PANAGIOTIS P. IOSSIF - CATHARINE C.
LORBER*
CELESTIAL IMAGERY ON THE EASTERN COINAGE
OF ANTIOCHUS IV
I. Posing the problem: Seleucid celestial imagery
In a recent article, P. Iossif and C. Lorber demon-
strated that early Seleucid references to Helios oc-
curred almost exclusively in eastern contexts where the
god might be subject to syncretic interpretations, spe-
cifically at Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, and in Bac-
tria.1 On the Bactrian coinage of Antiochus II, a rare
allusion to Helios intersects with the far more preva-
lent image of Apollo Toxotes, creating a nexus of
meanings that linked the legitimacy of the Seleucid
kings with eastern solar gods, eastern concepts of the
divine king depicted as an archer, and the Greek Apol-
lo, divine ancestor of the Seleucids and patron of the
Seleucid colonization of the east. The solar aspects of
this theme did not develop further under the reigns of
Seleucus II, Seleucus III, and Antiochus III, even
though the first and last of these kings made eastern
anabaseis after the model of the dynastic founder.2 The
numismatic iconography of Antiochus III instead en-
larged the significance of Apollo, who was often por-
trayed with the king’s facial features on bronze coins
of Antioch on the Orontes.3 The pattern changed in
the next generation. Seleucus IV conspicuously revived
solar imagery at Seleucia on the Tigris, and Antiochus
IV appropriated the complex symbolism of Apollo-
Helios for his own epiphany.
Earlier scholarship has emphasized the revolution-
ary character of the divine epithets and celestial im-
agery that appeared concurrently on the coinage of
Antiochus IV at Antioch on the Orontes.4 Both are
usually represented as Antiochene innovations that
subsequently spread to other mints. Several authors
have suggested that the inspiration for these innova-
tions came from Ptolemaic Egypt in the context of the
Syrian Wars.5 The purpose of the present article is to
reexamine the celestial imagery of Antiochus IV un-
der the new perspective of the solar allusions of his
Seleucid predecessors, with special emphasis on the
contrast between his eastern and western coinages.
Our discussion will include a few examples of such
imagery unknown to, or unobserved by, earlier au-
thors, and propose reattribution of certain coins with
celestial imagery from Antioch on the Persian Gulf to
Seleucia on the Tigris, eastern capital of the Empire
and birthplace of various numismatic and iconographic
innovations under the Seleucids.
djt r nhh
II. Divine epithets on the western and eastern coin-
ages of Antiochus IV
Antiochus IV was the first Seleucid to advertise his
cult titles on his coinage.6 The epithet Theos Epiphanes
was conspicuous on coins of Antioch on the Orontes,
appearing on tetradrachms (fig. 1), silver minors, and
some bronzes, including the exceptional «Egyptianiz-
ing» series, as well as on various unattributed western
bronze issues. Otto Mørkholm proposed a date of c.
173/2 for the introduction of the epithet at Antioch.7
On western coinages the epiklesis was illustrated by
new portrait types: large monetary denominations fea-
tured a rejuvenated and idealized image of the king
with stars added to the ends of the diadem, while less
valuable coins showed a radiate portrait. At the same
* Belgian School at Athens/University of Liège:
piossif@ebsa.info and Fellow American Numismatic Society:
catharinelorber@hotmail.com. We express our sincere thanks to
Andreas Blasius, Arthur Houghton, Oliver D. Hoover, and Vito
Messina for reading drafts at various stages and offering their
comments. Any remaining errors of interpretation are entirely
our responsibility.
1
IOSSIF - LORBER 2008/2009.
2
A salt tax seal impression from the Seleucia excavations,
dated 229/8 B.C. and supposedly showing Nike crowning a
head of Helios, was reported by MCDOWELL 1935, 51-52, n. 2;
163, n. 1C1a(2); 164, and pl. ii, 18. The seal impression is
damaged at the head and the presence of Helios cannot be
confirmed from this impression. No further impressions from
this seal have been published by INVERNIZZI 2004. Other Seleu-
cian seals showing Nike do not associate her with Helios.
3
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 1048-1049, 1051-1055,
1058.
4
MØRKHOLM 1963, 18-20, 46-47, 50-51, 57-74; BUNGE
1975; MITTAG 2006, 128-139.
5
MØRKHOLM 1963, 20; BERGMANN 1998, 62-66; MITTAG
2006, 133; BLASIUS Internet.
6
Coinage associating the portrait of Antiochus I with his
epithet Soter, but omitting the royal title, was apparently issued
posthumously, see NEWELL 1941, 163-165; LE RIDER 1999, 74-
75; HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, 225-228.
7
MØRKHOLM 1963, 37; BUNGE 1975, 177 suggested the
epithet might have been introduced as early as 174/3, but he
also submitted that it referred to the representation of Antio-
chus as Helios (p. 166-7) and that this representation appeared
only after the king’s murder of his coregent (p. 171-2), thus in
170 at the earliest.
2 PANAGIOTIS P. IOSSIF
time, a figure of Zeus Nicephorus replaced the vener-
able dynastic god Apollo Toxotes as the reverse type
of Antiochene tetradrachms and was later adopted at
Ptolemais-Ake in Coele Syria.
The Zeus Nicephorus reverse type seemingly antic-
ipates a longer epiklesis, Theos Epiphanes Nicephorus,
that was introduced probably in summer/autumn of
168 after the king’s return from his second Egyptian
campaign.8 It was cited on all subsequent tetradrachms
of Antioch and on a special emission of gold staters,
but is otherwise found only on the later tetradrachms
of Ptolemaïs (Ake).9 It is not attested on the precious
metal coins of any other mint and it does not occur
on bronze coins at all.
Although the display of epithets on coinage was a
largely western phenomenon, the title Theos Epiphanes
is inscribed on one bronze series from Seleucia on the
Tigris, discussed in detail below, and on a single
drachm emission of Ecbatana where, as Mørkholm
noted, it represents an awkward addition to an exist-
ing die.10 The mint of Ecbatana was unique in citing
a short version of the epithet, Theos, on its tet-
radrachms and (in abbreviated form) on one drachm
emission.11 These coins of Ecbatana do not employ
solar or celestial imagery and the epithets are associ-
ated not only with idealized royal portraits, but also
with a naturalistic image of a haggard, careworn king.12
The absence of celestial imagery may correlate with the
lack of Median testimonia for Helios from the early
Seleucid period; at the very least, it attests to a dis-
tinct local approach to the king’s divinity. Analysis of
the control links at Ecbatana reveals that the mint
produced only bronze coinage at the outset of the
reign, adding drachms in association with the third of
four bronze series. This third bronze series features
military types (elephant/Nike), leading us to believe
that the drachm coinage commenced in response to
the aggression of the Parthian king Phraates I, whose
reign is now dated c. 168-165, and who probably es-
tablished a garrison at Charax, just 20 Roman miles
from Ecbatana.13 Ecbatana’s tetradrachms and those
few drachms with epithets fall even later, some prob-
ably belonging to the final year of the reign. This late
use of a short epithet at Ecbatana underscores a point
made by Mørkholm, that practice varied from mint to
mint, “baffling any attempt at a neat and systematic
arrangement.”14
The emphatic concentration of Antiochus’ epithets
on western coinage may reflect greater levels of liter-
acy in Greek in Syria and along the Mediterranean
coast – areas highly urbanized, especially if compared
with the eastern regions of the kingdom. Nevertheless,
it is curious that the third major western mint for sil-
ver, Tarsus, did not cite the epithets, nor did any oth-
er of the numerous mints in Cilicia. In seeking anoth-
er explanation for the geographic distribution of the
king’s titles, it is interesting to recall the insistence of
J.G. Bunge and Helmut Kyrieleis that the epithet Theos
- CATHARINE C. LORBER
Epiphanes does not mean God Manifest so much as
The God Who Appears, expressing an ability or will-
ingness to intervene helpfully in human affairs.15 Un-
der this interpretation, the presence of the epithets may
mirror the movements of the king, who spent the
majority of his reign in the west, mainly in Syria,
Egypt, and Judaea. The omission of the title Epiphanes
at Ecbatana might be explained by the king’s physical
absence from a region under threat, while the late
altered drachm of Ecbatana perhaps anticipated his
longed-for arrival as he advanced north from Persis to
confront the Parthians. But we know of no visit of
Antiochus IV to Seleucia on the Tigris that might
account for the appearance of his epithet Theos
Epiphanes or for other special features of the Seleu-
cian coinage.16
III. Celestial imagery on the eastern and western
coinages of Antiochus IV
Southern Babylonia and Susiana shared an older
tradition of advertising the epiphany of a reigning king
on bronze coinage, dating back to the reign of Seleu-
cus II.17 Both Seleucia on the Tigris and Susa struck
8
MØRKHOLM 1963, 36-37 (after first Egyptian campaign);
LE RIDER 1999, 223-224 (perhaps after second Egyptian cam-
paign); HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, 62 (probably af-
ter second Egyptian campaign).
9
MØRKHOLM 1963, 24-30 and 47-50; LE RIDER 1999, Se-
ries III, 201-218 and 221-222; HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER
2008, n. 1394, 1399-1401, 1474-1476.
10
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1549; LE RIDER
1965, 330, n. B20 (the reverse die is illustrated both before and
after recutting on pl. lxiv, 6-8); MØRKHOLM 1963, 69 n.103.
11
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1539-42 (tet-
radrachms) and 1547 (drachm); LE RIDER 1965, 328, n. Aa-
Ab (tetradrachms) and 329, n. B14, pl. lxiii, 25 (drachm);
HOUGHTON 1983, n. 1211-12 (tetradrachms).
12
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1542.1-2.
13
TACITUS, Hist. 5.8.4-5 for “the revolt of Arsaces [Phraates
I]” and ISIDORE OF CHARAX, Parthian Stations 2.7; HOUGHTON -
LORBER - HOOVER 2008, 116; ASSAR 2005/2006, 39-40. Cf. also
ASSAR 2006.
14
MØRKHOLM 1963, 69.
15
APPIAN, Syr. 45; BUNGE 1974, 83; KYRIELEIS 1986. For
BUNGE 1975, 177-178 and 187, a corollary of this interpreta-
tion was that the divinity of Antiochus IV was advertised on the
coinage of cities where he was worshipped as founder, specif-
ically Antioch in Ptolemais (Ptolemais-Ake), Antioch on the
Persian Gulf, and Epiphaneia (Ecbatana). Following Mørkholm,
he associated the quasi-municipal coinages of Edessa and Nis-
ibis, as well as the silver coinage of Antioch on the Persian Gulf,
with the king’s final eastern campaign.
16
MITTAG 2006, 208, n.108.
17
This tradition may be older, and not limited to bronze
coins, if we accept that the Susian silver “trophy coins” of
Seleucus I depicted the king in the guise of Dionysus, see
HOOVER 2002. On the significance and dating of the trophy
coins, cf. IOSSIF 2004.
 CELESTIAL IMAGERY ON THE EASTERN COINAGE OF ANTIOCHUS IV 3

Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3

Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6

Fig. 7 Fig. 8

Fig. 9 Fig. 10
4 PANAGIOTIS P. IOSSIF
bronzes for Seleucus II showing his three-quarter bust
with bull’s horns (fig. 2).18 At Seleucia the type is
presumed to celebrate Seleucus’ expulsion of the
Ptolemaic army from the heart of his kingdom in 245,
while at Susa it is related to his Parthian campaign.19
Under Antiochus III one Seleucian bronze issue
showed the king with an elephant headdress, whereas
Susian bronzes of his second reign, after his suppres-
sion of the revolt of Molon, consistently furnished his
profile portrait with a bull’s horn or horns (figs. 3-4).20
Furthermore, Seleucia produced a divine image of the
living king on its silver coinage. In 204, when Antio-
chus III stopped in Seleucia after his eastern anaba-
sis, the mint produced a special tetradrachm issue with
a portrait commissioned from an outside artist, show-
ing an image of the king in idealized middle age, with
a horn (or hornlike lock of hair) above his ear (fig.
5).21 This godlike portrait type spread from Seleucia
to virtually all other mints of the Seleucid kingdom,
and the hornlike lock of hair was retained and even
exaggerated in early Seleucian coin portraits of Seleu-
cus IV (fig. 6).
Seleucus IV was the first king of his line to issue
coins bearing the image of a solar god as a principal
type. His initial emission of bronze coins at Seleucia
on the Tigris comprised two denominations, both
showing a radiate facing bust on the obverse, the larger
with a Nike reverse, the smaller with a tripod reverse
(fig. 7-8).22 Seven specimens were recovered in the
Seleucia excavations and 74 in the Susa excavations.
This high survival rate (see Table 1) attests to a large
issue, arguably reflecting the importance of the solar
cult in the eyes of the king, his local representatives,
or the civic authorities. As crown prince under Anti-
ochus III Seleucus was perhaps also the first member
of the royal family to be portrayed radiate, on official
seals of the city of Seleucia (fig. 9).23 If that interpre-
tation is correct, the radiate bust on his bronzes may
also represent a royal portrait in the guise of a god,
following in the tradition of the Seleucian images of
the deified Seleucus II.
The solar imagery of Seleucus IV at Seleucia pro-
vides a telling precedent for the better-known and
much-discussed celestial iconography of his younger
brother, Antiochus IV. The significance of this prece-
dent is even greater in light of the long absence of al-
lusions to Helios on Seleucid coinage. Under Seleu-
cus I a bust of Helios (or a star) occasionally appeared
in a discreet position on the reverse of coins, appar-
ently serving as a control mark whose fundamental
purpose was administrative rather than iconographic
or cultic.24 Bactrian gold and silver coins of Antiochus
II, showing a star before the figure of Apollo Toxotes,
emphasize the solar dimension of the patron of the
Seleucid house (fig. 10).25 Apart from a Parian tet-
radrachm of Antiochus Hierax,26 this fusion of Apollo
and Helios was not explicitly attested again on Seleu-
cid coinage until the reign of Antiochus IV. But it may
- CATHARINE C. LORBER
be implied by the pairing of Helios and a tripod on the
aforementioned Seleucian bronze coin of Seleucus IV.
The association of Nike with Helios on the larger de-
nomination tends to identify the sun god as a god of
victory and to elevate him to the rank of the great
Nicephori, Zeus and Athena. In the coinage of preced-
ing Seleucids, especially Antiochus III, Nike was also
associated with the royal god Apollo and of course with
the person of the king.27
The first bronze coinage of Antiochus IV at Seleu-
cia on the Tigris was most likely a small issue show-
ing the diademed king on the obverse and Nike on the
reverse.28 The second issue, pairing a three-quarter
head of Apollo with a figure of Agathe Tyche, was more
substantial, with 12 examples found in the Seleucia ex-
cavations and 21 in the Susa excavations.29 The next
18
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 767-8 and 800-1.
19
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, 233, 274, 279.
20
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 1182 and 1216-1223.
21
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 1170.
22
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1336-1337; LE
RIDER 1965, n 294-298, 299. The Helios/Nike denomination
is control linked to the Seleucian bronze coinage of Antiochus
III.
23
MESSINA, 2001; and see the discussion of IOSSIF - LORBER
2008/2009.
24
See the survey of these symbols in IOSSIF - LORBER 2008/
2009.
25
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 616-619.
26
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 835.6.
27
For the association of Nike and Apollo on Seleucid coin-
age, see HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 740, 1053, 1097, 1099-
1100, 1175. For coins associating Nike with various Seleucid
kings, see HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 422, 759, 779-780,
795, 797-798, 1053, 1147-1148, 1171-1173, 1216-1217,
1240-1242, 1255-1258.
28
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1512 (attributed
to Seleucia only tentatively); LE RIDER 1965, n. 304. The re-
verse type may have referred to the king’s accession, for Seleu-
cia also produced bronzes with a Nike reverse for Demetrius I
and Alexander I, as well as for Seleucus IV: HOUGHTON - LOR-
BER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1336, 1691, and 1861; LE RIDER 1965,
297-298 and 143, pl. xxvii, O; LE RIDER 1998, 12, n. 1.
29
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1507; LE RIDER
1965, n. 305. Le Rider identified the standing goddess of the
reverse with the seated goddess Nicephorus of subsequent Se-
leucian bronzes. But apart from the polos, the two goddesses
have entirely different attributes. The phiale and cornucopiae of
the standing goddess link her to later, undoubted depictions of
Agathe Tyche. On Agathe Tyche, and her special association with
Agathos Daimon, see SFAMENI GASPARRO 1997, in particular 82-
5. The special association of the goddess with the foundation
and protection of cities is probably due to a complex process of
syncretism: the goddess is associated with Agathos Daimon, who
played a particular role in the foundation of Alexandria; later
the god was identified with Sarapis and formed a couple with
Isis-Agathe Tyche associated with the royal couple, see FRASER
1972, 209-12 and 240-5. The goddess Tyche is also associated
with the Hellenistic kings: in Athens with Antigonus the One-
Eyed and Demetrius Poliorcetes (TRACY 1994 ) or in Magne-
sia-by-Meander with Seleucus II (CIG 3137 = OGIS 229.61).
 CELESTIAL IMAGERY ON THE EASTERN COINAGE OF ANTIOCHUS IV
development might be described as a reform: After the
above two issues, both involving the same denomina-
tion, the mint introduced its first series of bronzes with
a goddess Nicephorus reverse (figs. 11-13). It com-
prised a set of three denominations – that of the pre-
ceding coinage, its double and its quadruple, the last
a size that had not been seen at Seleucia since before
the eastern campaign of Antiochus III.30 The reverse
type of these scarce bronzes is a veiled goddess wear-
ing a broad stephane, seated left on a throne and
holding a small Nike in her extended right hand, a
scepter (or spear?) resting at an angle in the back-
ground. On the two largest denominations the throne
is a high-backed chair; on the smallest it is of the low-
backed, rounded form, ornamented with a lion’s leg.
What is especially remarkable is the presence of cir-
cular legends proclaiming the king’s epiklesis Theos
Epiphanes in its only appearance on an eastern coin-
age, apart from the one altered drachm of Ecbatana.
This Seleucian bronze issue may be somewhat later
than c. 173/2, the presumed date of the introduction
of the epithet at Antioch, given the apparent size of the
preceding Apollo/Agathe Tyche bronze emission. The
goddess Nicephorus herself, like the Antiochene Zeus,
seems already to serve as a visual pun for Antiochus’
final title, Nicephorus. But Seleucia never employed the
expanded epithet Theos Epiphanes Nicephorus on its
coinage and in fact reverted to the simple title King
Antiochus on its second series of goddess Nicephorus
bronzes (figs. 14-17). The low survival rate of the first
series of goddess Nicephorus bronzes (see Table 2)
suggests a small issue, which was probably demone-
tized and replaced by the second series.31
The claim of divinity expressed by Antiochus’ epi-
thets was reinforced and refined by portrait iconogra-
phy. On the largest denomination of Seleucia’s first
goddess Nicephorus bronze series, where Antiochus is
explicitly called Theos Epiphanes, a star or sunburst
appears both above the king’s head and also above
that of the Nicephorus (fig. 11).32 The same star
appears above Antiochus’ head on the first tet-
radrachm die of Ptolemais-Ake, probably datable c.
170-168 B.C.33 The star-above-head motif also occurs
on an isolated tetradrachm issue perhaps of Seleucia
in Pieria (fig. 18); on early issues of the largest quasi-
municipal bronze denomination of Tyre, dated 169/8
and 168/7 B.C., which also show stars at the ends of
the diadem(fig. 19); and on tetradrachms attributed by
Mørkholm to Antioch on the Persian Gulf (discussed
in detail below).34
The second series of goddess Nicephorus bronzes
of Seleucia on the Tigris (figs. 14-17) differed from
the first in a number of ways.35 The three modules
were now labeled on the obverse with denomination
markers, indicating face values of a tetrachalkon
(hemiobol), dichalkon, and chalkous; and a fourth,
smaller denomination was added, without a mark of
value but almost certainly representing a hemichalkon.
5
Stars disappeared from the iconography, but Antio-
chus was furnished with a radiate crown on all denom-
inations. The legend, as noted previously, no longer
included the king’s epithets. And the goddess Nicepho-
rus, now seated on a high-backed throne on all de-
nominations, was accompanied by a large bird. This
coinage was produced far more abundantly than the
first series of goddess Nicephorus bronzes; the finds
in the Seleucia and Susa excavations, 43 and 19 re-
spectively, point to an issue comparable in volume to
the Helios bust bronzes of Seleucus IV.
Susa minted just two bronze issues related to these
types. The first bears on its obverse the head of Anti-
ochus IV in an elephant headdress; the reverse por-
trays the goddess Nicephorus as on the smallest de-
nomination of the first Seleucian series, except that the
side of the throne is ornamented with a star, echoing
the star above the head of the Nicephorus on the larg-
est of the Seleucian denominations (fig. 20).36 The sec-
ond emission, apparently a small one, pairs the radi-
ate head of the king with an Artemis huntress reverse
(fig. 21).37
At Antioch, as noted above, the title Theos
Epiphanes was associated with a rejuvenated royal
30
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1513-15;
HOUGHTON 1983, n. 989; LE RIDER 1965, n. 306 and pl. xxvi,
E-H. In HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008 many reasons are
offered for doubting the Seleucian origin of this series, but no
convincing evidence is provided to support attribution to another
mint. For the last prior occurrence of the quadruple denomina-
tion at Seleucia, see HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 1176.
31
An overstruck specimen is Glasgow was published by
MACDONALD 1905, 43, n. 15.
32
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1513; HOUGHTON
1983, n. 989. For the very plausible suggestion that the star is
actually a representation of the sun, see R. Strootman, BMCR
2008.09.28, review of P.F. Mittag, Antiochos IV Epiphanes: Eine
politische Biographie, Klio Beitrage zur alten Geschichte (new
series) 11 (Berlin, 2006), note 4. The association of a sunburst
with the goddess Nicephorus, unknown to Strootman, finds a
parallel on the staters of Queen Amastris in Paphlagonia, whose
reverse depicts an enthroned goddess Nicephorus with a bust
of Helios in the field before her face, perhaps identifying her as
Aphrodite Ourania, see IOSSIF- LORBER 2007, 80-81 and fig. 12.
33
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1472; MØRKHOLM
1963, die A1. See SVENSON 1995, 26, and MITTAG 2006, 131,
n.153 for the possibility, ultimately rejected, that the star rep-
resents a comet.
34
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1424 (Seleucia in
Pieria) and 1463 (Tyre); HOUGHTON 1983, n. 404 (Seleucia in
Pieria) and 732 (Tyre).
35
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1508-11; LE RID-
ER 1965, pl. xxvi, K-O and n. 307; HOUGHTON 1983, n. 986.
36
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1533; LE RIDER
1965, 309-10 and n. 59. Ten specimens of this variety have been
found at Susa.
37
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1535; LE RIDER
1965, n. 60. Only one example was found in the Susa excava-
tions.
6 PANAGIOTIS P. IOSSIF - CATHARINE C. LORBER

Fig. 11 Fig. 12

Fig. 13 Fig. 14

Fig. 15 Fig. 16 Fig. 17

Fig. 18 Fig. 19

Fig. 20 Fig. 21
 CELESTIAL IMAGERY ON THE EASTERN COINAGE OF ANTIOCHUS IV
portrait showing stars at the ends of the diadem ties
(fig. 1), appearing on gold staters, tetradrachms, and
drachms, and with a radiate portrait on silver fractions
and bronzes. The radiate portrait was further dissem-
inated in the west on various unattributed bronzes also
with the epithet Theos Epiphanes;38 on royal bronzes
of Byblus and Ptolemaïs (Ake); on denominated royal
bronzes of an uncertain mint in Coele Syria, replicat-
ing the chalkoi of Seleucia’s second series of goddess
Nicephorus bronzes; and eventually on quasi-munic-
ipal bronzes issued by cities in Cilicia, Syria, Phoeni-
cia and Coele Syria, often with reverse types pertain-
ing to Zeus (fig. 22). By comparison, the rejuvenated
portrait of Antiochene tetradrachms was a relatively
ineffective visual expression of divinity, because the
ends of the diadem are rarely visible on the flan. Nev-
ertheless, the starry diadem ends replaced the star-
above-head motif on tetradrachms of Ptolemais-Ake.39
Although a rejuvenated portrait type can arguably be
recognized at other mints, including Tarsus, Seleucia,
Susa, and Ecbatana, the starry diadem ties did not
spread beyond the Levantine coast.40
IV. The ‘celestial silver group’
a. The attribution of the group to Antioch on the
Persian Gulf
Celestial imagery is prominent on one other east-
ern coinage of Antiochus IV, the silver series attribut-
ed by Otto Mørkholm to a new mint at Antioch on the
Persian Gulf. Its first two tetradrachm emissions, ex-
ceptionally, bear a diademed, draped bust of the king
instead of his diademed head.41 A star appears above
his head, and on one of the tetradrachms a second star
appears above the head of Apollo on the reverse (fig.
23), paralleling the star above the head of the goddess
Nicephorus on the first series of Seleucian bronzes
(fig. 11). In the case of the tetradrachms the star iden-
tifies a syncretic solar Apollo, as on the Bactrian coins
of Antiochus II, and its duplication above the head of
the king suggests that his divinity is related.42 These
star-bearing tetradrachms, according to Mørkholm,
were followed by tetradrachms and drachms with a ra-
diate portrait of Antiochus IV (figs. 24-26), which can
now be supplemented by hemidrachms and obols with
the same portrait type.43 The last coinage of Antiochus
IV assigned to Antioch on the Persian Gulf consists
entirely of tetradrachms with no special features (fig.
27).
If we accept Mørkholm’s attribution, Antioch on the
Persian Gulf appears as a uniquely important mint. It
is credited with the only tetradrachms and drachms of
Antiochus IV to carry his radiate portrait. Moreover,
it is one of only three eastern mints to employ the
radiate portrait of Antiochus IV, the others being Se-
leucia and Susa. The exceptional iconography of the
7
star-bearing tetradrachms and the radiate silver, as well
as differences of fabric, led the authors of SC to ques-
tion their attribution to Antioch on the Persian Gulf.44
Our suspicions can only increase when we observe
that the recorded provenances of the two groups with
celestial imagery – the tetradrachms with the star-
above-head motif and the silver with the radiate por-
trait – differ from those of all subsequent issues of
Antioch on the Persian Gulf. For these later issues, the
only known provenances are two large hoards from
Susiana (IGCH 1805 and 1806) and the Susa exca-
vations. Of the star-above-head tetradrachms, two
stemmed from one of the Susiana hoards (IGCH
1805), but two others were reported from a private
Iranian collection and one from the Lederer collection,
while Arthur Houghton acquired two of his three ex-
amples in Tehran, with six years intervening between
the acquisitions.45 As for the radiate silver, a tet-
radrachm currently in commerce came from an Irani-
an source. One of the drachms occurred in the Petro-
wicz collection and another in a Persian hoard (IGCH
1801) that otherwise contained only Median drachms;
the hemidrachm CSE 1089 and the two obols CSE
1090-1091 were all acquired in Tehran. It is thus ev-
ident that the ‘celestial silver’ attributed to Antioch on
the Persian Gulf had a broader area of circulation than
the mint’s regular coinage. 46
38
The only exception is a radiate bronze with standing Apollo
reverse and the simple legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ
(HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1440; BABELON 1890,
n. 576, pl. xiii, 11).
39
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1473-6;
MØRKHOLM 1963, n. 3-14.
40
For the rejuvenated portrait type, see HOUGHTON - LORBER
- HOOVER 2008, pl. 5, 1377 (Tarsus), pl. 7, 1506 (Seleucia, pos-
sibly horned), pl. 8, 1530-1531 (Susa) and 1541 (Ecbatana).
41
MØRKHOLM 1970, n. A1-P1, A2-P1, A3-P2 and A3-P3; cf.
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1517-18, there reat-
tributed to an uncertain eastern mint. The only other draped
busts in the coinage of Antiochus IV occur on the quasi-mu-
nicipal bronzes of Laodicea by the Sea: HOUGHTON - LORBER -
HOOVER 2008, n. 1429-31; BABELON 1890, n. 654-9; HOUGHTON
- SPAER 1998, n. 1054.
42
BERGMANN 1998, 65
43
MØRKHOLM 1970, n. A4-P4 and a1-p1 through a9-p11;
HOUGHTON 1983, n. 1089-91; HOOVER 2006, n. 375 (tet-
radrachm clearly showing the radiate crown); cf. HOUGHTON -
LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1519-22, there attributed to an
uncertain eastern mint.
44
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, 108-109.
45
Personal communication from Arthur Houghton.
46
Another obol with a radiate portrait and a curving, bar-
barized legend (HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1523)
came to market in the company of Persid coins. It is either a
barbarous imitation, in which case it further enlarges the area
of circulation of the radiate silver, or it is the product of an of-
ficial mint with low standards, located in a peripheral region,
perhaps even beyond Persis.
8 PANAGIOTIS P. IOSSIF
b. Alternative attributions: the Seleucia on the Ti-
gris hypothesis
Two mints of Antiochus IV present a comparable
area of circulation, including both Susiana and Media.
The first is Ecbatana.47 Indeed, Georges Le Rider in-
itially assigned the radiate head drachms to Ecbatana,
albeit with reservations.48 But the coins of the ‘celes-
tial silver group’ cannot be accommodated at Ecbatana
because of a technical feature noted by Le Rider, which
became the basis for their reattribution by Mørkholm
to Antioch on the Persian Gulf: these coins exhibit
approximately vertical die axes, reflecting the use of
adjusted dies, whereas Ecbatana employed loose dies.49
The other eastern mint whose coinage circulated
both in Susiana and in Media was Seleucia on the
Tigris. Its bronze coinage has been found in abun-
dance in the Susa excavations.50 In an article on Se-
leucid bronze coinage in the region of Tehran, Le
Rider noted an appreciable proportion of Seleucian
issues, which he considered unsurprising in view of the
political and economic importance of Seleucia and its
geographic position.51 The varieties reported by Le
Rider included examples of the second goddess Nice-
phorus series, to which we can add Tehrani commer-
cial provenances for some coins of the first goddess
Nicephorus series.52 As for Seleucian silver, the tet-
radrachms of Demetrius I include one example (CSE
993) from the Hamadan hoard of 1977.53 Four Seleu-
cian tetradrachms of the first reign of Demetrius II
occurred in the Tehran area hoard of 1923 (IGCH
1813).54 Otherwise, eastern tetradrachms from Seleu-
cus IV through Demetrius II, insofar as their prove-
nances are known, stem almost entirely from the Su-
siana hoards and the Susa excavations.
Special iconography is not unexpected at Seleucia
on the Tigris, the great eastern capital of the Seleucid
kingdom. We have already noted some remarkable
Seleucian and Susian portrayals of Seleucus II and
Antiochus III. In addition, Seleucia was the only east-
ern mint to employ the Zeus Nicephorus reverse type
of Seleucus I, the only eastern mint to adopt the per-
sonal reverse types of Demetrius I and Alexander I,
and the only mint anywhere to issue tetradrachms
portraying Demetrius together with his queen. It was
also the only mint to strike tetradrachms for Demetrius
II using his father’s Tyche reverse type.
Particular iconographic details argue more forcefully
that the ‘celestial silver group’ originated at Seleucia
on the Tigris. Both the star-above-head motif and the
radiate portrait appear on Seleucian bronzes, the
former on both obverse and reverse. Seleucia’s coin-
age does not include a draped bust of Antiochus IV,
but such an image does occur on a seal impression
found in the Seleucia excavations (fig. 28).55 Official
and/or royal seals bearing the king’s portrait, such as
the one that made this impression, were authoritative
within the city walls or in a precise area administered
- CATHARINE C. LORBER
by the city, establishing a clearly defined ‘area of cir-
culation’ for this portrait type in Babylonia. Orcha
(Uruk), a city probably administratively dependent on
Seleucia, has yielded numerous seal impressions with
a radiate, draped portrait of Antiochus IV (fig. 29).56
The relation between the radiate heads of the ‘celes-
tial silver group’ and those of Seleucia’s denominated
bronzes is especially close because of the form of the
radiate crown. On western coinages, the crown is typ-
ically composed of six rays that fan out from the king’s
head, emerging from his hair rather than the diadem
(fig. 22). On silver of the ‘celestial group’, the crown
consists of parallel rays (usually five) emanating from
the diadem and barely extending past the outline of the
head. On Seleucia’s denominated bronzes, the norm
is six parallel or nearly parallel rays emanating from
the diadem, but extending well beyond the head so that
they are clearly visible. The seal impressions from
Orcha also have six nearly parallel rays of intermedi-
ate length, originating in the diadem. On the single
Susian bronze type showing a radiate Antiochus (fig.
21), the six rays emanate from the diadem in a slight-
ly fanning pattern.57 Based on this evidence, it appears
that it was eastern practice to attach the rays to the
diadem, and there was a distinctive Mesopotamian
form of the radiate crown that featured parallel instead
of expanding rays.
c. The ‘celestial silver group’ against the numismat-
ic evidence from Seleucia
It remains to be shown whether the ‘celestial silver
group’ can be integrated into the precious metal coin-
age of Seleucia. The vertical die axes of the ‘celestial
silver group’ are consistent with an attribution to Se-
47
For Ecbatana tetradrachms and a drachm found in Susi-
ana, see MØRKHOLM 1965, n. 41; HOUGHTON - LE RIDER 1966,
n. 19-21; and LE RIDER 1965, n. 449. For drachms found in
Media, see the Hamadan, 1977 hoard, HOUGHTON - LORBER -
HOOVER 2008, Appendix 3A.
48
LE RIDER 1965, 329-30, n. 17.
49
MØRKHOLM 1970, 152.
50
LE RIDER 1965, 120-56, especially 138-41 for the bronzes
of Antiochus IV.
51
LE RIDER 1972, 263.
52
HOUGHTON 1983, n. 987 and 988 were both acquired in
Tehran.
53
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, Appendix 3A.
54
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1984.1 (two spec-
imens) and 1984.3 (two specimens). The varieties are identi-
fied in notes of Edward T. Newell, on file at the American
Numismatic Society.
55
INVERNIZZI 2004, 43-4, Se 40, pl. 17-18.
56
MESSINA 2005; LINDSTRÖM 2003, n. 3-1, 76-1, 78-1, 90-
1, 101-1, 102-1, 104-1, 106-1, 107-1, 241-1, 243-1, 249-1,
250-1, 259-1, 285-1, 287-1, 288-1, 293-1, 296-1, 301-1, 308-
1, 309-1; PLANTZOS 2002.
57
LE RIDER 1965, pl. v, 60.
CELESTIAL IMAGERY ON THE EASTERN COINAGE OF ANTIOCHUS IV 9

Fig. 22 Fig. 23

Fig. 24 Fig. 25

Fig. 26 Fig. 27

Fig. 28 Fig. 29

Fig. 30 Fig. 31
10 PANAGIOTIS P. IOSSIF
leucia. The control O, which marks all Seleucian tet-
radrachms of Antiochus IV, also appears throughout
the ‘celestial silver group’, taking the alternate form Ô
on the radiate silver, as it does also on the Apollo/Ag-
athe Tyche bronzes of Seleucia. Because astral image-
ry and claims of divine status first appear on Seleu-
cia’s third bronze coinage, we assume the ‘celestial
silver group’ does not represent the earliest phase of
Seleucia’s silver coinage. The Seleucian tetradrachms
illustrated here (figs. 30-35) show a diversity of por-
traits, figural styles, and epigraphy, reflecting the work
of several different artists. Even the obverse border
varies from dotted to fillet; Le Rider regarded this as
a chronologically significant change. A unique tet-
radrachm in the collection of Arthur Houghton (fig.
32) has a facing bust of Helios in the outer left field,
outside the legend. A closely related variety (fig. 33)
shows the same solar bust before the face of Apollo.
We propose that the ‘celestial silver group’ should be
inserted in the Seleucian series immediately following
these iconographically noteworthy tetradrachms. The
star-above-head tetradrachms (fig. 23) may be consid-
ered contemporary with the first series of goddess
Nicephorus bronzes, which share the double star-
above-head motif. These related issues were succeed-
ed by the radiate silver (figs. 24-26) and the second,
denominated series of goddess Nicephorus bronzes
with its radiate portraits (figs. 14-17). Because the
radiate silver is very rare, whereas the denominated
bronzes are common, we suspect that Seleucia soon
reverted to the production of ordinary tetradrachms
(figs. 34-35) while continuing to disseminate the
king’s radiate portrait on the denominated bronze
coinage.
The Seleucian tetradrachms with the bust of a so-
lar god warrant further discussion. The Seleucia mint
did not normally place adjunct symbols on its precious
metal coinage, the only previous instance being the
flower that appeared on an exceptionally artistic tet-
radrachm issue of Antiochus III struck on his return
from his eastern expedition.58 We therefore feel justi-
fied in imputing a special significance to the bust of
Helios. Its subordination to the main type signifies the
assimilation of Helios to Apollo59 – or to better express
ourselves, it symbolizes the solar characteristics of
Apollo, as formulated on the Bactrian staters and
drachms of Antiochus II. If, as we suggest, the next
coinage was the tetradrachm issue showing a star
above Apollo’s head as well as a star above the royal
portrait, the Helios bust may have served as a ‘key’ to
the more abstract imagery of the ‘celestial silver group’,
identifying the stars as solar symbols. The next stage
in the royal iconographic program, the radiate portrait,
more explicitly advertises Antiochus IV as a solar de-
ity. The greater clarity and power of the radiate por-
trait undoubtedly accounts for its wider dissemination.
This effective icon was normally associated with coins
of low value, with the sole exception of the tet-
- CATHARINE C. LORBER
radrachms and drachms of the ‘celestial silver group’.
We shall return to this point later.
d. Arguing against the Seleucian hypothesis
Various arguments may be raised against inclusion
of the ‘celestial silver group’ at Seleucia. There are
differences of style and fabric, of which we shall men-
tion only the most obvious. Most coins of the ‘celes-
tial silver group’ have falling diadem ties that contrast
with the flying ties of Seleucia’s tetradrachms; instead,
they match the limp ties of the two Seleucian bronze
series with the goddess Nicephorus reverse, which
share the astral and solar imagery of the ‘celestial sil-
ver group’. There are discrepancies regarding the bor-
ders of the coins. Goddess Nicephorus bronzes of the
first series have a dotted obverse border, consistent
with the fabric of earlier Seleucian bronze emissions;60
the star-above-head tetradrachms presumed contem-
porary have a fillet border, following the introduction
of a fillet border on Seleucian tetradrachms in the
course of the issue with the Helios head symbol.61 But
the fillet border is rendered differently on coins of the
‘celestial silver group’ and on undoubted Seleucian
coins. A dotted reverse border is a consistent feature
of Seleucian tetradrachms and goddess Nicephorus
bronzes, though it is not visible on all specimens;
however the coins of the ‘celestial silver group’ do not
show any traces of a reverse border.
There are also discrepancies in the controls. To the
extent that they bear monograms, Seleucian tet-
radrachms carry only the monogram O, in varying
positions. The star-bearing tetradrachms bear two
monograms, placed in outer left and outer right fields;
this may be compared with the control convention of
Seleucia’s first series of goddess Nicephorus bronzes,
which also feature two controls, but in the inner fields
of the reverse, with one of them repeated on the ob-
verse. The radiate silver of the ‘celestial group’ shows
five distinct control configurations.62 Of all these, only
58
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 1165.1.
59
BERGMANN 1998, 65. All the literary sources mentioning the
assimilation between Helios and Apollo are reported by HAM-
DORF 1964, 18-19. This seems to be an early phenomenon; the
earliest attestation is to be dated to the beginning of the fifth
century BC. Artistic expressions of the assimilated form are very
numerous. BOUSSAC 1992, 48: ‘D’autres exemples de cette as-
similation (banale) entre les deux divinités [referring to Helios-
Apollo] sont fournies....’ It is interesting to note the Delian seals
depicting Apollo with his bow and wearing a radiate crown (nos.
156-272). This particular representation constitutes the major-
ity of Apollo’s depictions in Delos.
60
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1512, 1507.
61
See LE RIDER 1965, pl. xxv, G and H.
62
No field marks (HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n.
1520.5; MØRKHOLM 1970, n. a9-p11); one monogram in outer
left field (HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1520.4;
 CELESTIAL IMAGERY ON THE EASTERN COINAGE OF ANTIOCHUS IV
the absence of control marks has a parallel at Seleu-
cia, in the denominated but otherwise unmarked sec-
ond series of goddess Nicephorus bronzes with the
king’s radiate portrait, the very bronze coinage that
should correspond to the radiate silver of the ‘celes-
tial group’.
A final objection that might be raised against our
proposed attribution is the array of denominations of
the radiate silver, which runs counter to Seleucia’s
tradition as a producer of tetradrachms and bronze
coins. In fact, while there were drachm mints in Me-
dia, there is no mint we can point to with an estab-
lished tradition of issuing hemidrachms and obols,
unless it might be Alexandria Prophthasia (small de-
nominations of varying types reportedly emanate from
Seistan and the Baluchistan desert).63 We submit that
it is more relevant to associate the array of radiate sil-
ver denominations with the new phenomenon of de-
nominated bronzes, which also bear the king’s radiate
portrait. These latter include the chalkous, dichalkon
and tetrachalkon, so that the addition of silver obols,
hemidrachms, drachms and tetradrachms completes
the full denominational set.
V. The meaning of the celestial symbols in the east
Some scholars have argued that the celestial image-
ry of Antiochus IV did not imply his identification with
a solar god, but only symbolized his epiphany in a
general sense.64 Yet, as Dominique Svenson recog-
nized, it is difficult to reconcile this position with the
tetradrachm of the ‘celestial silver group’ showing stars
above the heads of both the king and Apollo.65 Propo-
nents of this view also tend to overlook the succession
of divine markers that occurs in several non-Antio-
chene coin series.
The star-above-head motif, where it appears, can
usually be understood in terms of a two-stage proc-
ess. The first stage is the epiphany of Antiochus IV,
his announcement of his divine claims or, as his con-
temporaries would have perceived it, his manifestation
of godly power.66 The epiphany becomes explicit in his
assumption of the epiklesis Theos Epiphanes, and is
visually symbolized by the star that appears above his
head.67 The next stage is the revelation of the specific
nature of his godhead through portraits that endue him
with the radiate crown, revealing him as the earthly
avatar of a solar deity. The two-stage process is most
complete at Seleucia, where the first series of goddess
Nicephorus bronzes depicts the king with a star above
his head on the largest denomination (fig. 7) while
advertising his new cult titles on the reverse of all
denominations; the presumably contemporary tet-
radrachms with the star-above-head motif do not car-
ry the royal epithet. Both coinages were followed by
others bearing the king’s radiate portrait and simple
legends. At Tyre, the king’s epiphany occurred with-
11
out benefit of clarifying legends but with the welcome
addition of some explicit dates: on the quasi-munici-
pal bronze coinage introduced in S.E. 144 (169/8),
Antiochus was initially portrayed with a star above his
head and stars at the ends of his diadem; these motifs
were retained for the following year, but later, on
undated coins probably issued after 166/5, he finally
donned the rays of a solar god.68 The chronology at
Ptolemaïs (Ake) is less clear: Antiochus is portrayed
with a star above his head on the earliest tetradrachms,
while he is radiate on very abundant bronzes that may
be contemporary; neither these tetradrachms nor the
bronzes display the king’s epithet, though later tet-
radrachms have the longer Theos Epiphanes Nicepho-
rus.69 The only instance of an isolated star occurs on
a tetradrachm that has been attributed to Seleucia in
Pieria (fig. 18), but which is control linked both to
tetradrachms struck at Ptolemais-Ake under Seleucus
IV and to early bronzes of Antiochus IV now attribut-
ed to Ptolemais.70 In contrast, at Antioch and in Syria
generally the radiate portrait and the epiklesis Theos
Epiphanes were disseminated simultaneously, though
the radiate portrait was restricted to small change and,
indeed, almost entirely to bronze coins.
HOOVER 2006, n. 375, 377); one monogram above another in
outer left field (HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1520.1;
MØRKHOLM 1970, n. a1-p1); a monogram in outer left field and
symbol in exergue (HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n.
1520.3; HOOVER 2006, n. 376); and, most commonly, a mon-
ogram in outer left field and a second in the exergue (HOUGHTON
- LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1520.2; MØRKHOLM 1970, n. A4-
P4, a2-p2 through a8-p10).
63
HOUGHTON - LORBER 2002, n. 226-8; RAPSON 1904.
64
KYRIELEIS 1986, 67; SMITH, 1988, 42 and 44; SVENSON
1995, 24; MITTAG 2006, 136.
65
SVENSON 1995, 26.
66
BABELON 1890, xciii, made the same point, but he based
his commentary solely on the tetradrachms and thus considered
the star to be prior to the epithet. See also BUNGE 1975, 177,
186.
67
BUNGE 1975, 177 and 186; KYRIELEIS 1986, 55-72.
68
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1463.1-2 (star)
and 1465 (radiate crown). For the star, see also NEWELL 1921,
n. 38 (dated S.E. 144) and 39 (dated S.E. 145). For the radi-
ate crown, see also HOUGHTON - SPAER 1998, n. 1092-3.
69
Tetradrachms with star: HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER
2008, n. 1472 (tetradrachms with star), 1479 (radiate bronz-
es), 1474-6 (tetradrachms with full epiklesis). See also
MØRKHOLM 1963, n. 1-2 (tetradrachms with star) and 4-14 (tet-
radrachms with full epiklesis); and HOUGHTON - SPAER 1998, n.
1131-8 (radiate bronzes).
70
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1424 (Seleucia in
Pieria?), 1331 (Ptolemais tetradrachm of Seleucus IV) and
1477.2 and 1478.2 (Ptolemais bronzes of Antiochus IV), with
commentary reviewing the complex history of scholarship and
discussing the mint attributions. See also HOUGHTON 1983, n.
404 (tetradrachm of Seleucia in Pieria ?) and 771 (Ptolemais
tetradrachms of Seleucus IV); HOUGHTON - SPAER 1998, n.
1017-37 and 1041-3.
12 PANAGIOTIS P. IOSSIF
Fig. 32
Fig. 34
This survey demonstrates that the star-above-head
motif was equivalent to the epithet Theos Epiphanes
and indeed sometimes replaced it, conveying the king’s
epiphany through imagery instead of words.71 Iconog-
raphy was an essential medium of communication,
because there were masses of illiterate subjects in all
parts of the multicultural Seleucid kingdom, as well as
vast provinces where the native language was not
Greek. This goes far to explain why silver coinage in
Syria typically advertised Antiochus’ epiphany by
means of inscriptions, whereas bronze coinage, used
more by the lower orders, almost invariably employed
celestial imagery (often in conjunction with inscrip-
tions).72 It is probably no coincidence that the three
mints to which we can definitely attribute the star-
above-head motif – Seleucia on the Tigris, Tyre, and
Ptolemais – all issued coinage that served non-Greek
populations. From these patterns we can perhaps de-
duce that the advertisement of Antiochus’ epiphany
was targeted broadly at the Greek community, but
more selectively (via the star) at the Semitic inhabit-
ants of Babylonia, Phoenicia and Coele Syria.73
Through circulation, the star imagery may also have
reached the Iranian population of Susiana and Media,
but the Iranians were not its intended target.74
The second stage of the epiphany of Antiochus IV,
his assimilation to a solar god, presents a slightly more
complex picture than the first. His radiate portrait was
disseminated in the west beyond the regions inhabited
by Semitic populations, for example in Cilicia. In the
east, however, there was only scanty recognition of the
king’s epiphany by mints located east of Seleucia, via
- CATHARINE C. LORBER
Fig. 33
Fig. 35
71
A later Seleucid use of the star as a symbol of epiphany
may be identified in the personal coin type of Antiochus VIII
Epiphanes, a standing figure of Zeus Ouranios or Asterios
holding a star upon his right palm. Numismatists have consid-
ered the star to be an attribute of the god himself, representing
his role as governor over the movements of the stars and the
celestial orbs, see BABELON 1890, clx. The type should also (or
instead) be understood as Zeus holding the star of epiphany of
King Antiochus Epiphanes.
72
BUNGE 1975, 172 proposed a different explanation for the
contrasting iconography of tetradrachms and bronzes: tet-
radrachms did not bear Antiochus’ radiate portrait because they
circulated abroad, where the king was known as Epiphanes
rather than Theos Epiphanes. This ignores the appearance of
Theos Epiphanes or Theos Epiphanes Nicephorus in the legends
of most tetradrachms of Antioch and of Ptolemaïs (Ake), the
two mints whose products were most likely to reach the Greek
world. In fact the Seleucid kingdom was a net importer of sil-
ver at this stage of its history; the appendix of hoards in
HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008 lists only three western
hoards, none containing coins of Antiochus IV.
73
On the star as a symbol of divinity in the ancient Near East,
see IOSSIF - LORBER 2008/2009. It is interesting to note that the
solar iconography survives the Seleucid dynasty and appears on
the coins of Parthian kings. A star appears, for example, over
the head of the seated archer on the reverse of coins of Mith-
radates II of Parthia struck in Rhagae (116/5-113/2 BC), see
SELLWOOD 1971, S. 24. For an excellent illustration of this type
(S. 24.19), see Triton VII, lot 418.
74
So far only western provenances (Beirut, Akko) have been
recorded for the largest denomination of the first series of god-
dess Nicephorus bronzes. But one specimen each of the middle
and smallest denominations were obtained in Tehran (informa-
tion courtesy of Arthur Houghton), and five examples of the
smallest denomination were unearthed in the Susa excavations,
see LE RIDER 1965, n. 306.
 CELESTIAL IMAGERY ON THE EASTERN COINAGE OF ANTIOCHUS IV
the single Susian bronze emission with his radiate por-
trait and by the usually abbreviated royal epithets at
Ecbatana, which appeared only toward the end of the
reign. A hoard from Iran, c. 1970, recorded in Tehran,
constitutes our best evidence for the circulation of so-
lar imagery in Media.75 Of its seventeen-odd bronzes,
mostly struck at Seleucia on the Tigris and at Ecbatana,
the only issues of Antiochus IV were three Seleucian
bronzes of the second, denominated series, portraying
the radiate king and the goddess Nicephorus.
We recall here that it was at Seleucia, at the outset
of the reign of Seleucus IV, that a solar deity first
appeared as the principal type of a Seleucid coin. The
Babylonian context raises questions about the identity
of the god; and these questions also pertain to the solar
god to whom Antiochus IV was assimilated on his
eastern coinage. The first tetradrachm of the ‘celestial
silver group’, with stars above the heads of both the
king and Apollo, hints at a shared epiphany. For Mar-
ianne Bergmann, the star above Apollo’s head identi-
fies him as Apollo-Helios, as does the association of
the Helios bust with Apollo on tetradrachms of Seleu-
cia.76 But, though we have sometimes used the name
Helios to avoid awkward paraphrases, there is no clear
evidence for a cult of Helios at Seleucia, as demon-
strated in our earlier paper.
Various ancient sources attest the assimilation of
Apollo with various Oriental divinities that share cer-
tain celestial qualities, most notably Shamash, the
Babylonian sun god.77 Another network associates
Apollo with Nabu, one of the principal gods of the Ba-
bylonian pantheon, and Tishtrya (= Tir).78 The god
Nabu is of particular interest to our study because of
his connection with the Seleucid kings. This connec-
tion, and the interaction between Greek basileia and
Babylonian socio-religious traditions, are well attest-
ed by the famous Akkadian Borsippa Cylinder.79 Re-
cently dated to 28 March 268, this royal inscription
celebrates the (re)construction and dedication of Ez-
ida, the sanctuary of Nabu in Borsippa, by Antiochus
I. The king addresses a prayer to Nabu and demon-
strates the willingness of the new dynasty to be part
of a long tradition; according to the analysis of H.
Limet, the phraseology follows both Neo-Babylonian
and Achaemenid models. The use of the term ‘Mac-
edonian’ as a royal qualifier is proof that the Babylo-
nians were conscious of the foreign origin of the dy-
nasty.80 Limet believes that the text of the Borsippa
Cylinder was composed by the Babylonian clergy and
expresses the proximity of Seleucid and Babylonian vi-
sions of royalty, making the king if not a god, at least
a superhuman being.
Nabu appears as the divine sponsor of the king in
the Babylonian Akitu festival held at the New Year. An
early record indicates that the rites entailed the trans-
port of Nabu by barge from Ezida to Babylon, to visit
his father Marduk. On his arrival he was greeted by
the king, who accompanied him to Esagila where the
13
king was ritually humiliated before Marduk.81 Some
scholars have interpreted the Babylonian Akitu festi-
val as a ritual renewing royal authority.82 Its celebra-
tion continued in the Seleucid period, although the
specific rituals are not known.83 Indeed, Antiochos III
participated personally in the Akitu festival of 8 Nisan-
nu S.E.B. 107 (7 April 205 BC).84 Against this back-
ground, it seems possible that the rays of the crown
prince Seleucus(?) on seals of Seleucia were meant to
identify him with Nabu, with whom he shared a filial
relation to the supreme power, and whose protection
would guide him safely to the throne at the proper
time.
The celestial imagery and the divine claims of An-
tiochus IV can also be connected with Nabu. The
king’s title Theos Epiphanes first appears on Seleucian
bronze coins in association with the new goddess
Nicephorus reverse type, and the star-above-head
motif links the king’s epiphany with that of the god-
dess herself. Next, Antiochus’ radiate portrait was
widely disseminated in the east paired with the image
of this same goddess. We have demonstrated elsewhere
75
THOMPSON - MØRKHOLM - KRAAY 1973 n. 1802 = Coin
Hoards 1, ns. 81; see LE RIDER 1972, 260-1. In addition we
should note a unique countermark in the form of a facing Helios
bust, applied to the reverse of an Apollo/elephant bronze coin
of Ecbatana and perhaps our only manifestation of the cult of
Helios actually originating in Media, see NEWELL 1938, n. 655,
pl. xlix, 11; LE RIDER 1965, 330-1 n. C1, specimen a, pl. lxiv,
27; and HOUGHTON - LORBER - HOOVER 2008, n. 1553. Newell
listed this variety under Antiochus III, but Le Rider tentatively
reattributed it to Antiochus IV on the basis of style, fabric and
the resemblance of the monograms to those on the Ecbatana
bronzes of Seleucus IV.
76
BERGMANN 1998, 65.
77
SEUX 1976. It is interesting to note here that Shamash is
depicted with a star above his head on Assyrian reliefs in the same
way as Apollo on Antiochus’ coins; see JAKOB-ROST 1992, 189.
78
BERNARD 1990. For the assimilation between Apollo and
Nabu, see also INGHOLT - SEYRIG - STARCKY 1955, n. 302 (Apol-
lo is named ‘Nabu’) and BOUNNI 1981, 107-112. The «Gym-
nasium Inscription», a clay tablet in Greek listing the winners
of athletic contests held at Babylon in 111/0, gives purely Greek
names, preponderantly with theophoric elements. The most
recent editor suggests that the individuals may have been hel-
lenized Babylonians, with the elements Dio-, Apollo-, and Ar-
temi- representing Anu, Nabu and Nanaia, respectively, see VAN
DER SPEK 2005, 406-7, n. 8; editio princeps HAUSSOULIER 1903,
159, n. 4.
79
For the best edition of the inscription, see KUHRT - SHER-
WIN-WHITE 1991, with the previous editions and bibliography.
This edition must now be supplemented by LIMET 2005.
80
MA 2003, especially 189. For an excellent analysis of the
Babylonian and Greek epithets of Antiochus I in the Borsippa
Cylinder, see DEL MONTE 2001.
81
COHEN 1993, 437-51, and see 402-36 and 452-3 for akitu
festivalso in other Babylonian cities.
82
COHEN 1993, 450.
83
SHERWIN-WHITE 1983; COHEN 1993, 449.
84
SACHS - HUNGER 1989, 203, n. -204 C rev. 14-18.
14 PANAGIOTIS P. IOSSIF
that this enigmatic female divinity was Aphrodite Nice-
phorus; that she almost certainly implied a cult for one
of the royal women, either the king’s mother or his
wife; and that, for the Babylonians, Aphrodite was as-
similated to Nanaia, the consort of Nabu.85
Because of Achaemenid influences in Babylonia
before the Hellenistic period and because of the two
Susian bronze issues mentioned above, we should also
consider Antiochus’ celestial imagery from the point
of view of Iranian religion. Although the Susian bronze
with the goddess Nicephorus reverse (fig. 20) was per-
haps contemporary with the first Seleucian goddess
Nicephorus series, the combination of types hints at a
possible context during the eastern campaign at the
end of Antiochus’ reign. The king wears an elephant
headdress, a crown of victory that may identify him as
a conqueror of the Orient.86 And the goddess Nicepho-
rus, representing Nanaia to the native population of
the east, recalls Antiochus’ attempt to raid her temple
in Elymais and perhaps even to consummate a sacred
marriage with the goddess.87 The reverse of the other
Susian bronze issue (fig. 21) depicts Artemis, the
Greek equivalent of Anâhita, the great divinity of the
Iranian pantheon, making it virtually inevitable that the
natives handling this coin would have interpreted the
king’s radiate portrait on the obverse through the lens
of Iranian religion, thus as Mithras or perhaps even
Ahura Mazda.88
The syncretism of Apollo with Mithras (and also
with Shamash) is attested in a series of late sources,
the most important of which are the inscriptions and
iconography from the hierothesia of Antiochus I of
Commagene.89 This syncretism is further supported by
the iconography of Kushan coins.90 The assimilation
of Antiochus IV to Mithras seems especially plausible
because the king was called Mithradates before his
accession to the Seleucid throne. 91
The celestial imagery of Antiochus IV was multiva-
lent, at least in the east. Among its several aspects, it
may also reflect the influence of the Stoic heliocentric
theory.92 The Stoics, especially Cleanthes, believed that
the king’s role was comparable to that of the sun as
the ruling principle or hegemonikon of the universe.93
This theory was widespread throughout the Hellenis-
tic world, though it seems to have influenced the im-
agery of only a few kings (and its relevance to the
crown prince Seleucus is questionable).94 It is worth
noting that a heliocentric treatise was written in the
heart of Seleucid Babylonia, by the obscure scholar
Seleucus of Seleucia.95 Any heliocentric implications of
the coin types would have been understood only by the
educated elite of the Greek community. The officials
who used the royal seals would certainly have belonged
to this class, as would many citizens who handled the
tetradrachms of our ‘celestial silver group’.
- CATHARINE C. LORBER
VI. Conclusion
For most inhabitants of the Seleucid kingdom, coin-
age was a principal source, perhaps the only source,
of information about the king. Only a tiny proportion
of his subjects possessed an education that would
enable them to make subtle distinctions concerning the
implications of his epithets, the significance of divine
attributes associated with his portrait, or the nature of
divine kingship (or indeed of godhead itself). For the
vast majority, the Greek epithets were unintelligible.
Such illiterates must needs interpret the symbols of di-
vinity in light of their own cultural traditions. Un-
doubtedly local mint authorities were aware of the
cultural milieus into which they released their coinage
and made some of their decisions accordingly. Thus
it is reasonable to assume that the mint authorities at
Seleucia on the Tigris employed solar iconography in
the expectation that it would evoke Shamash for the
Babylonians; that they associated images of Helios and
Apollo to convey the syncretism of Shamash and Apol-
lo; and that they linked the solarized Antiochus IV with
the queen deified as Aphrodite-Nanaia to imply the
king’s assimilation to Nabu, the Babylonian patron of
kingship, just as Apollo was the patron of Seleucid
kingship.
85
IOSSIF - LORBER 2007.
86
Antiochus is also portrayed wearing the elephant headdress
in a clay seal impression from Orcha (Uruk), see LE RIDER 1965,
pl. lxxiv, 28. LE RIDER 1965, 309-10 interpreted the elephant
headdress as an expression of the king’s interest in Indian trade.
We disagree with this interpretation.
87
II. MACCABEES 1.13-17.
88
According to A. Soudavar, Darius I adopted the icono-
graphic convention of a star above the head to distill the solar
character of the depictions of Ahura-Mazda in Bisotun. In fact,
the solar emblem on the king’s headdress is a later addition; see
SOUDAVAR, 2005.
89
SANDERS 1996, 206-24 (the Nomos Inscriptions, ll. 54-55:
Apollo-Mithras-Helios-Hermes) and 237-40 (for the dexiosis
relief of the West terrace between Antiochus and Apollo-Mith-
ras-Helios-Hermes).
90
ROSENFIELD 1967 and GÖBL 1984.
91
GRAINGER 1997, 22; MA 1999, 82, n. 107 and inscription
31A, l. 3. For OGDEN 1999, 139 there is another contemporary
Mithradates, possibly a son of Antiochis, sister of Antiochus III.
We would like to express our gratitude to Professors Robert
Turcan and Frantz Grenet for sharing and commenting on our
thoughts about the cult of Mithras under the Seleucids.
92
BUNGE 1975, 170. See BERGMANN 1998, 51-3 for compar-
isons of rulers to the sun and the special connection of Hellen-
istic courts to the Stoa.
93
Cf. SVF 1.499; LONG 1996, 224-49; ADORNO 1959.
94
We know that Alexander I Balas had a particular interest
in Stoic philosophy (ATHENAEUS 5.211 A-D).
95
ROLLER 2005.
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