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Consumer
YouTube: an opportunity for narrative
consumer narrative analysis? analysis
Stefano Pace
Università Bocconi, Milano, Italy 213
Abstract
Purpose – The aim of the paper is to discuss a possible extension of narrative analysis to a new
medium of expression of consumer behaviour, specifically YouTube.
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Introduction
Noah took a photo of himself every day . . . for six years . . . Then he put the pictures in
a mesmerizing sequence and uploaded the video onto YouTube. Noah was one of the
candidates of the 2006 YouTube Awards. What lies behind this behaviour? What
method can be applied to understand the YouTube phenomenon? What happens when
videos refer to brands and consumption?
Consumers live in a narrative world in which stories are told and they write their
own stories through deeds of consumption. In this sense, consumption is a narrative
act, a conclusion which can be drawn from the current marketing and consumption
literature (Hopkinson and Hogarth-Scott, 2007; Shankar et al., 2001; Shankar and
Goulding, 2001). Marketing scholars have acquired an awareness of the relevance of Qualitative Market Research: An
narrative and narrative analysis applied to consumption and to marketing decisions. International Journal
Vol. 11 No. 2, 2008
Branding, communication and consumption itself have been studied as narrative acts. pp. 213-226
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1352-2752
The author is grateful to Dr Brian Bloch for his comprehensive editing of the manuscript. DOI 10.1108/13522750810864459
QMRIJ We can currently observe a new field for the evolution of narrative analysis and
11,2 narrative expression in consumption: YouTube.
YouTube is a rich repository of information and insights regarding markets and
consumption. The aim of the paper is to contribute to a debate regarding the methods to
study this new medium. How to extract knowledge about consumers from YouTube?
That knowledge is embedded in the videos posted by consumers. Qualitative analysis
214 can help to extract this knowledge. In particular, narrative analysis seems an interesting
method to explore, due to the narrative nature of YouTube. The paper tries to contribute
to the advancement of qualitative market research by exploring the application of the
narrative approach to this new field.
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general. It is common knowledge that many advertisements have a plot that make
them a form of modern tale, with a problem finally solved by a hero, that is, the product
or brand. It has been proven that, by structuring an ad as narrative, the message can be
more persuasive than an analytical illustration of a product’s features (Escalas, 2007).
When the consumer sees ads that can refer to herself, the narrative self-referencing
is less vulnerable to weak argumentations than common analytical thinking
(Escalas, 2007).
Advertisements can be analyzed using literary criticism and taxonomy (Stern, 1989,
1995) that are more subtle than content analysis. The narrative structure of ads is even
deeper than that. Narrative is not just a story developed along time. Even an image is a
story. Scott (1994a) reflects on the use of rhetoric in the visual element of advertising.
The still images used in the ads have an intrinsic rhetoric value that is coded by the
sender and interpreted spontaneously by the receiver. The interpretation is rooted
more in the historical cultural context in which the subject lives, than in a natural
process of perception. Processes of perception are learned and not inscribed in the
biology of the seer. Visual perception is based on the conventions of symbols and signs
shared by sender and receiver. As Scott (1994b) argues, an image showing a magic box
full of jewels escaping from it, elicits in the mind of the consumer the literary symbol of
the Pandora’s box. That meaning is built in a literary myth shared by the members
of the society. Moreover, the consumer adopts a sophisticated interpretation: the box of
the advertisement brings beautiful objects and not illnesses like in the myth.
Branding is another field in which narrative can be seen. Brand values and
associations are often built through ads that are narratives. At a deeper level, a brand
can be perceived by the consumer as a character within a story (Shankar et al., 2001,
p. 447). Literary genres can also be applied to brands in the manner of novels and tales
(Twitchell, 2004). A brand is a story in itself, expressed visually (e.g. the Golden Arches
of McDonald’s, the swoosh logo of Nike), through sounds and characters (Twitchell,
2004).
In order to benefit from a brand and truly consume it, a subject must be knowledgeable
of the story behind the brand and understand its narrative nature. This understanding
implies brand literacy (Bengtsson and Fuat Firat, 2006), in which the term clearly refers to
conventional knowledge conveyed by symbols shared between advertiser and consumer.
Brand literacy has three levels of skills: reading a sign; writing a sign; understanding how
the receiver would interpret a sign. The third level of ability resembles the rhetoric (Scott,
1994a), that is, the art and practice of articulating a message to achieve a desired effect on
the audience. At the highest level of ability, the consumer uses the brand in a way that
QMRIJ shows her knowledge of it and how the other persons would interpret that use. This
11,2 rhetorical ability is particularly relevant when the consumer becomes a producer of
meanings conveyed to other subjects, as it happens in YouTube.
Another aspect of narrative is its use as a methodological tool. A consumer is a
producer of introspective narratives that can be studied by researchers. In order to
understand the inner emotions and experiences of consumers, researchers investigate
216 the introspective narratives that the subjects write (Carù and Cova, 2006). Probably more
effectively than the answers given in an interview, the narrative of the subject can
convey the deeper meaning of a consumption experience. Based on the extensive and
varied use of personal narrative that is accumulating in marketing, some authors would
advocate a “literary-based perspective to the interpretive turn in qualitative market
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research” (Hackley, 2007, p. 98). Personal diaries are another form of narrative produced
by consumers which are analyzed by researchers (Patterson, 2005). Further back in the
past, service marketing developed and refined the critical incidents technique, through
which a service user recounts the various phases of a service process (Burns et al., 2000).
We can summarize the relationship between narrative analysis and
marketing/consumer behaviour as in Table I.
In summary, the consumer is considered as a reader of narratives that are embedded
in ads or brands, and as a writer of introspective accounts of her own experiences and
feelings. What seems less central in this broad framework of studies based on
narrative, is the consumer as a storyteller. Consumer narratives that are solicited by
researchers cannot be considered as stories as such, but as introspection produced and
used for research purposes. A story, to be defined as such, should be conceived and
issued by the sender with the intent to convey a meaning to an undefined audience.
Brand communities are one of the contexts in which stories are told, since storytelling
is one of the key features of communities (Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001; Schau and Muñiz,
2006). The members refer to legendary tales of their preferred brands, maintaining the
tradition. However, a story can be told to a larger audience, not necessarily limited to
Subjects can upload and share personally produced videos, portions of movies and TV
shows[1], creative montages of any audio-visual material that is available on TV or the
Web. Not surprisingly, this technical freedom to post any material raises questions
about copyright infringement by YouTube users and YouTube itself. The future
development of YouTube is inextricably related to these issues and how they are
resolved.
Consumption practices and brands are among the represented topics. The forms are
varied: a fan of the TV series “Grey’s Anatomy” edits images of his favourite program
and creates his own story using the characters[2]; a Heineken beer bottle is dropped
and filmed at high speed to show any nuances of the “phenomenon,” as in a naturalistic
documentary[3]. The new environment of YouTube allows consumers to freely and
creatively redefine their relationship with products and brands and anything related to
them.
YouTube represents a sophisticated and visual form of “public intimacy” that one
can find in some internet-personal spaces, where people let others see their own lives.
Some of these spaces are promoted directly by brands, like in the case of the
community MyNutella, where the fans of the most famous hazelnut spread post
pictures of themselves and their passion (Cova and Pace, 2006).
YouTube is part of the visual age that we live in (Schroeder, 2002). Consumption
increasingly includes vision as part of other acts of consumption or as a form of
consumption in itself (watching TV or browsing in a store are autonomous
consumption acts). YouTube adds another dimension to this phenomenon, that is the
direct production of images by the subjects and not the mere consumption of images.
Community storytelling
Communities gather around ritual, brands and places (Cova and Cova, 2002; Bagozzi
and Dholakia, 2006; Cova et al., 2007a, b; Schau and Muñiz, 2006). Storytelling is one of
the key features of a brand community. YouTube is used to celebrate the community
rituals surrounding a brand. For instance, a Harley Davidson rally is relived in
YouTube[6]. Other forms of community are devoid of references to any particular
brand and are a mere sharing, such as personal holidays, places visited, programs seen.
In these cases, there is no pre-defined community, but just a sense of sharing. Solidarity
is another key feature of communities (Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001) and some videos can
be considered as just a gift to the other users. For instance, a subject posts a video in
which he teaches practical recipes and tricks to cook a nice barbeque[7].
marketing included.
Blogs, virtual communities and similar platforms do not have the same structure. The
diachronic nature of videos uploaded to YouTube (the development of the elements of
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meaning over time) makes them a story, richer than texts and different from pictures.
The presence of an audience makes the system a broadcasting system, but with no
traditional broadcaster[12].
The material produced by YouTube users can be interpreted from various
perspectives, each capturing a part of the phenomenon at issue.
Theatre theory
The video representations posted in YouTube are similar to the setting described by
Goffman (1959), that is, a theatre-like presentation of the self, where the subject plays a
character. The products and brand would be artefacts and signs to better convey the
meanings of the play. This perspective would not capture the meaning of those videos
in which the subject is not personally present. In that case, the subject is not an actor
who personally plays in front of a public.
Visual analysis
This discipline (Schroeder, 2002, 2007; Heisley, 2001) can be useful to understand
YouTube, but its semiotic roots could limit its explanatory power. In fact, according to
the medium-specificity theory of movies (Forgione, 2004), videos have a nature that is
quite different from a picture or a series of pictures. The editing and chronological
sequence is what distinguishes YouTube videos from other visual material.
Videography
Interpretive consumer research extensively uses videos as method of research and
material for study (Belk and Kozinets, 2005, 2007). However, videography implies
video material produced by the researchers or (less frequently) autonomously
produced by consumers and then interpreted by researchers. In the latter case,
compared to YouTube, what is missing is the specific intention of subjects to broadcast
Impersonal Personal
possibility to translate different forms of communication into one another. For instance,
visual communication, like advertisements, use linguistic rhetorical figures to convey
meaning. Thus, it is possible that visual elements can be translated into linguistic
elements, allowing narrative analysis to be applied. Each act of communication would
have a fabula (Bal, 1997) within it, that is, the inner structure of the events, their logical
flow, regardless of the actual story told (thus, regardless of the style, the medium used,
the actual terms and expressions employed). Even a still image synthesises a story that
is developed chronologically.
Narrative analysis seems a fruitful approach, covering many facets of YouTube. As
seen, consumer narratives are acknowledged by marketing scholars as a form (even the
core form for some of them) of expression of consumption (Shankar et al., 2001) and
employed as a research epistemology when the subject herself writes down her
thoughts and inner feelings (Carù and Cova, 2006). YouTube adds a visual aspect and
it enriches the way in which a subject can tell his stories of consumption or about
consumption. Moreover, YouTube videos are a form of consumption in themselves.
When produced to be told and broadcasted, a video becomes a story. YouTube
videos have the typical elements of a story: plot, character, structural pattern, and
organization, expressions (as the chosen visual elements). One can analyse videos
using different narratological approaches. One of them is the traditional tales structure
devised by Propp (1968). The focus can be also on the creative methods employed by
the user, like those used to build a fairytale (Rodari, 1973). This could be an operational
starting point for analyzing a video. The researcher could pinpoint the creative
technique used in the video. The Mentos-Coke experiment, for instance, seems based on
the hyperbolic exaggeration of a product’s feature, in this case, effervescence. Another
creative tool used is that of combining two different elements (Mentos and Coke).
The YouTube user employs rhetoric techniques to convey the intended meaning to
the audience. It is similar to the use of visual rhetoric as applied by advertisers (Scott,
1994a, b). Rhetoric is based on conventional means shared by the sender and the
audience. In YouTube, the conventions are the meaning of the brands as generally
conceived in the marketplace. Leveraging on this common knowledge, the user can
play with that meaning and create a story, celebrating or making fun of the brand.
Hence, if Coke is about the excesses of marketing, the video of Mentos-Coke is a visual
rhetorical representation of this aspect. The same holds for TV characters. The user
knows the personal traits of a TV character and she uses these traits to tell some story.
A romantic doctor from the TV series “Grey’s Anatomy” can be used to represent
romance in a self-edited video, just like a movie director who hires an actor to play a
specific kind of role. Doctor House, for instance, is a cynical TV character. His traits are Consumer
known to the viewers of the TV series. A user might combine shots of episodes of the narrative
Dr House show to tell a romantic story with a cynical flavour, or about medical
systems or indeed, about whatever the user can imagine. That character becomes an analysis
actor in the hands of the user-producer. The common and shared repository of
meanings (romance, drama, cynical, and so on) is produced by normal TV programs
and they are necessary to ensure that the discourse of YouTube continues. That is why 223
it is unlikely that YouTube would substitute, at least in the near future, the classical
broadcasting systems. TV creates the myths and the “universal” ideas on which the
creation by YouTube users are based.
Narrative analysis should respect criteria that are different, compared to other
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Given the richness of YouTube and the limits of narrative analysis, researchers can
employ different methods to study YouTube. Narrative analysis can complement other
224 methods.
Notes
1. For instance, an episode of the TV series “The Simpsons” is posted almost in its entirety:
www.youtube.com/watch?v ¼ 83Wem49Cl4k
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