Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
B. Chapters
I. Introduction/ Abstract
The Philippines had promising prospects being the first democratic state in
Southeast Asia as well as the first Asian state that challenged the overwhelming
power of colonialism. The Philippine state had also become a symbol for
democracy, proving that the power vested in the people can triumph over
oppressive and abusive regime without the use of bloodshed and the costly
consequences that revolutionary wars bring.
However, what went wrong? Despite being a democratic country, why does the
people and the vast majority of the population continue to be marginalized and
experience huge inequality gap and injustices? Despite our rich resources why do
the people at the lowest level of society not feel the improvements and
advancements accomplished? Are we really a democratic nation? If so then what
is the state of our nation?
B. Methodology
Research Design
Democracy
The first national revolution that happened in Asia during the colonial era
was started by the Filipinos against Spain in 1896. At that time, only the
Filipinos, out of all the colonized subjects in Asia, had seen themselves as a
nation that has a right to independence and therefore revolted against their
coloniser.
1
Origins of Democracy in the Philippines. Accessed February 27, 2018. http://press-
files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/p33231/mobile/ch04s02.html.
2
ibid.,
establishments are mostly copies of American institutions that have been
introduced early during the American occupation and have been absorbed over
a period of almost 50 years.
The result of this is that the Philippine political system is more like Latin
America than Asia. It possesses many of the traditional Hispanic characteristics
of a democratic government, including control of key institutions by the few
elites, ‘patron’ based system of civil service and political parties, industrialists
protected from domestic and foreign competition and massive unemployment.
The result is an economy that cannot grow rapidly, cannot distribute income
fairly and cannot pay its debts. Under such circumstances, prospects for
democracy are bleak.3
After the Commonwealth period came The Third Republic of the Philippines.
Distraught by the Second World War, the Third Republic faced problems in the
Economy as well as in the government where graft and corruption took place.
Nevertheless, the Philippines remained a democratic country. It was during the
latter half of the Third Republic, until the first half of the Fourth Republic of the
Philippines when democracy ‘died’ in the country, following President Marcos’
declaration of Martial Law and his rule as a dictator.
Martial Law was imposed under the pretexts of a threat from the
insurgencies by the Communists and by the Filipino Muslims in the south and
the need to establish a "new society" in the country4. New Society was about
equality. There should be an equal treatment for everyone, no matter if one is
poor or rich. The New Society was the cure to the old and sick society that had
suffered from the previous political leaders. Unlike the old society, which was
said to have made poor people poorer, the New Society would care more for
human life. This ideology also emphasized the need for a strong commitment
to nationalism and reversal of the unstable democratic system.5 ‘National
discipline’ had to be instilled, which may bring about “initial discomforts among
a citizenry that had been led to believe that freedom and licentiousness were
one and the same”, and these “reforms were to call for a measure of sacrifice
from the people.”6 This suggested that for the reforms of the government to
succeed, the Filipinos should learn to sacrifice their liberty and abide by the
government’s rules. Freedom and sovereignty that the Filipinos were relishing
before the martial rule were equivalent to arrogance and would lead to disorder.
The need for authoritarian rule was adverted as an essential factor to foster
3
Burton, Charles, and Thomas W. Robinson. "Democracy and Development in East Asia: Taiwan, South Korea, and
the Philippines." International Journal47, no. 2 (1992): 457. doi:10.2307/40202776.
4
Proclamation 1081, September 21, 1972.
5
Buenrostro, Iyra S. "From Collecting to Tracing Documentary Realities: The Intertextuality of “New Society”."
August 21, 2017, 1-9. Accessed March 12, 2018. http://library.ifla.org/1832/1/187-buenrostro-en.pdf.
6
“One Year of the New Society”, 1973, p. 4
economic growth in the Philippines and to steer clear of communist
insurgencies.7
Because democracy was so easily abrogated it has been argued that it had
not in fact taken root in the Philippines.8 According to Raymond Gastil, an
American social scientist, ‘A democratic constitution does not make a
democracy; only democratic, constitutional behaviour that follows a long period
of experience and education can truly constitute democracy’. Despite the 1935
constitution instilling democratic principles as well as a democratic structure of
government, political practice did not conform with the theory.
During the Martial Law, Marcos was able to control all of the government
with the military answering to his beck and call. Any act of rebellion was
supressed, curfew hours were enforced, group assemblies were banned,
privately-owned media facilities were shut down and all those that can be
considered threats to Marcos’ regime are forcefully stopped and renowned
politicians and media personas are arrested.9
7
Buenrostro, op. cit.,
8
Abrogating Democracy. Accessed March 05, 2018. http://press-
files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/p33231/mobile/ch04s04.html.
9
Meyers, Diana Tietjens. "Emotional Understanding and Victims’ Stories." Victims Stories and the Advancement of
Human Rights, 2016, 102-39. doi:10.1093/acprof: oso/9780199930388.003.0004.
10
Burton, et al. op. cit., (as n.2 above)
11
Library of Congress
12
Burton, et al. op. cit., (as n.2 above)
Contradictions in the 1987 Constitution
The words “republican” and “democratic” are two distinct terms, bearing
different meanings and denotations. This is one example of Philippine
departure from the American constitution. Federalist papers show that the
framers of the American Constitution refused to use the word democratic to
describe the political system of the United States not merely because it is
vague, but also because it was not their intention to establish a democratic
state. According to James Madison, his idea of a republican state does not
mean popular democracy in which power is left in the hands of the people. In
a true republican state, political power is delegated through popular elections
to elected officials, thereby providing a shielding barrier from reckless or
injudicious mob governance.14
Democratic Decay
The Philippine politics is still far from the kind of democracy that espouses
socioeconomic justice, consistent state’s regard for human rights, equitable
economic development that many established countries in the West have
already achieved.16 Philippines disintegrating democracy shows signs of a
13
"The Moral Base of the Filipino Nation and Philippines Intellectual Bankruptcy." THE VINCENTON POST. September
14, 2011. Accessed March 15, 2018. https://fvdb.wordpress.com/2009/08/17/the-moral-base-of-the-filipino-nation-
and-philippine’s-intellectual-bankruptcy/.
14
ibid.,
15
Banlaoi, Rommel. CHAPTER 16 GLOBALIZATION AND NATION-BUILDING IN THE PHILIPPINES: State Predicaments
in Managing Society in the Midst of Diversity. 2016.
16
Regilme, op. cit., p.2
decaying political system. South East Asia’s oldest democratic state had
complete democratic institutions such as the congress and other mechanisms
for popular participation that was the first in all of South East Asia and even
when democracy in the Philippines has proven to be persistent during EDSA
Revolution that even inspired other nonviolent revolutions in other parts of the
world; Philippine democracy is indeed impaired.
The downfall of Marcos’ authoritarian regime still failed to put an end to the
dominance of the elites, but rather, a new group of politicians elected in the
succeeding government became a new class of economic and political elites.
Even at the local level, local elites enjoy political endurance and economic
prosperity, proving that national politics is clearly contingent at the local level.18
Elites that have been dominating national and local posts are adept only in
advancing personal interests rather than making coherent policies, becoming
an ‘elite above the law.’19 Because of these dominating class, democratically
grounded interests that could be the basis of a successful political mobilization
brought by social movements are not made, stunting development of the
country.
The power to stage major changes in the political and social infrastructures
was definitely controlled by various elite factions, and, in the case of the
Philippines, not even “social movements from below” were enough to resist the
“soft” and “hard” power of the national elite factions;20 further described as the
source of political instability that has weakened the strengthening of political
17
Banlaoi, op. cit., p.206
18
Ibid., p.6
19
Rogers, S. Philippine politics and the rule of law. Journal of Democracy. 2004. 111–125
20
Regilme, op. cit., p.8
institutions and democratic legal process.21 Thus, the fundamental weakness
of the democratic government is the oppressive elitism that disregards the rule
of law, practices corruption and dominates the national political-economic
stage.
Electoral process in the Philippines also proved to have been plagued with
dominance of political clans and dynasties. The principle of electoral process
was supposed to be promoting a broader political representation where elected
leaders were to represent public interest. The persistence of political dynasties,
and not principle-based political parties, was one of the most enduring features
of the Philippine Congress, even with the fall of Marcos.22
21
Doronila, A. The state, economic transformation, and political change in the Philippines, 1946–1972. Singapore:
Oxford University Press. 1992
22
Regilme, op. cit., p.9
23
Ravenholt, op. cit., (as in n.15)
are constantly deprived of the state’s public good due to the concentration of
power and economic flows in Manila. These insurgencies also show the lack
of morality and democratic characteristics of the elected national and local
political leaders and the ‘rotten state apparatus’ that supports them.24
The armed conflicts as well as brutal and illiberal policing practices of the
government is a paradox to the supposedly liberal democratic state such as the
Philippines. The origins of these oppressive police power started from the
American occupation and despite the re-democratization, it has still persisted,
proven by the extrajudicial killings during Arroyo’s regime in the hope of
silencing political dissidents and critics. The abusive police power and the
dominance and furthering of the few elites of their own interests are one of the
pressing factors as to why democratic consolidation in the Philippines is still
far-off.
24
Regilme, op. cit., p.18
25
Manglapus, Raul S. "The State of Philippine Democracy." Foreign Affairs. October 11, 2011. Accessed February 27,
2018. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/philippines/1960-07-01/state-philippine-democracy.
policy of the Philippines was not shaped by the challenges and difficulty of the
economy, but rather, by the interests of the few oligarchs.26
The Philippine economy was able to eventually re-enter the world’s financial
markets28. However, these changes and reforms were not enough to bring the
Philippines into economic prosperity. Aquino succeeded in restoring
democracy but failed to solve all the problems left by the previous governments.
Two key problems were prominent in hindering the economic growth amidst
the return of electoral democracy; agrarian reform and widening gap of material
inequality.
Filipinos also fostered education as a tool for migration, textbooks that were
used often included ‘ideal’ Western life, instilling in the youths the desire to
migrate to foreign lands that are better than their own country to experience
better living conditions. Aside from the high unemployment rate in the country,
this was why Filipino professionals that are badly needed in the Philippines
choose to migrate and offer their services to other countries.32
30
Maca, et al. op. cit., p.474
31
Ravenholt, Albert. "The Philippines: Where Did We Fail?" Foreign Affairs. October 11, 2011. Accessed February 27,
2018. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/philippines/1951-04-01/philippines-where-did-we-fail.
32
Maca, et al. op. cit., p. 476-478
33
Regilme, op. cit., p.17
Philippines and most importantly, the excessive promotion of migration or
overseas jobs by the state as a solution to the problems of social justice,
reflects how state agencies confessed that domestic problems are difficult to
solve and that their constituents are better off by just moving abroad.34
The Philippines joined the WTO in 1995 to prepare itself for global
competitiveness and gain benefits that globalization may bring. Despite its
great optimism on joining the WTO, the Philippines is still lagging behind its
Southeast Asian neighbours in terms of economic performance. The
Philippines entered the global economic arena with its domestic political
34
ibid., p.17
35
ibid., p.21
36
Gerring, John, Philip Bond, William T. Barndt, and Carola Moreno. "Democracy and Economic Growth: A Historical
Perspective." World Politics57, no. 03 (2005): 323-64. doi:10.1353/wp.2006.0002.
37
Barro, op. cit., p. 25-26
economy unprepared. The Philippine state has failed to create the kind of fertile
socioeconomic environment that would have prepared the country for global
competition.38
The Philippine state is a weak state because its governing body has constantly
been under the control of the elites for the purpose of personal agendas. The
Philippine state continues to fail to insulate itself from the parochial interests of
traditional families, clans and groups that have dominated and benefited from
Philippine politics. These forces compete with the Philippine state in exercising
effective control over its diverse population.39
38
Banlaoi, op. cit., p.203
39
ibid., p.205
40
ibid., p.206
41
ibid. p.210
42
Emmanuel S. De Dios, “Between Nationalism and Globalization” in Filomena S. Sta. Ana III (ed), The State and the
Market: Essays on a Socially Oriented Philippine Economy (Quezon City: Action for Economic Reforms, 1998), p. 28.
43
Banlaoi, op. cit., p.211
IV. Analysis
This implies that the Philippines’ revolt was because of the injustices
and inequalities, as well as the marginalization of locals – or known as, then,
– indios. The revolution was spearheaded by the privileged Filipinos who
had the opportunity to study in the country or abroad. These elites were able
to learn from the advanced countries, which made them yearn for their ‘own’
independence. As this was the wish of the few educated Filipinos, it did not
form the ‘Filipino’ national identity. The uprising and revolts made by the
locals are not because of a nationalist consolidation, but rather, as a
retaliation against the oppressive governance.
The rule of Marcos, which seeks to create his so called ‘new society’
wherein the problems of the ‘old society’ will be conquered and replaced
with better answers and solutions. Although ideal and promising, the actions
taken by Marcos was extreme, spurring revolutions and retaliations from the
people. His ideals which suggested the instilling of ‘National Discipline’
which may bring about discomforts and the sacrifice of the people’s liberty
and freedom reminds us of Hobbes’ Leviathan wherein he states that
‘Human affairs cannot be without some inconvenience’ and that it is only
natural, since from birth, we are bounded to the laws of the land we are born
in and for the greater good, we are to obey these laws despite the
inconveniences. This ideology proved to be ineffective as Filipinos found
Marcos’ way too extreme; the Filipinos, having the foundation of an
American ideology of inalienable rights, refused to give up their freedom.
Marcos’ administration, however, proved that Philippine democracy
has not yet taken root in the country. Democracy should be like a seed that
is planted which grows into an enormous tree with its roots reaching deeply,
holding it stable and firm. That way, Democracy will not easily be replaced
with oppressive rule. If one will think that Philippines already has a deep
experience with democracy, one must look further. The Philippine People
Power that overthrew Marcos was primarily started by the elite dynasties
that are losing their power. While it is true that the ordinary Filipino citizen
rose up against the violence and breach of human rights, the factor that
made the EDSA revolution successful was the support of the elite factions,
and thus, not democratically-representative. The same can be said about
the Second EDSA Revolution where Estrada was overthrown. Democracy
is the government of the people, for the people, by the people and thus,
once the government failed to serve its purpose, the people have the right
to revolt against it. But then, the Third EDSA revolution that called to remove
Arroyo and reinstate Estrada as the President, failed to reach their
objectives, primarily because it was composed of the working class and was
not supported by the elites. If the Philippine Democracy truly has instilled in
the Filipinos a Democratic behaviour and the said behaviour showed in
political practice; then revolutions held by the marginalized majority will be
recognized, and true democracy will be implemented.
Education has also become a business for the capitalist elites. The
tuition fees of the students continue to increase, teacher’s salary isn’t
sufficient, and the quality of education has been on decline. Education
should have served the needs of the economy, by training the mind and by
producing and propagating skills and talent that could innovate and help
further the country. Education have also failed to form national identity.
(n.d.). Accessed March 05, 2018. Retrieved March 11, 2018, from
http://press-
files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/p33231/mobile/ch04s04.html.
(n.d.). Accessed February 27, 2018. Retrieved March 11, 2018, from
http://press-
files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/p33231/mobile/ch04s02.html.