant The issues that I have encountered in National-level estimates of Russia’s
indigenous religion and which were the India-Russia research are probably religious composition are available, but
often at odds with the colonial/imperial recognizable to any scholar conducting sub-national data on religion (census or
authorities. Religion has featured sub-national analysis. India’s British otherwise) do not exist. The absence
prominently in cross-national, large-n rulers laboriously maintained detailed of these data makes the construction
analyses of democratic variation. state- and district-level census records. of a cross-sectional time series dataset
However, the oversimplifications of This tradition continued into the that would be comparable to the
this literature have also contributed to post-colonial period, untainted by the India district-level dataset impossible.
the perpetuation of a Huntingtonian ideological dogma or comprehensive Without comparable datasets, it is
master narrative categorizing India overhauls seen in Russia’s communist difficult to systematically compare the
and Russia as civilizationally Hindu and post-communist history. However, effects of historical legacy over time in
and Orthodox. It is the power of such after India’s independence, the Indian the two countries.
categorizations, I believe, that explains government pursued administrative
the puzzling absence of theoretical reorganization of states along linguistic 4. The data from the first 1926 census are more
and empirical work on the potential lines. The boundaries of colonial states reliable. Thomas F. Remington, “Accounting for
Regime Differences in the Russian Regions:
3. Robert Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic therefore do not match those of the Historical and Structural Influences,” Paper presented
Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton: Princeton new linguistic states. Fortunately, at the Midwestern Political Science Association
University Press, 1993). Conference, Chicago, Illinois, 2009.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


Devising democracy indices may correlation between the non-electoral and William Reisinger in their study
present additional data comparability and electoral measures. 9 In another of electoral competitiveness in Russia’s
issues. Even in cross-national analyses, study, Lankina and Getachew find regions employ the measures of effective
scholars have had to exercise selectivity that Indian states with high electoral candidates for the post of governor in
in the employment of democracy turnout also tend to have better each race and gubernatorial turnover. 14
indicators because of data scarcity. educated populations, which is what Unfortunately, the replacement of the
Although most scholars agree that one might expect elsewhere. 10 This election of governors with a system of
elections are but one indicator of the finding also appears to validate the use presidential appointment in 2004 limits
quality of democracy, electoral data of electoral participation measures as a the applicability of this indicator to
are frequently employed in national democracy proxy. 11 the 1990s and early 2000s. Dominant
democracy indices. 5 Simple electoral party measures could be another useful
measures of democracy are often Russia illustrates how even electoral indicator of democracy in sub-national
highly correlated with more complex measures could be misleading or settings. They have been applied to
indicators for which data may not be inadequate however. High electoral Latin American contexts, and could
as readily available. 6 This suggests turnout in Indian states may be be appropriate even in countries with
that the various indicators measure indicative of an active electorate and an extremely limited forms of electoral
the same systematized concept. 7 The institutional environment that enables contestation like China. 15 In Russia, the
few studies that have conducted sub- participation. The same does not dominant United Russia (UR) party has
national quantitative analyses of necessarily apply to Russia’s regions. succeeded in colonizing many regional
democracy in developing or “hybrid In fact, electoral turnouts in the and local elected assemblies. The
regime” settings have tended to validate magnitude of 80-90 percent may point extent of UR colonization of elected
the usage of electoral measures. One to the ghastly state of the democratic representative bodies or loss of UR
study of democracy in Indian states process in some regions. Such high assembly majority could be employed
employed democracy scores comprised turnouts result from coercive voter as indicators of regional electoral
of electoral participation and party mobilization or plain old-fashioned competitiveness. Such measures could
competition data. 8 Meanwhile, a team fraud by the governors’ henchmen. 12 be only employed for the time period
of experts on Russia’s regional politics Other electoral measures therefore coinciding with UR ascendancy in
made a more ambitious attempt at may be more valid. 13 Bryon Moraski the 2000s however. These variations
measuring sub-national democracy in 9. Michael McFaul, Nikolai Petrov and Andrei in Russia’s institutional environment
Riabov, Between Dictatorship and Democracy: Russian
Russia. They gathered data on civil Post-Communist Political Reform (Washington, present challenges for my comparative
society, judicial independence, local D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, project on India and Russia. While
government strength, freedom of the for India, electoral measures could be
press, political pluralism, and regional 10. Large metropolitan areas may have lower turnouts consistently employed for several post-
than smaller rural units however. Jefferey M. Sellers,
elections and find a relatively high “Beyond Subnational Comparison: The Transnational colonial decades, democracy measures
5. Kristian S. Gleditsch and Michael D. Ward, “A Comparative Method,” Paper presented at the
Reexamination of Democracy and Autocracy in Annual Meeting and Exhibition of the American
for Russia would have to be restricted
Modern Polities.” The Journal of Conflict Resolution Political Science Association, Washington, DC, 2010. to a much narrower time frame as they
41 ( June 1997): 361-383; Axel Hadenius and
Jan Teorell, “Assessing Alternative Indices of 11. Tomila Lankina and Lullit Getachew, “Mission would not be consistent across the
Democracy,” Paper presented at the International or Empire, Word or Sword? Colonial-Era Education various time periods. This is another
Political Science Association: Mexico City, 2005. Legacy in India’s Democratic Development,” Second
International Symposium of Comparative Research example of the difficulties of ensuring
6. Michael Coppedge, “Defining and Measuring on Major Regional Powers in Eurasia (Tokyo, Hosei democracy data equivalence over time
Democracy, “Paper presented at theInternational University; and Osaka, Osaka University, Japan,
Political Science Association: Mexico City, 2005. 2010). in the context of cross-national sub-
7. Robert Adcock and David Collier, “Measurement 12. Joseph Deckert and Mikhail Myagkov, “How are 14. Bryon J. Moraski and William M. Reisinger,
Validity: A Shared Standard for Qualitative and Elections Fixed? An Agent-Based Model of Russia’s “Explaining Electoral Competition across Russia’s
Quantitative Research.” The American Political Science Regional Politics,” Paper presented at the Annual Regions.” Slavic Review 62 (Summer 2003): 278-
Review 95 (September 2001): 529-546. Convention and Exhibition of the American Political 301.
Science Association,Washington, DC, 2010.
8. Caroline Beer and Neil J. Mitchell, “Comparing 15. David Altman and Anibal Perez-Linan,
Nations and States: Human Rights and Democracy 13. Carlos Gervasoni, “A Rentier Theory of “Assessing the Quality of Democracy: Freedom,
in India.” Comparative Political Studies 39 (October Subnational Regimes: Fiscal Federalism, Democracy, Competitiveness and Participation in Eighteen Latin
2006): 996-1018. and Authoritarianism in the Argentine Provinces.” American Countries.” Democratization 9 (Summer
World Politics 62 (April 2010): 302-340. 2002): 85-100.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


national analysis. national analysis exacerbate the known to a variety of settings. Although
challenges of conducting single-country they are mostly single country- or
The third set of problems in work on sub-national democracy. The geographic region-bound, they could
conducting cross-national sub- somewhat enclavized nature of the be useful starting points for extending
national analysis relates to changes scholarly networks focusing on the sub-national comparisons to multiple
in administrative boundaries. Sub- various geographic regions and the geographic regions. These works build
national boundaries are altered more resulting paucity of cross-fertilization on Guillermo O’Donnell’s pioneering
often than national ones. In both India in research does not help. 18 At APSA’s theorizing on how the nature of
and Russia there were several rounds September 2010 annual meeting, many interactions of sub-national regimes
of regional reorganization in the 20th of the scholars who attended the panel on with the center may influence sub-
century. Such boundary changes make Russia’s sub-national democratization national quality of democracy. 19 For
it difficult to uncover the long-term were also seen at the other talks on instance, Richard Snyder shows how in
democracy effects of historical legacies, post-communist states. The audience Latin America a national government’s
in particular. This is because the panel at the panel on comparative democracy neo-liberal policies may contribute
structure of a cross-sectional time series and development in Indian states was to illiberal reforms in the periphery. 20
dataset would require sub-national different from the audience of the Carlos Gervasoni demonstrates how
regional unit equivalence over time. Russia sub-national democracy panel. national fiscal transfers may account for
Even a small district added to a sub- Most likely, it overlapped with scholars variations in the quality of sub-national
national region profoundly alters its who packed to hear the eminent democratic process in Argentina. The
demographic, ethnic, socio-economic, Susanne and Lloyd Rudolph speak at latter finding points to the hitherto
or political/ voting profile. In fact, the panel on ethnographic approaches undertheorized links between fiscal
such changes in a district’s profile are in studies of India and the Middle East. federalism and sub-national regime
often rationales for administrative The speaker at another panel presenting types. 21
reorganization. While district-level a compelling rationale for sub-
data may help ensure sub-national national cross-country analysis largely At the same time, spatial variations in
unit equivalence over time, 16 when two concentrated on localities within the policy and democracy may contribute to
countries are being compared the issue EU and OECD states. There is likewise the “hybridization” of national regimes.
of cross-national equivalence in data little cross-fertilization in research Vladimir Gel’man, drawing on examples
availability becomes even more acute. among the communities of scholars from Mexico, Russia, and Italy shows
For instance, in Russia district level working on these advanced democracies how strong party-based sub-national
data are less readily available than in and scholars focusing on developing, authoritarianism could perpetuate
India. Even when ample district data democratizing, or liberalizing settings. national authoritarianism. 22 Bryon
are available, matching districts could Moraski and William Reisinger suggest
be an exceptionally time consuming How then do we move beyond single-, another promising way of exploring these
process. Scholars relying on district within-country analysis to cross- mechanisms of sub-national influence
data for the Russian Empire have had country sub-national comparisons of on the quality of national democracy.
to conduct archival research in some democratization transcending regional Their work illustrates how a minority
former USSR countries, for example. 17 disciplinary boundaries? A number of “deferential” regional authoritarian
of recent studies have identified new 19. Guillermo O’Donnell, Counterpoints: Selected
Essays on Authoritarianism and Democratisation (Notre
The issues of data availability, and promising directions in theorizing Dame: University of Notre Dame Press,1999).
comparability, and administrative on sub-national authoritarianism and 20. Snyder 2001.
continuity in cross-national sub- democracy that could be applicable
21. Gervasoni 2010.
16. Sellers 2010. 18. Archie Brown makes a similar point with respect
to another disciplinary cleavage: “The mutual 22. Vladimir Gel’man, “The Dynamics of Subnational
isolation of comparative politics and international
17. See Leonid Peisakhin, “Living Historical Authoritarianism: Russia in Comparative
relations is both intellectually and politically
Legacies: The ‘Why’ and ‘How’ of Institutional damaging,” he writes. “Comparative Politics: A View Perspective,” in: Vladimir Gel’man and Cameron
Persistence, the Case of Ukraine,” Paper presented at from Britain,” Newsletter of the Comparative Politics Ross, eds., The Politics of Subnational Authoritarianism
the Midwestern Political Science Association Annual Section of the American Political Science Association 16, in Russia (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010).
Conference, Chicago, 2010. 1 (2005), 1-5.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


regimes may tip the electoral balance regions, the process of cross-national and democracy. 26 Similarly, based
in favor of authoritarian revival at sub-national analysis could be pursued on a natural experiment, Leonid
the center. 23 This electoral analysis of inductively. Scholars could begin their Peisakhin demonstrates how Russian
Russia’s regions could be replicated analysis by identifying shared features and Habsburg imperial institutions
in other settings. Other sub-national among sub-national authoritarian units had a variable effect on democratic
democracy researchers have drawn on and democratic achievers in various orientations of sub-national populations
international relations theorizing to countries. I adopted this strategy in post-communist Ukraine. 27 Thomas
make links between external influences during the early stages of the Russia- Remington, meanwhile, finds that
and local democracy. Gel’man and India project. I found that Indian states tsarist and early Soviet human capital
Lankina and Lankina and Getachew and Russian regions that stood out stocks in Russia’s provinces have an
employ sub-national data on foreign because of better quality of democracy effect on sub-national democratic
aid and democracy to conduct had higher human capital, which could variation in Russian regions today. 28
multivariate analyses of democratic be in turn traced to external influences. The persistence of these human capital
institutional development and survival A favorable geographic location or effects over time boosts evidence
across Russia’s regions. Their findings proximity to an important regional of the importance of sub-national
demonstrate how soft powers like the power may affect the likelihood of spatial variations in historical legacies
Council of Europe and EU may impact exposure to socially transformative for current outcomes. Communist
regional and federal resilience against external institutions during the planners, after all, pursued large-scale
authoritarian encroachment. 24 imperial/ colonial eras. The precise social modernization that was meant to
nature of these legacy and external obliterate prior spatial developmental
The validity of findings from the above- effects will vary depending on the variations. In my work on historical
discussed studies of determinants of setting explored. For instance, in Latin legacies in Russian regions, I show
sub-national democratic variation could America, beneficial or detrimental how in the 18-19th centuries, the
be substantially enhanced if we were to influences from the United States as Russian Empire actively promoted
extend the analysis beyond one national a regional power or earlier patterns self-government for European settlers
setting. Sub-national units drawn from of European colonization could be with distinct sets of institutions, rights,
the same polity are vulnerable to the considered. and privileges. 29 I hypothesize that
well-known Galton’s problem. 25 Units these variable institutional legacies
in a political system are inter-connected The merits of sub-national, as likewise have implications for current
and subject to similar influences from compared to national, analysis is spatial variations in human capital and
the wider political and institutional that it sensitizes us to the spatially democracy. Similar findings from such
environment. The resulting problem uneven nature of these contemporary “most different” national systems as
of auto-correlation in the data could and legacy effects. This fact is often Ukraine and India or Russia and India
be better addressed when units from overlooked in cross-national democracy provide useful material for generating
different political systems are employed. scholarship employing national-level cross-national theory on the origins and
Because scholars may not possess coding. Recent research on India is a persistence of sub-national democracy.
equal familiarity of several geographic case in point. India is routinely coded
23. Bryon J. Moraski and William M. Reisinger, as a British colony although one third Another strategy for moving beyond
“Spatial Contagion in Regional Machine Strength:
Evidence from Voting in Russia’s Federal Elections,” of its territory had not been subjected 26. Abhijit Banerjee and Lakshmi Iyer, “Colonial
Paper presented at the Annual Meeting and to direct administration. Yet the work Land Tenure, Electoral Competition, and Public
Exhibition of the American Political Science Goods in India,” in: Jared Diamond and James
Association, Washington, DC, 2010. of Abhijit Banerjee and Lakshmi Iyer A. Robinson, eds., Natural Experiments of History
draws attention to the importance of (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010), 185-
24. Vladimir Gel’man and Tomila Lankina, 220.
“Authoritarian Versus Democratic Diffusions: within-nation differences in colonial
Explaining Institutional Choices in Russia’s Local 27. Peisakhin 2010.
Government.” Post-Soviet Affairs 24 ( January-
administrative patterns. They discuss
March 2008): 40-62.; Tomila V. Lankina and Lullit how within one colonial setting, 28. Remington 2009.
Getachew, “A Geographic Incremental Theory of
Democratization: Territory, Aid, and Democracy in variable patterns of land tenure could 29. Tomila Lankina, “Regional Democracy
Post-Communist Regions.” World Politics 58 ( July have implications for post-colonial Variations and the Forgotten Legacies of Western
2006): 536-582. Engagement,” in: Vladimir Gel’man and Cameron
public goods provision, human capital, Ross, eds., The Politics of Subnational Authoritarianism
25. Sellers 2010; Snyder 2001. in Russia (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010).

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


single-nation within-country Finally, and perhaps most importantly to be within-nation and geographic
comparisons would be to make wider for systematizing our cross-regional area-bound, its potential for cross-
use of the geographical mapping knowledge, we ought to come up with national and cross-regional theorizing
and analysis software such as GIS. measures of sub-national democracy and empirical work has not been fully
Jeffrey Kopstein and David Reilly’s and authoritarianism applicable in realized. One way of systematizing
innovative, albeit national-level, work various settings. Such data could approaches to the study of sub-national
on the importance of EU proximity be used to construct multi-country democracy and authoritarianism would
for post-communist democratization, datasets on democracy in which sub- be to establish a repository of sub-
has demonstrated the utility of this national regions would be employed as national data. The repository could
approach. 30 Cross-national sub-national observations in pooled cross-sectional serve as an online source on various
comparisons could begin with simple time series, OLS, geo-spatial, or other geographic regions, and a virtual forum
exploration of the spatial positioning statistical analyses. Jefferey Sellers in his for developing shared measurements
and clustering of regions based on some discussion of the merits of what he calls applicable across various national
defined regime criteria in countries of the trans-national comparative method settings. Clearly, the magnitude of data
interest. Then, layers of potentially identifies several sources of multi- gathering for cross-national within-
significant data could be added to the country, sub-national data. Examples nation comparisons would require us to
analysis, such as resource endowments, of such multi-country datasets include pool together the expertise and resources
urbanization, proximity to regional the Rodden and Wibbels dataset on of the various scholarly communities
powers, the regime types of neighboring political and economic variations hitherto focusing on one geographic
powers, fiscal dependence on the and the International Metropolitan region. This timely symposium in
national center, political proximity of Observatory Project’s international the Comparative Democratization
regional incumbents to the national dataset of electoral behavior. 31 These Newsletter will hopefully bring us
party in power, historical legacies of datasets either cover developed OECD closer to fulfilling that aspiration.
imperial/colonial tutelage, or religion. states or focus on a select group of
Mapping and visualizing variations will federations. Nevertheless, they could Tomila Lankina is a reader in politics
help provide the building blocks for be a valuable template for constructing in the department of politics and public
further theory building. Geo-spatial sub-national democracy datasets for policy at the Leicester Business School.
software would also facilitate the other settings. She has published two books and several
matching of sub-national boundaries studies on comparative sub-national
across several time periods. This limited review of recent sub- democratisation.
30. Jeffrey S. Kopstein and David A. Reilly, national work highlights the conceptual
“Geographic Diffusion and the Transformation of the richness of the literature. Because of
Postcommunist World.” World Politics 53 (October
2000): 1-37. sub-national scholarship’s tendency
31. Sellers 2010.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


S inha , continued
(continued from page 2)

analyses. 4 Accordingly, scholars have should allow us to develop generalizable Real-World Democracies and
analyzed the effects of decentralization conclusions about how subnational Theories of Democracy
on markets and attempts to measure institutions, actors, and ideas vary
fiscal and subnational indicators have across countries and across time. The study of the subnational practice of
burgeoned. 5 With the popularity democracy can be useful for the larger
of decentralization, subnational In order to build a comparative theoretical debates about democracy and
institutions have come to occupy both theory of subnational variation, I contribute to a truly comparative theory
policy and scholarly attention as the offer three alternative justifications of democratic practice. This method
World Bank and Asian Development for the subnational method. First, the can tell us a lot about the actual practice
Bank launched subnational structural subnational method forces scholars to of democracies all over the world and
adjustment programs and the World develop more micro-level definitions by doing so, enable us to modify and
Bank began collecting databases on and to operationalize concepts more add nuance to the theoretical concepts
subnational indicators. 6 precisely. Such requirements can with which we work. For example,
produce greater gradation in existing in an innovative extension of the
Until now, the value of subnational concepts and emphasize the degree to subnational method Jenkins adopted a
analysis has been recognized largely for which they vary not just across states, two state analysis for a wide range of
its methodological advantages. Such an but also within them. 7 Second, I call issues drawing upon India’s regional
approach increases the number of units for a stronger link between studies of diversity. 8 In most cross-national
and observations. Yet, this advantage democracy and studies of development, studies, democracy is usually measured
presupposes an independence of units which can better be analyzed at the by adding different dimensions of
that may be misleading both for cross- subnational level. Lastly, I argue that a democracy but such indiscriminate
national work and for within-country focus on the subnational level can change addition is too crude and simplistic. 9
studies. In this article, I review the the way we understand the national or Subnational analysis, by contrast, can
value of the subnational method and systemic level and, to that end, authors allow us to examine how the levels of
argue that we need to move beyond conducting research on the subnational democracy vary within a larger context.
methodological justifications to a level must strive to inform the broader The end result should be more refined
truly comparative theory of subnational comparative politics literature by assessments of the concept of regime
variation. Such a comparative theory highlighting the implications of their type. Thus, subnational studies can
work for those engaged in cross- lead to a search for better micro-level
4. Tulia G. Faletti, Decentralization and Subnational
Politics in Latin America (New York: Cambridge national studies. The research agenda I concepts and, as our understanding
University Press, 2010) and Kathleen O’Neill, propose is an ambitious one, though, as of the causal mechanisms associated
Decentralizing the State: Elections, Parties and
Local Power in the Andes (Cambridge: Cambridge data gathering at the subnational level with these concepts improve, so too
University Press, 2005).
is less common and more difficult. The will the empirical grounding of our
5. Jonathan A. Rodden, Hamilton’s Paradox: the success of such an enterprise will most categorizations and comparisons.
Promise and Peril of Fiscal Federalism (Cambridge;
New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); likely require more collaboration among
Aseema Sinha, “Political Foundations of Market- scholars with diverse regional expertise In the larger literature the distinction
Enhancing Federalism: Theoretical Lessons from
India and China,” Comparative Politics, 37, (April but with higher payoffs in developing between substantive and procedural
2005): 337-356; and Barry, L. Weingast, “The a comparative theory of subnational concepts of democracy has been well
Economic Role of Political Institutions: Market-
Preserving Federalism and Economic Development,” variation. understood. Democracy can be defined
Journal of Law, Economics, & Organization, 11, (April in terms of the rules of the game or the
outcome of democratic institutions.
6. Jason A. Kirk, India and the World Bank: The
Politics of Aid and Influence (Anthem Press, 2011); 8. Rob Jenkins, Regional Reflections: Comparing
World Bank, Subnational Data Requirements for Politics Across India’s States (Oxford University Press,
Fiscal Decentralization: Case Studies from Central and 2004).
Eastern Europe (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 7. David Collier and Robert Adcock, “Democracy
2003). and Dichotomies: A Pragmatic Approach to Choices 9. Shawn Treier and Simon Jackman, “Democracy
about Concepts,” Annual Review of Political Science, 2 as a Latent Variable,” American Journal of Political
( June 1999): 537-565. Science, 52, ( January 2008): 201-217.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


Moving the level of analysis to the nation-states, many of these questions political variables like regime types
subnational or local levels can help have not been addressed because and economic development indicators,
us address important issues related to scholars tend to focus on macro-level the causal mechanisms underlying the
the differential effects of procedural democratic differences across regimes linkages between economic development
and substantive concepts of democracy rather than finer variables that vary and regime type have not been
that have been unaddressed so far. at local levels. Analytically, it is more adequately researched. 11 We need to go
For example, what is the relationship insightful to compare how a well- beyond blunt, macro-level concepts like
between democratic procedures and functioning democracy performs across democracy or globalization to consider
substantive outcomes, such as the its local levels as one can control for the effect of democratization on
benefits that democracy might accord macro-level factors such as rules, party economic outcomes. For example, how
to lower income groups? A purely systems, electoral systems, and the like. democratization influences different
cross-national study of regime types social groups –business, interest groups,
may, among other things, mask the A related point emerges: we lack a labor –deserves a more differentiated
effects of elections versus other types theory of democracy’s linkages with analysis. It may be possible to use the
of accountability mechanisms. It may society, that is, where democracy meets subnational method to disaggregate
be hypothesized that accountability social institutions. We do not have different kinds of social groups such
institutions other than elections are enough studies of how boundaries as manufacturing versus service
more beneficial for lower income between citizens and political society sector elites, skilled and unskilled
groups since the electoral process can be in democracies are created, sustained workers, agricultural and industrial
captured by elites. Such assessments of and restructured. The political culture labor, and different kinds of voters
democracy’s effects cannot be explored research project has found that civil located in different regional arenas.
in a cross-national analysis where and democratic values are important In India, for example, manufacturing
both democracies and authoritarian but we do not know enough about how and service industries are located in
governments may be part of the sample such values are created and sustained. 10 different provinces. Simultaneously,
but subnational analysis allows us to test Studies of local political values can allow the eastern part of the country is less
the effects of different dimensions of a us to focus more closely on the linkages well developed and largely agricultural.
democracy especially when democracy between society and democracy. This Such regional differentiations can allow
and decentralization go together. explication and examination of how us to tease out the variable effects of
democratic citizens and democratic democratic procedures on different
The subnational method also allows us values are produced and reproduced at socio-economic groups. In China, the
to explore debates around the quality of societal levels can best be done through regional differences between coastal
democracy. For example, we can look fine-grained local studies working and inland provinces could also be
at the actual experience of democracy with tools of political sociology and studied in this way.
across subnational units in a democratic political anthropology. A subnational
country like India. Many scholars have orientation in such endeavors can Research on the effect of economic
argued that, despite the success of enhance the variation in otherwise globalization on the level of democracy
Indian democracy, we need more fine- focused micro-studies by bringing in a also warrants much more attention. 12
grained empirical measures to assess its comparative dimension—the creation Does economic growth create a
quality of democracy. Questions related of democratic citizens across different middle class helping democracy, as
to the quality of democracy include: or similar localities—within as well as argued by Lipset, or does it increase
Do politicians use their offices to across nation-states. income inequality endangering
benefit citizens or to benefit only elite
groups? Do corrupt officials get elected Explicating Missing Puzzles 11. John Gerring, Peter Kingstone, Mathew Lange,
and Aseema Sinha, “Democracy, History, and
more than non-corrupt officials? Does about Democracies and Economic Economic Performance: A Case-Study Approach,”
the acquisition of political office Development World Development, 39 (October 2011).

increase the propensity for corruption? While there is a huge literature linking 12. Helen, V. Milner, and B. Mukherjee,
While nothing prevents scholars “Democratization and Economic Globalization,”
10. G. Almond, and S. Verba, The Civic Culture: Annual Review of Political Science, ( June 2009): 163-
from analyzing these questions across Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations 181.
(California: Sage, 1989).

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


democracy? 13 What about the power An analysis of national politics that particular incentives and pathways
of business classes in democracies? accounts for subnational factors is of career mobility and institutional
Does increasing concentration of likely to be different than conventional change in China. Institutional linkages
economic assets influence elections cross-national work. Subnational refer to organizations that exist
and other procedures of democratic disaggregation suggests the need to focus separate from the levels of government,
accountability? Given geographic analytical attention on how subnational but allow subnational rulers to interact
concentrations of assets, industries, elites perceive their interests, and with national level actors. For example,
and skills, economic variation at the their incentives. But, we also need to in India, the National Development
subnational level can be used to test know how the actions of local actors Council (NDC) and the Interstate
more nuanced hypotheses about the are shaped by both local and national Council are institutional bodies that
effect of economic change on the level incentives. Towards this end, scholars include the provinces’ and the center’s
and quality of democracy. Subnational interested in subnational processes representatives and meet regularly to
work, then, has the potential to explore should focus on the interactions among discuss overlapping issues. Examples of
lingering puzzles in the link between subnational, national, and global levels such linkage exist in all federal systems
democracy and economic development. of analysis as well as diffusion processes. wherein local interests or voices are
In studies of economic outcomes, for represented in national institutions.
Using Subnational Analysis to example, one important question is Personnel linkages refer to circulation
Understand National and Global whether national considerations can of elites: Do subnational politicians,
Phenomena outweigh local interests. This possibility for example, hold central posts and vice
One weakness of subnational analysis is raises an important issue: Are there versa? 16 The participation of provincial
its inability to scale up. Comparativists overlapping or linkage institutions elites in the Chinese Politburo is
might argue that subnational analysis is that allow the construction of larger one such linkage mechanism. These
good for going deeper but it does not help incentives and actions? Linkage arises concepts and examples suggest the need
them understand social phenomena at when local elites, politicians or voters to expand beyond purely subnational
higher levels of aggregation. Moreover, have relationships with nation-wide analyses to examine how the subnational
subnational actors and institutions may institutions, or shape developments structure of power affects the nature of
have different effects across nations, at the national level. Weingast et. al. the national political economy and vice
necessitating the need to link cross- argue that hard budget constraints versa.
national analysis with subnational force governments to match revenues
work. I urge scholars interested in the with expenditure. 14 And, rules that One advantage of the extension of
subnational level to use disaggregation ensure a national common market force subnational foci to national levels is
to theorize about how their analysis all actors—regional and national—to that results can be compared across
affects the nature of politics and pursue goals that are beneficial for the different countries. In order to do that,
political economy at the national level. national common good. Sinha posits though, scholars need to ask: What can
Specifically, what is the link between alternative mechanisms of authority, the presence of subnational divisions
regional politics and national politics? Is personnel, and institutional linkages say about the nature of national
national policy a product of bargaining that make local and national incentives institutions and policy processes? How
or coalition formation between regional consistent. 15 Authority linkage does the national context shape the
and subnational actors? How do the mechanisms refer both to the formal nature of subnational divisions? Asking
incentives of regional politicians vary roles conferred to subnational and these questions would expand the value
under different institutional rules? central actors as well as the exercise of of subnational analysis and also allow
How does the national party system real power. In China for example, central scholars interested in the subnational
shape regional actions? leaders make recruitment decisions level to theorize and build arguments
according them unprecedented power. about other cases (i.e. combine within
13. S.M. Lipset, “Some Social and Economic
Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development This, then, affects the scope of local case analyses with cross-case analyses).
and Political Development,” American Political and subnational autonomy creating
Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69–105 and D,
Acemoglu and Robinson, J. 2006. Economic Origins 14. Weingast 1995, op.cit. For example, work on ethnic divisions
of Dictatorship and Democracy (New York: Cambridge
Univ. Press). 15. Weingast, 1995 op. cit. and Sinha, 2005 op.cit. 16. This section is drawn from Sinha. 2005, Op.cit.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


in India or Russia might do well to to the national level and vice versa? conscious attention to scaling up to the
ask how the political organization How does such advancement affect national and global level. Subnational
of federalism in the relevant country local incentives to pursue democracy or work has highlighted the need to
affects the transformation of ethnicity growth or investment promotion? Such disaggregate the nation-state into its
into national outcomes, such as theoretical and empirical extensions lower level units (provinces, regions,
consociationalism or persistent ethnic must be done more explicitly, so that local level units, or districts). In order
conflict? Research on party systems scholars of subnational politics can to deploy the scaling down for a larger
can analyze how they differ across contribute to theory building at the comparative theory of subnational
regions at the subnational level but also national level. Doing so will lead to variation, we must scale up and develop
aggregate to develop weaker or stronger the next step of comparing the nature a theory of the nation-state that
mechanisms of career and institutional of regional and national phenomenon makes explicit the interaction across
development at the national level. across cases. Such cross-national levels within it rather than assume
Moraski’s work alludes to this possibility analysis would more fully capture independence of units. Then, scholars
by highlighting how the design of political developments by taking into can compare both within and across
regional electoral systems impeded account subnational differentiation countries. Such an approach would
regional party development, which but also by theorizing about national be different from both traditional
in turn, may have contributed to the patterns and trajectories. comparative analysis that takes the
weakness of the Russian party system. 17 nation-state as the unit of analysis as
In a similar vein Latin American Conclusion well as the excellent first generation
scholars have argued that subnational In sum, the subnational method must subnational work that compares within
party systems affect national party be linked to a substantive comparative countries. Nation-states or subnational
systems. 18 In work on economic growth theory of subnational variation across units are not “bounded wholes” and a
a focus on fiscal transfers has implicitly countries. This expansion can tell subnational orientation can help us
addressed this question but political us a lot about the actual practice of disaggregate as well as aggregate.
economy analysis also must ask how democracies all over the world and
political authority is distributed across by doing so, enable us to modify and Dr. Aseema Sinha is the Wagener Chair
different levels of the polity. Are there add nuance to the theoretical concepts of South Asian Politics at Claremont
ways for local politicians to advance with which we work. A subnational McKenna College. She is the author of
17. Bryon Moraski, Elections by Design: Parties orientation can especially be useful Regional Roots of Developmental
and Patronage in Russia’s Regions (Dekalb, Illinois: in analyzing crucial and unaddressed Politics in India: A Divided Leviathan
Northern Illinois University Press, 2006).
puzzles about the effect of democracies (2005). She has written journal articles
18. Fernando Luiz Abrucio and David Samuels, on changing economic outcomes and in World Development, British Journal
“Federalism and Democratic Transitions: The “New”
Politics of the Governors in Brazil,” Publius, 30, 2 the interests and preferences of actors of Comparative Politics, Comparative
(Spring 2000): 43-61; Erika Moreno, “Subnational
Determinants of National Multipartism in Latin
in their economic and political roles. Political Studies, Comparative Politics,
America,” Legislative Studies Quarterly, 28 (2003): Lastly, subnational studies must pay and Polity.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


G iraudy , continued
(continued from page 3)
wealth of novel and insightful studies studies, which range from in-depth, and changes in electoral rules that
on subnational democracy (SD) (see qualitative single case-studies to alter district magnitudes, are only
footnote 5). 4 The essay argues that medium-N, within-country studies some examples of the institutional
while Latin Americanists have made have provided detailed descriptions reforms carried out by incumbents
key contributions that advance our of SURs in countries as diverse as to consolidate their ruling position.
knowledge of SD, important theoretical, Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Other examples include the frequent
conceptual, and methodological voids Mexico, thus empirically confirming and arbitrary reshuffling of provincial/
still need to be filled. By highlighting that democratic advancement in Latin state-level supreme courts, the
these shortcomings, this essay also America has been territorially uneven capricious removal of opposition
seeks to chart new paths for future both across levels of government and mayors from office, the denial of
research on territorial democracy in subnational units. 5 funding to municipalities controlled
Latin America and beyond. by the opposition, the arbitrary
In addition, and as importantly, scholars commission of provincial/state-level
Contributions from Latin America have identified and documented the audits to investigate contrived financial
During the past three decades a growing specific tactics employed by subnational misdeeds of opposition mayors, and
number of Latin American countries undemocratic incumbents in nationally the co-optation or division of local
have moved away from autocracy democratic countries to entrench their organized groups, such as small unions,
and military dictatorship towards position in power. We now know that social movements, and street vendors,
democracy. Still, despite the progressive undemocratic governors and mayors that could potentially exert societal
consolidation of national democracy, at engage in strategies of institutional control over undemocratic incumbents.
the subnational level elections are still engineering that deeply affect the
severely manipulated, the civic liberties distribution of provincial and local Another important contribution of
of the local populations are partially power in favor of incumbents by the Latin American scholarship on
suppressed, and varying degrees of limiting the number of entrants in the SD has been the identification of the
harassment and violence, which usually electoral arena and reducing intraparty causes that underpin the continuity
result from the capture of subnational factionalism. Gerrymandering to and change of undemocratic regimes
governments by organized crime, skew overrepresent rural districts against in nationally democratic countries.
the playing field in favor of incumbents. the more competitive capital districts Interestingly, most studies conducted in
Additionally, in various lower-tier this region implicitly build on the idea
5. Some illustrative works include, Jonathan
governments, ruling officials exert a Fox, “Latin America’s Emerging Local Politics” that subnational democratic continuity
Journal of Democracy 5( April 1994): 105-116;
tight grip over the legislative branch, Wayne Cornelius, “Subnational Politics and
and change are shaped by, and thus
local agencies of control, subnational Democratization: Tensions between Center and should be understood by looking at
Periphery in the Mexican Political System,” in Wayne
party organizations, the local media, as Cornelius, Todd A. Eisenstadt, and Jane Hindley, the dynamics taking place between the
well as local civic organizations. eds., Subnational Politics and Democratization in center and the peripheral units of the
Mexico (La Jolla: Center for US-Mexican Studies,
University of California San Diego, 1999); Richard political system. 6
One of the major contributions of Snyder, “After the State Withdraws: Neoliberalism
and Subnational Authoritarian Regimes in Mexico,”
Latin Americanists to the study of in Wayne Cornelius, Todd A. Eisenstadt, and Jane For instance, Snyder shows that
territoriality and SD has been the Hindley, eds., Subnational Politics and Democratization events occurring at the federal
in Mexico (La Jolla: Center for US-Mexican Studies,
systematic documentation of instances University of California San Diego, 1999); Gibson level of government, such as the
(2005); Alfred Montero, “Uneven Democracy?
of regime juxtaposition. These new Subnational Authoritarianism in Democratic 6. This dynamic has been referred to by Tarrow
Brazil,” Paper delivered at Latin American Studies as “territorial politics,” and recently by Gibson
4. The proliferation of studies on SD has also been Association Annual Meeting, Montreal, Quebec, as “sub-systemic interaction (see Sidney Tarrow,
spurred by the methodological advantages associated Canada 2007; Carlos Gervasoni, “A Rentier “Introduction,” in Peter Katzenstein and L. Graziano,
with the “subnational comparative method,” among Theory of Subnational Regimes: Fiscal Federalism, ed., Territorial Politics in Industrial Nations (New
which are the possibility of increasing the number of Democracy, and Authoritarianism in the Argentine York and London: Praeger Publishers, 1978);
observations for analysis, and constructing controlled Provinces” World Politics 62 (April 2010): 302-40; Edward Gibson, “Subnational Authoritarianism
comparisons (see Richard Snyder, “Scaling Down: Allyson Benton, “Bottom-Up Challenges to National and Territorial Politics: Charting the Theoretical
The Subnational Comparative Method” Studies in Democracy: Latin America’s (Legal) Subnational Landscape,” Paper delivered at the American Political
Comparative International Development 36 (March Authoritarian Enclaves, the Case of Mexico” Science Association Annual Congress, August 30,
2001): 93-110). Comparative Politics (forthcoming). 2008.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


implementation of neoliberal and Argentina, Giraudy shows that the about whether internal structural
(market) reforms, can contribute to uneven territorial reach of the nation- variables or external (international)
the maintenance and strengthening state determines national incumbents’ factors undermine or aid the continuity
of SURs. These reforms, as occurred capacity and incentives to either of Latin American SURs. Future
in Mexico, triggered reregulation strengthen or weaken SURs “from works exploring the effects of these
projects in the states through which above.” 12 variables on SD are needed to expand
undemocratic incumbents generated our knowledge about the causes
rents and resources to consolidate their In sum, three of the contributions of that determine subnational political
ruling position. 7 Similarly, Cornelius, Latin Americanists to the study of SD regime continuity and change in Latin
and Montero and Samuels argue that have been the systematic and detailed America. Still, more importantly, these
the processes of decentralization that documentation of instances of regime new works can trigger a new and much
swept the region during the late 1980s juxtaposition in a variety of countries needed scholarly debate on whether
and 1990s, and which shifted political, of the region, the identification of the SD and subnational democratization
fiscal, and administrative power away specific tactics employed by subnational should be theorized from a “sub-
from the national government toward incumbents to entrench their ruling systemic interaction” perspective (as
subnational units, gave undemocratic position, and the careful specification proposed by Gibson) or whether they
state-level rulers greater autonomy, of the structural, strategic, and should be assessed by focusing on
resources, and leverage to maintain institutional sub-systemic interactions internal or external variables that are
SURs in power. 8 Alternatively, Gibson across levels of government that shape usually stressed in theories of national
demonstrates that authoritarian the continuity and change of SD. democracy and democratization.
incumbents and regimes prevail when Despite these achievements, scholars
the scope of conflict is localized and of Latin American SD have left The vast majority of Latin American
opposition groups are cut off from allies important theoretical, conceptual, and studies on regime juxtaposition focus
and resources in the national polity. methodological issues unattended. on the post-third wave democratization
By contrast, they are threatened and period and are spatially limited to
overthrown when provincial conflict Shortcomings of the Literature provincial/state-level, second-tier
becomes nationalized. 9 Gervasoni’s Recent scholarship on SD in Eastern governments. While entirely justified,
analysis of Argentina shows that the Europe has shown that internal these temporal and spatial demarcations
institutions of fiscal federalism shape structural factors, such as levels of may pose at least two important
the prospects for democratization in capitalist development and economic limitations for our understanding of
subnational arenas, as provinces that are autonomy, or external variables, such subnational political regime dynamics.
highly dependent on federal transfers as patterns of international aid, are key
are better equipped to maintain SURs factors in shaping the prospects of SD First, as the literature on temporal
in place. 10 Montero’s study of Brazil in several post-communist countries. 13 politics notes, a variety of aspects of
reveals that the building of national- Conversely, due to their predominant time may be relevant to understanding
local alliances between the national focus on the effects of sub-systemic important political outcomes.
ruling Worker’s Party and urban-based interactions on SD, scholars from Subnational democratization may be
opposition forces in undemocratic states, Latin American still know very little a slow-moving process that takes a
Clientelist Continuity and the 2006 Vote in the
are critical to challenging the hegemony Brazilian Northeast” Journal of Politics in Latin
long time to unfold. Hence, it is very
of long-standing authoritarian America 2 (2010): 113-153. likely that the causal mechanisms that
caudillos. Finally, analyzing Mexico
12. Agustina Giraudy, Subnational Undemocratic are responsible for its emergence are
7. Snyder 1999. Regime Continuity after Democratization: Argentina rooted in past events and follow a path-
and Mexico in Comparative Perspective (Ph.D.
8. Cornelius 1999; Alfred Montero and David Dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel dependant pattern. Unfortunately, due
Samuels, eds. Decentralization and Democracy in Latin Hill, 2009). to the short-time span of extant studies
America (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre
Dame Press, 2004). 13. See Kelly McMann, Economic Autonomy and and databases, our understanding of
Democracy: Hybrid Regimes in Russia and Kyrgyzstan how these mechanisms may (or may
9. Gibson 2005. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006);
Tomila Lankina and Getachew Lullit, “A Geographic not) shape subnational regime dynamics
10. Gervasoni 2010. Incremental Theory of Democratization. Territory,
Aid, and Democracy in Postcommunist Regions”
is still very limited. A first step to help
11. Alfred Montero, “No Country for Leftists? World Politics 58 ( July 2006): 536-82.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


fill this gap is to dig into historical conceptualization and measurement. 15 current lack of agreement among
archives to assess the evolution of SD Most works on SD in Latin America do Latin American scholars of SD about
over longer periods of time. Doing so not offer clear conceptual definitions of what constitutes the proper domain
would allow one to produce longer how they conceive political regimes, of empirical cases for analysis is thus
time-series, which could be used to pin much less a discussion of their worrying as it may prevent them from
down the historical factors that may dimensions, sub-dimensions, and making further progress toward theory
contribute to SUR resilience. indicators. Moreover, they only rarely testing and theory refinement. In effect,
provide rules for coding democratic because researchers are unable to assess
Second, the predominant focus on versus undemocratic subnational units, the same object of study, explanations
provincial/state-level governments may and perhaps more worryingly, only some cannot be considered as competing,
mask important aspects of territorial of them measure the degree or level making it impossible to adjudicate
democracy in Latin America, thus of democracy across all subnational among them. A necessary step to help
further limiting our understanding units of a given country and over expand knowledge accumulation in the
of regime juxtaposition in the region. time. Complicating things further, subfield of regime juxtaposition is thus
For instance, the absence of studies Latin American analysts of regime to promote a more self-conscious and
on democracy conducted at the local, juxtaposition use a variety of conceptual careful use of concepts and measurement
i.e., municipal level of government, forms, such as hybrid, authoritarian, strategies among scholars.
has prevented scholars from assessing neopatrimonial, or ‘closed-game’ to
the actual territorial reach of this refer to subnational political regimes Another important step towards
type of political regime. 14 Subnational that are not democratic. Each of these expanding our knowledge on SD is to
undemocratic enclaves may be far more labels, in turn, is employed to denote a move past current works that assume
ubiquitous at the municipal than at different set of empirical cases. unit homogeneity across SURs. Much
provincial/state levels of government, writing on territorial democracy has
thereby revealing that the territorial One of the major drawbacks of this taken for granted that SURs within
unevenness of democracy may be more conceptual murkiness for the study of countries are homogenous or uniform
severe than it is often thought to be. SD is that scholars are severely prevented entities, all deemed to be analyzed and
Until new studies and data on municipal from specifying the domain of empirical treated as equivalents, especially with
democracy are produced, scholars of cases for analysis. This in turn is regard to the relation they maintain
regime juxtaposition will lack the tools problematic because the identification with national rulers or national
necessary to increase their descriptive of the universe of cases is essential for institutions. However, while sharing
accuracy and assess the magnitude of crafting theories, testing hypotheses, important political features, these
the phenomenon they are studying. and assessing causal relations. 16 The regimes vary considerably among each
15. Exceptions are Solt (2003), Gervasoni (2010), other with these differences being
and Giraudy (2010). These analysts employ different
Despite the proliferation of works conceptualizations and strategies to measure SD. crucial to explain regime continuity
Whereas Gervasoni adopts a “thick” definition of
on regime juxtaposition, scarce democracy that incorporates both electoral and
and change. For instance, subnational
attention has been devoted to issues of liberal dimensions, Solt and Giraudy subscribe to a regimes can be differentiated in terms
Schumpeterian, electoral conception of democracy.
In terms of measurement strategies, Gervasoni of the power bases of incumbents
14. It should be noted however, that in the last conducts a Survey of Experts on Provincial Politics within states as well as rulers’ distinct
few years, there has been a boom in comparative that assesses experts’ subjective evaluations; Solt and
studies of cities. While these works do not focus Giraudy, by contrast, employ objective indicators. styles of leadership. Alternatively,
on democracy per se, they shed important light The three authors measure SD across all districts, they can be distinguishable by their
on problems related to SD, such as “participatory although they differ in terms of the number of
policymaking,” crime, violence, and “urban countries covered. Whereas Solt and Gervasoni levels of financial dependency on the
governance” (see, for instance, Gianpaolo Baiocchi, limit their measurement to one country (Mexico and central government and the intrinsic
Militants and Citizens: The Politics of Participatory Argentina, respectively), Giraudy gauges levels of SD
Democracy in Porto Alegre (Stanford, CA: Stanford in both Mexico and Argentina. See Frederick Solt, characteristics of subnational state-
University Press, 2005); Richard Snyder and Explaining the Quality of New Democracies: Actors,
Angelica Duran-Martinez, “Does Illegality Breed Institutions, and Socioeconomic Structure in Mexico’s
administrations. 17 These provincial/
Violence? Drug Trafficking and State-Sponsored States (Ph.D. thesis, University of North Carolina at state-level differences are critical for
Protection Rackets” Crime, Law, and Social Change Chapel Hill, 2003); Agustina Giraudy, “The Politics
52 (September 2009): 253-73; Eduardo Moncada, of Subnational Undemocratic Regime Reproduction Research,” in Henry Brady and David Collier, eds.,
“Counting Bodies: Crime Mapping, Policing and in Argentina and Mexico” Journal of Politics in Latin Rethinking Social Inquiry: Diverse Tools, Shared
Race in Colombia” Ethnic and Racial Studies 33 America 2 (2010): 53-84. Standards (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004).
(April 2010): 696-716.
16. Gerardo Munck, “Tools for Qualitative 17. See Snyder 1999; Giraudy 2009, 2010.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


determining undemocratic incumbents’ is territorially uneven. This can have territorial democracy forward. Despite
clout in their dealing with central important implications for knowledge this progress, important theoretical,
state elites, and play a decisive role accumulation because we are prevented conceptual, and empirical gaps still need
in explaining how, and under what from assessing whether the uneven to be filled. The issues raised in this
conditions, undemocratic subnational territorialization of democracy is more essay are only some of the topics that
regimes continue to survive. Future or less pronounced in, say, Brazil, will need to be addressed in the future
research on SD will have to acknowledge Colombia, Mexico, Bolivia, Peru or in order to advance our knowledge
how cross-subnational differences Argentina. As a result, little theoretical about how space and territory shape
among undemocratic regimes shape the progress can be made to evaluate democracy and democratization.
prospects of SUR resilience and change. how levels of subnational democratic
territorial unevenness are affecting the Agustina Giraudy is an Academy Scholar
Finally, as noted earlier, Latin viability of national democracy. at the Harvard Academy for International
Americanists have, for the most part, and Area Studies at Harvard University.
carried out within-country comparisons In sum, the Latin American scholarship Her research focuses on subnational
of subnational undemocratic units in on SD has made major contributions democracy, subnational institutions,
single countries while paying little to no to the study of regime juxtaposition, federalism, and the state in Latin America.
attention to cross-national comparisons thus helping in important and novel
among countries where democracy ways to push the research agenda on

B erger , continued
(continued from page 3)
how democracy affects some outcome, variable she is interested in studying, A regression discontinuity approach has
we can study who is affected by specific some external force manipulated it as the advantage of clearly showing what
institutions, where and under what if at random. When she can establish forces the choice of treatment at the
circumstances (both at the individual the as-if randomness of the treatment cost of ensuring no covariate overlap on
and societal levels). In addition to and the comparability of the treatment the running variable. 4 While the use of
telling us when democracy matters this and control groups, she can answer instruments--variables correlated with
might even help us understand what questions that field experiments the outcome of interest purely through
democracy is. would be unable to ethically address. 2 the treatment--has long been a part of
Regression discontinuities exploit the comparativist’s toolbox, recent work
Discussions of micro-level studies of rules that enforce a sharp division has focused on correct interpretation
democracy encompass several different of treatments at a specific point of of its estimate. Instrumental variables
types of research designs. I consider a running variable. For example, a estimate the local average treatment
papers that use field experiments, Swedish law in the first half of the last effect (LATE), which is interpreted
natural experiments, regression century permitted direct democracy as the effect of the treatment on the
discontinuities and instrumental in villages of under 700 people while subpopulation whose treatment status
variable strategies. In field experiments mandating representative democracy in was changed by the instrument (called
the researcher directly manipulates villages with 700 or more inhabitants. 3 compliers). 5 The LATE is not the
the variable she is interested in, which 2. Thad Dunning, “Improving Causal Inference:
Strengths and Limitations of Natural Experiments,” 4. The lack of overlap is a cost since it means that by
allows her to ensure overlap in other Political Research Quarterly 61 ( June 2008): 282-293; construction one cannot exactly compare like with
covariates of interest and be certain that Jasjeet Sekhon and Rocio Titiunik, “When Natural like along the running variable.
Experiments Are Neither Natural Nor Experiments,”
there is no reverse causation. 1 Natural American Political Science Review (forthcoming) 5. An example of this from labor economics comes
available at http://sekhon.berkeley.edu/papers/ from the attempt to measure the effect of having
experiments require the author to show SekhonTitiunik.pdf. more children on mothers’ labor supply decisions.
that while she cannot manipulate the Two different instruments for having 3 or more
3. Bjorn Tyrefors Hinnerich and Per Pettersson- children-twins on the second birth and first two
1. Macartan Humphreys and Jeremy M. Weinstein, Lidbom, “Democracy, Redistribution, and Political children of the same sex-reveal different LATEs as
“Field Experiments and the Political Economy of Participation: Evidence from Sweden 1919-1950,” the instruments can be shown to create different sets
Development,” Annual Review of Political Science 12 R&R Econometrica (October 20, 2010) available at of copliers. Joshua D. Angrist and William N. Evans,
( June 2009): 367-378. http://people.su.se/~pepet/econdirect.pdf. “Children and Their Parents’ Labor Supply: Evidence

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


same as the population average effect, revealing. The two studies mentioned give us insight into when and how
and different instruments could give above find opposite effects of the information can help citizens hold
different LATEs by driving different interaction of local inequality with their governments accountable. The
sets of compliers. Best practices have democracy. The different national quality of the information available is
moved to both calculating the local institutional frameworks caused local the key to determining which equilibria
average treatment effect (LATE) on democracy to work in opposite ways are possible in both moral hazard and
compliers and characterizing who the in the two countries. Banerjee and adverse selection models of electoral
compliers are. 6 Iyer demonstrate that in places where democracy, for example. 8 The two types
the British concentrated power in the of models, however, make different
The combination and comparisons hands of a few powerful landlords predictions about the behavioral
of different LATEs on the same much weaker norms of collective action responses of agents to changes in the
independent and dependent variables developed among local residents. While informational environment. An ongoing
can be especially illuminating. Where the landlords lost their formal authority project by Humphreys and Weinstein
multiple approaches to the same after independence, the weak norms of is creating and distributing scorecards
question in different localities give local collective action did not change. of parliamentarians in Uganda to their
the same answer one can draw a more Local residents were therefore unable constituents. 9 They expect to be able
general conclusion than we could from to organize as effectively in the former to use the response to the scorecards to
any of the individual studies since landlord areas than in the non-landlord tease out both the effects of information
differences between them allow us areas which discouraged development on voting behavior and the effects of
to exclude the possibility that any of in the formerly landlord areas. A similar anticipation of the information’s release
the facets they differ on are necessary approach by Dell reveals different on behavior in parliament.
conditions for observing the effect. economic outcomes. Areas of Peru
Similarly, when different studies with large landlords are economically Local level studies also shed light on
disagree, understanding why can be a better off today than those without. the limits on information. Berry and
source of insight that none of the works However, she notes that the relevant Howell examine the effects of elections
on their own could have provided. level of negotiation in Peru is between in the low-information setting of school
the local government and higher boards in South Carolina. 10 They find
Several recent papers such as Banerjee levels, as opposed to the interaction that voters lack the information to
and Iyer (2004) and Dell (2008) between the local government and successfully punish poorly performing
have used clever instrumentation local citizens in Banerjee and Iyer, and school boards, and that district
strategies to recover the effects of local that hacienda owners were thus more performance does not affect the
institutions. 7 Instead of claiming to able to lobby successfully for roads probability of reelection. The danger
find universal truths, both of these and other public interest goods. Here of poor information to the ability
studies recover LATEs within the we can see two democracies where of voters in developing countries to
particular institutional and democratic the institutions of democracy map the credibly threaten their elected officials
frameworks of the countries in which same differences in the concentration is clearly an area for greater study. One
they are conducted. While these two of power onto opposite outcomes. The 8. Moral hazard models of democracy are broadly
studies focus on things other than authors illustrate the value of not only those where facing the electorate disciplines
homogeneous politicians who would otherwise
democracy, the observations about looking at the micro-level, but looking appropriate government funds for themselves.
democracy are nonetheless extremely across locations. In addition, one could Adverse selection models are those where voters
are trying to choose high quality candidates from a
from Exogenous Variation in Family Size” The imagine how such variation could be heterogeneous population.
American Economic Review 88 ( June 1998): 450-477. missed in studies of aggregate data.
9. Macartan Humphreys and Jeremy Weinstein,
6. Joshua D. Angrist and Jorn-Steffen Pischke, To the extent that these effects are “Policing Politicians: Citizen Empowerment
Mostly Harmless Econometrics (Princeton: Princeton and Political Accountability in Uganda,” (March
University Press, 2009). See especially chapter 4.
offsetting each other, a reduced form of 12, 2010) available at http://www2.lse.ac.uk/
macro-level regression would reveal no government/research/PSPE/pdf/Humphreys.pdf.
7. Abhijit Banerjee and Lakshmi Iyer, “History,
Institutions and Economic Performance,” (October effect. 10. Christopher R. Berry and William G. Howell,
2004) available at http://econ-www.mit.edu/files/51. “Accountability and Local Elections: Rethinking
Melissa Dell, “The Persistent Effects of Peru’s Retrospective Voting,” Journal of Politics 69 ( June
Mining Mita” Econometrica 78 (November 2010): Micro-level studies of democracy also 2007): 844–858.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012


question of practical significance is Olken uses a field experiment to show decentralization decision from above
how disinterested the parties providing that as the quality of information about to produce much higher returns than
the information need to be to remain corruption improves, local district either on their own would produce.
sufficiently credible. heads who are facing reelection, and While the discussion in the paper
only the ones facing reelection, become largely centered on the decentralization
Reinikka and Svensson (2004, 2005) significantly less corrupt. In the second debate (i.e. When should a central
show that even data released by paper, Sandy Gordon demonstrates that government decentralize a program?),
a relatively unconstrained semi- judges become increasingly punitive the results speak strongly to local
authoritarian government can have as elections approach. In both cases democracy questions like when and
strong incentive effects on local the agents modify their behavior to how can citizens hold their local
governments. 11 The central government reduce the probability of a single highly representatives accountable.
of Uganda released to local newspapers negative event occurring, despite the
information on the date and sizes of behaviors and environments being Burgess et al. continue in a similar
transfers to schools. The authors show very different. The fact that one study vein, focusing on disentangling the
that parents use this information to examines changes over the strength of effects of local democracy from those
hold their local schools accountable the informational signal, and the other of decentralization and devolution. 14
and generate improved outcomes. The considers differences in time to an In 2004 Indonesia passed a law
large response to information released election but that both find substantively transforming the position of district
by the central government is especially similar effects allows us to be much head from appointed to elected, but
important since it shows that the more certain that constituents can incumbent appointed heads were
informational treatments necessary to effectively constrain local politicians. permitted to serve out the balance of
improve local governance do not have to their term. The authors argue that
come from agents outside the political De Janvry, Finan, and Sadoulet further the asynchronous implementation of
system. Local democracy and national explore the ability of local democracy local elections in Indonesia provides
level governments here complement to induce a local political business a natural experiment on the effects of
each other in providing effective local cycle. 13 They examine how local level local democracy. They demonstrate that
governance, even when the central democracy impacts the implementation converting local district heads from
government is semi-authoritarian. of Brazil’s conditional cash transfer being appointed to elected induces
programs. They demonstrate that a previously nonexistent political
One case where several studies of first-term mayors (who can run for business cycle in illegal logging,
local democracy combine to tell us reelection) implement more transparent significantly increasing the number of
more than any specific study would and much more effective programs clear-cut hectares in election years,
is the literature showing that local than second term mayors who are not possibly in response to local demand
accountability in cases of strong eligible for reelection due to term limits. for logging jobs in protected areas.
information asymmetries induce local Voters in turn reward the local officials They also observe competition between
political business cycles. In places as who implement these policies which local areas for access to illegal logging
diverse as rural Indonesia and Kansas demonstrates the importance of local rents. While it is not surprising that
the proximity of an election causes local democracy for actually achieving major politicians respond to local pressure
officials to temporarily shift behavior efficiencies from decentralization. (and it would be normatively awkward
from their personal preference to that Local democracy interacts with the to thereby claim that democracy is
which they believe will be less likely suspect), we can see that when the
from a Field Experiment in Indonesia,” Journal of
to upset voters. 12 In the former, Ben Political Economy 115 (April 2007): 200-249. Sanford populations of sufficiently small areas
11. Ritva Reinikka and Jakob Svensson, “Local Gordon and Gregory A. Huber, “The Effect of are given the ability to make decisions
Capture: Evidence From a Central Government Electoral Competitiveness on Incumbent Behavior”
Transfer Program in Uganda,” Quarterly Journal of Quarterly Journal of Political Science 2 (May, 2007): with large externality costs on their
Economics 119 (May 2004): 679-705. Ritva Reinikka 107-138. neighbors the results can be suboptimal.
and Jakob Svensson, “Fighting corruption to improve
schooling: Evidence from a newspaper campaign in 13. Alain de Janvry, Frederico Finan, and Elisabeth 14. Robin Burgess, Matthew Hansen, Benjamin
Uganda,” Journal of the European Economic Association Sadoulet. “Local Electoral Incentives and Olken, Peter Potapov, and Stefanie Sieber, “The
3 (April-May 2005):1–9. Decentralized Program Performance,” (December Political Economy of Deforestation in the Tropics,”
2010) available at http://www.econ.berkeley.edu/ ( January 2011) available at http://econ-www.mit.
12. Ben Olken, “Monitoring Corruption: Evidence ffinan/Finan_Bolsa.pdf. edu/files/6121.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Berger/Section News

The finding reminds us that the local external validity and generalization effects often suggested by theory. By
and national effects of local democracy to higher levels of government. These focusing as finely-grained as possible,
are not necessarily the same. issues cannot be solved statistically these studies give us the chance to
beyond the bounds of Manski’s partial observe both sides of what might be
There are, of course, limitations to what identification. Further generalization offsetting effects. Often theory makes
we can learn from micro-level studies. requires the application of specialized ambiguous, reduced-form predictions;
Generalization from these studies to subject knowledge by experts. 16 This many of these theories can now be
the effect of large-scale democracy does not argue against the use of micro- tested. Another advantage is that a large
requires care. As Imbens points out, level studies, only in favor of bringing part of this literature is flowing from
there are macro-level questions where in a diverse set of scholars to help outside the boundaries of traditional
the random assignment of policies is understand and generalize them. comparative politics, encouraging
not possible and no natural experiment communication and collaborations that
or instrument presents itself. 15 The There are also further advantages that can only be good for the discipline.
virtues of micro-level studies, the I have not explored in this piece. One
focus on a clearly defined LATE and example is in capturing competing Daniel Berger is a Lecturer at the
16. In partial identification, instead of imposing
internal validity, work against the sufficiently strong assumptions to make point
University of Essex. He studies the
15. Guido Imbens, “Better LATE than nothing: predictions about parameters of interest, the political economy of development with a
Some comments on Deaton (2009) and Heckman researcher considers how the set of credible
and Urzua (2009),” NBER Working Paper 14896 predictions changes as a function of continuously particular focus on Africa.
(April 2009) available at http://www.nber.org/papers/ strengthening her assumptions. See Charles Manski,
w14896. Partial Identification of Probability Distributions (New
York: Springer, 2003).

S ection N ews
The Comparative Democratization to analyses of individual country cases as thomas.pepinsky@gmail.com
Section will present five awards for long as they are clearly cast in a comparative
scholarly work at the 2012 APSA annual perspective. A hard copy of the dissertation, Pauline Jones Luong
meeting in New Orleans: the Linz Prize accompanied by a letter of support from Associate Professor
for Best Dissertation, Best Book, Best a member of the dissertation committee Department of Political Science
Article, Best Field Work, and Best Paper should be sent to each member of the prize Brown University
prizes. Members are strongly encouraged selection committee. Box 1844
to submit nominations (including for Deadline: March 2, 2012 36 Prospect Street
several awards self-nominations) to the Providence, RI 02912
appropriate committees listed below. Committee Chair: pauline_luong@brown.edu
Please also forward this information to Nancy Bermeo
colleagues and graduate students. We ask Nuffield Professor 2. Best Book Award:
you to note the eligibility criteria, deadlines Department of Comparative Politics Given for the best book in the field of
for submissions, and materials that must Nuffield College comparative democratization published in
accompany nominations; direct any queries University of Oxford 2011 (authored, co-authored or edited).
to the committee chairs. Oxford OX1 1NF Copies of the nominated book should be
UK sent to each committee member in time
1. Juan Linz Prize for Best Dissertation in nancy.bermeo@nuffield.ox.ac.uk to arrive by March 2, 2012. Books received
the Comparative Study of Democracy: after this deadline cannot be considered.
Given for the best dissertation in the Committee Members: Deadline: March 2, 2012
Comparative Study of Democracy Tom Pepinsky
completed and accepted in the two calendar Assistant Professor Committee Chair:
years immediately prior to the APSA Department of Government Michael Ross
Annual Meeting where the award will Cornell University Professor
be presented (2010 or 2011 for the 2012 322 White Hall Department of Political Science
Annual Meeting). The prize can be awarded Ithaca, NY 14853 University of California, Los Angeles

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Section News

4289 Bunche Hall Edmund Malesky 5. Best Paper Award

Box 951472 Assistant Professor Given to the best paper on comparative
Los Angeles, CA 90095 Department of Political Science democratization presented at the previous
mlross@polisci.ucla.edu University of California, San Diego year’s APSA Convention. Papers must be
9500 Gilman Drive nominated by panel chairs or discussants.
Committee Members: La Jolla, CA 92093-0519 No self nominations are permitted.
Thad Dunning emalesky@ucsd.edu Nominated papers must be sent by email to
Assistant Professor each committee member listed below.
Department of Political Science 4. Best Field Work: Deadline: March 2, 2012
115 Prospect St. This prize rewards dissertation students
Rosenkranz Hall, Room 420 who conduct especially innovative and Committee Chair:
Yale University difficult fieldwork. Scholars who are Marc Morjé Howard
New Haven, CT, 06520-8321 currently writing their dissertations or Professor of Government
thad.dunning@yale.edu who complete their dissertations in 2011 Georgetown University
are eligible. Candidates must submit two ICC 681
Benjamin Smith chapters of their dissertation and a letter Washington, DC 20057-1034
Associate Professor of nomination from the chair of their mmh@georgetown.edu
Department of Political Science dissertation committee describing the field
University of Florida work. The material submitted must describe Committee Members:
Box 117325 the field work in detail and should provide Lisa Blaydes
Anderson Hall one or two key insights from the evidence Assistant Professor
Gainesville, FL 32611 collected in the field. The chapters may be Department of Political Science
bbsmith@ufl.edu sent electronically or in hard copy directly Stanford University
to each committee member. 616 Serra Street
3. Best Article: Deadline: March 2, 2012 Encina Hall West Room 100
Single-authored or co-authored articles Stanford, CA 94305-6044
focusing directly on the subject of Committee Chair: blaydes@stanford.edu
democratization and published in 2011 are Kenneth F. Greene
eligible. Nominations and self-nominations Associate Professor Christian Houle
are encouraged. Copies of the article Department of Government Assistant Professor
should be sent by postal mail to each of the 1 University Stn A1800 Department of Political Science
committee members. University of Texas at Austin Trinity College
Deadline: March 2, 2012 kgreene@austin.utexas.edu 2-3 College Green
Dublin 2, Ireland
Committee Chair: Committee Members: HOULEC@tcd.ie
Daniel Posner Claire Adida
Professor Assistant Professor Editors’ Note: The information for the best
Department of Political Science Department of Political Science paper prize was mistakenly omitted from
University of California, Los Angeles University of California, San Diego the October 2010 APSA-CD. It appears
Los Angeles, CA 90095-1472 La Jolla, CA 92093 below.
dposner@polisci.ucla.edu cadida@ucsd.edu
Best Paper Award: Robert D. Woodberry
Committee Members: Lily L. Tsai (University of Texas at Austin) was awarded
Anna Grzymala-Busse Associate Professor the Best Paper Award at the 2011 annual
Professor Department of Political Science meeting of the American Political Science
Department of Political Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology Association for his paper “Weber Through
University of Michigan 77 Massachusetts Avenue the Back Door: Protestant Competition,
505 S. State Street, Haven Hall Cambridge, MA 02139-4307 Elite Power Dispersion, and the Global
Ann Arbor MI 48109 l_tsai@mit.edu Spread of Democracy.” Thad Dunning
abusse@umich.edu (Yale University) and Susan Stokes (Yale

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Section News

University) received an honorable mention concluding that parties tend to target loyal this phenomenon—the spread of social
for their paper “How Does the Internal supporters and swing districts. Then, they media. She argues that this confirms
Structure of Political Parties Shape Their explain their finding through a formal earlier analyses that the behavior of the
Distributive Strategies?” (both papers were model, capturing the strategic interactions coercive apparatus, especially its varying
presented at the 2010 APSA meeting). between party leaders and party brokers. will to repress, is pivotal to determining the
The paper offers exciting possibilities for durability of Arab authoritarian regimes.
Committee’s Remarks on the Award future research on this important question.
Winners: Michael Bernhard, Raymond and Miriam
The committee awarded the prize to Ehrlich Eminent Scholar Chair in Political
Robert D. Woodberry, of the sociology NEWS FROM MEMBERS Science, University of Florida, and Ekrem
department at the University of Texas at Naazneen H. Barma, assistant professor Karakoc published “Moving West or
Austin, for his paper “Weber Through of national security affairs, Naval Going South? Economic Transformation
the Back Door: Protestant Competition, Postgraduate School, and Kai Kaiser, Tuan and Institutionalization in Postcommunist
Elite Power Dispersion, and the Global Minh Le, and Lorena Viñuela published Party Systems” in the October 2011
Spread of Democracy.” The paper addresses Rents to Riches? The Political Economy of Journal of Comparative Politics, in which
a core thesis of comparative politics, Natural Resource-Led Development (The the authors argue that weak party system
the relationship between mass religious World Bank). The authors focus on the institutionalization in the region exists
affiliation and political development. political economy of the detailed decisions at high levels along three dimensions—
Weber’s original design connected the that governments make at each step of the volatility of representation, party extinction,
orientation of Protestant dissenters to a natural resource management value chain. and incumbency disadvantage—despite
specific orientation toward work and leisure. They contextualize micro-level outcomes sustained economic growth. The
Woodberry refocuses Weber’s insight to with an emphasis on two central political authors analyze a sample of democratic
account for variation in regime type and economy dimensions: the degree to which elections from 1990 to 2006 to show that
also moves the focus of attention beyond governments can make credible inter- postcommunist countries whose reform
the particularities of European history. temporal commitments to both resource strategies minimize increases in inequality
In this way, he reconnects modern social developers and citizens, and the degree have more institutionalized party systems.
science with one of the classics of social to which governments are inclusive and
theory, challenging current theories of inclined to turn resource rents into public Catherine Boone, associate professor of
democratization taken from political science goods. The book includes case study government, University of Texas at Austin,
and economics. The paper is beautifully work from Africa, East Asia, and Latin published “Politically Allocated Land
written, thoroughly researched, and adds America and the Caribbean, and provides Rights and the Geography of Electoral
significantly to the corpus of knowledge guidance for government clients, domestic Violence: The Case of Kenya in the 1990s”
in a key area of comparative politics. The stakeholders, and development partners in the October 2011 Comparative Political
committee therefore unanimously agreed committed to transforming natural resource Studies. She considers the argument that
that it should be awarded the prize for best rents into sustainable development riches. regimes that support private property rights
paper in Comparative Democratization. help strengthen liberal electoral regimes by
Eva Bellin, Myra and Robert Kraft constraining majoritarian politics, lowering
The committee also awarded an honorable Professor of Arab Politics, Brandeis the stakes of elections, and protecting
mention to Thad Dunning and Susan University, published “Reconsidering “fundamental” or minority rights. Ms.
Stokes, of Yale University, for their paper the Robustness of Authoritarianism in Boone examines the issue in a Kenyan
“How Does the Internal Structure of the Middle East: Lessons from the Arab context, focusing on 1991–1992 electoral
Political Parties Shape their Distributive Spring” in the January 2012 Journal of dynamics in rural zones in which the state
Strategies?” The paper addresses an Comparative Politics. Ms. Bellin examines itself has exercised direct prerogative over
important question of distributive politics: the trajectory of the Arab Spring, which she land allocation, and concludes that in these
do parties target loyal supporters or swing believes highlights an empirical novelty for areas, politicians manipulated land rights to
voters? The paper provides an answer using a the Arab world, namely, the manifestation mobilize supporters and punish opponents.
multi-method approach. First, they present of huge, cross-class, popular protests in the
survey evidence from three countries, name of political change, as well as a new Archie Brown, Emeritus Professor of
Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela, factor that abetted the materialization of Politics, Oxford University, published

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Section News

The Rise and Fall of Communism (Ecco), desires, and false information prime Diamond revisits the “third wave” of
which won the Mackenzie Prize of the the pump of imperial expansion, which democratization that began in 1974 and
UK Political Studies Association for the explains how new regions of the world are argues that although democracy has ebbed
best political science book of 2011. Mr. absorbed into the expanding world system. worldwide since 2006, the Arab Spring and
Brown examines the origins of communist He explores the role that information plays a careful examination of the character and
ideology, its development in different in the expansion of the state system, and trends of democracy around the world offer
nations, its collapse in many of those concludes that not merely an artifact of reason for optimism.
countries following perestroika, and its history, accurate information acquisition
current incarnations around the globe. He and dissemination continues to be relevant, John P. Entelis, professor of political
also published “The Gorbachev Factor as myths still drive markets and political science and director of the Middle East
Revisited” in the July-October 2011 decision-making. Studies program, Fordham University,
Problems of Post-Communism. published “Morocco’s ‘New’ Political
Javier Corrales, professor of political Face: Plus ça change, plus c’est la même
Nathan J. Brown, professor of political science, Amherst College, and Michael chose” in the December 5, 2011 Project
science and international relations, George Penfold published Dragon in the Tropics: on Middle East Democracy (POMED)
Washington University, published When Hugo Chávez and the Political Economy Policy Brief; “Algeria: Democracy Denied,
Victory is Not an Option: Islamist Movements of Revolution in Venezuela (Brookings and Revived?” in the December 2011
in Arab Politics (Cornell University Press), Institution Press). The book describes Journal of North African Studies; “North
which examines Islamist movements in how the Chávez regime has revamped Africa’s Intifadas: Is Algeria Next?” in the
Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, and Palestine, the nation, with a particular focus on its September 8, 2011, EUROMESCO Brief
and argues that Islamists do adapt their political transformation. The authors argue No. 8; and “Algeria, Revolutionary in Name
organizations and their ideologies do that liberal democracy as an institution Only” on September 8, 2011, on Foreign
bend—some. But Islamist leaders almost was not to blame for the rise of chavismo, Policy’s Middle East Channel.
always preserve a line of retreat in case the and assert that Venezuela’s economic
political opening fizzles or fails to deliver ailments were not caused by neoliberalism. Francis Fukuyama, Olivier Nomellini
what they wish. The result is a cat-and- Instead they blame other factors, Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli
mouse game between dominant regimes including a dependence on oil, which Institute, Stanford University, published
and wily movements. caused macroeconomic volatility; political “Is There a Proper Sequence in Democratic
party fragmentation, which triggered Transitions?” in the November 2011
Jason Brownlee, associate professor of infighting; government mismanagement Current History. Mr. Fukuyama asserts
government, University of Texas at Austin, of the banking crisis, which led to more that development is a complex process that
published “The Transitional Challenge centralization of power; and the Asian takes place across multiple dimensions of
to Arab Freedom” in the November 2011 financial crisis of 1997, which devastated human life. One dimension is economic
Current History. He examines the historical Venezuela’s economy at the same time that growth, which involves increasing output
evidence of U.S. support for autocratic Chávez ran for president. Dragon in the per person, based on steadily growing
regimes in the Middle East, and analyzes Tropics was listed as one of the “Best Books productivity. Political development involves
the Obama Administration’s response to the of 2011 on the Western Hemisphere” by changes in three types of institutions: the
Arab Spring. Mr. Brownlee also published Foreign Affairs. state, which concentrates and deploys
“Peace Before Freedom: Diplomacy and power to enforce rules across a territory;
Repression in Sadat’s Egypt” in the Winter Larry Diamond, coeditor of the Journal of the rule of law, which limits governments’
2011-2012 Political Science Quarterly. Democracy, codirector of the International ability to make arbitrary decisions; and
Forum for Democratic Studies of the mechanisms of democratic accountability,
Jon D. Carlson, lecturer in the School National Endowment for Democracy, and which ensure that governments reflect the
of Social Sciences, Humanities & director of the Freeman Spogli Institute’s will and interests of the people. He argues
Arts, University of California, Merced, Center on Democracy, Development, and that positive change rarely occurs across all
published Myths, State Expansion, and the Rule of Law, Stanford University, four dimensions simultaneously because
the Birth of Globalization (Palgrave). Mr. published “Democracy’s Third Wave casual connections exist among different
Carlson argues that myths are important, Today” in the November 2011 Current dimensions of development.
yet overlooked, and that myths, dreams, History. In light of the Arab Spring, Mr.

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

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Bruce Gilley, professor of political science, how these changes may drive the epidemic. Three Global Datasets on Election Quality,
Portland State University, published It examines aspects of income and Election Events and International Election
“Could China Be the Next Wave?” in gender inequality; rural-urban migration; Observation” through the Inter-University
the November 2011 Current History. commercial sex work; healthcare; and civil Consortium for Political and Social
Mr. Gilley argues that three kinds of society organizations. Health care reforms Research (ICPSR).
transformations—a pluralization of social and the role of NGOs are also considered,
values and interests, a waning belief among as well as general government policy. Sharon F. Lean, assistant professor of
regime elites in their god-given right to rule, political science, Wayne State University,
and international incentives that encourage Manal A. Jamal, assistant professor of recently received the university-wide
democratization—are good predictors of political science, James Madison University, 2011 President’s Award for Excellence
democratic change, and analyzes these published “Democracy, Promotion, Civil in Teaching and the 2010–11 College
trends in the Chinese context. Society Building, and the Primacy of of Liberal Arts and Sciences Excellence
Politics” in the January 2012 Comparative in Teaching Award. The awards are
Tom Ginsburg, Leo Spitz Professor of Political Studies. Drawing from original presented to outstanding faculty who, to
International Law and professor of political research in the Palestinian Territories an exceptionally high degree, demonstrate
science, University of Chicago School of and El Salvador, the article examines the comprehensive knowledge of their subject,
Law, published “Pitfalls of Measuring the relationship between political settlements superior classroom performance, and
Rule of Law” in the September 2011 Hague and democracy promotion and the impact high educational standards; communicate
Journal on the Rule of Law. He observes that on the women’s sector of civil society in their subject matter accurately, clearly,
the recent demand for new measures of the each of these cases. and effectively; generate enthusiasm and
rule of law confronts several methodological respect for learning; motivate their students
challenges, and calls for careful attention Richard Joseph, professor of international to excel; and are accessible to students.
to fundamental social science ideas of history and politics, Northwestern
conceptualization and measurement in University, published “Democracy and Thierry Luescher was appointed
approaching the rule of law. Mr. Ginsburg Reconfigured Power in Africa” in the Extraordinary Senior Lecturer in Political
highlights problems encountered by November 2011 Current History. Mr. Studies at the University of the Western
past rule of law researchers and suggests Joseph scrutinizes U.S. support for Cape, Cape Town, South Africa. Mr.
improvements in measurement approaches. institution building and democratic reform Luescher also convenes the Master’s degree
in Africa and its relationship to the African program in Higher Education Studies
Kenneth F. Greene, associate professor of political environment, and assesses the of the Centre for the Study of Higher
government, University of Texas at Austin, continent’s democratic prospects in light of Education at the University of the Western
received a Mellon Foundation Summer global development. Cape.
Research Grant to serve as principal
investigator for the study “Ethnographic Judith Kelley, associate professor of Jana Morgan, associate professor of
Approaches to Studying Clientelism.” public policy and political science, Duke political science, University of Tennessee,
Mr. Greene also gave recent lectures at University, published “Do International published Bankrupt Representation and
the National Elections Tribunal of Peru, Election Monitors Increase or Decrease Party System Collapse (Pennsylvania State
the Federal Elections Tribunal of Mexico, Opposition Boycotts?” in the November University Press), which provides a detailed
FLACSO-Mexico, Harvard University’s 2011 Comparative Political Studies. Ms. examination of Venezuela’s traumatic
Kennedy School of Government, and the Kelly suggests that international observers party system decay as well as comparative
Juan March Institute. do not increase election boycotts, and that analysis of seven other countries. Ms.
observers tend to go to elections with Morgan finds that collapse occurs when the
Jennifer YJ Hsu, assistant professor of many problems, and it is primarily these, party system as a whole is unable to provide
political science, University of Alberta, rather than monitors, that drive boycotts. adequate linkage between society and the
Canada, and Dylan Sutherland published In fact, she shows that international state, failing to furnish programmatic
HIV Aids in China – The Economic and Social observers can actually deter boycotts, but representation, integration of major societal
Determinants (Routledge). The authors only if the observers are reputable. Ms. interests, or clientelistic exchanges.
analyze China’s HIV/AIDS epidemic, Kelly also released a dataset on quality of
and focus on the nature and impact of elections and election monitoring, “Data Leonardo Morlino, president of the
current economic and social change and on International Election Monitoring: International Political Science Association

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

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(IPSA) and professor of political science, universal appeal of democracy, prove that important economic, political, and social
Libera Universita Internazionale Degli authoritarian regimes are not as strong outcomes, and argues that unpredictable
Studi Sociali, Rome, Italy, published as they appear, and exhibit the capacity actions constitute a severe impediment
Changes for Democracy (Oxford University of new communications technologies to to economic growth and development—
Press). Mr. Morlino identifies key features promote democratic change. He asserts and that a basic characteristic of quality
of a new definition of democracy and that individual rights and democracy will of government is impartiality in the
highlights the existence of a new type continue to be voiced in autocratic states— exercise of power. Mr. Rothstein will
of regime: the hybrid regime. He also and that their rulers will respond with also serve as principal investigator for
examines the main issues in the process brutal repression to maintain their hold on a major comparative research project,
of democratization in Southern Europe, power—but that the “superior legitimacy ANTICORRP (Anticorruption Policies
Eastern Europe, and Latin America, of democracy” portends a bright future for Revisited: Global Trends and European
including the transition toward democracy, democrats around the world. Responses to the Challenge of Corruption),
installation, consolidation, and crisis. which will be financed by the European
Richard Rose, director of the Centre for Union. The project will investigate factors
David M. Olson, Professor Emeritus the Study of Public Policy, University of that promote or hinder the development of
of Political Science, University of North Strathclyde, Glasgow, launched a new effective anti-corruption policies.
Carolina at Greensboro, and Gabriella project “The Experience of Corruption: A
Ilonszki, professor of political science, Global Analysis” that will analyze more Sebastian Royo, professor of government
Corvinus University of Budapest, edited than 500 sample surveys from more than and associate dean, Suffolk University,
Post-Communist Parliaments: Change and 130 countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, edited Portugal in the 21st Century: Politics,
Stability in the Second Decade (Routledge). Latin America, and North America. Each Society, and Economics (Lexington Books).
The volume compares parliaments in survey asks a battery of key questions The contributors analyze Portugal from
seven postcommunist countries: the about contacts with health, education, two perspectives: political and sociological
Czech Republic, Hungary, Moldova, police, and other municipal services, and and economic and social. They identify
Poland, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine. whether any bribes were paid. Multi-level basic economic and societal changes that
Contributing authors compare Central statistical modeling will test how individual occurred as a result of the democratization
European parliaments and post-Soviet vulnerability to corruption differs by and European integration processes, and
parliaments, and cross-regional chapters national context within continents, also assess the impact that these changes
address negative agenda control, internal including the European Union; between have had on the quality of Portuguese
organization, and interest representation. continents; and between developed and democracy, and on the country’s economic
The editors find increasingly diverse paths developing countries. The project will development.
of change over the initial two decades investigate why perceptions of corruption
in party systems, executive-legislative tend to be much higher than the experience Jae Hyeok Shin, visiting assistant
relationships, and internal parliamentary of corruption. Mr. Rose, along with Patrick professor of political science, Duke
organization, and review transitions, Bernhagen and Gabriela Borz, also University, published “The Choice of
legacies, and international resources as contributed to “Representing Europeans,” Electoral Systems in New Democracies:
contributing factors. a research program that examined how A Case Study of South Korea in 1988”
European Union institutions attempt to in the December 2011 Democratization.
Marc F. Plattner, vice president for represent Europeans, and what it means for Ms. Shin explains the choice of a single-
research and studies and coeditor of the peoples of Europe. member district plurality voting system
the Journal of Democracy at the National by the South Korean legislative electoral
Endowment for Democracy, published Bo Rothstein, August Rohss Chair in system in 1988 as an example of electoral
“Comparing the Arab Revolts: Global Political Science, University of Gothenburg, institution decisions in new democracies,
Implications” in the October 2011 Journal Sweden, published The Quality of which may be different from those in
of Democracy. Mr. Plattner describes the Government: Corruption, Social Trust, Western European countries. She reaches
impact of the Arab Spring on the fortunes and Inequality in International Perspective three conclusions: In new democracies,
of democracy around the world, and argues (University of Chicago Press). Mr. labor parties can only induce old parties
that the protests of 2011 disprove the Rothstein provides a theoretical foundation to shift to a proportional representation
view that Arab nations are impervious to for empirical analysis on the connection system if they have mobilized the working
the spread of democracy, demonstrate the between the quality of government and class prior to democratization; parties in

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

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the developing world at times face unusual category of support for democracy by University of Illinois-Urbana Champaign,
systems that are neither majoritarian nor documenting the extent and manner in published “The Link Between Voting and
fully proportionally representative; and which Malawi’s elections are financed Life Satisfaction in Latin America” in the
when parties choose a legislative electoral in part by the international community. Winter 2011 Latin American Politics and
institution in a presidential system, they The article was one of four papers on the Society. Ms. Shapiro and Mr. Winters use
tend to prefer an institution that helps them internationalization of elections originally multilevel regression models to examine
in the subsequent presidential election even presented at the ECPR-IPSA conference individual-level survey data, which shows
though the institution might harm them in in Sao Paulo in February 2011. The three a positive correlation between voting and
the upcoming legislative election. other journal articles are “International happiness in Latin America. The authors
Election Support: Helping or Hindering also explore the causal direction of this
Dan Slater, associate professor of political Democratic Elections” by Staffan Darnolf; relationship: while the existing literature
science, University of Chicago, and Sofia “Does Political Party Aid Compensate for points to voting as a possible determinant
Fenner published “State Power and Staying the Limitations of International Elections of individual happiness, it is also possible
Power: Infrastructural Mechanisms and Observation?” by Peter Burnell; and “The that happier individuals are more likely
Authoritarian Durability” in the Fall/ Role of International Organizations to vote. On balance, the evidence suggests
Winter 2011 Journal of International During Electoral Crises: The Case of that individual happiness is more likely to
Affairs. The authors argue that state Kenya 2007-2008” by Jørgen Elklit. be a cause rather than an effect of voting in
power is the most powerful weapon in Latin America.
the authoritarian arsenal, and discuss four Gunes Murat Tezcur, associate professor
“infrastructural mechanisms” through of political science, Loyola University O. Fiona Yap, associate professor and
which authoritarian regimes stabilize and Chicago, has received a research grant from director of undergraduate studies in the
sustain their rule: coercing rivals, extracting the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation. department of political science, University
revenues, registering citizens, and His project examines why ordinary of Kansas, published “A Strategic
cultivating dependence. They claim that people take extraordinary risks and join Model of Economic Performance and
since state apparatuses are the institutions insurgencies Democratization in South Korea and
best geared for performing these tasks, Taiwan” in the British Journal of Political
their effectiveness underpins authoritarian Jay Ulfelder contributed a chapter on Science. The article provides a theoretical
durability in a way that no other institution “Democratic Transitions” to the Routledge model showing that economic downturns
can duplicate. Handbook of Democratization, which lead to democratization, and systematically
contrasts the processes and outcomes evaluates the conclusion with data from
Lars Svåsand, professor of comparative of democratic reform in a wide range South Korea and Taiwan. The model and
politics, University of Bergen, Norway, of societies, and evaluates the influence results corroborate the hypothesis that
published “Financing Elections in of factors such as religion, economic economic downturns motivate government
Malawi: Between National Processes development, and financial resources on and non-government actors to pursue
and the International Community” in democratization. political reforms and democratization and
the November 2011 Representation. highlight several contributions. The article
Mr. Svåsand analyses the extent of Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro, assistant depicts democratization as the outcome
international involvement in Malawi’s professor of political science, Brown of strategic responses pursued under weak
electoral processes, and places international University, and Matthew S. Winters, economic conditions.
support for elections within the general assistant professor of political science,

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

N ew R esearch
Journal of Democracy democracy thanks to a vibrant associational life. democracies might be better off with a
The January 2012 (Volume 23, no. 1) issue of majoritarian electoral system rather than one
the Journal of Democracy features clusters of Turkey Under the AKP based on proportional representation.
articles on China and East Asian democracy, The AKP’s 2011 election victory confirmed its
Turkey under the AKP, corruption in status as the dominant force in Turkish politics, II. “Getting Elections Wrong” by Andrew
India, and debating electoral systems, as but also sparked fears that its unchecked power Reynolds and John M. Carey
well as individual articles on Morocco and might threaten civil liberties. Now it must face Evidence from Waves of Democratization
Indonesia. The full text of selected articles the challenges of adopting a new constitution shows proportional election systems, however
and the tables of contents of all issues are and dealing with the Kurdish question. imperfect, to be the better option in most
available on the Journal’s website. contexts.
I. “The Era of Dominant-Party Politics” by
China and East Asian Democracy Meltem Müftüler-Baç and E. Fuat Keyman Democratization
I. “The Coming Wave” by Larry Diamond The December 2011 (Volume 18, no. 6)
If there is going to be a great advance of II. “Civil Military Relations Transformed” Democratization features articles on electoral
democracy in this decade, it is most likely going by Ersel Aydinli systems in new democracies, democratic
to emanate from East Asia. transition and social spending, and a series
III. “Are Civil Liberties Safe?” by Berna of book reviews.
II. “The Patterns of History” by Francis Turam
Fukuyama “The Choice of Electoral Systems in New
The legitimacy and appeal of democracy in East IV. “The Kurdish Question” by Ragan Democracies: A Case Study of South Korea
Asia will depend on how democratic countries Updegraff in 1988” by Jae Hyeok Shin
in the region stack up against China.
“Democracy Assistance: What Recipients “Democratic Transition and Social
III. “Is CCP Rule Fragile or Resilient?” by Think” by Joel D. Barkan Spending: The Case of Pakistan in the
Minxin Pei A groundbreaking new survey shows that 1990s” by Elisa Giunchi
Is “Authoritarian resilience” in China a passing democracy assistance is highly valued by its
phenomenon, or is it something more durable? recipients but that there remains room for Review of Foundations and Frontiers of
improvement. Deliberative Governance by Kivanc Ulusoy
IV. “The Taiwan Factor” by Yun-han Chu
If the PRC moves toward democracy, it is Corruption in India Review of The Oxford Handbook of American
likely to be in some part due to the influence of I. “An Enduring Threat” by Sumit Ganguly Elections and Political Behaviour by Andrew
Taiwan. Social activist Anna Hazare’s hunger strike Moran
has helped turn the world’s attention to India’s
“Morocco: Outfoxing the Opposition” by rampant corruption. Review of Awakening Islam and Fault Lines
Ahmed Menchemsi in Global Jihad by Jeffrey Haynes
Morocco was not immune to the 2011 II. “Can Freedom of Information Help?” by
upheavals in the Arab world, but the country’s Prakash Sarangi Review of Innovation in Islam. Traditions
monarchy deftly managed the crisis through India’s Right to Information Act discourages and Contributions by Jeffrey Haynes
cosmetic constitutional reform. corruption by giving every citizen the right to
access information from any public authority. Review of The Infernal Machine: An
“Indonesia: The Benefits of Civic Alternative History of Terrorism by Andrew
Engagement” by Danielle N. Lussier and Debating Electoral Systems Moran
M. Steven Fish I. “Getting Majoritarianism Right” by
Indonesia, a populous, poor, predominantly Timothy M. Meisburger
Muslim society, has been able to maintain Contrary to popular wisdom, emerging The October 2011 (Volume 18, no. 5)

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

New Research

Democratization is a special issue on African Affairs, Vol. 110, no. 441, October Slovenia” by Alenka Kraśovec and Tim
“Political Opposition and Democracy in 2011 Haughton
Sub-Saharan Africa.” “Whores, Men, and Other Misfits:
Undoing ‘Feminization’ in the Armed “Welfare Reforms and Socio-Economic
“Political Opposition and Democracy in Forces in the DRC” by Maria Eriksson Trends in the 10 New EU Member States
Sub-Saharan Africa” by Emil Uddhammar, Baaz and Maria Stern of Central and Eastern Europe” by Jolanta
Elliott Green, and Johanna Söderström Aidukaite
“Citizenship and the Logic of Sovereignty
“The ANC and Power Concentration in in Djibouti” by Samson A. Bezabeh “Soviet Conspiracy Theories and Political
South Africa: Does Local Democracy Culture in Ukraine: Understanding Viktor
Allow for Power-Sharing?” by Ragnhild “Modern Chiefs: Tradition, Development Yanukovych and the Party of Regions” by
Louise Muriaas and Return Among Traditional Authorities Taras Kuzio
in Ghana” by Nauja Kleist
“Decentralization and Political Opposition “The Great Slump of 2008–9 and Ukraine’s
in Contemporary Africa: Evidence from “Briefing: Nigeria’s 2011 Elections: The Integration with the European Union” by
Sudan and Ethiopia” by Elliott Green ‘Crippled Giant’ Learns to Walk?” by Richard Connolly and Nathaniel Copsey
Sylvester Odion Akhaine
“Institutionalizing the Pro-Democracy “Belarusian Foreign Policy in a Time of
Movements: The Case of Zambia’s Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Crisis” by Elena Korosteleva
Movement for Multiparty Democracy” by Vol. 44, no. 4, December 2011
Lise Rakner “Populism, Nationalism, or National Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 45, no.
Populism? An Analysis of Slovak Voting 1, January 2012
“Parties and Issues in Francophone Behaviour at the 2010 Parliamentary “Democracy Promotion, Civil Society
West Africa: Towards a Theory of Non- Election” by Ben Stanley Building, and the Primacy of Politics” by
Mobilization” by Jaimie Bleck and Nicolas Manal A. Jamal
van de Walle “Rise of Xenophobic Nationalism in
Europe: A Case of Slovenia” by Alenka “Out of the Cabinet: What Drives
“Dissent and Opposition among Ex- Kuhelj Defections From the Government in
Combatants in Liberia” by Johanna Presidential Systems?” by Cecilia Martínez-
Söderström “Czech Extreme Right Parties: An Gallardo
Unsuccessful Story” by Miroslav Mares
“Supporting the Opposition or the Ruling “Constructing Accountability: Party
Party: Stark Choices in East Africa” by “Left-Wing Authoritarianism Is Not Position Taking and Economic Voting” by
Emil Uddhammar Myth, but a Worrisome Reality. Evidence Timothy Hellwig
from 13 Eastern European Countries” by
“Effective Opposition Strategies: Sabrina de Regt, Dimitri Mortelmans and “Interactive Diffusion: The Coevolution
Collective Goods or Clientelism?” by Keith Tim Smits of Police and Protest Behavior With an
R. Weghorst and Staffan I. Lindberg Application to Transnational Contention”
“Electoral-System Change in Latvia and by Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow
SELECTED JOURNAL ARTICLES the Elections of 2010” by Frances Millard
ON DEMOCRACY Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 44, no.
Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 12, December 2011
This section features selected articles Vol. 44, no. 3, September 2011 “The Mechanical and Psychological
on democracy that appeared in journals “Hegemonic Political Parties in Post- Effects of Electoral Systems: A Quasi-
received by the NED’s Democracy Soviet Eurasia: Towards Party-Based Experimental Study” by Andre Blais,
Resource Center, October 1–December 30, Authoritarianism?” by Max Bader Romain Lachat, Airo Hino, and Pascal
2011. Doray-Demers
“Money, Organization and the State: The
Partial Cartelization of Party Politics in “The International Diffusion of Democracy”

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

New Research

by Johan A. Elkink “Public Religion, Democracy, and Islam: by Lincoln Mitchell

Examining the Moderation Thesis in “The Transnational Challenge to Arab
“Voters, Parties, and Declared Government Algeria” by Michael D. Driessen Freedom” by Jason Brownlee
Policy” by Paul V. Warwick
Comparative Politics, Vol. 44, no. 1, “Democracy and Reconfigured Power in
Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 44, no. October 2011 Africa” by Richard Joseph
11, November 2011 “Moving West or Going South? Economic
“The Legitimacy of Political Institutions: Transformation and Institutionalization in “Could China Be the Next Wave?” by
Explaining Contemporary Populism in Postcommunist Party Systems” by Michael Richard Joseph
Latin America” by David Doyle Bernhard and Ekrem Karakoç
Current History, Vol. 110, no. 738,
“Unsuccessful Success? Failed No- “Violence and Control in Civil Conflict: October 2011
Confidence Motions, Competence Signals, Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza” by Ravi “New Uncertainties Enliven Russia’s
and Electoral Support” by Laron K. Bhavnani, Dan Miodownik, and Hyun Jin Election System” by Timothy J. Colton
Williams Choi
“Russia, the 360-Degree Regional Power”
“Support for Polyarchy in the Americas” by “Do Participatory Governance Institutions by Andrew C. Kuchins
Ryan E. Carlin and Matthew M. Singer Matter? Municipal Councils and Social
Housing Programs in Brazil” by Maureen “Russia’s Post-Imperial Condition” by
“Do International Election Monitors M. Donaghy Dmitri Trenin
Increase or Decrease Opposition Boycotts?”
by Judith Kelley Current History, Vol. 110, no. 740, “Lukashenko’s Game Is Up” by Andrew
December 2011 Wilson
“Measuring Dissent in Electoral “Letter from Damacus: Will Syria Descent
Authoritarian Societies: Lessons From into Civil War?” by Sami Moubayed “The Caucasus in Limbo” by Svante E.
Azerbaijan’s 2008 Presidential Election and Cornell
2009 Referendum” by Erik S. Herron “The Palestinians’ Receding Dream of
Statehood” by Nathan J. Brown “Twenty Years Later, Russians’ Rights Are
Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 44, no. Still Imperiled” by Simon Cosgrove
10, October 2011 “Uprisings Jolt the Saudi-Iranian Rivalry”
“Political Allocated Land Rights and the by Frederic Wehrey Demokratizatsikya, Vol. 19, no. 4, Fall
Geography of Electoral Violence: The Case 2011
of Kenya in the 1990s” by Catherine Boone “Islamism after the Arab Spring” by Ashraf “The State and the Public Sphere in Russia”
El Sherif by Elena Chebankova
“Determinants of Attitudes Toward
Transitional Justice: An Empirical Analysis “The Middle East in Flux” by Michael C. “Russia in Ukraine’s Foreign Policy in 2010
of the Spanish Case” by Paloma Aguilar, Hudson as Seen in Political Discourse” by Sergey
Laia Balcells, and Hector Cebolla-Boado Bozhko
“Libya’s Revolution: Do Institutions
Comparative Politics, Vol. 44, no. 2, Matter?” by Michele Dunne “Europeanization through Socialization?
January 2012 The EU’s Interaction with Civil Society
“Reconsidering the Robustness of Current History, Vol. 110, no. 739, Organizations in Armenia” by Nicholas
Authoritarianism in the Middle East: November 2011 Ross Smith
Lessons from the Arab Spring” by Eva “Democracy’s Third Wave Today” by Larry
Bellin Diamond East European Politics and Societies, Vol.
25, no. 4, November 2011
“Coercive Capacity and the Prospects for “Is There a Proper Sequence in Democratic “Why Ukraine Is Not Russia: Hegemonic
Democratization” by Michael Albertus and Transitions?” by Francis Fukuyama National Identity and Democracy in Russia
Victor Menaldo and Ukraine” by Yitzhak M. Brudny and
“The New World of Democracy Promotion” Evgeny Finkel

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

New Research

“‘State Pride’: Politics of LGBT Rights and Integration with the European Union” by “Party System Classification: A
Democratization in ‘European Serbia’” by Richard Connolly and Nathaniel Copsey Methodological Inquiry” by Grigorii V.
Marek Mikus Golosov
“Belarusian Foreign Policy in a Time of
Hague Journal on the Rule of Law, Vol. 3, Crisis” by Elena Korosteleva “The Importance of Party Ideology:
no. 2, 2011 Explaining Parliamentarian Support for
“Indices and Indicators of Justice, Journal of East Asian Studies, Vol. 11, no. Political Party Gender Quotas in Eastern
Governance, and the Rule of Law: An 3, September–December 2011 Europe” by Joshua Kjerulf Dubrow
Overview” by Juan Carlos Botero, Robert “Decentralization and Economic
L. Nelson, and Christine Pratt Performance in Indonesia” by Thomas B. “Organization and Institutionalization of
Pepinsky and Maria M. Wihardja Russia’s Political Parties in 1905–1917 and
“Developing Clusters of Indicators: An 1993–2007: Similarities and Differences
Alternative Approach to Measuring the “A Veto Player Theory of Policymaking from Two Occidentalist Periods” by
Provision of Justice” by Jim Parsons in Semipresidential Regimes: The Case of Alexander S. Pereepechko, Craig Zum
Taiwan’s Ma Ying-jeou Presidency” by Jih- Brunnen, and Vladimir A. Kolossov
“The Worldwide Governance Indicators: wen Lin
Methodology and Analytical Issues” “Dual Accountability and the
by Daniel Kaufmann, Aart Kraay, and Pacific Affairs, Vol. 84, no. 4, December Nationalization of Party Competition:
Massimo Mastruzzi 2011 Evidence from Four Federations” by
“Democratizing Hong Kong: Functional Jonathan Rodden and Erik Wibbels
“Pitfalls of Measuring the Rule of Law” by Representation and Politics of Institutional
Tom Ginsburg Change” by Baohui Zhang Representation, Vol. 47, no. 4, November
“Rule of Law, Measuring and “Creating Cadres: Mobilization, Activism “International Election Support: Helping
Accountability: Problems to be Solved and the Youth Wing of the Pan-Malaysian or Hindering Democratic Elections?” by
Bottom Up” by Maurits Barendrecht Islamic Party, PAS” by Joseph Chinyoung Staffan Darnolf
“Actionable Governance Indicators: “Does Political Party Aid Compensate for
Turning Measurement into Reform” by Party Politics, Vol. 17, no. 6, November the Limitations of International Elections
Stephanie E. Trapnell 2011 Observation?” by Peter Burnell
“Assimilation, Contrast and Voter
Journal of Communist & Transition Studies, Projections of Parties in Left-Right Space: “The Role of International Organizations
Vol. 27, no. 3–4, September–December Does the Electoral System Matter?” by During Electoral Crises: The Case of
2011 Andrew J. Drummond Kenya 2007–2008” by Jorgen Elklit
“Russia: Crisis, Exit and…Reform?” by
Philip Hanson “Conceptualizing Left and Right in “Financing Elections in Malawi: Between
Comparative Politics: Towards a Deductive National Processes and the International
“Democratization in Russia and the Global Approach” by Detief Jahn Community” by Lars Svasand
Financial Crisis” by Ian McAllister and
Stephen White “Who Votes in Africa? An Examination World Affairs, November/December 2011
of Electoral Participation in 10 African “Flip-Flop War: Libya’s Punk Revolution”
“The International Economic Crisis and Countries” by Michelle Kuenzi and Gina by Ann Marlowe
the 2010 Presidential Elections in Ukraine” M. S. Lambright
by Marko Bojcun “After the Fall: What’s Next for Assad and
“Doomed to Disagree? Party-Voter Syria?” by James H. Anderson
“Ukraine’s Foreign Policy Choices after Discipline and Policy Gridlock under
the 2010 Presidential Election” by Elena Divided Government” by Jose Fernandez- “The Oslo Legacy: Goodbye to All That” by
Kropatcheva Albertos and Victor Lapuente Aaron Menenberg

“The Great Slump of 2008–9 and Ukraine’s Party Politics, Vol. 17, no. 5, Summer 2011 “Neglected India: Why Is Washington

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

New Research

Ignoring the World’s Largest Democracy?” Rahul Mukherji. Cambridge University Allen C. Lynch. Potomac Books, 2011. 163
by Mary Kissel Press, 2011. 201 pp. pp.

SELECTED NEW BOOKS ON The Institutional Imperative: The Politics of

DEMOCRACY Equitable Development in Southeast Asia. LATIN AMERICA AND THE
By Erik Kuhonta. Stanford University CARIBBEAN
ADVANCED DEMOCRACIES Press, 2011. 342 pp. Adiós Muchachos: A Memoir of the
American Immigration After 1996: The Sandinista Revolution. By Sergio Ramírez.
Shifting Ground of Political Inclusion. Mobilizing Restraint: Democracy and Duke University Press, 2011. 239 pp.
By Kathleen R. Arnold. Pennsylvania State Industrial Conflict in Post-reform South
University Press, 2011. 182 pp. Asia. By Emmanuel Teitelbaum. Cornell Democracy in Latin America: Political
University Press, 2011. 220 pp. Change in Comparative Perspective. By
Facing the Challenge of Democracy: Peter H. Smith. Oxford University Press,
Explorations in the Analysis of Public 2011. 375 pp.
Opinion and Political Participation. Edited EASTERN EUROPE AND THE
by Paul M. Sniderman and Benjamin FORMER SOVIET UNION Guerrilla Auditors: The Politics of
Highton. Princeton University Press, 2011. Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Transparency in Neoliberal Paraguay. By
416 pp. Postcommunist Countries. By Valerie J. Kregg Hetherington. Duke University
Bunce and Sharon L. Wolchik. Cambridge Press, 2011. 296 pp.
Oversight: Representing the Interests of University Press, 2011. 372 pp.
Blacks and Latinos in Congress. By International Mediation in Venezuela. By
Michael D. Minta. Princeton University Headlines of Nation, Subtexts of Class: Jennifer McCoy and Francisco Diez. U.S.
Press, 2011. 160 pp. Working-Class Populism and the Return of Institute of Peace, 2011. 290 pp.
the Repressed in Neoliberal Europe. Edited
Still a House Divided: Race and Politics in by Don Kalb and Gábor Halmai. Berghahn Latinamericanism after 9/11. By John
Obama’s America. By Desmond S. Books, 2011. 222 pp. Beverley. Duke University Press, 2011. 166
King and Rogers M. Smith. Princeton pp.
University Press, 2011. 381 pp. It Was a Long Time Ago, and It Never
Happened Anyway: Russia and the Precarious Democracies: Understanding
What’s Left of the Left: Democrats and Communist Past. By David Satter. Yale Regime Stability and Change in Colombia
Social Democrats in Challenging Times. By University Press, 2011. 383 pp. and Venezuela. By Ana María Bejarano.
James E. Cronin, George W. Ross, and
James Shoch. Duke University Press, 2011. Lost in Transition: Ethnographies of University of Notre Dame Press, 2011. 350
413 pp. Everyday Life after Communism. By pp.
Kristen Ghodsee. Duke University Press,
2011. 206 pp. Space of Detention: The Making of a
AFRICA Transnational Gang Crisis between Los
Preventing Electoral Violence in Africa. Lustration and Transitional Justice: Angeles and San Salvador. By Elana
Edited by Jendayi E. Frazer and E. Gyimah- Personnel Systems in the Czech Republic, Zilberg. Duke University Press, 2011. 344
Boadi. Carnegie Mellon University Press, Hungary, and Poland. By Roman David. pp.
2011. 111 pp. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011. 312
pp. The Triumph of Politics: The Return of the
Left in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador.
ASIA Popular Support for an Undemocratic By George Philip and Francisco Panizza.
Decolonizing Democracy: Transforming the Regime: The Changing Views of Russians. Polity, 2011. 224 pp.
Social Contract in India. By Christine By Richard Rose, William Mishler, and
Keating. Pennsylvania State University Neil Munro. Cambridge University Press,
Press, 2011. 155 pp. 2011. 206 pp. MIDDLE EAST
The Arab Awakening: America and the
India Since 1980. By Sumit Ganguly and Vladimir Putin and Russian Statecraft. By Transformation of the Middle East. By

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

New Research

Kenneth N. Pollack et al. Brookings COMPARATIVE, THEORETICAL, and Per Nordlund. United Nations
Institution Press, 2011. 381 pp. GENERAL University Press, 2008. 325 pp.
9-11: Was There an Alternative? By Noam
Democracy in the Middle East: The Impact Chomsky. Seven Stories Press, 2011. 170 The Priority of Democracy: Political
of Religion and Education. By Judith pp. Consequences of Pragmatism. By Jack
Cochran. Lexington, 2011. 242 pp. Knight and James Johnson. Princeton
Attention Deficit Democracy: The Paradox University Press, 2011. 324 pp.
The Massacre of Political Prisoners in Iran, of Civic Engagement. By Ben Berger.
1988: Report of an Inquiry Conducted Princeton University Press, 2011. 201 pp. Radical Democracy and Political Theology.
by Geoffrey Robertson QC. By Geoffrey By Jeffrey W. Robbins. Columbia University
Robertson. Abdorrahman Boroumand Customary Justice and the Rule of Law in Press, 2011. 230 pp.
Foundation, 2011. 135 pp. War-torn Societies. Edited by Deborah
Isser. U.S. Institute of Peace, 2011. 386 pp. Re-imagining Government: Public
The Modern History of Iraq. By Phebe Leadership and Management in
Marr. Westview, 2011. 483 pp. A Liberal World Order in Crisis: Choosing Challenging Times. By Barry Quirk.
Between Imposition and Restraint. By Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. 250 pp.
Public Opinion in the Middle East: Survey Georg Sørensen. Cornell University Press,
Research and the Political Orientations 2011. 218 pp. Rewiring Regional Security in a
of Ordinary Citizens. By Mark Tessler. Fragmented World. Edited by Chester A.
Indiana University Press, 2011. 372 pp. The People vs. the State: Reflections on UN Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson, and Pamela
Authority, US Power and the Responsibility Aall. U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 2011.
Societal Peace and Ideal Citizenship for to Protect. By Ramesh Thakur. United 587 pp.
Turkey. Edited by Rasim Ösgür Dönmez Nations University Press, 2011. 242 pp.
and Pinar Enneli. Lexington, 2011. 312 pp. Science in a Democratic Society. By Philip
Missing: Persons and Politics. By Jenny Kitcher. Prometheus, 2011. 270 pp.
The Struggle for Egypt: From Nasser to Edkins. Cornell University Press, 2011.
Tahrir Square. By Steven A. Cook. Oxford 277 pp. Sovereignty or Submission: Will Americans
University Press, 2011. 408 pp. Rule Themselves or be Ruled by Others?
Political Parties in Conflict-Prone Societies: By John Fonte. Encounter Books, 2011.
Regulation, Engineering and Democratic 449 pp.
Development. Edited by Benjamin Reilly

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Editorial Committee

is the official newsletter of the American Political Science Association’s Comparative
Democratization section. Formerly known as CompDem, it has been published
three times a year (October, January, and May) by the National Endowment for
Democracy’s International Forum for Democratic Studies since 2003. In October 2010, the newsletter was renamed APSA-CD and
expanded to include substantive articles on democracy, as well as news and notes on the latest developments in the field. The newsletter is
now jointly produced and edited by faculty members of the University of Florida’s Department of Political Science and the International

The current issue of APSA-CD is available here. A complete archive of past issues is also available.

To inquire about submitting an article to APSA-CD, please contact Michael Bernhard or Melissa Aten.

Editorial Board Members

Executive Editor Staffan I. Lindberg is an associate professor of political science

and the Center for African Studies at the University
Michael H. Bernhard is the inaugural holder of the of Florida. He is also the research director of the
Raymond and Miriam Ehrlich Eminent Scholar World Values Survey Sweden, a research fellow at the
Chair in Political Science at the University of Florida. Quality of Government Institute, and an associate
His work centers on questions of democratization professor of political science at the University of
and development both globally and in the context of Europe. Gothenburg in Sweden. His research focuses on state building,
Among the issues that have figured prominently in his research political clientelism, political parties, legislative-executive
agenda are the role of civil society in democratization, institutional relations, women’s representation, voting behavior, elections, and
choice in new democracies, the political economy of democratic democracy in Africa. He is the author of Democracy and Elections
survival, and the legacy of extreme forms of dictatorship. in Africa ( Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006) and the editor
of Democratization by Elections: A New Mode of Transition? ( Johns
Members Hopkins University Press, 2009).
Kate Baldwin is an assistant professor of political
science at the University of Florida and a fellow at Bryon Moraski is an associate professor of political
the Center for the Study of Democratic Politics at science at the University of Florida. His research
Princeton University. She studies state-building, considers the politics of institutional choice, institutional
clientelism, and the political economy of development development, and the influence of short-term electoral
with a regional focus on sub-Saharan Africa. Her current research incentives on long-term political trajectories. Most
projects seek to understand the political consequences of involving of his published work focuses on the former Soviet Union and
non-state actors, such as traditional chiefs and non-governmental includes articles in the American Journal of Political Science, Europe-
organizations, in the provision of goods and services. Asia Studies, Government and Opposition, the Journal of Politics,
and elsewhere. His 2006 book, Elections by Design: Parties and
Patronage in Russia’s Regions (Northern Illinois University Press),
Petia Kostadinova is an assistant professor of examines the origins and consequences of electoral system design
political science and associate director of the Center at the sub-national level in the Russian Federation.
for European Studies at the University of Florida.
Her research interests include comparative politics, Conor O’Dwyer is an associate professor of political
comparative political economy, East European science at the University of Florida. His book
Politics, and the European Union. Her current projects fall in two Runaway State-Building: Patronage Politics and
main categories: the impact of the European Union on applicant Democratic Development ( Johns Hopkins University
countries and member states and the role of public preferences, Press, 2006) examines the relationship between
and media’s transmission of these preferences, in shaping social party-building and state-building in new democracies, looking
and economic policies in postcommunist countries. She frequently specifically at the relationship between party competition and
participates in outreach activities aimed at educating teachers, patronage politics in postcommunist Eastern Europe. His latest
business leaders, or the general public about recent developments research explores how the expansion of the European Union is
in the European Union or its member states. changing the terrain of domestic politics in the postcommunist
member-states, especially with regard to the protection of minority

Vol. 10, No. 1 Comparative Democratization J an. 2012

Editorial Committee

Benjamin Smith is an associate professor of political Melissa Aten-Becnel is the senior

science at the University of Florida. His research research and conferences officer at the
focuses on separatist conflicts, regime change, and National Endowment for Democracy’s
democratization. His first book, Hard Times in the International Forum for Democratic
Land of Plenty: Oil Politics in Iran and Indonesia, was published in Studies and associate director of the
2007 by Cornell University Press, and his articles have appeared Network of Democracy Research Institutes. She earned an M.A.
in World Politics, the American Journal of Political Science, from The George Washington University’s Elliott School of
Studies in Comparative International Development, the Journal International Affairs, where she focused on foreign policy and
of International Affairs, and other journals and edited volumes. Central and Eastern Europe.
Mr. Smith is currently working on a book exploring the long-term
factors that shape the success of separatist movements.
Editorial Assistant
Philip Williams is the director of the Center for Latin Tristan Vellinga received a B.S in political science
American Studies and a professor of political science and from the University of Iowa and is now a Ph.D.
Latin American Studies at the University of Florida. He student in the department of political science at the
also co-directs the Latin American Immigrants in the University of Florida, where he studies comparative
New South project. His research interests include religion and American politics. His interests include
and politics, transnational migration, democratization, social comparative EU studies, European enlargement, Turkish politics,
movements, and civil-military relations. His latest book, A Place and Turkey-EU relations. His current research focuses on the role
to Be: Brazilian, Guatemalan, and Mexican Immigrants in Florida’s that enlargement has on the party systems of new and existing
New Destinations, was published by Rutgers University Press in member states and what this means for larger trajectories of party
2009 and his articles have appeared in numerous academic journals, competition and state development.
including Comparative Politics, Latin American Perspectives, Latin
Studies, and the Journal of Latin American Studies.

Leonardo A. Villalón is the director of the Center for

African Studies and associate professor of political
science at the University of Florida. His research has
focused on Islam and politics and on democratization in
West Africa, particularly Senegal, Mali, and Niger. He is
the author of Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal (Cambridge
University Press, 1995) and co-editor of The African State at a
Critical Juncture: Between Disintegration and Reconfiguration
(Lynne Rienner, 1998) and The Fate of Africa’s Democratic
Experiments: Elites and Institutions (Indiana University Press,
2005), as well as of numerous articles and book chapters on politics
and religion in West Africa.

Managing Editor

The International Forum for Democratic Studies
1025 F Street, NW, 8th Floor
Washington, DC 20004