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Sociolinguists have been concerned with issues related to power and identity since the 1950s. In the u.s., the division between "formal" and those who take social context into account is sharp. Haeri believes that this division in linguistics echoes various divisions in sociology.
Sociolinguists have been concerned with issues related to power and identity since the 1950s. In the u.s., the division between "formal" and those who take social context into account is sharp. Haeri believes that this division in linguistics echoes various divisions in sociology.
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Sociolinguists have been concerned with issues related to power and identity since the 1950s. In the u.s., the division between "formal" and those who take social context into account is sharp. Haeri believes that this division in linguistics echoes various divisions in sociology.
Droits d'auteur :
Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
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Téléchargez comme PDF, TXT ou lisez en ligne sur Scribd
American sociolinguists have been concerned with issues related to power
and identity at least since the 1950s. According to Niloofar Haeri, a linguist in the Anthropology Department at Johns Hopkins, topics involving power and identity have long been the object of linguistic scrutiny. Among others, one may mention the influential work of Charles Ferguson on diglossia (1959), which touched crucially on the status of classical or standard languages co-existing in a variety of communities; and that of Uriel Weinreich on the linguistic and sociolinguistic consequences of languages in contact (1954). In the 1960s, Joshua Fishman, William Labov and Dell Hymes pioneered studies which focused on linguistic variation in relation to a multiplicity of social and cultural factors. Ethnicity, for example, which plays a central role these days in discussions of identity, was the focus of Labov's 1966 study of New York City English among Italian, Jewish, Irish and Black Americans, and also the topic of Gumperz's extensive work on cross-cultural (mis)communication. Fishman's research over a forty year career in the field has addressed ethnicity, language and education, Jewish languages, and nationalism.
Bilingualism and the relations between standard and non-standard
varieties and dialects, particularly in multi-ethnic societies, have been technical and quantitative aspects of some sociolinguistic work. Furthermore, in the U.S., as compared to say France, the division between "formal" linguists and those who take social context into account to varying degrees is rather sharp. Here, "formal linguists have been extremely successful...and they are very intimidating with their abstractions and theories. They consider other linguists soft -- not real linguists. Given the dominance of Chomskyan formalists in American linguistics, some sociolinguists respond to this tension by, on the one hand, showing their capabilities in their works, and on the other hand, by not delving too deeply into the social constructs they use to shed light on the interactions of language, culture, and social structure." Haeri believes that this division in linguistics echoes various other fields in the U.S. "I do not know anyone who would be, say, the counterpart of Julia Kristeva in linguistics here. Chomsky, who is the foremost proponent of formal linguistics, does spend half of his time on questions of power, politics, and so on. But the two sides of his intellectual engagement seem never to meet on the question of language."
Sociolinguistics' lack of engagement with wider theoretical concerns in the
social sciences has now reached a crucial juncture. According to Haeri, quite a few linguists acknowledge the present lack of direction in the field. In fact, a number of recent publications on language and gender specifically address this shortcoming and offer ways of moving further ahead with this topic. In general, Haeri is optimistic that the field is becoming more aware of its own shortcomings. Critically engaged analyses have recently emerged from both within and outside the field. Several linguists have worked on more integrative analyses which utilize sociolinguistic methods and techniques, but attend equally to theoretical issues raised in other fields, such as anthropology and sociology. Among these Haeri includes the works of Katherine Woolard, Penny Eckert, Bambi Schiffelin and Judith Irvine. From outside the field, she mentions the sociological critiques of Pierre Bourdieu and Glyn Williams. She notes, however, that one is from France, and the other from Wales.