Giving and Giving up: The Eightfold Worship among Śvetāmbar Mūrtipūjak Jains

Author(s): Lawrence A. Babb

Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Spring, 1988), pp. 67-86
Published by: University of New Mexico
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GIVINGAND GIVINGUP: THEEIGHTFOLD
WORSHIP
AMONGSVETAMBAR MURTIPUJAK
JAINS
LawrenceA. Babb
andSociology,
ofAnthropology
Department Amherst MA01002
College,Amherst,
TheJinas, who are theprincipalobjectsof Jain worship,are believedto be entirely
noninteractivewiththeirworshippers.Thisfact has implicationsfor thewayritualtrans-
actionsbetween Jinasandtheirworshippers areconducted andconceived.An examination
of theeightfoldworship,a majordailyriteamongJains, showsthatritualofferingsare
given by worshippers but not takenby any divinereceiver.The act of givingdoes not
establisha bondbetweenworshipper andworshipped (as in theHindutradition)butenacts
thegiver'sdesireto emulatetheJina by sheddingattachments.Thegift itselfentersa
dangerousliminalstate;it has separated fromthegiverbutremainsunassimilated bya
receiver.
It musttherefore bedisposedof bybeingpassedto non-Jains.Thesepatternsare
fromHindupracticebut have obviousparallelsin theBuddhist
significantlydifferent
tradition.

IT MEANTOworship deities who are believed to be completely

WHATWOULD
indifferentto, and entirelybeyondthe reachof, any formof worshipwhat-
soever?Thisturnsoutto be aninvestigablequestion,fora closeapproximation
of sucha state of affairscanbe foundinJainism.Jainceremonialism exemplifies
important variationson SouthAsianritualpatterns.It alsoexhibitstransactional
inwhichofferingsaremadeinthe absence
oddities,sincethisis a ritualtradition
of divinereceivers.Thispaperfocusesonhowritualtransactions areconducted
andinterpretedwithinthis unusualsetting.1
Jainismis Buddhism's lesser-knownsibling;togetherthey are the onlysur-
vivingexamplesof India'sancientnon-Vedicreligioustraditions.AlthoughJain-
ism is sometimessaidto havebeen foundedby Mahavirain the sixthcentury
B.C.,the traditionis actuallymucholderthanthis, datingbackin allprobability
to the teachingsof Pirsva, wholivedin the ninthcenturyB.c. Jainismis justly
celebratedfor its systematicpracticeof nonharm(ahimsa)andfor the rigorof
the asceticismit promotes.UnlikeBuddhism,Jainismnever spreadbeyond
India;but unlikeBuddhism,too, it didnot die out in India,andit continuesto
be animportant elementin India'scontemporary religiouslife.Jainismhasbeen
associated
traditionally with merchant andbankingcommunities. Althoughthe
are few 3.6
Jains relatively (about million),manyamong them enjoypositions
of great powerandinfluencein modernIndiansociety.
The principalobjectsof Jainworshipare theJinas (conquerorsof worldly
passions),whoare alsoknownas Tirthankaras (fordmakers; thatis, ones who
enableothersto cross over the oceanof existence).2These greatpersonages
are humanbeingswho haveachievedomniscienceandfinalliberationandwho
teach the path of liberation to others. The Jinas of the past and future are
infinite in number; the last of the current cosmic era was Mahivira who left
his body some 2,500 years ago. As beings who have achieved liberation,they

67

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68 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

have becomeentirelydisengagedfromthe worldof karmicbondage.Having

shedallformsof soul-entrapping karmicmatter,they are "perfectedones"and
dwellin a kindof self-absorbed,monadicbliss at the apexof the universe.Of
coursethey "exist,"butnot in anysense thatallowsthemto enterintointer-
actionswith humanworshippers.They are, as the traditioninsists, entirely
devoidof desireandaversionandare thusutterlydisengagedfromthe world
of ourexperiences.As one writerputsit, "Theseperfectedbeingsare forever
beyondthe paleof humanaffairs"(Jaini1979:193).
Thedeitiesof Hinduism areverydifferent.Hinduism-thedominant religious
traditionof SouthAsia-accepts andcelebratesthe ideathatdivinebeingsare
involvedin the affairsof humanbeingsandare accessibleto a wide rangeof
ritualinteractionswith devotees. Unlikethe Jinas,these deities are ritually
"present"in the world:in naturalobjects,icons, or even in humanbodies.3
Devotees see andareseen by them;theytouch,fan,wash,feed, andentertain
them andin generalextendto themall of the attentionsandcourtesiesthat
mightbe extendedto exaltedhumanothers.Inreturnthe deitiesrespondwith
blessingsandboons. Centralto deity-devoteeinteractionsare transactionsin
food. Ediblesare presentedto a deity andthen recoveredfromthe altarto
be consumedby devotees. These divinefood leavingsare calledprasad, a
deity's"blessing" or "grace,"andtheirconsumption is an act of intimatecom-
munionin whichthe devotee comes into directcontactwitha deity'ssacred
power.All of these variousinteractionsassumethatdeityanddevotee share
the worldin some fundamental way-that they "exist"for one another.
TheJaintraditionhas its deitiestoo, andtheybehavemuchas Hindudeities
do. ThegodsandgoddesseswhoattendtheJinasanda varietyofotherdivinities
playa prominent(thoughcanonically subsidiary)rolein the religiouslifeof the
Jains.But the most exaltedof the beingsworshippedby Jains,the Jinas,are
not "deities"in the Hindusense at all. Though"real,"they are completely
absentfromthe world;they are, one mightsay, interactionally nonexistent.
Andyet they are representedby imagesandworshipped.Whatthen is such
worshipabout?
I explorethis issue by analyzinga particularJainrite, the eightfoldworship
ast as the
(astopahdra; prakdrfpija), performedby Svetdmbar MiirtipfijakJains
of Ahmedabad.4 My accountis basedon numerousobservationsof the rite,
supplemented by discussionwithinformants andperusalof a layman'sreligious
handbook(Muktiprabhavijay n.d.). Thoughanextremelyimportant dailyritual,
the eightfoldworshiprepresentsonlya narrowslice of a veryrichceremonial
tradition.My aimis not to characterize this traditionbutto focuson whatthis
particularrite cantell us aboutritualrelationsbetweenworshippersandnon-
interactiveobjectsof worship.My materialsshowthatthe absenceof the Jina
is associated with a distinctive pattern of ritual gifting. The question of what
it means to worship such beings is a question about transactions, and the key
issue revolves around the meaning and status of gifts that are given in the
absence of a receiver. Throughoutmy presentationI pursue a comparisonwith
Hindupractices, and at the end I briefly discuss Buddhaworship in Sri Lanka.

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 THEEIGHTFOLD
WORSHIP
AMONG
SVETAMBAR
MURTIPUJAK
JAINS 69
Thisopensthe wayto a moregeneralunderstanding
of the placeofJinaworship
amongIndicritualtraditions.

THE EIGHTFOLDWORSHIP

Worship(paja)of theJinas'imagesis animportant foralllaypersons

obligation
amongthe SvetambarMfirtipfjak Jains.6Conceivedas a formof participation
in the samavasarana-theeternallyreconstitutedassemblyof menanddeities
who come togetherto honora Jinaandlistento his preaching-Jinaworship
is regardedas anactivitythatinculcatesandrefinesspirituallyvaluableattitudes
andhabitsof mindandalso as a sourceof destiny-improving merit(punya).
The eightfoldworshipis performedin the morning,usuallyin a temple.
Despite the congregational samavasarana ideal,templeceremonytends to be
quite individualistic
among the Jains.A temple'sroutinesconsistof a series of
loosely coordinatedopportunities for individuals,pursuingprivateritualpur-
poses, to choose from a variety of standardized encounterswith the divine
images. Some merelystop by to take the images'darian(auspiciousvision);
othersengagein morecomplexrites. The most elaborateof alldailyritualsis
the eightfoldworship.
Thoseperforming the eightfoldworshipmustdo so ina state of specialritual
A
purity. Jaintempleis dividedinto two zones of sacredspace:the mainhall
and the innershrinein whichthe Jinas'imagesare stationed.Some portions
of the eightfoldworshipare performedin the mainhall, others in the inner
shrine. Persons in deep pollution(such as menstruatingwomen)are barred
fromthe mainhall;more stringentrules governaccess to the innershrine.
Althoughthe Jainsare quiteunfussyaboutthe categoriesof personswho can
enter this innerspace (even non-Jainforeignersare not barred),those who
enter mustbe freshlybathedandwearingspecialgarmentsused onlyfor this
purpose.Whilein the innershrine,worshippersshouldalsocovertheirmouths
with a clothto preventbreathingimpuritieson the images.7
The movementof worshippersacross the boundariesof a temple'stwo
sacredzones is markedby a simplevocalrite of transitionrepresentingsep-
arationin stages from the outer world. Whenenteringa temple from the
outside,one shouldsay "nisihi,"signifyingan intentionto speakor thinkof no
worldlymatterwhilewithin.Uponenteringthe innershrine,one repeatsthe
wordagain,signifyingan intentionno longerto thinkor speakeven of temple-
connectedmatters.At the conclusionof the eightfoldworship,the wordshould
be uttereda thirdtime;here it marksyet a furtherstage of removalfromthe
world,the transitionfrommaterialworship(dravyapaujat) to a formof purely
mentalworship(bhdvpujai)whichoccursafterthe eightfoldworshipis com-
pleted.
A temple's main image, the sits at the center of the
mrI ndyak (root lord),
altar platform with other Jina images to either side. A temple visitor should
worship the mill n~yakfirst, then other images. Every consecrated Jina-image
is supposed to be worshipped once per day. If no ordinary worshipper is

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70 RESEARCH
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL

availableto do this, thenit is the responsibility

of the temple'spujairf(non-Jain
ritualassistant).If morethanone individual wishes to worshipthe millnayak,
then the questionmayarise of who willobtainthe specialmeritproducedby
performing specificritualactsfirst.Thematteris settledbymeansofanauction.
Bidsare madein unitsofghi (whichhaveconventional monetaryequivalents),
withthe proceedsgoingto the temple.
It shouldbe notedthatthe puji-irhas quitedifferentroles in the Hinduand
Jaintraditions.As the worditself suggests, in a Hindutemplethe pujariis
someonewho performspfijd;he is the temple'spriestandserves as a ritual
mediatorbetweendeityandworshippers.Amongthe Svet~mbar Jains,how-
ever, the pujari'spositionis more marginal.He is alwaysa non-Jainand is
regardedas a menialtempleservant.8He may assist worshippersin various
ways, but in no sense does he functionas a priestlymediatorbetweenJain
worshippersandthe divineimages.Wheneverpossible,the SvetambarJains
worshiptheJinas'imagesthemselves,sincetheirsis profoundly a do-it-yourself
ritualtradition.
Havingenteredthe templeanduttered"nislhi" forthefirsttime,a worshipper
intendingto do the eightfoldworshipshouldgreet the Jina-images,circumam-
bulatethemthreetimes, andapplya sandalpastemarkto his or her forehead.
Uttering"nisihi" again,he or she thenentersthe innershrineto beginworship.
Althoughthe eightfoldworshipis recognizedas a singleceremony,it consists
of eight separateritualacts, each with its own name. The first is jal pija
(worshipwithwater;also knownas praksdlpijdaor abhiseka).TheJina-image
is carefullycleanedof alladheringremainsof the previousday'sworship.The
worshipper(or each worshipperif more thanone are present)then washes
the image, first with a mixtureof milkandwaterandthen with purewater.
These acts are said to express the hope that the worshipper'saccumulated
karmawillbe washedaway.Participants oftentouchthe wet baseof the image
and then bringthe moistureto their foreheadsand eyes. The liquidrunoff
drainsintoreceptaclesbelowthe altar.A smallamountis usuallymadeavailable
to other visitors,and worshippersoccasionallytake smallquantitiesto their
homes in bottles;the remainderis disposedof in a riveror at some out-of-
the-wayplacewhereit is unlikelyto come underanyone'sfeet.9At the con-
clusionof jal pfija,the imageandits base are carefullyandcompletelydried
with three separatecloths.
Jal piijdenacts an infant'sbath. Whenevera Jina-to-beis born, the Indra
(rulingdeity) of the first heavenlyregiontakes the infantto MountMeru,
where the assembledgods and goddesses give the newbornhis1'first bath
usingliquidfromthe milkyocean. In jal pfija,worshippersassumethe roles
of the deities who performthis primordial act of devotion.One informant
compared the sensation of the
drying imageafterwardwith the pleasureof
dryingan infantafterhis bath.
The secondstep of the eightfoldworshipis kesarpaj. The worshipperfirst
anointsthe imagewith a mixtureof camphorandsandalwood; this is said to
"cool"the imagein consonancewith the innerpeace the worshipperwishes

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 THEEIGHTFOLD
WORSHIP
AMONGSVETAMBAR
MURTIPUJAK
JAINS 71

to achieve.Then, withthe ringfingerof his or her righthand,the worshipper

appliesa mixtureof saffronandsandalwood to ninepartsof the image'sbody:
the rightandleft largetoes, knees, wrists, shoulders,top of head,forehead,
neck,heart,andnavel.Whiledoingso, he or she shouldreflecton soteriological
themes:maymy serviceof the lord'sfeet bringan end to worldlyexistence,
maymy worshipof his knee bringspiritualknowledge,andso on.
Adorningthe imagewithflowers puzjaor phulpiaJ) is the thirdpart
of the eightfoldworship. The flowers (pu.pd fresh,flawless,andfullybloomed.
shouldbe
The worshipperhopesthathis or herlifewillbecomefragrantwithknowledge,
insight,andproperconduct.Judgingfromremarksmadein a modernlayman's
manual(Muktiprabhavijay n.d.:55-57), thispracticehasoccasionedsomefairly
desperatecasuistry in the tradition.At issue is the violenceinflictedon the
flowersand the plantsfromwhichthey were picked.Readersare told that
flowersnot purchasedbyJainsforJinaworshipmightwellend up beingburnt
in Hindu-stylesacrificesor crushedin a bed underthe body of someone's
mistress.Not buyingflowersforworship,says the author,generatesthe same
kindof sin as failingto attemptto preventa goat fromfallinginto the hands
of a butcher.In additionto receivingflowers,Jina-imagesare also further
adornedand crowneddaily;this, however, is not technicallya part of the
eightfoldworship.
The firstthreepartsof the eightfoldworship,as justdescribed,occurwithin
the innershrine.As a grouptheyare calledangp pat andcenteron the image's
body and its parts. The remainingfive rites are knowncollectivelyas agra
pujal,worshipperformed"infrontof' the image.As suggestedby this desig-
nation,these rites are performedbeforethe imagein the temple'smainhall.
The two classes of rites differthematically. Angpoji involvesintimatephysical
contactwiththe image;agrapuijioccursat a distance.The focusof ang pfij
is honorific bodilyattentions:bathing,anointing, adorning.Thevariousgestures
agra
comprising piji are in some ways very heterogeneous, butan important
aspect of this sequence is the offering of edibles. Agra pfitj is specifically
associatedwithfoodin some texts (Williams1963:218).
A worshipperwho has completedang pfji leaves the innershrine,washes
his or her hands,and then commencesagrapija. Because these rites take
placein the temple'smainhall,theirperformance does not requirethe special
personalpurification and dress for
necessary angpfja. Manytemplevisitors,
therefore,performonlyagrapijd.
The fourthrite of the eightfoldworship,andthe firstof the agrapjfijseries,
is dhip pzjd, worshipwithincense."The worshippercirclesincensebefore
the imagewhilestandingat the doorto the innershrine.Thenfollowsthe fifth
rite, calleddipakpzjd, worshipwitha lamp.Stillstandingat the innershrine's
door,the worshipper circlesa lampbeforethe image.Theincenseis associated
with the hoped-forpurification of the worshipper'slife andthe lampwiththe
lightof emancipating knowledge.
The sixth, seventh,andeighthpartsof the eightfoldworshipforman inte-
gratedgroup.Theyconsistof a series of offeringsor offeringlike gesturesthat

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72 JOURNAL RESEARCH
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL

are madeon an elevatedsurface,normallya low platformpositioneddirectly

in frontof the worshipperas he or she sits, facingthe image,on the floorof
the temple'smainhall.
The first rite of this series, andpartnumbersix of the eightfoldworship,
is calledaksatpzu(ja,meaningworshipwithunbroken ricegrains.Theworshipper
forms a diagramon the surfaceof the platformusingperfectand nonviable
grainsof rice: first a svastik,above it three smallheaps of rice, and above
these a crescentsurmounted by a dot (see Figure1). The svastik'sfourarms
representthe fourclassesofunliberated beings:deities,humans,hell-dwellers,
and animalsandplants.The three smallheapsare the "threejewels"of the
Jaintradition(knowledge,insight,andrightconduct),andthe crescentanddot
signifyliberatedsouls in theirabodeat the apex of the universe.The whole
figureis thus a representationof the rudimentsof the Jainbelief system,
depictingthe situationof unliberated beings,the meansof liberation,andlib-
erationitself.
The seventhpartof the eightfoldworshipis naivedyapj2a, the offeringof
food. Usuallyrock sugaris offered,a smallpiece beingplaceddirectlyatop
the svastikat its vertex. Althoughthisact is certainlyassociatedwithnotions
of food andnourishment,it is not conceivedas a "feeding" of the Jina.It is
linkedinsteadwith the notionof the renunciation of food in imitationof the
Jina,a pointI enlargeuponlater.Most worshippersalso placea coinon the
middleheapof rice abovethe svastik.
Phal pzj4a,worshipwith fruit,is the eighthand finalpartof the eightfold
worship.A fruitis placedat the top of the diagramon the dot andcrescent
thatrepresentfinalrelease.Anyof variousfruitscanbe used. The offeringis
associatedwiththe ultimate"fruit" of spiritualeffort,whichis liberation.With
this the eightfoldworshipis completed.
At this pointthe worshipperdepositsthe rice andothermaterialsused in
these last three rites on top of a largebox (the bhanddr) locatedjust outside
the maindoorof the innershrine.Periodically these materialsare sweptinto
a slotwheretheyfallintothe boxbelow.Theyarenotreturnedto worshippers.
Afterfinishingthe eightfoldworshipandhavingsaid"nisihi" once more,one
shouldperformbhiv pfiji, whichis mentalor internalworshipas opposedto
the now-completed physicalworship(dravyapfija).The objectof bhiv pfijais
inwardcontemplation of the Jinaand the qualitieshe represents.The wor-
shipperrecites certainstandardformulasin coordination with a sequenceof
obeisances.

INTIMACYAND OFFERINGS

Obvious similaritiesexist between Jain and Hindu patterns of worship. In

both traditions worship is called pfija. The same materials of worship are
employed, and great overlap is evident in technical terminology. As in the
eightfoldworship, the two principalphases of Hindupfiji are focused on bathing
the image (abhiseka)and offering of food (naivedya). The low offering trays

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 THEEIGHTFOLD
WORSHIP
AMONG MURTIPUJAK
SVETAMBAR JAINS 73

inAksatPUija
Formed
Figure1. Diagram

altarsusedin many
used by theJainsin agrapfijiare similarto the platformlike
formsof Hinduworship;in bothcases the offereris seatedbeforea specially
demarcatedspacein whichthe materialsof worshipare manipulated, offerings
are made, andritualsymbolsdisplayed.Honorificgestures withincenseand
lampsare identicalin the two traditions.
The motivationof mostworshippersis alsoprobablythe same.Hindusoften
worshiptheirdeitiesfor purelyworldlyends. Thisis sternlyforbiddenbyJain
doctrine;the Jinashouldbe worshippedwith the sole aim of achievingfinal
liberation.Worshipof the Jinas,however,generatesdestiny-improving merit,
and it also pleases the Jinas'attendantdeities, who may then come to the
worshipper's aidinworldlymatters.AllconsecratedJina-images possess sacred
power, and some are believed to contain extraordinary
magical powers that
canbe speciallyinvokedbyworship.12Informants repeatedlystatedthatworldly
benefitsshouldneveractuallybe soughtby a worshipper.Still,those whogive

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74 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

wealthto templesgainwealthin multiples.Those who worshipprosper;they

flourishin this life andbecomedeitiesin subsequentbirths.
It is also apparentthatmanyJainsthinkof the Jinasin somethingapproxi-
matingthe wayHindusconceivetheirdeities.JaindoctrineinsiststhattheJina
is completelyabsentfromthe world;butto borrowa phrasingfromGombrich
(1966:23,1971:142),it seems likelythatfor manyJainworshippersthe Jinas
are "cognitively absent"but "affectivelypresent."Howcouldit be otherwise?
If at one levelJinaworshipis venerationof an idealrepresentedby the Jina,
it is also an expressionof devotionaladorationwithobviousHinduparallels.It
is hardto see how some sense of the existenceof an "affectiveother"could
failto be produced-insome hearts-by the lovingtendernesswithwhichthe
Jina-imageis bathedanddried.
Butdespitesuchsimilarities, whenone movesto the transactional structure
of the eightfoldworship,onefindsstrikingdivergencefromthe Hindutradition.
In this rite-in its structureandinnerspirit-the Jinais indeed"notthere."
He is not there, that is, in the sense that the logic of the rite assumes his
absence.In this respectthe riteprojectsanimageof the relationship between
Jinaandworshipperquitedifferentfromdeity-devoteerelationsin the Hindu
tradition.InkeepingwithJainism'sdeepestconvictions,the ritesays-to those
who willlisten-that whateveryou gain,you gainfor yourself.The eightfold
worshipcannotbe understoodoutsidethis frameof reference.
The first clue to the distinctivesymbolismof the eightfoldworshipis the
spatialsegregationof the rite'stwo mainphases.Angpuij occursin the inner
shrine,whichis consistentwiththe intimacybetweenworshipperandimage
that it expresses. Agrapija occursonlyin the mainhall.Moreover,although
the materialsused in bathing,anointing,and adorningthe images must of
necessity enter the innershrine,the rice, sweets, and fruitofferedin agra
pija are barred.In effect, these items are kept at a distancefromthe image.
Someinformants interpretedthisprohibition
as a meansof preventingparticles
of foodfromattractinginsects (whichmightbe accidentally killed)to the inner
shrine.Whetheror in what sense this is the reasonis hardto say, but the
result of the prohibitionis of great interest. Its effect is to drawa sharp
distinction,expressedinthe geographyof worship,betweenintimateattentions
to the imagesandthe makingof offerings.This distinction,in turn,seems to
suggest that the Jinais remoteanduninvolvedwith offeringsor gestures of
offering.
And so he is. Or so doctrineinsists. The materialsanditems offeredare
indeed"given,"but not to the Jina.In contrastto the Hinduview of deities,
the Jainsholdthat nothingcan be in any sense whatever"received"by the
Jinas.They have no need for materialthings,do not wantthem, and-most
important-areentirelydisengagedfromthe worldof givingandtakinginwhich
trafficin suchthingstakesplace.ThehighestHindudeitiesneednothingeither,
but the differenceis that they can and do condescendto enter relationsof
give-and-takewithdevotees.
The Jinas'transactionalneutralityis reflected in the symbolismin which the

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 THEEIGHTFOLD
WORSHIP
AMONG
SVETAMBAR
MURTIPUJAK
JAINS 75

offeringsof the eightfoldworshipare embedded.This symbolismis reflexive,

stressingthe offerer'sownsituationas representedorembodiedbythephysical
materialsemployedin the rite. The realconnectionis not betweenoffererand
Jinabutbetweenoffererandoffering.The grainsof rice forma diagramof the
worshipper's totalsituation.The classesof unliberated beingsarerepresented,
as are the means andgoal of finalliberation.The fruitrepresentsliberation
itself. The most intense reflexivityis seen in the givingof food. This is not
regardedas a "feeding" of the Jinaor anyoneelse. Informants statedthatthe
foodactuallystandsfor the renunciation of food.The stanzarecommended by
a modemlayman'smanualforrecitationwiththe rite(Muktiprabhavijay n.d.:60)
expresses the worshipper's"weariness" of eating.Because the Jinais com-
pletelyreleasedfromworldlyexistence,the stanzasays, he is "onewho does
not eat"(anhdari);by meansof the pfij, the worshipperwishes to achievea
similareatinglessor nonconsumptive condition,whichis finalliberation.
The meaningof givingfood, then, is ceasing to eat. The worshipperis
thereforenot "givingto"but symbolically modifyinghis or her own condition
by "givingup." In this sense the is
offering not onlya givingup of foodbut a
relinquishment of the bodyitself,bodilyexistencebeingprofoundly associated
witheating.To be an eater is to be imprisoned in a "filthy" and
body, it is also
to be implicated,at whateverpracticalremove,inthe life-destroying sinfulness
of foodproductionandpreparation.
These offeringsaremonopolar, notbipolar.TheJinais crucialto the situation,
but not as a transactional alter.His role is exemplary;he representsan ideal,
fixed before the worshipper'seyes, of a state of existence the worshipper
hopes--or is supposedto hope-to attainat some futuretime. The true spirit
of Jinaworship,informants said,is tyag,"relinquishment." It is truethatmany
worshipthe Jinasin a very differentspirit;by givingup they hopeformaterial
gain. But even here the emphasisis reflexive.Nothingis given by the Jina.
Destiny-improving merit is self-generated.It is in no sense bestowed as a
blessingby a divinebeingbutis saidto dependcompletelyontheinnercondition
of the worshipper.Normativeinterpretations holdthatanymaterialgainis only
a by-productof worshipthatis donewiththe properspirit,which,amongother
things,meanswithoutthoughtofmaterialreward.Thetrueandprimaryreward
of Jinaworshipis said to be an innertranquility that reflects the Jina'sown
disengagedserenity.
Butin allof this somethingis deeplypuzzling.If thereis givingbutno divine
receiver,then whatis to becomeof thatwhichis given?This turnsout to be
a centralmatterin the Svet5mbarritualtradition,andinvestigation of it brings
into focus muchthatis distinctiveaboutJinaworship.
All items offeredin the Jina'spfijAinstantlyacquirea negativeritualstatus
in relationto the givers. They become devdravya(the lord'sgoods), which
means thatthey enter a categoryof thingsinviolablyearmarkedfor the Jina.
Thisdoes notmeanthattheyareactuallypossessedby theJina;myinformants
unfailinglystressedthattheJinas"possess"nothing.Themostimportant mean-
ing of the concept,rather,is the absoluteandunalterable separationbetween

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the thinggivenandthe giveror givers. In practicaltermsthe rulemeansthat

items givenin pfijdcannotbe appropriated or consumedby anyJain.
in
Offerings templeworship normallydepositedin the offeringbox at
are
the front of the mainhall. Ideally,accordingto informants,these materials
shouldthen be sold to non-Jains,with the proceedsenteringthe temple's
budget.In practice,however,edibleitemsare givento the temple'spujiriand
other servants.All these servantsare non-Jains,and their receiptof these
itemsis regardedas paymentfor servicesrendered.The smallsumsof money
given in agrapfijago directlyinto templefunds.Some say that these small
donationsserve as a monetaryequivalentof the materialsgivento servants.
Similarproceduresare followedin otherformsof Jainworship.For example,
grains and other materialsused in majoroccasionalrites (mahaptujas) are
sometimesgivenin charity(witha monetaryequivalentbeinggivenin theory
to some temple).Whenthisis done,careis takento ensurethatthe recipients
are notJains.It does not matterwhoin particular receivessuchmaterials;the
criticalthingis thatJainsdo not. I was told thatif so muchas a singlegrain
of rice used in pija were to entera Jain'smouth,a penancewouldbe required
to effacethe fault.
Informants' accountsof the actualtransformation of thingsinto devdravya
the
emphasize image's vision.It is said thatitems instantlybecomedevdravya
when they enter a Jina-image's line of sight.'1For example,althoughfood is
never served inJaintemples,it is sometimesservedin the proximityof Jina-
imagesat the conclusionof rites takingplaceelsewhere.It is, however,never
served withina Jina-image's line of sight, a temporaryscreen beingerected
to ensure that the divineimagecannotsee the diners.It is disrespectfulto
eat beforea superiorbeing,but it is also the case (I was told)thatwere the
imageto see it, the foodwouldbecomedevdravyaandthusinedibleto Jains.
One of the mainimplications of the devdravyaconceptis thatJinaworship
includesno equivalentto the Hindus'prasad.As notedearlier,the distribution
of recoveredofferingsis centralto Hinduritual.This is preciselywhat the
rulesconcerningdevdravyaprohibit.CertainJainpracticesdo beara superficial
resemblanceto prasaddistribution, butthey turnout to be quitedifferent.For
example,favors(oftencashor sweets) are handedout to departingguests at
the conclusionof variousJainceremonies.Thesegifts,however,arenotprasad.
Knownasprabhavnd,they aredistributed as anexpressionof the goodwishes
of the ceremony'ssponsor.Whatis criticalis that they are not redistributed
offerings.Anotherapparentexceptionto the no-prasddrule, one often cited
to me by informants as an exampleof "Jainstakingprasad,"is the distribution
of sweets to worshippersat the famedtemplecomplexat Mahudi(justnorth
of Ahmedabad). The sweets do indeedturnout to be prasid, but the critical
fact is that they have not been offeredto a Jina.The mainobjectof worship
at this templeis a deitynamedGhantaKarnMahivir,whois muchcelebrated
for his miraculousinterventionsin his worshippers' worldlyaffairs.It is from
his altarthatthe prasadis taken.'4
Whathas to be stressed is thatJainismdistinguishessharplyandabsolutely

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betweentheJinasandthe deities.As one informant putit, the deitiesarereally

"likeour brothersandsisters; they also worshipthe Jinas."Unlikethe Jinas,
the deities dwellin the worldof embodiedsouls. Suchdeities can therefore
enter relationsof give-and-takewith devotees, and there is thus no reason
why they shouldnot be worshippedin the same way Hindudeitiesare.
In Jinaworship,the closest real parallelto prasadtakingoccursin jal puiji
when worshippersrecoversmallamountsof residualliquidsfor application to
their bodies. This practiceis congruentwith Hinduritualpatternsand, as in
the Hinducase, can be a meansof transmitting sacredpowerfromthe image
to the recipient.Thatpoweris involvedis shownclearlyby the beliefthatthe
image'sbathwaterhas healingproperties.In illnessor injuryit canbe applied
directlyto the afflictedpartsof the bodywithbeneficialresults.
The sourceof the poweris a cloudyissue. It is hardto see how it couldbe
theJina'spower,giventhattheJinais notpresentinthe image.It is conceivable
that it simplyarises fromthe act of worshipitself, properlyperformed,but
my informantsdidnot say this. As notedalready,one sourceof sacredpower
invokedby Jinaworshipis saidto be theJina'sancillarydeities. In the present
instance,however,the powerin questionseems to originatein the actualJina-
image. One informantsuggestedthat the powerdoes indeedcome fromthe
Jinas;it descendsfromabove, he said, as a gentle rainof compassion,with
the temple'stoweractingas anantenna.A viewmoreconsistentwiththeJinas'
uninvolvement withthe worldis thatthe power'ssourceis the mantra(power-
chargedutterance)pronounced by the acarya(seniormendicant) whoofficiated
at the time of the image'sconsecrationceremony.It is said that an image's
poweris proportional to the spiritualattainmentsof the aciryawhoperformed
the consecration.Muchlikethe chargeof a battery,the mantra-induced power
can dissipateover time andcanbe replenishedby ritualmeans.
In any case, even thoughit transmitssacredpower,the liquidtakenfrom
a Jina'saltaris not pras~d.Leavingaside the questionof the source of the
power,the crucialdifferenceis thatalthoughit maybe appliedto the body,it
shouldnot be drunk.This contrastswiththe corresponding Hindupracticein
whichdevoteesdoindeedconsumethe bathwaterandbodilydetritusof deities.
Applyingsuch substancesto one's bodyis an expressionof respectfuland
lovingintimacywith the Jina-image.In the eightfoldworshipthe context of
this act is angpfija,a phaseof the rite thatemphasizeshumblebodilyservice.
Takingmaterialsused in such services on one's own body intensifiesand
extends the intimacyandis a furtherexpressionof homage.Becauseof their
close contactwiththe images,suchmaterialscanalsotransmitbeneficialpower
fromimageto worshipper.
But there is a limitto .the intimacy,for the substancesin questionshould
not be drunk.Herethe contrastwithHindupracticesis instructive.The Hindu
devotee actuallyinternalizesa deity'semanationsby consumingsuch items;
deity anddevotee interminglein a unionof substance(Marriott1976).This is
preciselywhatthe Jaindevotee does not achieve.The prohibition of eatingor
drinkinganything taken from the Jina'sworship seems to obviate the notion

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thatone couldexpressor achieveanysortof "union" withaJinaby internalizing
his emanations.The Jinais not presentin the image,andin any case union
withsucha beingis neitherpossiblenorsought.Whatthenremainsas a ritual
possibilityis an intimacyof surfaces(as opposedto alimentaryintimacy)with
an empoweredJina-image(as opposedto the Jinahimself).

ZEROWAY

Systematicunderstanding of SouthAsianritualpatternshas been greatly

aidedby recent studiesof a class of SouthAsianritualprestationsknownas
dana. This termis usuallytranslatedas "alms"or "charitable gift"in English,
but it is clearthatthese simplerenderingssqueezefromthe term some of its
most importantmeanings.On the basis of his studiesof Brahmanpriests of
Banaras,JonathanParryhas shownthatdanais conceivedas a materialvehicle
forthe transmission of donors'"sins"to priestlyrecipients.Suchpriestsbecome
"sewers"for the "moralfilthof theirpatrons,"andbecausethey are unableto
amelioratethe evil, or pass it to others,they mustsufferit themselves."The
sewer,"says Parry(1986:460),"becomesa cess-pit, withthe resultthatthe
priestcontractsleprosyandrots; he dies a terribleandprematuredeathand
thenfaces the tormentsof hell."Parrysuggeststhatthese notionsare rooted
in the symbolismof the ancientVedicsacrifice.The texts prescribedanaas a
substitutefor sacrificein the presentdegradedera. In the sacrifice,victimand
sacrificerare identified,andthis themeis echoedin the identification between
and
dana-giver dana; his or her worst self is carried to another by the gift.
GloriaRaheja(1985)has shownthat similarprinciplescan be observedin
the day-to-daylife of a ruralcommunityin northernIndia.She demonstrates
thatddna-typeprestationsare nearlyubiquitous in the rituallife of a villagein
Saharanpur district
and an feature
integral of a wide rangeof socialrelationships.
Here the well-beingof giversis promotedby passing"inauspiciousness" in the
formof dina to sociallyspecifiedothers-to wife-receiving affines or members
of particular castes. These transactionsare asymmetrical; receiversof dana-
borneinauspiciousness cannotreturn it to the originalgivers.
Raheja'smaterialsalso indicatethatthe principleof inauspiciousness-trans-
missionthroughdanais implicated in deity-worshipper relations.Deitiesneed
notbe involvedin suchtransactions, butfrequentlytheyare (Raheja1985:117-
39). A donormightfirstpass the inauspiciousness-bearing offeringto a deity,
usuallyseen as the sourceof the inauspiciousness. Fromthe deityit is then
transferredto an inauspiciousness-receiving thirdparty.Herethe deitycanbe
said to functionas a sort of intermediary. Sometimes-althoughinfrequently
in Raheja'svillage-there is no humanthirdparty;in suchcases a deitydirectly
absorbs the offering-borneinauspiciousness.
At first glance these transactions, given their asymmetry, might seem to
have little to do with the giving of offerings to deities and their recovery as
prasad. A definitive characteristicof dana, Parry (1986:461-62) points out, is
that not only should it ideally be given with no thought of return, but there

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also is no reciprocation in physicalfact: the gift is absolutelyseparatedfrom
its giver,neverto return.Ddnatakesnegativequalitiesawayandkeeps them
away;prasadis a giftrestored.
Onthe otherhand,a kindof dina-likeidentification doesindeedexistbetween
devotionalofferingsto deitiesandtheirofferers.Offeringspartakeof the idea
of the idealdevotee'ssacrificeof "body,mind,andwealth"to God,andin this
sense they carrythe offerer'sworldlyself withthem, which-if for no other
reason thanits worldliness-bearsnegativevalues. Whatmakesreciprocity
possibleis clearlythe fact thatdeities, as conceivedin devotionalHinduism,
are transactional partnersof a very specialsort.
WhenHindusplacefoodbeforea deityandrecoverit fromthe altar,it has
changed.It is no longerreallythe "same"foodat all,noris it "just"food.What
was oncenaivedya,a foodoffering,hasnowbecomeprasdd,thelord'sblessing.
Deities, then, have transformative powers that impartspecialpositivevalue
to reciprocatedofferings.Whatevernegativequalitiesan offeringmighthave
carriedto the deityare strippedaway,andit becomesinfusedwiththe qualities
of its divineconsumer.Thus transvalued,the offeringblesses the devotee to
whomit is returnedandconfersbeneficialeffects rangingfromthe curingof
illness to innerrefinementsof spirit.Througha formof intimatereciprocity,
devotee anddeity in a sense give themselvesto each other, with the result
that the devotee blendswith the objectof his or her devotion.If the ddna-
givercasts offhis or her worst self, the prisad-taking devoteereceiveshis or
her best self back.
Turningonce againto Jainism,we mustnote thatdina givingis amongthe
tradition'smost centralinstitutions.It is by meansof dina thatthe mendicant
community is supported.Givingdinais one of the mostimportant obligations-
and privileges--oflaypersonsandis regardedas a potentsourceof destiny-
improvingmerit.
WhetherJaindina actuallybears the "sins"of donorsto recipientsseems
doubtful.My informants neversaidso, andWilliams(1963)reportsno explicit
expression of such an idea in the texts. Boththe texts andinformants' state-
ments seem to focus on the positivegainsof meritto be achievedby giving
dina, as opposedto the amelioration of sin.15 However,it wouldbe a mistake
to dismisstoo hastilythe relevanceto Jainismof the patternsdescribedby
Parry and Raheja.For one thing, the great concernof Jain texts for the
righteousnessof the giver (Williams1963:151-54)suggests thatdanamayin
some way be affectedby the moralqualitiesof the giver.Moreover,it is clear
that for the Jainsdanacan indeedbe a moral"hotpotato"in a sense quite
close to whatParryandRahejadescribe.The preferredrecipientis alwaysan
ascetic(Williams 1963:151-54)uponwhosevirtuesof renunciation the benefits
arising from dana giving depend. The donor would like to give much (to max-
imize benefits), but the recipient should take only enough to sustain life and
should consume it in the spirit of complete nonattachment.The donor gains
by giving; the recipient resists, because he may lose by taking. In receiving
dina, then, the recipient'srenunciationis vulnerableto compromise;and, oddly,

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thisseems to meanthathis verypowerto confermeriton dana-givers depends

on his resistanceto the gift.
At the heartof the matteris the principleof nonattachment, whichis fun-
damentalto the Jainoutlook.Givingdanais "givingsomethingup,"andsuch
relinquishment is the key to removingthe materialencumbrances thatblock
the soul'sliberation.In this sense (at the very least), givingdanarelievesthe
giverof a morallyproblematic burdenandrepresentsa potentialhazardto the
recipient.Foodis a goodexample.Ultimatelyno accoutrement of physicallife
is spirituallyharmless,least of all food, whichis the principaldanagiven to
mendicants.Spiritual advancement requiresthe reductionof foodintake,tend-
ing toward the complete cessationof eating.Foodis associatedwiththe soul's
corporealbondage, and food production andpreparation withthe sinof harming
formsof life. In these senses the gift of food is in symbolicresonancewith
the donor'sembeddednessin the moralmireof worldlyexistence. By never
actuallyaskingfor foodandby nevertakingfoodpreparedon his behalf(he is
saidto moverandomly,"likea cow grazing,"fromhouseto house),the ascetic
recipientminimizesthe effects on himselfof worldlyandmorallyproblematic
activities;they were not done at his instigation.He is protectedfromany
remainingnegativityby his nonattachment. He consumesthe foodwithindif-
ferenceandregardsit as a mere temporarymeansof bodymaintenance while
on the roadto trueliberation.He takeslittleandis minimally affectedby what
he takes; in the end (at least ideally),he sheds it all.
I wouldlike to suggest that the generalconceptof danaas a spiritually or
morallyproblematic giftis highlyrelevantto the meaningof offeringsgivenin
Jinaworship.It is significant,first of all, that these offeringsare seen as a
formof dina. I was told that, of all danas,the most productiveof meritare
those presentedto mendicantsor givenas devdravya.Accordingto Williams
(1963:119,216), the texts considerpfijato be dana"inthe largestsense,"and
the givingof dina to mendicants,in turn,"is regardedas a pujdaof the atithi
[the asceticguest]."
The most important consideration, however,is the generalemphasison the
linkednotionsof "separation" and"givingup"thatpervadesthe offering-giving
phaseof the eightfoldworship.As notedearlier,the symbolsdeployedin this
ritualsequencepresenta highlycondensedexpressionof the Jainview of the
predicament of the soulandthe meansandgoalof liberation.The maintheme
is separation;the soulmustextricateitselffromits dense andsubtlematerial
coveringsso thatit mayrise in liberationto the topof the cosmos.In the food
offering,withits implications of sheddingthe body,this separationis enacted.
The worldis renounced;the bodyand the burdensit representsare relin-
quished.In an act thatechoes thistheme,the foodandallothermaterialspass
into the offeringbox at the conclusionof the sequence in a finalact of complete
relinquishment.Adorationof the Jina, one might say, grades into emulation;
the end is tyag, giving up.
Of course the world is not really renounced. The eightfoldworship is asso-
ciated with the ameliorationof karmicmatter; the real purpose of the rite, it

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is sometimessaid, is gettingridof the "eighttypes of karma."But the actual

sheddingof karmicmatteris morethe businessof mendicantsthanof layper-
sons, andin anycase, throughmeritandin otherways, the rite alsoproduces
beneficialworldlyeffects-beneficial,thatis, withinthe encompassingevil of
karmicbondage.Worshipis a very specialkindof act. Thoughconductedin
the mediumof materials,its efficacyis rootedin the idea of separation from
the materialworld,an ideavividlyrepresentedby the Jinawho presides.The
goodthatit does, including the meritthatit generates,seems to ariseprimarily
fromits influenceon the characterof the performer.The key interactionis
not betweenworshipperandJina;it is actuallybetweenworshipperandhis or
her act of worshipitself. By promotingadorationof the Jinaandemulationof
his asceticvirtues,the rite inducesandmaintainsspiritually valuableattitudes
anddispositionsin the performer.Thisis whatthe riteis fundamentally about,
andthis is why it is saidthat good worldlyresultswillonly come if they are
not the goal.
Whatis left is an unwholesomeresidue,the offeringitself. Whendina is
given to mendicants,the gift is separatedfromthe donor,receivedby the
donee, and finallyconsumed:ritually,morally,and physicallyit disappears.
WhenHindusmakedevotionalofferingsto deities, theirgifts are transvalued
andreturned.The Hindudeityis a "presence"whose transformative powers
improvethe offeringandmakereciprocitypossible.The Jina,however,is an
"absence"surrounded by a fieldof transactional
negation-the perfectembodi-
ment of what Marriott(1976:122)has calledthe "minimalist" transactional
strategyof "symmetrical nonexchange."16The worshippergives, but the Jina
neithertakes nor gives. The Jina,one mightsay, representsa paradoxical
apotheosisof the ascetic receiverof merit-generating dana;as the ultimate
ascetic, he is the idealdana-target preciselybecausehe acceptsandconsumes
nothing at all.
This meansthat if the offeringhas been rituallyseparatedfromthe donor,
it has not been incorporated by a receiver.It thereforeremainsin thatritual
betwixt-and-between state thatArnoldVanGennep(1960)called"liminal." In
thissense the transaction is neithertwo-waynorone-way,butzero-way.Given
but not taken,in rituallogicthe offeringhangssuspended.Spiritually insalu-
briousto startwith,it is trappedbetweena giverwhocannottakeit backand
a receiverwho is not there. It mustthus be banished,pushedoffthe edge of
the congregation's worldby passingit to a non-Jain.
is
Money a somewhatdifferentmatter.In contrastto money,edible(and
perishable)items haveto be physicallyandpersonallyconsumedby someone.
This someonemustnot be a Jain.However,by meansof sale, the monetary
valueof such items can be abstractedand separatedfromtheircharacteras
personalconsumables.Cashthus produced,as well as directmonetarydona-
tions, canthenbe absorbedby the templeas an institution.As a generalrule,
the cash valueof all items givento non-Jainsshouldbe restoredandgivento
the temple.It is as if materialofferingsaredigestedintocash.Neither"belong-
ing"to theJinanorrecoveredby worshippers,cash-bornevaluecanrecirculate

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harmlessly(andbeneficially) into the physicalinfrastructure of worship.But

no individualJaincould acceptmoney from thissource as paymentfora service
or for any otherreason;it remainsdevdravyaandis forbiddento Jains.
Throughoutthis accountI have stressed obviousdifferencesbetweenJain
andHindupractices,but anotherSouthAsiantraditionshouldalso be noted.
In TheravadaBuddhism,as in Jainism,"presence"is an issue (cf. Parry
1986:462).7The Buddhahas achievednirvanaandin theoryno longerexists.
Nevertheless,his imagesare worshipped.
In the Sinhalesetradition,to whichI shallconfinemy briefobservations,
the dilemmais apparentlymitigatedto some degree by conferringcontinued
existence on the Buddha.Obeyesekere(1966:8)suggests thatthe Buddha's
own shelving(as spirituallyirrelevant)of the questionof whetherthe arhat
(one free fromrebirth)is livingor deadleaves an openingfor the notionof a
nonextinguished nirvana-realizedbeing.He goes on to say thatthe presence
of Buddha-relics in Buddhatemplesprovidesa conceptualbridgeto the idea
thatthe Buddha-images containthe Buddha's"essence."Gombrich(1966:23)
likewisereportsthat the Buddhais regardedas "insome sense presentand
aware"and"numinously present"(foranextendeddiscussionof thisissue, see
Gombrich1971:103-43).
Still,as an objectof worship,the Buddha'scharacterappearsfarcloser to
the Jinasthanto the deitiesof devotionalHinduism.To beginwith, although
the lesser deitiesof the Sinhalesepantheonintervenedirectlyin the affairsof
theirworshippers,the Buddhadoes not. The lesser gods andgoddessesare
directlypropitiated in prayer,whereasprayerdirectedto the Buddhais "com-
memorative" (Obeyesekere1966:5).Recitation of the Buddha's attributes
repels
but
malignsupernaturals, they are deterredby respect for the Buddhaandhis
teachings,not by any"activeforce"emanatingfromhim(Gombrich 1966:23).
Moreover,offerings to the Buddha have a special status. Michael Ames
characterizessuch offeringsas "nonreciprocal." By this he means that they
are not given in the expectationof divinefavors,but simplyto express rev-
erenceforthe Buddhaandhisteachings.Theyhaveno effecton theirrecipient;
rather,by representingthe offerer's"renunciation," theyimprovethe offerer's
own "virtues,"while nothingis actually"bestowed"by the Buddha(Ames
1966:31).Also, offeringsto the Buddhaare not recoveredas prasad,although
prasadis indeedtakenfromthe altarsof deities. Foodofferedto the Buddha
belongsto the samecategoryas foodofferedto monks(anideaechoedin the
Jainmaterialswe haveseen), and"noself-respectingBuddhistwouldtouchit"
(Gombrich1971:119;see also Seneviratne1978:70,176n).Normally,Buddha
offeringsare simplythrownaway, given to beggars, or given to animals,
especiallydogs or crows (H.L. Seneviratne,personalcommunication; Gom-
brich 1971:108, 119).
These materials seem to indicate that significantformal similarities exist
between the eightfold worship and Buddhaworship in Sri Lanka. In the Sin-
halese tradition,too, we seem to be dealingwith a ritualmode that is essentially

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monopolarandreflexive.No transactional closureoccurs;insteadof forming

the basis for intimatereciprocitywith a divineother, the act of givingis a
ritualization of whatare conceivedto be autonomousspiritualstrivings."Ego
gives andalterreceives,"says Ames (1966:31);"Alter'sreaction,whateverit
may be, is not necessaryto validateego's originalact of giving.All alterhas
to do is acceptthe prestation. "Tothisit mightonlybe addedthatthe expulsion
of the gift fromthe community-andeven fromthe humanworld-suggests
that it is, in rituallogicas well as physicalfact, acceptedby no "alter"at all.
CONCLUSION
In what sense, or to whatdegree, is the Jains'rite of pfijdgenuinelyJain?
It is sometimessaidthattheJainsborrowedpfijdfromtheHindus(e.g., Williams
1963:216).Thiswouldsuggestthatpfijdis analienpresenceintheJaintradition,
withHinduismactingas a powerfulfieldof force, tuggingandpushingJainism
intoa devotionalmodethatis in some sense not authentically Jain.In favorof
this view wouldcertainlybe the fact that the questionof Jinaworshipas an
expressionof "true"Jainismhas been raisedwithinthe traditionitself. The
Sthhnakvasireformersseparatedfromthe Svet~mbarmainstreamprecisely
on this issue.
Nevertheless,I suggestthatthe eightfoldworshipis imperfectlyunderstood
if it is thoughtmerelyto be a distortedversionof Hindupractice.Evenif pfija
(or elements of it) came fromthe Hindus,it has takenits own shapewithin
the Jainworld;and whilemanyfeaturesof the eightfoldworshipare nearly
indistinguishable fromHindurituals,in the symbolismof the rite, andespecially
in the matterof givingandtaking,we findourselvesin a differentritualworld
that reflects a fundamentally differentidea of the relationshipbetween wor-
shipper and of
object worship.Here the true parallelis not with Hinduism,
but-not unexpectedly-withBuddhism.Hindudevotionestablishescommu-
nionthroughreciprocitywitha divinecountergiverwhosesacredpowersame-
lioratetroublesandconferblessings.TheJinaneithertakesnorgives. Imitation
ratherthanintimacytakescenterstage,andthe worshipper's offeringexpresses
renunciation ratherthanconjunction: givingup, not givingto. It is true that
the worshippermaygainin the end-even materially-andin this sense he or
she is not givingup at all. But in consonancewiththe innerspiritof the rite,
the traditioninsiststhatits rewards-whichcanindeedbe material-willcome
only to those who give withno thoughtof return.
In any case, the Jinais not there. Fromthis centralfact, muchelse flows.
For HindusandJainsalike,giftswithspecialburdensmitigatethe troublesand
predicaments,spiritualor otherwise, of worshippers.In this respect both
traditionsdrawuponrituallogics that are neitherHindunorJain,but South
Asian,andthatare probablyas oldas the Vedicsacrifice.The absenceof the
Jinacreates a distinctivecontextfor the gift. He cannotreceivewhatis given
in his name, andso the gift, retainingits onus, must pass into a specialkind
of exile.

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NOTES

1. The researchon whichthis paperis basedtook placein Ahmedabad duringJuly

and August1986 and was supportedby a NationalEndowmentfor the Humanities
SummerStipend.I wouldliketo thankProfessorsD. Malvania andN. Shahof the L.D.
Instituteof Indologyfor theirhospitality andassistanceduringmy stay inAhmedabad.
I owe specialthanksto Dr.S.S. Jhaveriof Ahmedabad forhis wisecounselandgracious
effortsto furthermy understanding of the Jaintradition.I amalso deeplyindebtedto
JohnE. Cortfor his indispensable expertguidanceduringthe periodof researchand
for his generouscriticalresponses to the ideas presentedin this paperand many
suggestionsforits improvement. Finalresponsibilityforerrorsof factor interpretation
is minealone.
2. The termTirthankara is alsointerpretedas "onewhoestablishesthe fourorders
(tirthas)"of Jainsociety:monks,nuns,laymen,laywomen.
3. Goodrecentdiscussionsof divine"presence" in the Hindutraditioncanbe found
in WaghorneandCutler(1985).
4. The Svetambars,meaning"whiteclad,"are the branchof Jainismwhose men-
dicantsdress in white. The Digambars,meaning"spaceclad,"are the branchwhose
mendicants wearnothing.Thematerialspresentedherepertainonlyto the Svetdmbars.
The Mfrtiptijaks are those whoworshipJina-images in temples,in contradistinction to
the Sthhnakvasis andTerdpanthis who do not.
5. Generaldescriptions ofJainceremonialism canbe foundinFischerandJain(1977),
Jaini(1979), andStevenson(1915). For an excellentaccountof existingliteratureon
contemporary Jains,see Cort(1986).
6. Membersof the mendicantcommunity do not performexternalformsof worship
(dravyapaja);they engage in internal
or mental worship(bhdvpuijca) alone.
7. In an alternativeinterpretation, the cloth is said to preventone's breathfrom
injuringairborneformsof life.
8. Somepujarisidentified themselvesas Brahmans or Rajputs.Most,however,seem
to comefrommiddle-ranking Hinducastes. Malis(membersof the gardenercaste)are
common.Membersof the so-calledUntouchable castes are barredfromthis role, as
are nonvegetarians.
9. JohnCortinformsme thatwaterfromjal pUija is also used to purifythe ground
traversedby Jina-images whenthey are takenout of templesin procession.
10. Of the twenty-fourJinasof the present cosmic era, only Mallinfth(number
nineteen)was female.
11. A layman'smanual(Muktiprabavijay n.d.:64)includesdhfp ptijdin the angpfija
category.Mybest informant, a laymandeeplyversedin ritualform,insistedon classing
it as agrapiji.
12. Manysuch powerfulimagesexist. In Ahmedabad a famousone is housedin a
SankheivarPdrivanrthtemplein the old city. I was told that manypeopleresortto
this templeto makevows (to pay to have the imagedecoratedor to put a sum of
moneyin the bhandfrbox)in hopesof magicalinterventions in theiraffairs.It was also
said that frequentersof this templewere protectedfromharmduringthe communal
violenceofJuly1986.The sourceof magicalintervention is saidto be theJina'sattendant
deities, but theredoes seem to be some connectionbetweenthe powersinvokedand
this specificimageitself.
13. Thisnotionhas obviousparallelsin the Hindutradition.The Hindusattachgreat
importanceto the powersof divineimages'eyes (see Eck 1981).

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 THEEIGHTFOLD
WORSHIP
AMONG
SVETAMBAR JAINS
MURTIPUJJAK 85
14. His prasad,however,maynot be consumedoutsidethe Mahuditemple'sprem-
ises. Thisis not a minorpoint,forthe prohibition is saidto havebeeninstitutedby the
god himselfat the time of the temple'sfounding,and tales aboundconcerningthe
misfortunesof those whohavebrokenthe rule.The restrictionseems consistentwith
Jainprinciples.A relationship witha deity(asopposedto aJina)is possible,
of reciprocity
but that relationship-andthe worldof givingandtakingthat it represents-is quar-
antined.If worldlygive-and-take is kept outsideJinatemples,at Mahudiit is subor-
dinatedto highervaluesby keepingit within.
15. This was pointedout to me byJohnCort.Whilenot wishingto implicatehimin
my possibleerrorsof interpretation, I am muchin his debt for whateverinsightsthe
followingdiscussionof Jaindanamaycontain.
16. Marriottlinksthe minimalstrategywiththe Vaisyavarna,suggestingthatat the
sociallevel this transactional modeis "plainly thatof the trader"(Marriott1976:127).
If this is so, then there is an obviousresonancebetweenthese featuresof the Jina's
characterandthe caste andvarnacultureof his worshippers.
17. Fora comparison of transactionalaspectsof HinduandSinhaleseBuddhistrituals,
see Gombrich(1971:120-24).

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86 RESEARCH
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
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