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University of Massachusetts Amherst

ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst
Landscape Architecture & Regional Planning
Landscape Architecture & Regional Planning
Faculty Publication Series

January 1976

American Perceptions of German City Planning at


the Turn of the Century
John Mullin
University of Massachusetts - Amherst, jmullin@provost.umass.edu

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Part of the Urban, Community and Regional Planning Commons, and the Urban Studies and
Planning Commons

Recommended Citation
Mullin, John, "American Perceptions of German City Planning at the Turn of the Century" (1976). Urbanism Past and Present. 35.
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'American Perceptions of
German City Planning
at the Turn of the Century

I

) JOHN ROBERT MULLIN, Ph.D.


i
f
I

I
i• I~TROl)UCTION The failure uf this ~ll'sthl'tic orientation led many

t
planners to investiga [l' t 11 e l1lt'th ods :.ind a pp roach es
The German ci ty in the late 1800's was a \"ictim of uther nations in a quest for the answers that would
!· lead to imprOVetlll·nt. Fort'Inost among these nations
0[" many of the malaises that had struck clrlier in
the century in Britain and the United States. Rapid \Vas Germany. Indi\ithuls and delegations made trip
after trip to major cities in Germany to observe how
•I
industrialization, improved transportation networks,
and massive urbanization contributed to the creation their planning problems were met. The resulting re-
I
of overcro\vded, slum-like, disease-ridden cities ports from these ,isits \Vere full of glowing tributes
about the advances made and urged that many of the
throughout the natjon. The long-admired medicval
centers were increasingly prone to epidemics and measures used in Germany be adapted to the Ameri-
destruction by fire. In a cultural-political sense, they can city. Ultimately, some measures were applied to
the American practict'.2
were perceived by the ruling authorities as being
i\lany historians h:.ive found that the roots of
corrupt, anti-v{}!klich and centers 01" the much I"eared
socialist movement. For the greater part 0 f the cen- modern American planning can be traced, in part, to
both England and Germany. The English contribu-
lLIry, the city had been neglected by both the national
tions have been extensively analyzed and traced back
and local govern men ts. This lack of atten tion caused
\iikolaus Pevsnl'r tu write that the German city was to their first application. The contributions of the
German experience, \\'hi1c having been recognized,
"the most urgent and comprehensive problem of the
have not been adequately studied in terms of their
nineteenth century." Pevsner's view is \"alid until the
origin;J application. Few historians have endeavored
last quarter of the century. At that time, increased
attention was focused upon \"irtually all cities in the to analyze the nature of planning itself in Germany
nation; indeed, by 1910, the ,"\merican rdormer during this time. These historians have taken the plan-
Frederick C. Howe stated before the Second !'\atinnal ning ex periences and abst racted such features as
Conference on City Planning that the Germans had !.oning, land-use conlwls, and land redistribution and
built the "most wonderful cities in modern times." have merely stated that these were developed in
German cities and that they served as influences upon
Howe was but one of many American planners who
.\merican planning cle\"l'lupment. These individua.!
praised the German endeavors.l
features only provide a glimpse of the tota.! experi-
Germany's great progress in city planning was
ence. They do not provide an accurate view of the
recognized in the United States :.it the time that the
conditions, events, policies, rationale, and approaches
shortcomings of the "City Beautiful \!o\Tment"
that were developed tu improve the German city.
(:.ipproximate1y 1893-1920) were becoming reali/oed.
Also, they do not provide a holistic picture of what

i
JOHN R. MULLI N is Assistant Professor of Urban these American experts saw when they journeyed
there.
I Planning at Michigan State Univer:sity.

, I
John R. Mullen

The lack of knowledge concerning the German To the German state, however, the city planning was
planning milieu represents one of many missing links merely a projection of the Kultur of might. Let there be
good road systems and broad avenues in the cities - so
in the development of a comprehensive analysis of the that troops may move freely and artillery command all
roots of American city planning. Friedman and Hud· parts of the city, in case the people do not appreciate
son recently took note of these missing links when rule by Berlin. 5
they wrote that there is a need to "go a great deal The concern for improving the quality of urban
further in considering traditions of planning that have life was also a motivating factor in the creation of the
evolved under other ideologies, in other countries and Association for the preservation of Public Health
in other times."3
(1873). This organization was dedicated to the eradi- I
The intent of this paper is to identify the rela-
cation of poor living conditions. As such, it was quite .l
tionship between American and German city planning effective. Indeed, the German planner joseph Brix
during the period between 1890 and 1916 by exam-
noted that city-planning concerns during this period
ining and analyzing the nature of German planning,
were of secondary importance to those of health
by reviewing American views towards German plan-
improvement. The key personalities involved in these
ning, by exploring the specific con tribu tions of the
improvements were the engineer William Lindley and
German experience to American planning, and by
the German hygienist Max Pettenkoffer. Lindley was
assessing the long-range influence that resulted from
a major figure in the development of the Hamburg
this relationship. While the scope is German planning
sewage system, which was so effective that it became
in general, several cities during this period offer the
a model for other cities throughout the nation. Petten-
best examples of the experience. These include Berlin,
koffer has been credited with advancing the cause of
Munich, Dusseldorf, Hamburg, Nurnberg and Essen.
Perhaps the best planned of all German cities during public healthGerman
throughout
it was truly - that the
is, nation to the point made
the advancements that \f
this period was Frankfurt. More Americans praised
were far more sophisticated than in any other nation.6
the accomplishments of this city than any other. For
These health improvements were only one of the
this reason, Frankfurt will serve as the focal point of
influences that helped force the German city into
this paper.4
rigid patterns of development. Another sprang from
the city-planning ideas of the traffic engineers. The
engineers were extremely fascinated with planning
The Nature of German Planning: Geometry and Art.

In the last decade of the nineteenth century,


German planners divided into two schools of thought.
One, ~epresented by Reinhard Baumeister and joseph
Stubben, centered upon the development of the city
from the standpoint of health, sanitation improve-
ment, and traffic requirements. The other, led by
Camillo Sitte, focused upon the city as an aesthetic-
architectonic object.
The poor health of urban residents stimulated
extensive efforts on the part of governments and
institutions to improve the livability of the city. The
ruling junker militarists worried because urban men
were far less fit for military duty than non-urban
men. They also felt that poor living conditions were
contributing to anti-government feelings. Mainly be- I
cause of these political concerns, the government
initiated national social-welfare programs and city-
I)
planning and health-improvement-enabling legislation. I
The military implications of these social policies were I
not lost on American observers. The American hous- Plate One:
ing reformer, Frederick Ford, states that the concern the
The city beginning in Quarter.
Hauptbahnhof the late 1870's.
It wasAadded
contrastto i\
with military needs was the key motivation in the can be made
pattern between times
of Medieval the "pack
and donkey" street
the geometric-, i
participation of the national government in city plan- regularist approach of the Baumeister-Stubben
ning. The urban planner Patrick Geddes expressed a advocates of the last quarter of the nineteenth
similar theme: ~ century.
6
John R. Mullen

according to geometric principles.7 The most re- became increasingly legalized. In fact the American
nowned proponents of this approach \vere Reinhard zoning expert Frank B. Williams called this act one of
Baumeister and Joseph StUbben. the most important legislative acts in the history of
Baumeister was a practicing engineer, architect, urban planning. He based his opinion on the fact that
and city planner. He advocated the de\'elopment of it was one of the first planning acts in Europe and
cities based upon such technical conditions as traffic that it served as a model for similar legislation in
needs and in frastructural requirements. His maj or other German states. The act determined the height
contributions to German city planning were his limits, site layout, and location of industrial centers;
Principlcs for TOcCI! Expansion, written for the Asso- authorized the development of master plans; and
ciation of German Architects and En~ineers (Verband established minimum structure, safety, and combust-
Deutscher ...J.rc/zitekten-und lngienicur- Vcreine. 18i4 ability performance standards. This act provided the
and 1906), and his main work "Tolcn Expansions foundation for the land-use regulations of the 1890's.
ComidcJ;ed with Respect to Technology, Building HO\vever, from the time of its passage to the 1890's,
Code and Economy", 1876. The latter text was the its contribution to planning was minimal. One reason
1
most important technical guide to urban planning for for this was the recalcitrance of the bureaucracy:
f 1:1 years and continued to be used until the beginning "until 1890 at least," according to ~lichael Hugo-
of \Norld War 1.8 Brunt, "the building officials to whom the resolutions
\ Stiibben was also an architect and engineer. His were directed and who administered the ordinances
I niche in German planning history resulted from his and did the planning, seem to have been impossibly
\\'ork in Cologne, Poznan, and Aachen. Perhaps more bureaucratic, .... the era of enlightened city archi-
I
importantly, he was the author of the first German tects and far-sighted burgermeisters .... had not yet
equivalent of an encyclopedia of urban planning, ned. "II
da\ •...
r

Handbuc/Z des Stiidtebaues (1890). Together these The bureaucratic machinations appeared to have
l men provided a sound basis for planning that centered been particularly severe in Berlin with both pro-
upon a quantitative and scientific (Wissenschaft) vincial and imperial administrators vying for position.
~
approach toward the meeting of safety, sanitation and The experience of the Englishman J. A. W. Carstens
health needs.9 Their contributions in the last decade who endeavored to influence the Emperor to develop
I
••
of the nineteenth century \vere only matched by one Berlin into the "first city on the Continent," is
(Jther person - Camillo Sitte. exemplary. Comprehensive planning went far beyond
I Camillo Sitte, an Austrian, became quickly re- the actual construction of buildings: "There was
r
nowned in Germany in 1889 as a result of his text streets to be laid out and paved, trees to be planted,
Dcr Stiidtebau nach Seinen kunstlerichen Grundsatzen water and gaslight to be brough t into the districts and
I communication by rail or horse-drawn cars to be
(Vienna, 1889). At a time when the health improve-
, ments, traffic concepts, and legal requirements resulted secured." With such a program, it was small wonder
in increasingly rigid patterns of development, Sitte's that Carstens had over-extended himself and "incurred
I stiff opposition from the narrow-minded Prussian
book served as a balancing counter intluence. Sitte's
thrust was not towards traffic flow or the development bureaucracy, who sabotaged his plans at every step.,,12
! of sewage systems. Rather, he focused upon concepts The lack of attention by the government and
I
\
that were designed to improve the psychological and obstacles to planning created by the bureaucrats
I physiological well-being of future residents. His vie".; caused Pevsner to comment that: "The city .... had
of the city was both architectonic - a three-dimen- been criminally neglected by the architects and by
I sional form - and architecturally oriented. His con- governmen t as well." Pevsner's comments must be
I cepts spread rapidly throughout the nation, and his placed in a pro per con tex t. During the Bismarckian
I influence can be found in most large cities including years, there is su bstan tial evidence to support this
i\Iunich, Stuttgart, Altona, Aachen, Darmstadt, claim. However, in the last decade of the nineteenth
Dresden, and Karlsruhe. From the \'\Titing of his century, a new attitude began to develop, and the
hook in 1889 until \Vorld War I, his views on civic city received increased attention in assistance to city
~lesthetics and the city as an architectural form were planning and social reform. Also, if the conditions
the dominant intluences on the planning of new noted by Pevsner were compared with other European
sections of the cities. 10 nations, then the German experience would not have
Transcending the engineer-architect dichotomy appeared so backward. Indeed, Catherine Bauer found
noted above was a third form of city planning that that "German cities were not so chaotically con-
was of ,great significance. This form centered upon structed as those of other countries, and the nimsy
legalistic, bureaucratic and administrative procedures shacks and alley slums common in other countries
;md controls. Beginning with the Fluchtlillz'cngesetz were the exception rather than the rule."13
tPrussian Lines Act of 1875), G?rman city planning The municipal powers of German cities \vere

L 7
John R. Mullen

quite broad. From the time of the powerful inde- pretend to be citizen-representative but is made up of
pendent city states and the Stein Reforms of 1808, honored, highly-paid, professional and permanent
a strong tradition of home rule had evolved. This employees, trained to the work of city administra-
tradition inCluded the right of the city to undertake tion." A remarkable dichotomy between the two
any measures necessary to correct problems that it approaches existed during this time and could be
desired so long as the solutions were not in specific considered as a key to the development of strong
contravention of state and national law. There was planning controls in the German and weak controls
also a strong basis of popular support and respect for in the American. Seymour Toll presents the differ-
the municipal administrators, as well as a belief ences in this way: "For one the city was an object of
among the citizenry that the city was obligated to rapine, for the other, veneration. Corruption con-
endeavor to correct the problems affecting it. trasted with duty.· The American city was often
governed by nothing more than a monumen tal crook,
the German by nothing less than the most distin-
Governmental Response quished Burgher. One came to office expecting to
take, the other to give.,,15
The initiatives of city government, despite the By the turn of the century, virtually every
lack of expropriation enabling legislation, to endeavor German city and large town was undertaking some
to improve the housing situation through \vhatever form of municipal master planning. This fact was
means it could indicated a sense of responsiveness noted by Daniel Burnham who took a grand tour of
within the local municipal administrations. This rela- Germany in 1901. He was greatly impressed:
tionship worked both ways: it was stimulated by the This city planning means something far deeper than the
people and, in turn, it stimulated them. The planner men shaping streets. It means that men have come to
William Dawson asserted that "the German regards realize a universal thought. In America there are hun-
dreds of city planning commissions, in Germany ••. I
his town as a living organism, whose development both have been told there are two thousand. The idea has
deserves and needs to be controlled with the utmost
become universal and it is not an ephemeral thing: it
care and thought." Thus, when the ugliness and civic means that the nations have come together in a line up
disharmony that accompanied industrialization dis- to a certain standard of advancement.16
rupted the physical life style of the citizens and dis- While city planning was progressing in the United
torted the "naturally evolved" form of the city, States, Burnham's optimism seems to have been some-
protest arose and endeavors to solve these problems
began. As Frederic Howe wrote: "It was an assertion
of the right of the community to protect its life." as leading to infringement on the individual's rights.
In fact, in the United States, a mood to perceive
This a.ttitude and approach towards the need to im- strong individual rights could be noted in the .
prove the urban environment was, in general, a trans- Congress,
what courts, and
exaggerated. Also,financial community.
many people In con-
saw "planning" •1.-
...
European phenomenon. The European context of trast, the German tradition, as characterized by
urbanism, at this time, was set in a traditional culture
Frederic C. Howe in 1915, strongly encouraged the
in which cities, over an evolutionary period of thou- collective will to predominate:
sands of years, achieved a special position in fostering City planning is a recognition of the unity as well as the
and housing civilization. Intrinsic to this traditional permanence of the city. It involves a subordination of
culture was the view of Peter Hall that: the city to include the things men own as well as the
"Cities as ancient repositories of culture, should be pro- men themselves and widens the idea of sovereignty so
tected from decay; that urbanity, in the strictest sense, as to protect the community from him who abuses the
is a virtue that should be preserved by the planner; that right of prosperity as it now protects the community
cities are organically related to the agricultural hinter- from him who abuses his personal freedom.l?
lands around them and that this relationship should be If one were to develop a scenario at the turn of
preserved." 1 4
the century comparing the existing zoning of Frank-
The German response, in the context of Hall's furt and the possible zoning of New York, major
statement, was significant. City and municipal leaders differences in land-use concepts in the two settings
had the backing of highly trained and skilled bureau- become apparent. In Frankfurt, the form of the busi-
crats. The entire German municipal governing system ness district and residential areas had remained un-
of this period was summarized as being "professional" changed since they were first built. In New York, in
and "scientific". Charles Mulford Robinson, an Amer- the late nineteenth century alone, changes in land use
ican exponent of the city beautiful movement, em-
quite frequently
commercial occurred.
and then Residential
industrial. areas becamet
In the United States;
phasized this point when he wrote: "The Burger-
meister and his magistrates are the best experts during the twenty years before 1916, a "throwaway"
procurable and the council of the latter does not spirit precluded the establishment of strong land-use
B
(
I

r
. (
I

respected legal Freund,


controls. Ernst experts one
on zoning duringmost
of America's this highly
time, grounds that this land
ing single-family use was
dwellings not the
from
John R. Mullen

to the
area city's ad-
on the
commented that it was virtually impossible for .-\mer- vantage. The intent of zoning in this area was to
icans to use these controls: preserve the established community character. In the
The development of the property of a neighborhood in outer parts of the city, three sub-areas v,;ere created:
this country is beyond the wit of men to foresee. It inner, outer, and rural. In each, the permissible height
se~ms capricious an,d I don't, believe i.t is within the of new buildings and the percentage of lot covered
WIsdom or the foresight of a city council to attempt to decreased according to distance from the core The
control development of that kind. If this observation is L , "
tr it' b tt th t di tr' f sh Id t b svstem was summarIzed bv the Amencan planner
ue, IS e er a a s IC In9.lower ou no e :' '
given to a city at the present time. i\elson LeWIS:
. In Frankfurt·on·th6~lain the proportion of the lost
Yet, in spite of the powerful measures available to which must be left free depends upon the district in
! German planners, land speculation had placed a which it is located. In the central district one-fourth
i stranglehold on government, and high land costs of interior and one-sixth of corner lots must be left
open; in the factory zone, three-tenths; in the dwelling
)
served as a major barrier to development. and mLxed districts of the inner zones, four-tenths of
J
Expropriation for housing needs was not within interior and three-tenths of inner lots; in the same
I the powers of the German city - perhaps the one district of the outer or suburban zones, one-half of

i weakness in their home-rule powers at that time. Also,


the rise of industry, coupled with increased urbaniza-
interior and four-tenths of inner lots and in the country
districts, seven-tenths of all lot areas.:li
,I
tion, was having a destructive effect on long-estab- Sections of residential, industrial, and mixed use
j lished residential areas. To overcome these problems, were included in each of the sub-areas. These were
many cities began to develop land-use policies and carefully controlled to maintain a unique character in
f protectivc legislation. In the forefront of this move- different areas of the city, to preserve property values,

ment \vas Frankfurt-am-l.,1ain under the administra- to preclude a possible negative impact from noxious
I
tion of Burgermeister Franz Adickes who took office elements, and to control the future growth pattern of
(I in 1891.19 the city.
Adickes for many years had sought approval in One can see the application of zoning in Frank-
the Prussian Landtag for a comprehensive set of furt in the development of the municipally sponsored
I expropriation and land-use control powers. The con- harbor-industrial complex. In this project, the separa-
servative powers continually rejected his petitions. tion of incompatible functions \vas carefully integrated
j
Finally, he gained permission to use these pov.;ers in in the plan. Further, the project shows a loose rela-
r
his own city. His administration developed three acts tionship bet\veen technology and city planning. The
j that served as models for municipalities throughout project was designed to make Frankfurt a major port
Germany and that, ultimately had an impact on for the Rhine-Main River traffic. Located on the
1
foreign lands. J\Iain, the city's harbor was too shallow to berth the
r The three municipal acts were Zoning, the Incre- large Rhine River boats. Thus, the city decided to
ment Tax, and a land redistribution scheme commonly deepen the river and to build an integrated port
called the Lex Adickes (Lex meaning law, Adickes facility \vith dockage, warehousing, streets, stores,
f being the name of the creator of the law). factories, and workers' homes. The city purchased
1180 acres of land, which included 110 acres for
I
water basins, 290 acres for sheds, railways, and em-
The Zoning Act (1891) bankments, and 750 acres for industrial use. The
project was· carefully integrated, yet separated from
Although this act is credited as having been the city itsel f. In this way easy access and egress for
created by Adickes, it was developed with the assist- workers could be insured, while noxious elements
ance of Baumeister. The relationship between Adickes were minimized. Even the proposals for worker hous-
and Baumeister was quite strong and through their ing, adjacent to the project, were such that noxious
combined efforts, an effective form of zoning was 'elements were minimal. Patrick Geddes enthusiasti-
developed for Frankfurt. In fact, Frankfurt was the cally praised this project: "Place, work and folk
first German city to employ the tool as part of a environment, function and organism - are thus no
municipally sponsored master plan.20 longer viev,.'ed apart - but as the elements of a single
The act called for the city to be developed into process - that of a healthy life fOl the community
two subsections: the inner city and the outer city. and indhidual. "22 The fact that the German city was
The inner city, which included the medieval Altstadt, more adept at developing zoning controls did not
had been highly developed before zoning. However, a mean that it held total control over the land. Although
concerted effort was made to remove the few remain- strong controls existed on speculation and the ability

1
I
l 9
John R. Mullen

to influence the marketplace, the city did not have The Lex Adickes
the extensive use of expropriation that existed in the r
United States. This was a key weakness of the German Adickes' greatest achievement was the product (
city planning in this period as well as a major reason of nine years' struggle in the Prussian Landtag. Be-
for the development of a new law called the Lex ginning in 1893, he sought an act that would enable
Adiekes. municipalities throughout Prussia to redistribute par-
cels according to the best interest of the city as related
to its master plan. He was assisted in this task by a
The Increment Tax (1903) housing reform group called the Verein Fiir
Wolznungsreform (Association for Housing Reform)
The Increment Tax was designed to discourage that had urged imperial and state legislation to assist
land speculation, since the continually spiraling land the communities in improving their living conditions.
costs made the construction of inexpensive working- Adickes and the housing reformers pressed their case
class homes prohibitive. First used in the German in the face of defeat after defeat. Finally, in 1902,
colonial settlement of Kiao Chau in China in 1898, the Landtag passed an act specifically for Frankfurt,
it later spread to two cities in Saxony and was used which enabled the city to expropriate parcels for
in Frankfurt beginning in 1903. Essentially the tax redistribution in accordance with its master plan. The
levied a sum payable to the city computed on the act, although by no means unique, has received great
gain to the ovmer that accrued from the transfer or attention in English literature and is considered to be
sale of land. A series of conditions and increases in a pioneering step in the development of planning
amount due to the city were included depending law.23
upon how long the land had been held. A basic tax The Lex Adickes empowered the city to acquire
of 2% was levied against every change of ownership. privately owned land, rearrange it in accordance with
The amount due over and above the base tax was the city plan, and redistributed it for development
based upon a graduated scale. The success of this tax or redevelopment. Up to 40% of the land could be
in Frankfurt was so overwhelming that, within one retained by the city, \vithout compensation, for park
year after it was established, 652 other German com- or street purposes. The city had already endeavored
munities had passed similar legislation. The idea was to institute the ideas of the Lex Adiekes on a volun-
even discussed before a Sub-Committee of the United tary basis during the time when Adickes was trying
States Congress in 1909. to obtain passage of the act. These transfers of land
to the city, which involved over 250 acres, enabled
the owners to reap increased property values and
profits. The fact that a few recalcitrant non-volun-
teers had caused an elongated period of negotiation
for the release of' their properties was the critical
reason for the administration's abandonment of
volun tarism. Indeed the city planners gained other
victories as a result of the act. These included:
1. The prohibition of poorly constructed build-
ings (from an uneconomic and unhygienic
standpoint),
2. Improvement of exisitng structures,
3. Straightening out the streets,
4. Clearing away traffic difficulties,
5. Planning for consistent policies in future
extensions of the city,
6. Enlarging the market for building lots and
th \varting harmful sp eculation.
In the first ten years of the act's existence, 14
Plate Two:

Part
the Adickes
of The Frankfurt
era (1892-1912).
Ringstrasse.The Built
subjugation
during areas involving
owners, were involved
a total of
in 375
redistribution
acres, 643 in
lots,Frankfurt.
and 149/ :!
of. house
qUlte clear.lotsTheto shape
road of
development
the lots was
becomes
a key. The American housing' reformer
. Benjamin
' .. C. ~Iarsh (
obstacle to redevelopment prior to the Lex cons.Jdered the act as beIn~ a key exped;;n t In over- )

1-
10
Adickes.
sanitary, ;"'luchdensity
high of thisMi~tkaserne
housing was of the
variety. un- commg criticisms
several thc German
were housmg shortage.
leveled against the act.However,
Indeed,

1
)\
J
<:
, John R. Mullen

~
I
I the third advantage listed above, the correction of According' to Robert Fife, writing at the begin-
i ning of the First World War, "the injection of party
\
misshapen streets, would have been considered as a
disadvantage by some German planners. This was politics into city affairs, in spite of the view of
particularly true of the followers of the Sitte-esque the city as a business enterprise, has made the
"architectonic" approach to city planning who ad- Rathaus .... the scene of bitter strife." The Berlin
\'ocated that "a free r type of planning, in which experience even more clearly" provides an example as
greater consideration could be shown for the existing to wh y housing reform legislation was not considered
conditions of the site for existing roadways and as being in the "best interest." The city council was
property boundaries, would render needless very controlled, in part, by the owners of the large, un-
much of the rearrangement of properties." The Eng- healthy tenement blocks. If a new supply of low-rent
lish Garden City advocate, Sir Gwilym Gibbon, noted housing came on the market, then these men would
that "the law was found to be too cumbrous and did not have as large a market for their units. The extent
not prove so useful as expected at Frankfurt or else- of their power could be noted by the fact that one·
where either in its original form or as later modified." half of the seats on the city council were reserved for
Although one can support the point of view of owners of houses even though they represen ted about
I 1% of the people! Through this system, the home-
Ij Gibbon in a narrow applicative sense, the threat
of the use of the act was still a large inducement owners \vere able to prevent the construction of new
I to cooperate with the city's planning endeavors. low-cost, low-rent housing. This stranglehold on the
I further, the act was not intended to be the ultimate housing market becomes quite clear when one con-
tool of the city planners, but rather, the first of a siders the following trend in Berlin: in 1 711 there
I were 14 people per house; in 1740, 17; in 1840, 49;
comprehensive set of tools. Heinrich Roessler, Vice
I! President of the Frankfurt City Council, made this and in 1915,77. In 1900,45% of all Frankfurt house-
holds consisted of one room.
point shortly after the acts passage. "The Lex Adickes
is only a beginning, it gives the community the right Some cities, by 1890, had gained sufficient
to compel people, not to sell their land, but only to power to attempt to overcome these measures. In
( fact, national enabling legislation had been enacted
redistribute it. But we must obtain further legislation
to enable the land to be used for the prevention of a that allowed cities to invest in limited-dividend hous-
I house-famine ."26 ing cooperatives. In the next twenty-five years, over
50,000 units were built using this system.28
Perhaps the most important point in the act was
<l that the city would obtain up to 40% of the land
r without compensation. This enabled the city to Praise
create municipal reserves of vacant land on its fringe,
i which resulted in further restraints against specula-
tion.27 .
The element of the Frankfurt experience that
was most interesting to American planning was
zoning. In fact, the cauldron created by the Garden
Problems and Conflict City principles of Ebenezer Howard, the zoning con-
cepts of the Frankfurt experience, and the social
The most pressing problems of the day centered we~fare improvements inspired by the American social
llpon improved \vorking conditions, the need for reformers were major stimuli in creating a new ap-
social welfare programs, sanitation improvements, proach to city planning in this period.29
housing, and orderly and coordinated expansion. The . Among those praising the Frankfurt experience
national government had taken action on the first was Benjamin C. Marsh. He went so far as to rank
Frankfurt as the ideal model for modern city plan-
I
two problems. Also, large-scale sewage and water
systems were being built across the nation. The most ning. One of the most influential men active in Amer-
l unique measures were created to deal with housing ican city planning during this period, Marsh toured
. the Continent seeking out examples of outstanding
development and methods to control expansion.
( In the major cities of Germany, the majority of city planning work in 1907. Upon returning, he
( city council seats were held by conservative property presented his findings to the New York Committee on
!, owners. These men relied on rental income for their Congestion of Population (CCP), an organ.ization
wealth. Therefore, a degree of reticence existed on dedicated to arousing public support for improving
tenement conditions in New York. The following
their part to pass legislation for publically supported
housing. With the increasing strength of the socialist year, upon completing a second trip to Europe, he
,
. movement, the inaction of the city councils soon led wrote a privately published book entitled An Intro-
I to bitter connict bet\veen the lando\vners and the duction to City Planning: Democracy's Challenge and

1 masses. the A men'can City, a major section of which ,centered

11
John R. Mullen

upon an examination of Frankfurt. He concluded had occurred in Germany. Reynolds has written that
from his observations of that city that "the most Horsfall's work on Germany and presentation of
important part of city planning as far as the future German ideas before governmental officials in Eng- .
health of the city is concerned is the districting of the
city into zones."30
land represented
development one of planning.
of English the key Asstimuli in the
in America, I
\
One of Marsh's greatest contributions to city
planning was his role in organizing the First National observe the experience first hand. Among these were
Conference on Planning. Working together with the
financier Henry 1Iorganthau, then chairman of the Professor
Sir PatrickStanley
delegations Adshead,
andGeddes,
individuals Sir Patrick toAbercrombie,
Sir journeyed
Ebenezer Howard,
Germany Sirto .\'
New York CCP, Marsh gained congressional support Raymond Unwin, q.nd Thomas Adams. These men .
for a conference in Washington on 21-22 i\lay 1909 were far more objective and critical of the German
to discuss housing, traffic, recreation, and other plan- experience than were their American counterparts.
ning problems. The forty-three participants included Nevertheless, the German influence was felt in
Speaker of the House Joseph Cannon, Frederick Britain. Also, as these men '\lrote about the German
Howe, Jane Addams, George Ford, John Nolen, and experience, they disseminated knowledge about it
Frederic Law Olmsted, Jr. across the Atlan tic. 33
This conference marked the beginning of the
city-planning profession as a national movemen t. It
was at this conference, also, that the German advance- On Zoning
ments were first highlighted in a national forum. After
Morganthau spoke on the need for a system of zones, There was considerable debate during this time
Olmsted followed ",-ith an analysis of his recent exam- concerning if the American people. were ready for
ination of the European experience. Themes such as zoning. The coming of Boss Tweed and~ George
"protection against the selfish minority," "stabiliza- Washington Plunkitt and similar types of officials
tion of real estate values," and "prevention of spread across the United States had made a shambles of
and congestion" echoed throughout his talk. He also "good" government. While self-interest predominated
noted that Frankfurt was one of the most progressive in American urban centers, enlightened, scientifically
and best-managed cities in Europe.31 derived, rational decisions were being made in the
Similar thoughts were echoed by other reformers German cities. It was a classic case of American
and planners throughout the pre-World War I period. Jacksonian democracy contrasted with Prussian
For example, Frederic C. Howe, ""Titing in Scribners, authoritarian-type efficiency. Ernst Freund felt it
Harper's, World's Work, and Hampton's, continually important to highlight the dichotomy for the German
focused ,upon the greatness of the German city. His improvements were not a result of the institution-
theme is perhaps best summarized in his statement alization of law but rather resulted from the desire of
that "I know of no cities in the modem world which the leadership to take corrective action. It was not so
compare to those which have arisen in Germany dur- much a case of law and science as it was of lawyers
ing the past twenty years." Toll has .\lritten that and scientists:
Howe had as much to do with fueling American In other words everything that has been done by the
interest in German planning as any other man in the city of Frankfurt in that wonderful work of city im-
period. The zoning lawyer Frank Williams also agreed provement in which it has been engaged under the
guidance of its wise and energetic mayor has been done
with Howe and \\Irote that .... "the greatest measure by the exercise of authority and [ think we can learn a
of success in city planning has probably been attained great deal from that.34
by Germany." George B. Ford agreed, albeit begrudg-
The American planner, A. L. Brockway, upon
ingly, that Germany had founded city planning. How-
ever, he did not agree with their rationale. The analyzing the American condition thought differently:
Darwinian-oriented, militaristic concerns that moti- Not until the man on the street becomes impressed with
a higher respect for law in this country shall we make
vated their city planning were not of the same the advances in town planning that we expect to. The
humanitarian patina that stimulated Ford and his autocracy of the [mperial German government is a
contemporaries.32 tremendous asset and the respect for law on the part of
The English, too, looked to German planning. In citizens of Germany •... is the thing that makes success
1904, Thomas Horsfall '\lrote a text entitled The
Example of Germany as a supplement to T. R. Marr's IS the question of public property, the fundamental .•
rights of the private individual.35 ..'
Survey of Housing in Manchester and Salford. In this
?ossible.
Many Americans believed that the "rights of the ,
The. great stumb~ing block in our country ........•••
text he focused upon the outstanding advancements
in low-income housing improvements, city-planning individual" precluded the transferring of zoning con-
policy development, and land-cort~ol regulations that cepts to the Cnited States: "A man's land is a man's~,
12
.~
John R. Mullen

·'r •.••..

Plate Three: The Frankfurt Altstadt. Built during Medieval 1944, it was one of the best examples of
times, it was unsanitary, prone to epidemics :"1edieval town centers in existen ceo It was
and holocausts and extremely crowded. Up to completely destroyed.

land," and governmental regulation was perceived as adulation for things European which seemed to grip
turn of the century Americans more powerfully than it
infringing upon the rights of property and privacy. does their modern counterparts. Having made the effort,
Conservative court reactions to governmental inter- he will find that early in the century, the German city
ference, coupled with the Spenceresque "rugged occupied an extremely important role in American
individualism" so popular during this time, per- urban reform. In view of the virtual oblivion into which
petuated the helief of these people. :\'evertheless, it has since fallen, that role now appears to be extra-
German planning did serve as a focal point for Ameri- ordinary.36
can efforts concerning the creation of strong city
planning controls. As World War I grew nearer, the view of our
"friendly German cousins" gradually gave way to a
view of the "Terrible Hun."BS The persons who had
The End of the Relationship praised German advances became increasingly quiet.
~leeks noted this shift as follows:
In view of the relationship between Germany
A contributing factor was the persistent current of
and the United States that occurred in the remainder
nationalism which increased in strength as the ominous
of the first half of the twentieth century, the use of year 1914 drew near. The architectural journals reflected
German city planning efforts as a model seems almost this tendency: Whether they were published in Germany,
unbelievable. Toll explained the relationship as fol- England or the United States, the volume of foreign
lows: . material included in them dwindled from a generous
proportion in 1900 to a mere trickle in 1911.37
"To understand it one must begin by indulging in a
fiction. glancing backward to the early part of the cen·
Still, in spite of the change in "iew, the seeds of the
tury as if through an atmosphere unpolluted by two
wars with Germany. Then he mu?t connect for an German experience were implanted into the American
13
John R. Mullen

planning milieu. Beginning \vith the New York City


ordinance of 1916, zoning became increasingly sophis- support evolved to create a program which built
t-
ticated. By 1923, the United States Department of new
15,000Wohnkultur, and a strong
units of housing, tradition
schools, shops, ofrecreation
popular 'I'
'
Commerce had created a Standard State Zoning
Enabling Act. By 1930, hundreds of communities
had implemented zoning ordinances. Zoning today
and architects throughout the world came to Frank-
areas,
furt toand buildings
observe in less
the new than offive
types years.38 Planners
planning in action .• I
has become, however deeply maligned, the planner's
strongest tool. selected as the site of the first regular meeting of the
In time, because
International of itsof outstanding
Congress results, it Also,
Modem Architecture. was 'I
the Frankfurt planflers \vere so overwhelmed with 1
Epilogue
to teach for
requests theinformation
Frankfurt method.
that they Finally, many
established plan-
a school 1
The modernistic experimentation of the Frank- ners and architects active in Frankfurt and elsewhere
furt planning experience did not end with the coming in Germany were forced to leave in the Diaspora
of World War 1. Following the war, in the late 1920's, caused by the coming of National Socialism. Several
it became the greatest example of modernistic city of these men came to the United States and, ulti-
planning in the world. International ideas, the design mately, exercised a great direct degree of influence
ethos of the Neue Sachlichkeit (new functionalism), a upon city planning as it is practiced today. 0

(
I

NOTES

1. Bruno Schwan, Stiidtebau und Wohnungswesen Der Welt 7. Francois Choay, The Modem City: Planning in the
(Berlin, 1935), pp. 130-131; 'Wolf Schneider, Babylon is Nineteenth translated by Marguerite Hugo and
Century,
Everywhere, translated by Ingeborg Sammet and John Olden- George R. Collins (New York, 1969), pp. 15-22.
burg (London, 1963), p. 253; Nikolaus Pevsner, The Sources 8. Thomas Ronnebeck "Reinhard Baumeister" Akademie
of Modern 1rchitecture ,~nd D.e~!'gn (New, York, 1968), p. 194 fUr Raumforschung und Landesplanung, editors, Handworter-
and; Frederl~ C. H~we, ~!U,nJClpalTaxatlOn ro:d Its Effe~t o~ buch der Raumforschung, Vol. I (Hannover, 1970), pp. 171-
Town Plannmg, City BUIlding and the Housmg QuestlOn, 175. Also see Gerd Albers "Reinhard Baumeister" Arnold
P~oceedings of the Second National Conference on City Plan- Whittick, editor, Encyclopedia for Urban Planning (New York,
nmg; Rochester, 1911 (Boston, 1911), p. 87. 1974), p. 150.
2. See Me! Scott, American City Planning Since 1890 9 G R C llin d C Cell' C '/I S'tt 216-
(Berkeley, 1969), pp. 123ff. 218: .. 0 s an .. 0 ms, amI 0 I e, pp.
3. A major contribution toward removing this gap was 10 S D Ad h d "e '11 S' d L e b ' "7'
tl bli h d b Th L "Th A s ea, amI 0 Itte an e or uSler, ,0 wn
recen y pu s e y omas ogan, e mencamzatlOn V I 14 (1930)
of German Zoning," j oumal of the A merican Institute of
Pl'
anmng
R'
:v!e,~' 0., ' , pp. :J-, • s,~' S'Ir Patnc'k
8" 94 Al
Planners, Vol. 42, (1976), pp. 377.385. Also see John Fried- A.bercro~bIe, Some Notes on German VIllages, Town Plan-
mann and Barclay Hudson, "Knowledge and Action: A Guide nmg Rev!ew, Vols. 1 and 2, (1910), p. 248.
to Plarming Theory," Journal of the American Institute of 11. Frank B. Williams, "Some Aspects of City Planning
Planners, Vol. 40, (1974), p. 2. Administration in Europe," Proceedings of the Seventh
4. For an analysis of the Frankfurt experience see John R. N~tional Conference on ~ity Planning, Detroit: 1915 (Ca~-
Mullin, German City Planning in the 1920's: A North Ameri- bndg~, 1915), p. 148; Michael Hugo-Brunt, HIstory of CIty
can Perspective of the Frankfurt Experience (Waterloo, Plannl~g (r.I~ntr;al, 1973), p. 234 and; Gerhard Masur,
Ontario: l.:niversity of Waterloo, 1975, an unpublished Ph.D. ImperIal Berlm (New York, 1970),p. 66.
dissertation). 12. G. R. and C. C. Collins, Camillo Sitte, pp. 24, 66. ,

Vol. 55, (1940), p. 408; Syemour I. Toll, Zoned American 271. •


Economist
5. Evelynto A.
National
Clark,Socialist,"
"Adolph Political
Wagner:Science
From Quarterly,
National Catherine Bauer,Sources
13. Pevsner, Modern of Housing (Boston, 1934),
Alodern Architecture, p. pp.
194 270-
and; ,
>::1\
(New York, 1969), p. 129 and; Phil~p Boardman, Patrick 14. William H. Dawson, Afunicipal Life and Government in "

6. George R. Collins and Christiane C. Collins, Camillo Urban Culture and the Suburban Culture," Richard Eels and .:'
Geddes:
Sitte and Maker ,\lodem (Chapel
of theof Future
the Birth Hill, 1944),
City Planning p. 366.1965),
(London, (London,editors,
Germany Walton,
Clarence 1914)Man
pp.in 18-19 and;of Peter
the City Hall, (New;"
the Future "The '~'_

___ ~_~_1_9_a_n_d_p_p_.
_2_16_-_2_1_8. ~ y_o_r_k_,
_1_9_68_)_'_P_' _10_0_· L
_----------------------------------------------------
~•..
John R. Mullen

15. Charles :"Iulford Robinson, ,\Jodern Ch'ie Art or the Peaceful Path to Real Reform (Cambridge, Mass., 1965,
City ,\Jade Beautiful (:\ew York, 1970, originally published in originally published as Tomorrow: A Peaceful Path to Real
1918), p. 22 and; Toll, Zoned .'Il1Ierican, p. 134. Reform (1898) and: Roy Lubove, The Progressive and the
16. Charles Moore, Daniel H. Bi,mham: Architect: Planner Slum: Tenement House Rejorm in Sew York City (Pittsburgh,
1962), p. 221.
of Cities Vol. 11 ();ew York, 1968, originally published in
1921), p. 1·-1-3. 30. Harvey Kantor, "Benjamin Marsh and the Fight Over
17. Frederic C. Howe, ,\lode/"/! City, p. 228. Population Congestion," Journal of the A mcrica1z Institute of
Planners, Vol. 40, 19i4), p. 424 ..
18. Ernst Freund, "Discussion of Certain Principles of a
31. See Proceedings of the First National Conference on
Cniformed City Planning Code," ProcC('dil1g~' of the Third
Xationnl COllfercnce 011 City Planning. Philadelphia, 1911 City Planning, Washington D.C., 1909 (Chicago, 1967, a
reprint).
ICambridge, 1911), p. 245.
32. Frederic C. Howe, "The Remaking of th~ American
19. Wolfgang Bangert, Baupolitik zmd Stadtgestaltung in
Frankfurt-allJ-;\Iain (Wurzburg, 1936). pp. 144-151. City," Harper's, Vol. 27 (july, 1913), pp. 186-197; "A Way
Toward the :-'·Iodel City." World's Work, Vol. 21 (December 5,
20. Walter Schlieppe, •. Franz .-\dickes" Akedemie fiir 1910), pp. 13794-13801; "Dusseldorf, A City of Tomorrow,"
Raumforschung und Landesplanung, editor, Handworta- Hampton's Maga:ine Vol. 25 (December, 1910), pp. 697-709;
buch del' Raumforschung und Ral/mordllllllg, Vol. I, p. 9; "The German and the American City," Scribner's, Vol. 49
Gerd Albers, "Baumeister," p. 150 and; Bangert, Baupolitik, (April 1911), pp. 485-492 and; City Building in Germany
p.49. (Boston: American Unitarian Society, Bulletin Kumber four-
21. Kelson P. Lewis, The Planning of ehe ,\Iodern City teen, 1910). Also see Toll, Zoned A merican and; Frank B.
iNew York, 1916), p. 268 Williams, "Some Aspects of City Planning in Europe," Pro-
ceedings of the Seventh Natiolial Conference on City Planning,
22. Patrick Geddes, Cities in holution (:'-iew York, 1968. Detroit, 1915 (Boston, 1915), p. 147. ,'l'o.!
originally published in 1915), p. 198.
33. Josephine Reynolds, "Thomas Coglan Horsfall and the
23. Leo Grebler, Europe's Reborn Cities (Washington, Town Planning ~10vement in England," Town Planning Review,
1956), p. 90. Vol. 23, 1952), pp. 52-53; Adshead, "Camillo Sitte"; Patrick
24. Benjamin C. :\larsh, "Frankfurt on the :\lain Redistri- Abercrombie, "Some ~otes on German Garden Villages";
bution of Land Law," Committee on the District of Columbia, Geddes, Cities in Evolution; Howard, Garden Cities of To-
Hearing on the Subject of City Planning, p. 45. morrow; Creese, Sir Raymond Unwin and; Thomas Adams,
25. Walter Creese, The Legacy of Sir Raymond Unwin: ReceHt Advances in Town PlaHning (London, 1932).
A f/uman Pattern for Planning (Cambridge, :"lass., 1967), pp. 34. William L. Riordan, George Washington Plunkitt of
89-90 and: Sir Gwylm Gibbon, Problem.~ of Town and Co untry Tammany Hall (:\ew York, 1963) and Freund, "Discussion of
Planning (London, 1937). p. 35. Certain Principles," p. 248 ..
26 .•. \s Quoted in Thomas C. Horsfall, The hnpr01,ement 35. A. L. Brockway, "Discussion on Some Aspects of City
of the Dwellings and Surroundings of the People: The Example Planning Administration in Europe," Proceedings of the
of Germany (:\'Ianchester, 1904), p. 125. Set'enth National Conference on. City Planning, Detroit,
1915 p. 167.
'27. Robert H. Fife, The German Empire Between Two
Wars (I\ew York, 1916), p. 302. 36. Toll, Zoned .4merican, p. 129.
28. Fife, GennaH Empire, 280; Horsfall. Improvement of 37. Melvin Lasky, "Germany," EHcounter, Vol. 22, (1964),
DwellingI, p. 13 and; Leonardo Benevolo, History of Modern pp. 1-2 and Carroll 1\'leeks. The Railroad Station: A n Archi-
Architecture: The Traditions of Modern Architecture, Vol. 1, tectural History (New Haven, 1956), p. 137.
translated by H.J. Landry (Cambridge, :--Iass., 1971), p. 346. 38. See Ruth Diehl, Stadtplanzmg in Den Zwanziger Jahren
29. Ebenezer Howard, Gardc11 Citie~' oj To morrow: A (Frankfurt, 1974).

Sketches Ct>ilTtn-y oj the I1Jithor.

15