P a g e |1

Susan Stark

Dr. Judith Todd

Religion 230 – Hebrew Bible

April 14, 2018

The Edict of Cyrus

The Edict of Cyrus was significant and historical for the Jewish and Christian people. The Edict, as

described by the Chronicler in Hebrew Scriptures (NRSV, 2 Chron. 36:22-23; Ezra 1:1-11; 3:7; 4:3-16; 5:6-17; 6:1-

15), allowed Judean refugees to return to their land, to rebuild the Temple, and marked a great turning-point in the

history in the Hebrew Scriptures. It is so important that Cyrus the Great (Cyrus II) of the First Persian (Achaemenid)

Empire is called messiah (“anointed one”) in Isaiah and is referenced over twenty times in the Hebrew Scriptures

(Jackson 274-6). But is the Edict an historical fact? In the mid-nineteenth century Darwin wrote On the Origin of

Species, and this ground-breaking scientific work about evolution caused many people to question the Scriptures.

However, the Cyrus Cylinder, discovered in 1879, provides archeological support for the Edict of Cyrus. The

Cylinder describes the capture of Babylon in 539 BCE, states Cyrus’s decree allowing the refugees living in

Babylon to return to their home (Flanders et al. 431), and meshes with the descriptions of Cyrus in Deutero-Isaiah.

So, this paper will also discuss how various sources support the religious importance and historicity the Edict of

Cyrus.

Cyrus kept himself well-informed about events in Neo-Babylonian Empire prior to the conquest of Babylon

in 539 BCE. The Nabonidus Chronicle describes the reign of Nabonidus (556-539 BCE), the last king of the Neo-

Babylonian Empire (Isbouts 190-2). Nabonidus caused social tension in Babylon by placing Sin (the moon god,

Nabonidus’s favorite god) as state god instead of Marduk (the Babylonian main god), so Cyrus exploited this

situation (Finkel 22). In the year 540 BCE, on October 12, Cyrus’s troops under Gubaru entered Babylon without

any resistance from the Neo-Babylonian armies. After the troops entered the city, Median shield-bearers were sent

to protect the Esagila Temple (Marduk’s) so there was no interruption of religious rituals in Babylon. Cyrus himself

entered Babylon on October 29th and declared a state of peace. Behaving like a Babylonian king, he prayed to the

Babylonian gods, honored the local customs, and rebuilt the shrines (Finkel 117). Cyrus’s intervention in Babylon

was especially welcomed by two religious groups: Babylonian priests and exiled Judeans (Jackson 274-6). In 538,

following Babylonian custom, Cyrus grasped the hands of the golden statue of Bel-Marduk, and became consecrated

Stark, Susan - Religion 230

 P a g e |2

as "King of Babylon, King of all the Lands" His reign dates from this ceremony in 538, explaining why 538 BCE

may be used instead of 539 BCE for the beginning of his reign over Babylon (Gottheil). Also showing respect to

Judeans and other refugees in Babylon, Cyrus’s decree allowed repatriation to their homes and approved restoration

of sacred places and cult sanctuaries.

The Cyrus Cylinder is famous for its evidence of Cyrus's decree, giving another version of the Edict of

Cyrus. The Cylinder (539–530 BCE), an archeological clay object inscribed in Akkadian cuneiform script, was

found under the Babylonian Esagila Temple to Marduk during a British Museum excavation in 1879. In 1971, the

Assyriologist Paul-Richard Berger discovered a large missing fragment of the Cylinder in the Babylonian Collection

at Yale, and sent the fragment to the British Museum (Finkel 13; Finkelstein 11-23). This additional fragment helped

supply some of the missing wording on the Cylinder. The Cylinder is characteristic of the ritual Mesopotamian

‘foundation deposits’, since these objects were buried in the foundations of temples (Finkel 64; Curtis 48) or other

important structures when they were consecrated. The tradition stretched back to the Sumerian rulers of the third

millennium BCE, as a method for preserving their name and achievements and leaving a record for the future. When

Cyrus’s subjects were restoring foundations in Babylon, they uncovered a similar inscription by Ashurbanipal who

had restored an earlier structure (Finkel 11; Finkelstein 11-23). In a similar manner, the Cyrus Cylinder was

deposited after the capture of Babylon by Cyrus, so the British Museum puts the Cylinder's date of origin between

539–530 BCE (Simonin; Cyrus Cyl. 2017; Finkel 11).

The Cyrus Cylinder, about 23 cm by 11 cm in size, is made of barrel-shaped layers of clay. A fine surface

slip of clay was added to the outer layer and this layer was inscribed before it was fired like pottery to harden it

(Finkel 11). The Cylinder is inscribed with forty-five lines of dense ‘old-fashioned’ Babylonian cuneiform script,

making it look like a gnawed corn cob (FEZANA). Clearly, its appearance and script were not intended as a

showpiece since it was intended for burial as a foundation deposit. The use of archaizing writing that had been in use

one thousand years earlier was used to show stability and longevity, however the script on the cylinder is a bit

uneven in shape, size, and spacing, in contrast with the more refined cylinders of the Neo-Babylonian dynasty

(Finkelstein 11-23). The text can be divided in two parts (Simonin; Finkel 120). Lines 1 to 18, probably composed

by Babylonian priests, tell the story of Cyrus’s deeds in the third person, and shows Marduk’s approval of Cyrus.

Because the text was meant for Babylonians, it refers to the god as Marduk. It describes Nabonidus, the last Neo-

Babylonian king, who opposed the cult of Marduk, and imposed corvée on the free population, who then

Stark, Susan - Religion 230

 P a g e |3

complained to the gods. Marduk looked for a champion and he chose Cyrus (Cyrus Cyl. 2017). In the second part,

Cyrus speaks in the first person, introducing himself: ‘I am Cyrus …’. This passage reflects standard official state

proclamations to declare the new ruler legitimate, the old regime is over, and new reforms are occurring (Finkel 24,

120). The inscription states Cyrus restored the cults of the former kingdoms, and released the exiled people to return

to their native lands (Flanders et al. 431). This is interpreted as referring to several displaced cultural groups,

including the Judeans, and substantiating the historicity of the Edict of Cyrus (Pritchard 316; Wiesehöfer 44-5).

The Cyrus Cylinder was once considered to be unique; however, two cuneiform fragments from ‘above

ground’ flat clay tablets were discovered near Babylon during another British Museum excavation. The fragments

are inscribed with an identical text as the Cyrus Cylinder; but it appears to be for official circulation, using much

better script than the Cyrus Cylinder (Finkel 2, 21, 23). However, the two fragments were not noticed to be identical

to the Cylinder inscription until 2009, and they were recognized as showing the Cyrus’s decree was not just for

foundation deposits but was circulated as a Persian state proclamation (Finkel 2, 11, 121; Curtis 31-35; Cyrus Cyl.

2010). Based on the fragments, here are the possible steps that led to the Cyrus Cylinder (Finkel 23): 1) first,

proclamation tablets for circulation preceded cylinders since no one ever composed a cuneiform text on a curved

cylinder; and 2) cylinder inscription would be copied from a ‘flat’ master copy onto a cylinder; and 3) the cylinder

would be used as a foundation deposit. This tablet– cylinder relationship can help explain the uneven quality of the

Cyrus Cylinder inscription (Finkel 23). It is probable that official promulgations by professional scribes, widely

distributed within the Persian Empire, were adjusted in detail as appropriate for each location. For example, the

Cyrus Cylinder, written for burial in the foundations at Babylon, describes some events specific to Babylon that

would not have fit other locations. Also, given the many local languages in the Persian Empire, other regions would

have received official promulgations with appropriate wording, so they could understand that Cyrus was appointed

by the local gods in their region (Finkel 21). There were probably versions in Aramaic as well as Babylonian in

circulation.

Around the beginning of Cyrus’s conquests, Deutero-Isaiah, a major prophet of the Exile, introduced a

theological interpretation of history with God as sovereign over all nations and events, and as Cyrus as a great

deliverer or messiah in God service: “Who (God) has roused a victor from the east, summoned him to his service?

He delivers up nations to him, and tramples kings under foot…” (Isa 41:2). Deutero-Isaiah even uses the term

“messiah” to indicate the divine initiative behind Cyrus’s mission (Isa 44:24, 28; 45:1, 5). The similar wording on

Stark, Susan - Religion 230

 P a g e |4

the Cyrus Cylinder and in Deutero-Isaiah supports the argument that the references to a messiah in Isaiah are about

Cyrus (Gottheil; Reiss 160-161). The Cylinder is older than the text of Isaiah, and yet Deutero-Isaiah is familiar with

Cyrus’s decree that allowed refugees to return to their lands since he uses much of the same wording as the Cyrus

cylinder. Both texts (Curtis 12; Finkel 120) include a non-Persian deity (Marduk on the cylinder; and God in Isaiah)

who calls Cyrus by name, chooses him as a "friend, favorite or shepherd", takes his hand, leads him, and makes him

a ruler. Compare Deutero-Isaiah (Isa 44:28; 45:1-3; 45:13) with the Cyrus Cylinder translation of these lines

(Lendering; Pritchard):

11 all the people of Sumer and Akkad, who had become corpses. He (Marduk) was reconciled and had

mercy upon them. He examined and checked all the entirety of the lands, all of them,

12 he searched everywhere and then he took a righteous king, his favorite, by the hand, he called out his

name: Cyrus, king of Anšan; he pronounced his name to be king all over the world.

15 He ordered him to go to his city Babylon. He set him on the road to Babylon and like a companion and

a friend, he went at his side.

17 He made him enter his city Babylon without fighting or battle; he saved Babylon from hardship.

Deutero-Isaiah’s knowledge of Cyrus and the content of the decrees promulgated by Cyrus provides a solid

historical setting. Also, Deutero-Isaiah suggest something unique: God’s covenantal arrangement was now working

in a wider venue not limited to the Davidic covenant, and God was using a pagan as a messiah (Reiss 160-161).

While the Edict of Cyrus refers to Cyrus’s repatriation of the refugees and reconstruction of the Temple,

the main restoration came nearly a century later during the fifth century BCE. Ezra and Nehemiah, the two most

significant leaders at that time, attempted to restate covenant concepts and make them relevant (Flanders et al. 441).

Ezra returned to Jerusalem from Babylon in 458 BCE, and Nehemiah returned in 445 BCE. The Chronicler, a group

of writers (including Ezra) with a priestly hermeneutical bent, was responsible for compiling Chronicles, Ezra, and

Nehemiah. These sections of the Hebrew Scripture describing the Edict of Cyrus were not written until long after it

occurred, and it is unclear when the works were written and finally edited, and what material is historical (Bandsta).

Flanders places the Chronicler as fourth century BCE (Flanders et al. 432) but others date the editing of this material

to the third century BCE (Bandsta). According to 2 Chron. 36:22-23, the Edict of Cyrus returns the refugees along

with a commission to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem. Ezra 1 sees the Edict of Cyrus as the fulfillment of

Jeremiah's words (Jer. 27:22) about the return from Babylon. There are more references to Babylon in Jeremiah

Stark, Susan - Religion 230

 P a g e |5

(164) than in all the rest of the Bible together. In Ezra 1 Cyrus himself gives credit to God (not Marduk) and orders

the return of the refugees to rebuild the Temple. Ezra 1:3-11 contains the decree and Cyrus returns the temple

vessels. Ezra 4-5 explains the delays in rebuilding the Temple and this resulted in Tettenai’s letter to Darius asking

for help finding the Edict of Cyrus (5:13, 17). Darius complies, and the document is found at Ecbatana, one of the

capitals. Then, in Ezra 6:3, the Edict of Cyrus is referred to in a different form: “In the first year of his reign, King

Cyrus issued a decree: Concerning the house of God at Jerusalem, let the house be rebuilt…”; and Darius gives

detailed financing and rebuilding directions. The decree is concerned specifically with the building of the Temple,

and not primarily with the return of the refugees. Although the two forms of the Edict of Cyrus differ (Ezra 1:2-4 in

Hebrew; Ezra 6:3-5 in Aramaic), both versions fit Cyrus’s practices in other areas of the Persian empire as recorded

on the Cyrus Cylinder (Lendering):

31 Agade, Ešnunna, Zamban, Me-Turnu, Der, as far as the region of Gutium (any land east of the Tigris),

the sacred centers on the other side of the Tigris, whose sanctuaries had been abandoned for a long time,

32 I returned the images of the gods, who had resided there [i.e., in Babylon], to their places and I let them

dwell in eternal abodes. I gathered all their inhabitants and returned to them their dwellings.

These lines are about the restoration of sacred centers in Mesopotamian territories and make no reference to the

Judean refugees (Finkel 25). But many scholars believe that the Chronicler was familiar with Cyrus’s policy that

allowed all exiled peoples, including the Judeans, to return to their original homes, taking their sacred images and

objects, to rebuild their sacred centers. The Cyrus Cylinder was simply the version of Cyrus’s decree that was

customized for the Babylonian people, just as the Edict of Cyrus recorded by the Chronicler refers to the version for

Judah, as described in the above discussion about the fragments from the flat tablets used for state proclamations.

Josephus (1st century CE) tells how Cyrus freed the Judeans from exile and helped rebuild the Temple in

the Antiquities of the Judeans, Book XI. Here are the titles of the two chapters with information about the Edict of

Cyrus:

11.1 “HOW CYRUS, KING OF THE PERSIANS, DELIVERED THE JEWS OUT OF BABYLON AND

SUFFERED THEM TO RETURN TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY AND TO BUILD THEIR TEMPLE,

FOR WHICH WORK HE GAVE THEM MONEY” (Josephus).

11.4 “HOW THE TEMPLE WAS BUILT WHILE THE CUTHEANS ENDEAVORED IN VAIN TO

OBSTRUCT THE WORK” (Josephus).

Stark, Susan - Religion 230

 P a g e |6

Although this was written in the 1st century CE, Josephus echoes the Cyrus Cylinder, the Chronicler and Deutero-

Isaiah.

The information outlined above demonstrate that the Edict of Cyrus is historical, but the Edict and the

Cylinder are more important than simple history. Some have asserted that the Cyrus Cylinder represents the first

human rights charter, but historians see it as a long-standing Mesopotamian tradition, from as early as the third

millennium BCE, with new rulers beginning their reigns with declarations of reforms. The authenticity of all the

material related to Cyrus’s decree (Hebrew Scripture, Babylonian tablets, Cyrus Cylinder, Josephus) all trace back

to official Persian proclamations of reform after their conquests. However, the content and tone of the Cyrus

Cylinder are fundamentally different, even though it is written in traditional Babylonian style. One can argue that the

difference is because Cyrus had the political savvy to recognize the religions and traditions of the subjugated

peoples to help secure his power. But in any case, his multi-cultural approach which respected the religious and

cultural practices of the conquered people was a political and religious masterpiece (Finkel 22). Compared with

other conquerors of the time, Cyrus appears more humane and benevolent. He places unique emphasis on peace,

rebuilding, and repatriation instead of deportation of people. His generosity toward the Judeans was not unique but

paralleled his treatment of other conquered nations (Jackson 274-6). Cyrus emphasized his intention to ‘enable the

lands to dwell in peace’. There is no reference to fighting, military victory or defeat on the Cylinder. Rather, we hear

how Cyrus’s troops marched peacefully into Babylon, how the lands of Sumer and Akkad had nothing to fear, how

Cyrus sought the safety and peace of the city and its sacred centers (lines 24–5), and how he returned the gods and

refugees to their homes (lines 31-32) with their treasures and sacred objects (Finkel 121). The Cyrus Cylinder is

considered a symbol of religious tolerance because it declares a respectful treatment of different gods and beliefs,

Babylonian and non-Babylonian. Marduk, the Babylonian main god whose worship Nabonidus had hindered, was

certainly not the god worshipped by Cyrus himself. Cyrus’s own understanding of god probably was Zoroastrian.

Yet, Cyrus believed in channeling national aspirations into the native cults of the many different religions of his

empire (Isbouts 190-2; Finkel 120). Cyrus not only allowed people to return to their native lands with their idols and

sacred objects, but he also created records that he prayed to their gods and was anointed by their gods. He

conformed to the traditions and customs of the people and rendered homage to the native deities.

To sum up, Deutero-Isaiah, the Chronicler, and Josephus all tell the same historical message as the Cyrus

Cylinder: Cyrus is chosen by God, called by name, and taken by the hand, and acts as a messiah to allow exiled

Stark, Susan - Religion 230

 P a g e |7

people to return home and rebuild their sacred centers. Because of these enlightened acts, which were rare in

antiquity, the is Cylinder valued as a symbol of tolerance and respect for different peoples and faiths (Cyrus Cyl.

2010). Neil MacGregor, Director of the British Museum from 2002-2015, attributed to Cyrus the Great "the first

attempt we know about running a society, a state with different nationalities and faiths — a new kind of

statecraft" (Slavin). The Edict of Cyrus and the Cyrus Cylinder have many important messages: religious, historical,

political, humanitarian, and are a confirmation of the Hebrew Scriptures.

Stark, Susan - Religion 230

 P a g e |8

Works Cited

Bandstra, Barry. Reading the Old Testament: An Introduction to the Hebrew Bible. 4th ed. Wadsworth Cengage

Learning, 2009, barrybandstra.com/rtot4/toc.html. Accessed. 18 Nov. 2017.

Branick, Vincent P. Understanding the Prophets and Their Books. Paulist Press, 2012.

Curtis, John. The Cyrus Cylinder and Ancient Persia: A New Beginning for the Middle East. London, British

Museum, 2013.

“Cyrus Cylinder.” britishmuseum.org, The British Museum, 2010,

www.britishmuseum.org/about_us/news_and_press/press_releases.aspx. Accessed. 12 Nov. 2017.

“Cyrus Cylinder.” britishmuseum.org, The British Museum, 2017,

www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=327188&partI

d=1&searchText=cyrus+cylinder&page=1. Accessed. 12 Nov. 2017.

FEZANA Journal, Vol. 27, No. 2, Federation of Zoroastrian Associations of North America, June 2013, cover

illustration.

Finkel, Irving L, or. The Cyrus Cylinder: The Great Persian Edict from Babylon. I. B. Tauris, 2014.

Finkelstein, Irving Leonard. The Cyrus Cylinder: The Great Persian Edict from Babylon. London, I.B. Tauris, 2012.

Flanders, Henry Jackson, Jr., et al. People of the Covenant: An Introduction to the Hebrew Bible. 4th ed. Oxford:

Oxford University Press, 1996. Print.

Gottheil, Richard et al. “Cyrus.” Jewish Encyclopedia, JewishEncylopedia.com, 1906,

www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/4828-cyrus, Accessed. 12 Nov. 2017.

The HarperCollins Study Bible. NRSV, HarperCollins Publishers, 1993.

Isbouts, Jean-Pierre, and National Geographic Society (U.S.). Archaeology of the Hebrew Scriptures: The Greatest

Discoveries from Genesis to the Roman Era. Washington, D.C., National Geographic, 2016, pp. 190-192.

Jackson, Kent P, or. A Bible Reader's History of the Ancient World. Provo, Utah, Jerusalem Center for Near Eastern

Studies, Brigham Young University, 2016, pp. 274-6.

Josephus, Flavius. “Antiquities of the Jews.” The Life and Works of Flavius Josephus. William Whitson, Translator.

John C. Winston Co., sacred-texts.com/jud/josephus/ant-11.htm. Accessed. 12 Nov. 2017, 11.1.2.

Lendering, Jona. “Cyrus Cylinder.” Livius.org, 5 Feb. 2010, www.livius.org/ct-cz/cyrus_I/cyrus_cylinder2.html,

Accessed. 18 Nov. 2017.

Stark, Susan - Religion 230

 P a g e |9

Pritchard, James B. or. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 3rd ed., Princeton University

Press, 1969, ia801209.us.archive.org/3/items/Pritchard1950ANET_20160815/Pritchard_1950_ANET.pdf.

Accessed. 12 Nov. 2017. p.342 of pdf (p. 316 in book).

Reiss, Moshe. “Cyrus as Messiah.” The Jewish Bible Quarterly, Vol. 40:3, Jewish Bible Association, July –

September 2012, pp. 160-161.

Simonin, Antoine. “Cyrus Cylinder.” Ancient History Encyclopedia, Ancient History Encyclopedia, 18 January

2012, www.ancient.eu/article/846/. Accessed. 05 Nov 2017.

Slavin, Barbara. “'Cyrus Cylinder' Reminder of Persian Legacy of Tolerance.” AL-MONITOR, March 6, 2013,

www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/03/cyrus-cylinder-iran-religious-freedom-minority-rights.html.

Accessed. 13 Nov. 2017.

Wiesehöfer, Josef. Ancient Persia: From 550 BC to 650 AD. London: I.B. Tauris, 2001, pp. 44–45.

Stark, Susan - Religion 230