Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Jiří Vyhlídal
RILSA Brno
Draft
Abstract
The first part of the text describes changes in the segmentation
theory of labour markets which make it more sensitive to spatial
(geographical) differences and takes them as a constitutive component
in understanding how (national) labour market works and how it
potentially can contribute to social inclusion.
the agenda of not only European politicians and policy-makers. There seems to be a
good many proposals and projects, ready-made conceptions and political manifests
which all wrestle with the problem of immigration, integration of immigrants and all the
1
after is modus of integration appropriate and efficient to the foreign labour force coming
pointed out, we miss the positive definition of social inclusion, that means when “social
inclusion tends to be defined only negatively in exclusion literature - i.e. as ‘not social
(1991: 58): “Foreign labor is desired, but the persons in whom it is embodied are not
this contradiction and as attempts to resolve it.” Even if the largest part of the migration
stream heading to Europe is labour migration, which means that the most natural
method of integration of this part of migration stream is to put those people into work,
desirable.
immigrants with their prospects on the labour market. Given that a significant
proportion of immigrants come with skills and education perceived in a host country as
rather poor or insufficient, they are expected to seek for jobs rather in the part of labour
market which segmentation theory perceives as secondary. Even though this assumption
is widely accepted, Massey et al. (1993: 458) observed that “the distinction between
estimates and a high degree of dependency of results on the decision rule chosen to
allocate jobs to sectors.” In some cases even the definition of the secondary sector was
based either on the fact that jobs in this sector were held predominantly by immigrants,
2
women or young people (Peck 1996), or the fact that the jobs belonged not into a
capital- but a labour-intensive sector (Piore 2008). In other words, there have to be
groups or individuals exploitable in this way before secondary labour market may come
into existence (cf. Boltanski and Chiapello 2007; Bourdieu 2003; Doeringer and Piore
1985; Peck 1996). So we can conclude that the characteristics of immigrants, which
they at least partially share with women, young people and the disabled of the host
society, not only lead them to the secondary labour market, but the presence of those
What can be, on the one hand, seen as an incapability to establish clear rules to
analytically distinguish between the two sectors of the labour market, may also be, on
economy’ (in Bourdieu’s view a system based on an opposition between the dominating
polycultural polyglots and the dominated monocultural locals (Bourdieu 2003), or of the
‘new capitalism’ with the main symptoms depicted, for instance, in books of Richard
Sennett (1998, 2006), eventually of the ‘new spirit of capitalism’ described by Luc
Boltanski and Eve Chiapello (2007)), that means of the situation when “core firms shift
between the primary and secondary sectors are becoming increasingly blurred” (Peck
1996: 63). In the whole labour market then, regardless which segment is actually
considered, increases uncertainty and inequality (Rubery, Wilkinson, and Tarling 1989).
flexibilisation, and what Peck recognises as “ the political re-regulation of the labor
market during a period of excess labor supply and weakened labor unions,” (Peck 1996:
3
74, emphasis original) has also a geographical component, because, as Pierre Bourdieu
put it,
to problems posed not only by market (demand) instability and increased supply of
labour, but also by involvement of paid work in the network of social norms, customs
and practices, as well as in the wider system of social reproduction (e.g. unpaid work in
wage disparity). Both sectors of the labour market and both segments of the labour force
have its own dynamics and cease to be easily discernible when a growing part of the
workers to compete for jobs on an open (i.e. less and less regulated) market. Pierre
(...) This word evokes very well this rational management of insecurity
the greatest social gains and the best organized union resistance - features
4
that are linked to a national territory and history - and the workers of the
original).
In the ‘new economy’ the pressure on the primary labour market workforce, to
become at least functionally flexible, is on the increase and even the working careers of
obvious that not all foreign workers necessarily fit the ‘low skill, low education’
taxonomy of labor market positions” (emphasis original), witch seems to be true for
immigrants too.
ineffectiveness in empirical determination of the character of the jobs (in the sense if
they belong to the primary or secondary segment of the labour market) in the
try to divert attention from the problem whether a job taken by an immigrant belongs to
the primary or secondary labour market to focusing on the more general principles of
labour force allocation, foreign as well as domestic, to jobs, given by and structured
the jobs on offer, as the segmentation theory does, we can try to delineate the
5
geographical segmentation of the Czech labour market as a historically developed and
a national labour market and to conceive it as the historically created and spatially
distributed (hierarchised) structure of opportunities (for job seekers and alike for
entrepreneurs). Its segments (regions, precincts), seen verbatim in one picture, or in one
and distant segments, but a complex hierarchical structure uncovering their mutual
formulation, given by the characteristics of primary and secondary labour markets and
implicit setting one of them as dominant and the other as dominated (or inferior),
assertion of self-evident fact that the primary labour market is in many respects superior
to the secondary one into a unique narrative about the whole network of reciprocal
labour market. Usually the spatial component has been perceived as redundant or at
least insignificant. When, for instance, Alain Supiot et al. (2001) analyse European
labour law, they talk about dimensions, fragmentations or state, but these concepts are
dispossessed of their spatial component; they are used without to be, so to say, space-
sensitive. This text is intended as an empirical test of hypothesis that the working
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important degree constituted and influenced by the geographical segmentation of a
national labour market. This hypothesis supposes that immigration stream is funnelled
structural conditions on the labour market produce a basic matrix which significantly
shapes chances of all workers to get an appropriate job1 whether on the primary or the
secondary labour market, and these chances are different for different individuals in
different geographical parts of the Czech national labour market. In other words,
chances of diverse parts of labour force are unevenly distributed not only according to
the individual characteristics of the job seekers, but also according to the spatial
also locally variable is not still generally accepted, the fourth generation of the
segmentation theory already “emphasizes the spatiality of the labor market and its
underlying regulatory form” (Peck 1996: 79). This approach emphasises in the
processes and outcomes of the labour market segmentation besides purely economical
economic’ and ‘the cultural’ in favour of a range of more fluid and hybrid
1 An appropriate job is intended here, especially in relation to the immigrants, as a job offering a good
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conceptions that emphasize the mutual constitution and fundamental
the cultural (or the social), does not reminds us only a pure fact of existence of territory
defined by its generally recognised boundaries, but introduces also hierarchy, a system
in which all kinds of desired goods and opportunities are distributed unequally, and the
author whose “most influential theories and empirical work have tended to
underplay the difference that space/place makes” (Holt 2008: 235), he was undoubtedly
aware of the important role physical space/place plays in many forms of inequality
production and reproduction. Which is, after all, clear from the following passage:
that does not express hierarchies and social distances, in a form that is more
This hierarchisation imposes itself also on the national labour market through
the form of more or less (from the point of view of labour force) insulated or separated
local labour markets. As Peck (1996: 86) observes, “[i]f labor market structures, norms,
and practices are conditioned by the (uneven) social context in which they are
embedded, then the functioning of labor market processes will vary across space.” A
double inequality, i.e. inside of each of those local labour markets as well as between
8
them, is visible from the economic, social-economic and even demographic data about
each of them.
The dispersion of those units across the space can be captured in a two-
dimensional diagram where the distances between them can be expressed not only on
markets2. In this view, the system of local labour markets constitute “a set of objective
power relations that impose themselves on all who enter the field and that are
interactions among the agents” (Bourdieu 1985: 724). Such a set of power relations
ensures that in a long-term not only individuals inside a particular local labour market
but also local labour markets itself will respect the achieved distribution of power, it
means at least until the dominating will be able to exercise effectively their power.
inclusion (cf. Cameron 2005, 2006, 2007). An other problem, which is firmly tied
together with the first one, is an elusive spatiality of the social inclusion, our inability to
localise it in contrast with social exclusion, which always seems to be closely related to
2 These domination and submission relationships are not an effect of innate qualities of local labour
markets, but rather a product of socio-economic activities pushed ahead by all involved individual and
collective actors in the appropriate forms (age and education structure of population, rate of economic
9
reference to a neighbourhood, community, or locality, and, in consequence, “if we
collect local data we will tend to produce a local story from them because the problems
Whereas social exclusion produces and is produced in an evident and explicit place/
segmentation theory, which tacitly supposes that strategies used by employers as well as
job seekers, seen as a part of social inclusion through the labour market, are
interchangeable across geographic extension of the whole national labour market and
vary eventually only between the primary and secondary labor market segments. The
is reduced to a passive and merely contextual economic backdrop: the local labor
market is portrayed as a container for universal processes” (Peck 1996: 84). De-
localised and atomised neo-liberal actors do cope with imaginary universal market
By contrast, the spatial segmentation theory takes as its point of departure the
fact, that places and localities are not interchangeable at random. As was already
10
mentioned above, every space and every locality bears characteristics which determine
its place (on the horizontal as well as on the vertical axis) in the wider (i.e.
over the processes taking place on the local level. It is clear then that in this sense
locality or space based differentiation and hierarchisation affects all the processes
Only through the localised, i.e. by the given locality adopted and to the given
locality adapted, strategies may evolve into a local economic field, “which exists only
through the agents that are found within it and that deform the space in their vicinity,
conferring a certain structure on it” (Bourdieu 2005: 193). In other words, there is the
source of inequality inside each of local markets or fields and variability across all of
them. Actors are supplied unequally according to the volume and structure of specific
capitals, capitals which limit or amplify their command over the structure of the local
into the actors, they are included in their habitus, a “conditioned and limited
individual, the subjective, is social and collective” (Bourdieu 2005: 211, original
emphasis).
Besides the localised (in situ) inequalities, there are inequalities between
localities too. The basic vertical axis stems from provinces and leads up to the capital,
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“the capital city is - no pun intended - the site of capital, that is, the site in
physical space where the positive poles of all the fields are concentrated
along with most of the agents occupying these dominant positions: which
means that the capital cannot be adequately analyzed except in relation to the
This statement drafts the basic outline of the inequalities being found between
All the differences and inequalities have not only a more or less intangible
quality, captured in and attainable only through official statistics, but they are inscribed
directly in places and even in bodies of its inhabitants. There is a bodily knowledge, as
Bourdieu (2000) argues, of which an incorporated form are the dispositions, where “the
very structures of the social world” (Bourdieu 2000: 141) are inscribed.
and personal characteristics which can be (and are) legitimately recognised as a form of
capital. Even the flexibility itself can be a capital which an actor can offer to an
employer and it can be exactly the kind of capital the employer is looking for.
Possession or absence of that capital decides about success or failure on the given local
labour market. Which capitals are perceived as valuable, in case of job seekers, is
locality-sensitive variable. Demand for diverse kinds of capital varies not only
according to individual employers, but also from one to the other local labour market.
The locally structured demand applies on the indigenous as well as on the foreign
labour force. Following empirical analysis shows on the structure of the Czech precincts
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how the Czech national labour market is divided into the differentiated structure of local
labour markets.
“concerned less with cartography, and more with the geographic foundations of
structures, practices, and conventions” (Peck 1996: 89), it means to be more focused on
the shift from space (defined according to cartography) to place (defined according to
processes and practices which make it distinguishable) (cf. also Cameron 2006; Harvey
and local labour market can have a different (physical) scope according to gender, social
present already in the data itself, or can be at least educible from them, as is the case for
The definition of local labour markets is in this case given by the character of
the first source of data we have analysed. It is data about unemployed reported by the
Labour Offices across the whole country, and amassed in the database “OKpráce”, of
which the data are extracted. Structure of those offices and their district of
administration respects the structure of precincts of the Czech republic (according to the
units for statistics” (NUTS) level 4 of a common classification of territorial units for
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statistics). The boundaries of the precincts were accepted as an approximation of the
In the first step are analysed data about the structure of unemployed in every
precinct to see, who is typically (or often than in others precincts) excluded from the
local labour market and becomes unemployed. The analysis covers all the unemployed
who entered the unemployment or already were unemployed from January 1, 2007 until
June 30, 2008. In the table 1 is the description of variables used in the analysis. To
clarify the extent of the analysed data it is necessary to add that data for all 77 precincts
were used, but only a limited number of them, the 22 mentioned in the table 1, is of
importance, in other words, their position in the correspondence diagram makes them
distinctive. The rest of precincts creates a ‘space of average’, a space vis-a-vis to which
distinctive.
In this context it should also be noted that it could be misleading to argue that
the boundaries of local labor markets coincide precisely with the boundaries of
precincts. As was already mentioned above to choose precinct as the basic unit of our
analysis is rather a pragmatic choice - the precinct is one of the variables used already in
the process of data collection. Precincts appear also to be an appropriate unit with
respect to the exploratory nature of the entire analysis. The selected unit is sufficiently
small (for example, concerning employees’ commuting), and, at the same time, large
enough to represent a local labor market. In fact, boundaries of real local labor markets
may be relatively elastic and diverse for various segments of the workforce, depending
on the structure of the workforce itself and job opportunities in the vicinity.
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Nevertheless, for empirical investigation it is necessary to mark out certain boundaries
table 1 - Overview of variables used in the analysis of spatial segmentation of the Czech labour
market
Precincts (selection): Decisive income at the Categorised number of
AB - Praha beginning of the unemployment unemployment spells before
BE - Beroun spell (CZK): January 1, 2007:
BM - Brno - City up to 6.000 no spell
BR - Bruntál 6-9.000 1 spell
BV - Břeclav 9-12.000 2 spells
CV - Chomutov 12-15.000 3 spells
HO - Hodonín 15-18.000 4 spells
MB - Mladá Boleslav 18.0000 and more 5 spells and more
JE - Jeseník
KA - Karviná Categorised sum of all Retraining before January 1,
KL - Kladno unemployment spells before 2007:
KM - Kroměříž January 1, 2007: yes
MO - Most up to 6 months no
OV - Ostrava 6-12 months
PM - Plzeň - City 1-2 years Health condition:
PY - Praha - East 2-5 years good health
PZ - Praha - West more than 5 years health constraint
SO - Sokolov the handicapped
SY - Svitavy Age categories: full or partial disability pension
TP - Teplice up to 24
TR - Třebíč 25-34 Education:
ZN - Znojmo 35-49 Basic + Without education
50 and more Secondary without GCSE
Secondary with GSCE
Gender: University degree
male
female
The way correspondence analysis handles data significantly determines the way
of interpreting the results. Outputs do not estimate the individual chances of job seekers
with regard to their individual characteristics, but describe the whole structure of social
space represented by the selected population. This type of analysis allows to see the
overall structure of the selected social field, i.e. a system of separations and mutual
dependencies, in a single diagram, seeing that local labor markets does not lie "next to
each other” but are somehow systematised and hierarchised. In this respect, in each of
these populations of the unemployed, their quantity, their characteristics and their
collective work histories, is inscribed not only the structure of today’s opportunities, but
15
also the history of the local labor market which predisposes them to adopt certain
strategies which lead them to certain positions in the overall (national) labour market
hierarchy.
The first diagram presents the result of the correspondence analysis, when all
precincts (77) took part in analysis. Generated social space is on its horizontal axis
differentiated by the amount of cultural and economic capital available to the job
seekers in given precincts. The cultural capital is approximated by the highest attained
beginning of the unemployment spell. Vertically are precincts distributed due to their
unemployed differ both among each other and also from the vast majority of other
precincts, which are defined either as belonging to the area of a statistical average, when
situated near the intersection of the axes, or are relatively indifferent due to the extreme
values of used variables. The area around axes’ intersection and the left lower quadrant
are the spaces where these ‘average’ precincts are situated. The output also makes
markets. The first regime is characterised by rather more but shorter spells of
unemployment; in the second the number of spells is lower, but they are longer on the
average. It is quite surprising that very low explanatory power have age and gender. All
the categories representing age and gender are situated close to the point of intersection,
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therefore in the area of the statistical average. The four distinctive groups of precincts
Centre: the first group consists of six precincts localised in the upper right
quadrant of the diagram 1 (Praha (AB), Praha-East (PY), Praha-West (PZ), Mladá
Boleslav (MB), Beroun (BE) and Plzeň-City (PM)). Unemployed population in these
which means that unemployed in these precincts have higher than average level of both,
cultural and social capital. These characteristics, together with a prevailing lack of past
Periphery: the second group is, to a great extent, an inverse mapping of the first
one. Unemployed population in the cluster of six precincts in the upper left quadrant
(Ostrava (OV), Karviná (KA), Chomutov (CV), Sokolov (SO), Most (MO) and Teplice
(TP)) is, broadly speaking, characterised by a lack of both, cultural and economic
capital, when the lack of the former can be considered as a cause of the uncertain
unemployment, resulting finally in the lack of capital of the second sort, the economic.
limitations, which can be both a consequence of the fact that jobs in these precincts are
those two groups of precincts represent, in social and in geographical sense, the
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differences between the centre and the periphery of the national economy, as are
Farmers: the third group consists of 8 precincts (Třebíč (TR), Hodonín (HO),
Kroměříž (KM), Svitavy (SY), Břeclav (BV), Znojmo (ZN), Jeseník (JE) and Bruntál
BR)) and in the diagram is situated in the bottom left quadrant. Majority of them, except
for precincts of Bruntál (BR) and Jeseník (JE), is located near the average in terms of
amount of the cultural and economic capital. The unemployed population of the whole
long-term) unemployment and the prevalence of serious health problems (handicaps and
partial and full disability pensions). Again, the precincts are mostly located in the
periphery not only geographically but, due to their predominantly agricultural character,
Schism: the last group we will pay a closer attention to consists only of two
precincts. The first of them, Brno (BM), is of urban character and constitutes a regional
capital and a natural centre of South Moravia. The second, Kladno (KL), is situated in
Bohemian part of the country and borders upon the capital city Prague. In the
correspondence diagram both precincts are located in between two upper quadrants.
This location ushers in that the unemployed population of those two precincts is
of Brno (BM) and Kladno (KL) in the diagram means that their populations of
unemployed consist of two extremely different groups. One of them consists of people
with relatively high cultural and economic capital, the second of people with inverse
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characteristics in comparison to the first. There is more possible explications of that
situation. It can mean that Brno (BM) and Kladno (KL) are on the rise to the status of
'center' or, on the contrary, they already retreat from this status. There is also another
possible explanation which is tied with the already mentioned difficulty in determining
boundaries of a local labor market. The problem with these two precincts can reside in
the fact that these geographically defined units comprise virtually of two diametrically
analysis, reveals the structure of the Czech labour market based on the sub-populations
this regard produces a map of social space of the local labour markets, reflecting the
interaction of the used variables. In the following table the general characteristics of the
populations of precincts are presented (the ‘Schism’ group, consisting of only two
table 2 - Spatial structure of the Czech labour market according to the proposed spatial
segmentation (4th quarter 2007)
Employed Unemployed Labour Force
count count unemployment rate count
Centre 939691 24517 2,5% 964208
Periphery 460850 48326 9,5% 509177
Farmers 394917 28579 6,7% 423496
Others 3171745 151405 4,6% 3323151
total 4967204 252828 4,8% 5220032
source: CZSO, Labour Market in the Czech Republic 1993 - 2007
precincts defined on the basis of correspondence analysis. Whereas in the ‘Centre’ the
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unemployment rate is about a half of the total unemployment rate for the Czech
republic, unemployment rate for the ‘Periphery’ is almost twice as high as the total
population are highly influenced not only by the individual characteristics of the job
seekers but also by the region (local labour market) they live in. The question now is if
the same can be said of foreign labour force in the Czech republic. If their chances on
the labour market are besides their personal characteristics influenced also by spatial
The second source of data we are going to use is the survey of 1002 employers
in the Czech republic who utilised foreign labour force in 2006. When we suppose, as
we already did above, that to get a job is an important part of the social inclusion
process for the immigrant workers, then we can ask what are the structural conditions of
that process. In other words, how is the process of matching foreign workers to jobs
affected by the spatial structure of the Czech labour market outlined above.
spatial segmentation of the domestic labour force, but also a spatial segmentation of the
employers, a distribution of various economic activities across the space which is not
accidental. For instance, the strategic branches and sectors of the national economy
well paid jobs are available more often than anywhere else, reside usually in the capital;
heavy and chemical industries, with completely different structure of jobs and different
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demands for skills and education of employees, are settled for the most of its part in the
precincts referred in our research to as ‘periphery’. Further then, other parts of the
country, another local labour markets, might be identified, for instance, as rather
agricultural.
For testing the hypothesis that the Czech labour market is spatially segmented
not only for the indigenous labour force but for the foreign labour force too, we will use
the three main identified spatial segments of the Czech national labour market - the
‘centre’, the ‘periphery’, and the ‘farmers’ - to compare their characteristics with one
another, and also with the residual segment, the precincts belonging to neither of
defined segments, which will be brought together under the caption ‘others’.
table 2 - Overview of variables used in the analysis of spatial labour market segmentation on the
employers of the foreign labour force
Spatial segments of the Reasons for foreign workers Qualification of foreign
Czech labour market: employment for different employees according to the
centre categories of employees: job they have:
periphery shortage of indigenous - qualification corresponds
farmers MANUAL qualification do not
others willingness of foreigners to corresponds
work for lower wages -
Sectors of the national MANUAL Education of foreign
economy: shortage of indigenous - employees assessment:
primary sector WHITE-COLLARS education corresponds
secondary sector willingness of foreigners to part of employees has higher
tertiary sector work for lower wages - than necessary education
public administration, public WHITE-COLLARS part of employees has lower
health, research shortage of indigenous - than necessary education
SPECIAL employs employees with both
Categories of employed willingness of foreigners to lower and higher education
foreign workers: work for lower wages -
manuals SPECIAL Career (promotion) chances
white-collars of foreign workers:
specialists Foreign workers’ jobs career all
managers classification: career some
combination primary LM career nobody
secondary LM
Employer’s entity:
head office
branch
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What we will test in this part of analysis is not directly the segmentation of
foreign labour force, of which we have at present no suitable data, but of its employers
located in the Czech republic. Following Bourdieu’s idea that necessarily “social space
translates into physical space” (Bourdieu et al. 1999: 124), we suppose that the
inscribes itself also into the spatial segmentation of job opportunities, expressed in the
inertia and durability to the social structure (Bourdieu et al. 1999). This is what makes
demands of employers relatively stable over the time and what also gives an opportunity
to evolve applicable and effective, it means space-adapted, strategies on the side of job
seekers.
foreign labour force shows that they differ according to the spatial segment of the Czech
labour market they occupy. Their position in the spatial segmentation of the national
labour market, as the local labour market hypothesis assumes, significantly shapes their
To start with, the tenseness or even friction in relationship between centre and
periphery (provinces) is once again reproduced in a graphic form in the diagram 2. That
means nothing else than that requirements formulated by employers in those two spatial
segments do not overlap; foreign labour force required typically in those two segments
foreigners jobs in the quaternary sector of the national economy (pubic administration,
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public health, research) and besides that also to specialists. In other words, they try to
attract foreign labour force to the sectors and departments requiring higher education
because these sectors and departments are deprived of the educated indigenous labour
force which have tendency to leave peripheral areas and go to areas perceived as
consequence, it seems that, even if the centre may be at the first sight for immigrants
more attractive, the peripheral areas can actually offer better jobs to the more educated
The characteristics which are connected with the employers coming from the
spatial segments (precincts) labeled as centre indicate that this part of the Czech labour
experience probably all segments of the foreign labour force. There can be a difference
between immigrants with low and high cultural capital, or low and high level of skills,
but all of them are expected to compete through all forms of flexibility. Immigrants, if
they wish to have a job adequate to their attainments, are exposed to a strong
with higher cultural capital, to the centre. The competitive advantage the foreign labour
force with comparative skills or education has in eyes of employers in these precincts,
as is shown in the diagram, is their willingness to work for lower pay than indigenous
labour force. In the local labour markets belonging to the centre that applies for
specialist, white-collars as well as manual workers, all of them usually getting jobs in
23
Employers in local labour markets identified as farmers do have to solve a
problem with shortage of specialists for jobs above all in the primary and secondary
sectors of the national economy. Qualification of foreign labour force in these precincts
usually corresponds to the requirements of employers, and they often offer a further
training to the foreign employees on the manual positions. What is also important to
mention, in this spatial segment of the Czech labour market is the lowest number of
employers of foreign labour force comparing to the segments of centre, periphery and
others. This can also be seen as a part of explanation of difference in unemployment rate
between farmers and periphery (cf. table 2). With the lower number of foreign workers
in the farmer segments, in comparison with periphery segments, the pressure on force
out of domestic labour force from the local labour market is weaker.
In the precincts which were gathered under the heading others employers offer
to the foreign employees usually jobs from the secondary sectors of the national
economy which are simultaneously jobs of the secondary labour market, i.e. ‘dead end’
jobs (no career, low pay, no further training). The data come from period when the
Czech economy steadily grew and suffered from shortage of indigenous labour force.
That was the reason why Czech employers hired foreigners for manual positions in
these precincts.
From the findings presented above we may conclude not only that the Czech
labour market is spatially segmented, but that the proposed spatial segmentation is
meaningful also for evaluation and description of the foreign labour force chances on
that market. At least three spatial segments, distinctive according to the majority of the
Czech labour market, were identified which may be perceived as important also for the
24
investigation of foreign labour force in the Czech republic. These segments, centre,
periphery and farmers, may be used either for the opportunities estimation of the
chances diverse segments of the foreign labour force have on the segmented Czech
segments utilise foreign workforce and how it affects possible social integration. The
correspondence analysis outcomes show that proposed segmentation based on the data
for indigenous population is able to explain at least a part of variability in the data
Future research
Presented findings also open new questions and new directions which can be
It should be reminded that the patterns of hiring foreign labour force in all
spatial segments of the Czech labour market were influenced by the fact of a strong
economic growth in 2007, when the data were collected. However there is, of course, a
fluctuating component in the foreign labour force hiring patterns in the outlined spatial
segments, we may expect a stable (and rather durable) component as well. Whereas the
currency rate, manufacturing and export records of the industries in given time etc.),
component is produced through the inscription of the social structures into the physical
space and into its features and also its members. This stable component, since consisting
mainly of naturalised outcomes of past battles and contests, is less dependent on the
25
actual state of the economy and can be seen as a base structure to which any proposed
form and method of integration has to correspond and which has to take into account.
Processes of social integration are different in a city area and in a rural precinct.
have a different integration record, and where the difference comes from. Again, the
processes open new spaces and new questions to investigate. Spatial characteristics are
a natural part of our experience and they cannot be omitted. They intervene into our
thinking and into our behaviour, they partake in the structuration of the world we see as
in empirical investigation.
26
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diagram 1 - The spatial segmentation of the Czech labour market (correspondence analysis)
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diagram 2 - The spatial segmentation of the opportunities of foreign workers on the Czech
labour market (correspondence analysis)
30