Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Edited by
J. Gimbel, E. Hansen,
A. Holmen and J. N. Jørgensen
MULTILINGUAL MATTERS 41
Series Editor: Derrick Sharp
Contents
Preface
Jørgen Gimbel, Elisabeth Hansen, Anne Holmen And Norman
Jørgensen 1
Introductory Note
Jørgen Gimbel, Elisabeth Hansen, Anne Holmen And Norman
Jørgensen 3
Opening Address
Bertel Haarder 7
Bilingualism in Education and Bilingual Education:
The State of the Art in the United States
Anna Uhl Chamot 11
Bilingual Education and Bilingualism in Education:
A Comment
Gabriele Kasper 37
The Cognitive Academic Language Learning Approach (CALLA)
J. Michael O'malley 43
Social and Intellectual Functions of Language:
A Fruitful Distinction?
Hans Vejleskov 61
Lexical Characteristics of Near-Native Second-Language Learners of
Swedish
Kenneth Hyltenstam 67
Syntax and Information Structure in Learner Language
Anne Holmen 85
Is There Any Order? On Word Order in Swedish Learner Language
Language Acquisition
Maria Bolander 97
Some Psychological Aspects Of Early Second Language Acquisition
Mirjana Vilke 115
Immigrant Children's SwedishA New Variety?
Ulla-Britt Kotsinas 129
Language Varieties and Intercultural Education
Sigrid Luchtenberg 141
Supplementary Mother-Tongue Education and the Linguistic
Development of Yugoslav Children in Denmark
Andrina Pavlinc-Wolf *, Karmen Brcic* And Nadezda Jeftic* 151
Bilingual Education in Yugoslavia: Some Experiences in the field of
Education for National Minorities/nationalities in Yugoslavia
Sonja Novak-Lukanovic* 169
Preface
This volume is one of three publications of proceedings from the Fifth Nordic Conference on Bilingualism. The remainder of the
papers are published by Multilingual Matters Ltd. in the Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism, volumes Four and Five. In
Volume Four the papers on Bilingualism and the Individual are grouped together. They include the linguistic papers, dealing
with either interactional analysis, linguistic structure, or variation. Here are also the papers on different backgrounds and their
effects on second language learning, and finally the papers, small in number, but substantial in content, about literature and
bilingualism.
Volume Five of the Copenhagen Studies comprises the papers on Bilingualism in Society and School. There are papers on
language planning, on status differences between languages, and on language ecology. This volume also includes papers on
group bilingualism, papers on pre-school children, and finally papers on classroom practice. The contents lists of the two
companion volumes appears in the Appendix.
Some of the exhibits from the shows and exhibitions at the conference are used as illustrations in these volumes.
Here, we as conference organisers, wish to express our gratitude to:
our co-organisers, especially Marie Hald and Inger Nørgaard, our colleague Bent Søndergaard of the Pedagogische Hochschule
Flensburg, and, from our own institute, Gerd Gabrielsen, Erik Larsen, Jørn Lund, and Marie-Alice Séférian;
the participants in the conference;
and our sponsors:
King Frederik and Queen Ingrid's Foundation
Queen Margrethe and Prince Henrik's Foundation
The TUBORG Foundation
Knud Højgaard's Foundation
Rosalie Petersen's Foundation
Julius Skrike's Foundation
SAS Travel Grants
The Rockwool Foundation
The Foundation for Danish-Swedish Cooperation
The Cultural Foundation for Denmark and Finland
Denmark's Teachers' Union
The Danish Masons
The Letterstedt Society
The Ministry of Education
The City of Copenhagen
Introductory Note
Jørgen Gimbel, Elisabeth Hansen, Anne Holmen and J. Normann Jørgensen
Department of Danish Language and Literature, The Royal Danish
School of Educational Studies, Emdrupborg,
DK-2400 Copenhagen NV, Denmark
The Fifth Nordic Conference on Bilingualism was held at the Royal Danish School of Educational Studies at Copenhagen, 22-25
June 1987. The main theme of the conference was Two Languages and Two Cultures in Education. This theme was dealt with in
many ways by the contributions offered during the conference, and no less in the more than 1,300 pages of manuscripts turned
in for publication in the proceedings. A large number of the papers, however, deal with certain aspects of bilingualism, currently
drawing interest from many students of the discipline. These aspects include the macro-level planning of language education in
multilingual societies, the micro-level second language learning strategies, the linguistic level analysis of interactional data
involving bilinguals, and the cultural level of bilingual writers.
As our editorial principle we have chosen to group the papers according to their relation to the main theme of the conference.
Two of the sub-themes are also presented in the present volume. We have, on the one hand, the papers dealing with the schools'
attitudes to bilingualism, discussed at the national level and, on the other hand, papers about the learning and development
processes which take place in the bilingual individual.
One reason for grouping these two aspects together for this purpose is the fact that they have been particularly controversial in
Scandinavia, for example, Paulston (1983) in the case of Sweden, and Jørgensen (1985) in the case of Denmark, both testify to
the fact that the question of the organisation of classes for linguistic minority children in schools has been hotly debated in these
countries. This was also clearly reflected in several papers at the third and fourth conferences in this series (see, e.g. von Essen,
Löfgren and Ouvinen-Birgerstam and Søndergaard (In Ejerhed and Henrysson, 1981). See also Wande et al., 1987, e.g. Wande
and Martin-Jones and Romaine).
References
Ejerhed, E. and Henrysson, I. (eds (1981) Tvåspråkighet. Föredrag från tredje Nordiska Tvåspråkighetssymposiet 4-5 juni 1980,
Umeå universitet. Acta Universitatis Umensis. Umeå Studies in the Humanities 36, Umeå: Umeå universitet.
Jørgensen, J. Normann (1985) Skolefag, sprog eller slagmark. Artikler og foredrag om dansk som fremmedsprog i
undervisningen. Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism, Vol. 1. (openhagen: The Royal Danish School of Educational Studies.
Martin-Jones, M. and Romaine, S. (1986) Semi-lingualisma Half-Baked Theory of Communicative Competence. Applied
Linguistics, Vol. 7, No. 1, 26-38.
Møller, A. (1988) Sprogpolitik og sprogplanlægning etter hjemmestyrets indførelse. In J. N. Jørgensen et al. (eds), Copenhagen
Studies in Bilingualism Vol. 5. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd.
Paulston, C. B. 1983) Swedish Research and Debate about Bilingualism. A critical review of the Swedish research and debate
about bilingualism and bilingual education in Sweden from an international perspective. Stockholm: National Swedish Board of
Education.
Wande, Erling, Anward, J., Nordberg, B. Steensland, L. and Thelander, M. (eds) (1987) Aspects of multilingualism. Proceedings
from the Fourth Nordic Symposium on Bilingualism 1984. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Multiethnica Upsaliensia 2. Uppsala:
Uppsala Universitet.
Opening Address
Bertel Haarder, MP
Minister of Education, Denmark
Dear Teachers, Administrators and Distinguished Scholars
Welcome to Denmark, a small nation, to some a remote corner of Europe, to us the centre of the world. It is particularly suitable
that an international conference on bilingualism in education takes place here now. For years Denmark's educational system has
been preoccupied with teaching foreign languages to its Danish-speaking students, and we have thought only a little about
bilingualism in education. We have (more or less) been aware of the fact that a comparatively small minority of students need to
be taught Danish as a second language (namely the Faroese, The Greenland and the Schleswig children), but this fact never had
any serious impact on the educational system as a whole. Some ten years ago, however, the influx of immigrant and refugee
families brought about a change in this. Our educational system began to move and did so in a typical Danish way. The schools
adjusted to the new situation by their own initiative. In several school districts, especially in metropolitan Copenhagen, teachers
worked hard, often with great imagination and dedication, to develop a pedagogy for the teaching of linguistic minority children.
This was in fact very much in line with Danish tradition. For many years the public schools of Denmark have developed from
the bottom up in a decentralised way. New methods were tested, new materials designed, new ways of organisation invented, all
of it happpening on the local level. The laws and regulations were written and issued after the new developments had become
reality in the schools. Most likely we have not yet reached any final or near-final stage in the adjustment of the Danish school to
the linguistic minority students. We see a wide range of new projects carried out by enthusiastic teachers and administrators,
which will more than likely lead to further changes in our national guidelines for the schools, issued by the Ministry.
In 1984 the Ministry of Education issued the first comprehensive regulatory document on the teaching of linguistic minority
students. In some ways it is already obsolete. Fortunately, I wish to add. I see it as a sign of good health that the schools are
steadily trying new ways, and I am happy to see that so many Danish educators have taken this opportunity to learn from their
colleagues abroad. An opportunity like this is also a chance to show that we, too, feel a responsibility towards international co-
operation. At the conference of European ministers of education in Dublin, 1983, a
Introduction
The United States of America has historically been a nation of immigrants, so that it is not surprising that languages other than
that of the early English
Each of these areas has accomplished much with the aid of government support; each area has also encountered difficulties, and
none has discovered simple and unequivocal answers to meeting the educational needs of LEP students.
One of the most important endeavours at the beginning of the bilingual education movement was to document the actual number
of LEP students requiring special assistance. 'Limited English proficient' refers to individuals who have difficulty understanding
instruction in English, and, as defined by the Bilingual Education Act, applies to the following:
persons born outside the United States or persons whose native language is not English;
persons in whose environment a non-English language is dominant; and''
American Indians and Alaskan Natives in whose environment a non-English language has significantly affected their
proficiency in English.
The first estimate of the number of school-aged children with LEP was made by the Children's English and Services Study
(CESS) in 1978. This study estimated that 2.4 million school-aged children aged 5-14 were limited in English proficiency, and
that a total of 3.6 million children between the ages of 4 and 18 were limited in English (O'Malley, 1982). A second estimate of
the numbers of LEP school-aged children was made by the English Language Proficiency Survey (ELPS) in 1982. This survey
found that only 1.2 to 1.7 million school-aged children were limited in English. The differences between the two surveys are the
result of the establishment of different cut-off scores separating limited from proficient students in English, and the inclusion or
exclusion of students dominant in English but still limited in English proficiency. These two surveys reflect the difficulties of
ascertaining a child's language proficiency through interview data. Currently the Department of Education is using the lower
estimate of LEP students needing special educational services (Bennett, 1986).
Another important area of investigation has been the determination of the number of qualified teachers for LEP students. A
Teacher Language Skills Survey (TLSS) was conducted in 1976-77 and again in 1980-81. The earlier survey found that, of the
sample of elementary school teachers surveyed nationwide, only 31% had received some training in bilingual education or
English as a second language. The second TLSS found that in 1980-81 the
Most of the features identified paralleled previous research findings on the components of effective teaching. The two features
unique to bilingual education settings were the use of the native language to clarify instruction, and the use of the native culture
to make instruction meaningful to students.
A number of special studies related to the SBIF study took place at the same time, and with collaboration and exchange of
information between the researchers and institutions involved.
The study 'Learning English through Bilingual Instruction' was conducted by Lily Wong Fillmore for the purpose of
determining effective instructional practices in developing the English academic language skills of LEP students. This three-year
study took place in ten bilingual and seven English-only third and fifth grade classrooms in which LEP students had had two to
three years of exposure to English. An analysis of the instructional practices of 20 teachers, and the effects of these practices on
the learning of over 150 Hispanic sand Chinese students was conducted, and four major instructional factors were found to be
significant (National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education, 1986a). These were:
high quality teaching, characterised by consistency in lesson organisation, comprehensibility of directions and explanations, use
of appropriate instructional materials, emphasis on higher level skills, and opportunities for oral activities,
This study found a number of differences between the Chinese and the Hispanic students in the classrooms studied. Chinese
students seemed to learn best in structured, fairly quiet classrooms, and profited most from interaction with their teachers.
Hispanic students profited most from interaction with their peers, and were more sensitive to the quality of teaching and of
instructional language than were Chinese students.
Effective classrooms were characterised by a balance of activities that were teacher-directed or individualised. In the bilingual
classrooms, students learned best when teachers kept the two languages separate and did not translate.
Another large-scale study was 'Teaching Reading to Bilingual Children', conducted by Betty Mace-Matluck and Wesley A.
Hoover from 1978 to 1984. The purposes of this study were to describe and document bilingual children's language abilities,
reading instruction, and the relationship of instructional programme type to children's achievement. Longitudinal data obtained
from 20 schools in a number of bilingual communities provided information about reading instruction for a sample of 250
Spanish-English bilingual students in kindergarten through third or fourth grade. Major findings addressed a number of
instructional and research issues (MaceMatluck, 1985):
English oral skills developed more than Spanish oral skills over time.
The oral language proficiency test was inferior to teachers' ratings in estimating students' abilities in both languages.
Most entering kindergarteners had sufficient language development to begin reading instruction.
28% of the sample students were in instructional programmes which taught them to read initially in Spanish.
Similar practices were observed for both Spanish and English reading instruction. These practices focussed on decoding skills,
especially in early grades, and limited time was devoted to higher order comprehension skills.
Children entering school with superior oral language skills, whether in Spanish or in English, showed more growth in reading
comprehension over time.
Mace-Matluck (1985) interprets these and other findings of this study to indicate that instructional practices can positively affect
the achievement of
What emerges from the findings to date of the National Longitudinal Evaluation is that a number of educational services are
being provided for LEP elementary school students, and that in most cases these services are providing instruction mostly in
English, with only limited or infrequent use of the native language. However, these programmes are generally identified as
Transitional Bilingual Education programmes both in their titles and in their source of funding. The problem of accurate
descriptive labels has plagued a great deal of the research in bilingual education, both in the area of identification of LEP
students and in the evaluation of programme effectiveness.
In the descriptive research conducted on bilingual programmes and practices, only one study has focussed on the structured
English or ESL component of programmes for LEP students. The 'Review, Summary, and Synthesis of Literature on English as
a Second Language' (ESLIT), which I conducted in 1985, described the state of the art in ESL instructional approaches,
organisational patterns, instructional materials and second language learning theories in elementary and secondary schools. In
addition to reviewing and synthesising recent information on ESL in public schools, this study also addressed policy issues
related to ESL instruction. Information was gathered through a survey of recent literature on ESL in U.S. schools, supplemented
by interviews with a sample of researchers, ESL teacher trainers at major universities, and other ESL and bilingual education
professionals, including programme directors and teachers working with LEP students in school districts around the country.
The major findings of the ESLIT study were as follows (National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education, 1985c):
Thirteen instructional approaches were reported to be used in schools, of which the most frequent are: audiolingual, eclectic (a
combination of approaches), Natural Approach, Total Physical Response, and communicative language teaching
Little evidence exists to support the effectiveness of any of the different ESL approaches for elementary and secondary school
students
Communicative approaches may be most appropriate for beginning level ESL students, especially young children, while
cognitive and content-based approaches may work better for developing academic language skills
Second language learning is facilitated in programmes which allocate a significant part of the school day to English language
development, which provide for interaction between LEP and English proficient students, and which provide native language
support
Although no major research on the effectiveness of different instructional approaches to teaching ESL in schools has been
completed since the ESLIT study, a number of changes are currently underway in the field. The feasibility of incorporating
content instruction with language development as a way to develop academic language skills is being explored by school
districts in many parts of the country. In addition, emerging research on the role of cognitive processes in second language
learning, discussed in the final section of this paper, has suggested instructional applications to the second and foreign language
classroom (Chamot et al., 1987; Chamot & O'Malley, 1986, 1987).
Studies of bilingual programme effectiveness
Evaluations of bilingual programmes have been criticised by both proponents and opponents of bilingual education for
methodological weaknesses. McLaughlin (1985:233) summarises these weaknesses as follows:
Definition of what is meant by bilingual education
Problem of brief duration of the study
Non-random assignment of subjects to treatment and control groups
Uncontrolled variable: socioeconomic status, intelligence, time on task, skill of teacher
Subject loss or attrition
Testing instruments not valid and/or reliable.
A review of major evaluation studies conducted in the last ten years illustrates how these weaknesses cloud the findings.
The first large-scale study to evaluate the effectiveness of bilingual education was carried out in 1977-78 by the American
Institutes for Research (Danoff et al., 1978). 11,500 students in Spanish/English Title VII-funded elementary programmes in 38
school districts around the country were compared to children not in bilingual programmes. One of the major purposes of this
study was to find out if the bilingual programmes led to improved English language skills for LEP students. The comparison
focussed on English (and Spanish) reading and on mathematics. Some of the students were observed for five months, and others
for a two-year period. The findings were that while students in bilingual programmes improved their Spanish reading skills, no
gains were found in either English or mathematics, compared to students in the control group.
Criticisms of the American Institutes for Research (AIR) study have pointed out that no degree of programme implementation
was considered,
New Directions
This final section discusses current studies in bilingual education and second language learning which have the potential for
advancing our understanding of how best to meet the needs of LEP students in U.S. schools. These studies have been funded
from a variety of sources, ranging from those undertaken by private individuals to those funded through OBEMLA and other
federal entities.
In the first category, privately funded studies, a recently completed study by Virginia Collier (1987) has, I believe, important
instructional implications for LEP students in the United States. This study investigated the relationship between age at arrival,
prior education, and acquisition of academic skills of immigrant students in a large suburban school district. The purpose of the
study was to determine the time required for these students to develop academic language skills sufficient for satisfactory school
achievement. Collier analysed the standardised achievement scores of 1,548 minority language students who graduated from an
ESL programme between 1977 and 1986, and who, except for 5-7 year olds, had been at grade level in their native countries
upon arrival in the United States. The ESL programme was characterised as consisting of special instruction in English language
arts for part of the day, including 'some' assistance in content areas, and mainstream instruction for the remainder. Most students
left the ESL programme within two to three years. Collier reported that students who had entered the ESL programme between
the ages of 8 and 11 had taken two to five years (1-3 years in ESL followed by 1-3 years in mainstream instruction) on the
average to approximate the 50th percentile on nationally standardised tests of reading, language arts, science and social studies.
In contrast, students who had entered the ESL programme at ages 5 to 7 without prior schooling were significantly behind those
who had started their initial education in their native countries. Finally, students who entered the ESL programme at ages 12 and
above were only at about the 40th percentile on most tests after four years of instruction in English (ESL and mainstream
instruction). Collier argued that students who entered at ages 12 and above encountered the heavy cognitive academic language
demands of the secondary school and consequently were liable to take longer to show progress on grade-appropriate
standardised tests in English.
Collier's findings can be interpreted as supporting previous research by
Conclusions
This paper has described the major features of bilingual education as it currently exists in the United States, with particular
focus on the role of the Federal Government in policy and research. Bilingual education and bilingualism in education are
perhaps beginning to be viewed within a larger framework of language education, including both English and non-English
languages. If this direction continues, bilingual education may one day be seen not as a compensatory programme for minority
language children, but as an enrichment programme for majority language as well as minority language students.
1
The Restricted Scope of Learning Strategies
The quoted research examines learning strategies only in the context of academic language tasks, explicitly excluding social-
interactive types of language use. The decision thus to restrict the scope of learning strategies is based on the distinction
between basic interpersonal communicative skills (BICS) and cognitive/academic language proficiency (CALP), as proposed by
Cummins in a variety of papers (cf. e.g. 1979). As many linguists and educationalists have pointed out (e.g. Martin-Jones &
Romaine, 1986), compartmentalising human activity into 'communicative' on the one hand and 'cognitive' on the other is totally
unwarranted, and I need not recapitulate their arguments for this audience. Let me just point out that I do not think we should
use an opposition such as 'academic' versus 'social-interactional' language tasks as long as we are not sure what exactly we mean
by it. Now if 'academic language tasks' are meant to include all the language tasks a student should be able to cope with to get
through school successfully, social-interactional knowledge and skills are sure to be centrally involved in such tasks. Therefore,
even if one wishes to restrict the scope of learning strategies to academic achievement, social-interactional aspects play a
fundamental role, and therefore learning strategies directed towards such aspects will have to be part and parcel of learning
strategy research and training.
Surviving in foreign second language teaching at school is certainly a fair enough end in itself, and restricting the scope of
learning strategies to be subservient to this goal, perfectly legitimate. Yet I'd prefer educational programmes to include learning
strategies that can also be successfully applied outside the school context, in a variety of situations relevant to the individual
student, helping him her develop a variable, flexible, dynamic competence to meet differential cognitive and communicative
demands.
3
Research Methods in Empirical Studies of Learning Strategies
Just as our categorisation of phenomena is theory-dependent, the phenomena accessible to observation depend on the methods of
data collection. It is interesting to note that in the descriptive ESL study, neither classroom observation nor interviews of
teachers proved to be particularly informative, but that the most successful method involved eliciting information directly from
the students themselves. Verbal reports by learners have yielded valuable information about learners' cognitive processes in a
variety of L2 tasks, e.g., reading, writing, translation, test-taking, solving reception and production problems, and learning
strategies (cf. Færch & Kasper, 1987).
4
Universality/Specificity of Learning Strategies
One important conclusion of Dr Chamot's paper is that ESL and FL students seem to use the same learning strategies. This
suggests that learning strategies have the status of cognitive universals. However, in the learning strategies training study, there
was an interesting cultural difference to be noted. While the Hispanic experimental students (the group having received
instruction in learning strategies) did better than the Hispanic controls in a vocabulary task, Asian controls did better than the
Asian experimental students in the same task. The explanation was that the Asian students were trained to use rote memorisation
very effectively, while having to use different learning strategies proved less adequate for them. Other instances of culturally
determined strategy use come to mind. For example, showing lack of knowledge in or out of the classroom may be experienced
as facethreatening by members of some cultures. Consequently, overt hypothesis testing may be avoided. Likewise, failure to
have understood a teacher's utterance may be experienced as embarrassing for the student and disrespectful to the teacher,
resulting in avoidance of comprehension checks and requests for clarification. It seems to me that as long as we do not have
good evidence for the universality of a learning strategy, we have to be
References
Canale, M. and Swain M. (1980) Theoretical bases of communicative approaches to second language teaching and testing.
Applied Linguistics, 1, 1-47.
Cook, V. (1985) Universal grammar and second language learning. Applied Linguistics, 6, 2-18.
Cummins, J. (1979) Cognitive academic language proficiency, linguistic interdependence, the optimum age question and some
other matters. Working Papers on Bilingualism, 19, 121-29.
Ericsson, K.A. and Simon, H.A. (1984) Protocol Analysis. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT.
Færch, C., Haastrup, K. and Phillipson R. (1984) Learner Language and Language Learning. Copenhagen: Gyldendal and
Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Færch, C. and Kasper, G. (1985) Procedural knowledge as a component of foreign language learners' communicative
competence. In H. Bolte & W. Herrlitz (eds), Kommunikation im Sprachunterricht. Utrecht: Rijksuniversiteit, 169-99.
Færch, C. and Kasper, G. (eds.) (1987) Introspection in Second Language Research. Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters.
Gass, S. (1979) Language transfer and universal grammatical relations. Language Learning, 29, 327-44.
Hatch, E. (1984) Theoretical review of discourse and interlanguage. In A. Davies, C. Criper and A.P.R. Howatt (eds),
Interlanguage. Edinburgh: University Press, 190-203.
Krashen, S.D. (1981) Second Language Acquisition and Second Language Learning. Oxford: Pergamon.
Martin-Jones, M. and Romaine, S. (1986) Semilingualism: a half-baked theory of communicative competence. Applied
Linguistics, 7, 26-38.
Naiman, N., Fröhlich, M., Stern, H.H. and Todesco A. (1978) The Good Language Learner (= Research in Education Series No.
7). Toronto: OISE.
O'Malley, M., Chamot, A.U., Stewner-Manzanares, G., Kupper, L. and Russo, R.P. (1985) Learning strategies used by
beginning and intermediate ESL students. Language Learning, 35, 21-46.
Rubin, J. (1981). Study of cognitive processes in second language learning. Applied Linguistics, 2, 117-31.
Wenden, A.L. (1984) Theories of second language learners: Making sense of their strategies. Paper presented at the 18th Annual
TESOL Convention, Houston, Texas.
The bridge that CALLA provides between special language programmes and mainstream education is illustrated in Figure 1.
LEP students in ESL and bilingual programmes develop initial skills in understanding, speaking, reading and writing in English,
and practise the essentials of communication to negotiate social interactions. These students are typically classified as having
intermediate level English language skills. In CALLA, students at the intermediate and advanced levels obtain additional
experience in English language development specifically related to three academic areas: science, mathematics and social
studies. The intent is to introduce vocabulary, structures and functions in English using concepts drawn from content areas.
CALLA is not designed to substitute for mainstream content area instruction, or to teach the total content expertise required in
school district curricula, as may be the intention in other English language programmes.
The three content areas addressed by CALLA can be phased into the intermediate level ESL class one at a time. We recommend
beginning with science as the first content area because, by using a discovery approach to science, teachers can capitalise on
experiential learning opportunities which provide both contextual support and language development. The next subject that can
be introduced in a CALLA programme is mathematics, which has less contextual support and a more restricted language register
than science. Social studies is the third subject introduced in the CALLA model because, of the three, it is the most language
and culture dependent and includes many topics which are not easily adapted to most experiential learning activities. We plan to
add to the CALLA model a fourth subject area, literature and composition, which will be introduced last in the sequence.
The CALLA model has three components: a curriculum correlated with mainstream content areas, English language
development integrated with content subjects, and instruction in the use of learning strategies. Each of these components is
discussed separately after the discussion of the theoretical framework underlying CALLA and how it is applied. The final
section of this paper provides guidelines for integrating the components into a single instructional approach.
Figure 1
The CALLA model: a bridge to the mainstream.
Figure 2
Classification of language and content activities (adapted from Cummins, 1983)
This lesson plan model can be used in adapting existing lessons for LEP students or in developing new lesson plans. Teachers in
CALLA workshops we have presented have applied the model to lessons from their own texts or in other cases have generated
lessons on topics they select in small groups organised by grade level. The lesson plan model has been applied in science,
mathematics and social studies at elementary, intermediate and secondary grade levels. As noted earlier, in the future we shall
include literature and composition as one of the areas in the CALLA approach.
Conclusions
The Cognitive Academic Language Learning Approach (CALLA) was developed as an extension of either ESL or bilingual
classrooms in which students gain exposure to the academic language required in mainstream classrooms. The approach
integrates language development with academic content and uses a learning strategies instructional procedure in which students
are taught to use special strategies that will assist their learning. CALLA is based on a cognitive theory which differentiates
between declarative knowledge, as in the facts and rules of academic content, and procedural knowledge, or the routines and
processes which become automatic with practice. Special approaches that are appropriate for learning declarative and procedural
knowledge are incorporated into CALLA as regular parts of instruction. CALLA is designed for students at the intermediate to
advanced levels of proficiency in the target language and focusses on the academic language skills these students need for
success in content areas.
We have conducted numerous workshops on the instructional rationale and procedures and have met with enthusiastic interest
among teachers, administrators and teacher trainers. We have also described the approach in a monograph, available from the
National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education, in numerous presentations and articles, and shall describe the approach in a
forthcoming book. A number of school districts are implementing the approach or portions of it and others have expressed
interest in
References
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(1987) The Cognitive Academic Language Learning Approach: A bridge to the mainstream. TESOL Quarterly, 19, No. 3, 557-
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and Assessment Center, California State University, Los Angeles.
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II: Language Assessment and Curriculum Planning. Wheaton, MD: National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education.
(1984) Bilingualism and Special Education: Issues in Assessment and Pedagogy. Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters.
Dansereau, D.F. (1985) Learning strategy research. In J.W. Segal, S.F. Chipman and R. Glaser (eds), Thinking and Learning
Skills: Relating Learning to Basic Research. Vol. I. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Derry, S.J. and Murphy, D.A. (1986) Designing systems that train learning ability: From theory to practice. Review of
Educational Research, 56, No. 1, 1-39.
Duran, R.P. (1983) Hispanics' Education and Background. New York: College Entrance Examination Board.
Gagne, E. (1985) The Cognitive Psychology of School Learning. Boston, MA: Little, Brown.
Hispanic Policy Development Project (HPDP). (1984) Make Something Happen. Vols 1 and 2. Washington, DC.
MacWhinney, B. and Anderson, J. (1986) The acquisition of grammar. In I. Gopnik and M. Gopnik (eds) From Models to
Modules. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
Mohan, B.A. (1986) Language and Content. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
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Defense.
The other distinction is concerned with the meaning of the term 'language'.
A. A psychologist may ask whether the language system is primarily a means for social interaction, or a means for intellectual
performance.
B. He may ask whether the acquisition of language is primarily related to the social or the cognitive development of young
children.
C. Or he may ask whether a certain utterance made in a certain situation has a social or an intellectual function.
The study that is briefly presented in the next section focusses upon point 2 and point C.
In a recent paper, Dabbs (1985) introduces a level between A (language) and C (utterance) as he distinguishes between social
and intellectual conversations. He assumes that each of the two kinds of conversation has emerged from earlier systems,
'. . . one evolving primitive vocal stimuli that convey information about recurring social themes, and the other involving a
grammar based upon strategies the intellect has found useful in dealing with the world' (p. 185).
and he presents some studies which show that the two kinds of conversation are different with regard to facial expressions,
pauses, turn length, eye contact, etc.
The value of Dabb's distinction to the verbal interaction of pre-school children is questioned by our observations.
Nevertheless, the main result of the categorisation and analysis of a total of 17,000 utterances from about 100 different episodes
with about 70 different participants is that it is both possible and natural to attribute the 23 functions to utterances. However, we
often had to characterise the individual utterance by means of a main function and a supplementary function. The analyses have
still not been presented in English, and here we can only briefly mention those results that are specially relevant to the present
discussion:
1. It is often quite natural to attribute a social function to one utterance and an intellectual function to another utterance in the
same episode.
2. Those children who are comparatively the most active speaker-listeners make more utterances with social or intellectual
functions, and fewer utterances with a directing function.
3. In role play episodes even less active speaker-listeners make more utterances with social and intellectual functions
compared with episodes of construction play, cf. Table 2.
4. With small groups of children aged 3-6 years it is not natural to distinguish between episodes with social conversation and
episodes with intellectual conversation as proposed by Dabbs (1985).
In some episodes three children (and their pre-school teacher) were sitting at a table eating lunch, and the verbal interaction
carried out here might naturally be called 'a social conversation'. However, a closer examination revealed that the conversation
changed very frequently: sometimes the children had 'a small talk', sometimes they were talking about themselves, and
sometimes they were 'oriented more towards practical issues or abstract ideas' (Dabbs, 1985: 183). It also turned out that during
all these kinds of 'sub-conversation' utterances with intellectual as well as social functions occurred.
mother, a hunter, etc.). Accordingly, many utterances were made on the part of such fictional persons, or they dealt with the
behaviour of such persons or the whole imaginative context.
Thus, in this rather common type of play, we observed frequent shifts between three levels: (1) true role utterances, i.e. speech
as role persons; (2) utterances about the role persons; and (3) utterances without any reference to the fictional context.
Obviously the children have to master simultaneously their own interplay and that of the fictional persons. Although they can
stick to their stereotypic conceptions of, for example, medical personnel, they often have to reflect on the behaviour of, for
example, a doctor or a nurse, and they also have to reflect on the content as well as the functions of utterances made by such
persons. In fact, a considerable number of the utterances about the role play are concerned with the use of language ('A doctor
doesn't say so'; 'A nurse has got to be kind').
These observations suggest that the activity of role play gives rise to social cognition as well as communicative awareness in
children.
The issue of social cognition, which is intensively studied in current developmental psychology (cf. Higgins et al., 1983),
includes the perception and understanding of human and social phenomena, i.e. feelings, attitudes, intentions, conventions,
moral values, etc., of oneself as well as other people. So far it has not been connected with the study of the development of
language and uses of language.
By communicative awareness we refer to the growing awareness of verbal interchange and utterance functions, which should be
studied in addition to the study of lingustic awareness.
References
Dabbs, J. M. (1985) Temporal patterns of speech. In H. Giles and R. N. St Clair (eds), Recent Advances in Language
Communication and Social Psychology. London: Erlbaum.
Higgins, E. T. et al., (eds) (1983) Social Cognition and Social Development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Vedeler, L. (1985) Barns kommunikasjon i rolleleik. Oslo: Statens Spesiallærerhøgskole.
Vedeler, L. and Vejleskov, H. (1986) Language in Pre-school children. In M. Leiwo (ed.), Papers from the Fifth Nordic
Conference on Applied Linguistics. Jyväskylä Univ.
Veileskov, H. (forthcoming) Observation of people's intentions. In I. Bjørgen (ed.), Fundamental Problems in Psychological
Research.Oslo: Universitetsforlaget.
Introduction
In current literature on bilingualism and second language acquisition there are a number of important theoretical questions that
would need more empirical ground, so that they could be further developed. We shall mention just two examples, taken from
distinct areas, that are of specific interest for the present investigation.
First, we have the theoretical discussion on differing levels of language proficiency, as typically required by oral interactional
language use, on the
Further, among the most intriguing questions are the following two:
4. Does fossilisation occur only in adult learnersor, more precisely, learners who have reached puberty by the onset of the
language learning task? If this were the case, fossilisation must be seen as an age-related language learning phenomenon. If it
can also be found in children acquiring a second language, it could be seen as a pure second language, as opposed to first
language, phenomenon.
5. Are there always some traces of fossilisation left as an outcome of second language acquisition, or, alternatively, as an
outcome of second language acquisition beyond puberty?
Interestingly, 15 years after it was introduced by Selinker, the notion of fossilisation has begun to attract considerable attention.
For example, Kellerman (in press), in discussing certain typical interlanguage features of advanced Dutch learners of English,
tries to predict what type of linguistic features are candidates for fossilisation. Coppieters (1986), in investigating differences in
intuitional judgements of 'peripheral' syntactic structures between native and advanced non-native speakers of French, concludes
that both quantitative and qualitative differences exist in the internalised language systems of the two groups. Schachter
(personal communication), in ongoing research, considers fossilisation features in naturalistic data, and Ioup (1984), in
investigating whether a 'syntactic accent', parallel to the more familiar phonological accent, can be said to exist in advanced
second-language learners, as a matter of fact concludes that it cannot.
Both these areas of interest, the differing proficiency hypothesis and fossilisation, are often discussed against data from the
advanced second-language learner. In the case of proficiency-level differences, learners with native-like command in oral
language proficiency have typically been considered, since what is at stake is precisely that even though a second language
learner may have native-like command in a language, s he may have a level of language proficiency that only allows everyday
face-to-face interaction but not literacy-related language use. In the case of fossilisation, adult learners
Present Study
Motivation and aim
In this paper we shall consider a subset population among the group of advanced second-language learners, namely what we
prefer to call the near-native second-language learner. What we have in mind is a second language learner who speaks the
second language without any noticeable accent in pronunciation and without apparent deviances in grammar or lexicon. In other
words, near-native learners should pass as native speakers of the second language in everyday conversation.
The reason we identify these speakers as near-native, and not native, is that they may exhibit some linguistic features that
deviate from the native norm, but which typically are difficult to identify as non-native for the listener. It may, for example, be
unclear to the listener if these features are dialectal or non-native. It may happen, sometimes after extended conversation of
hours or days, that it suddenly becomes clear to the listener that non-native features exist. Also, in modalities of language use
other than the oral one, the non-native features may be more obvious.
Thus, investigating linguistic features of the near-native learner may give us insights into whether it is possible to identify
linguistic correlates of the proficiency levels required for different types of communicative activities or other language tasks.
Furthermore, since the near-native learner by definition has mastered almost all aspects of the second language system, the few
deviances from the native norm that do exist should be more certain candidates for inclusion in the category of fossilisation.
Apart from these two motives for studying the near-native learner, there is also an obvious practical pedagogical reason to focus
on this group. When it comes to providing instruction in language skills for this group of learners, the only options offered are
generally either mother tongue instruction in the second language or more basic second-language instruction. There is no body
of knowledge on the specific needs of the very advanced or near-native learner, nor any specific means of dealing with these
needs. Knowledge of the characteristic features of the language of this group is obviously the starting point for creating
supportive pedagogical means for the students.
In this paper we have chosen to present data on lexical aspects of the learners' productions, although this study is part of a more
comprehensive
Results
Quantitative measures
The figures for lexical density (LD), lexical variation (LV) and lexical sophistication (LS) in the written and oral data are given
in Table 1. We have chosen to give the group values in tabular form and comment on specific individual results in the text.
Also, the various retellings have been
The differences in LD between the groups in this investigation were all statistically insignificant.
Figures for LV, i.e. the type/token ratio for content words, similarly did not distinguish the groups for the written data. In the
oral data, however, there was a slight advantage for the Swedish group, with a significant difference from the Spanish group.
Interestingly enough, this difference is a result of the Swedish group's higher values on the more cognitively demanding
retelling tasks.
As is well known, type/token ratios are difficult to compare and interpret, since the figures are sensitive to text length. Various
attempts have been made in the literature to overcome this difficulty by finding a formula that eliminates the effect of text
length. In this study, a formula, developed by Tor Hultman (see Hultman and Westman, 1977: 56), has been used, which makes
the measure of variation 'relatively independent of the length'. 2 In other words, the problem is decreased but not eliminated in
our comparisons, which means we cannot draw any firm conclusions on the basis of the difference in LV in the oral data
between the groups.
High values for LV can result not only from effective lexical variation but also from an inability to construct a coherent text. If
the text is loosely composed topically, there are fewer opportunities to use the same content words many times. Similarly, high
values for LS can result from idiosyncratic and non-idiomatic use of the lexicon.
Thus, the quantitative measures employed in this study give only a gross indication of possible differences between the groups.
One would need to study the data qualitatively in order to get a more adequate picture, something we cannot do within the
present framework.
Lexical errors
As will presently be shown, the type and frequency of lexical deviances from the native norm were to some extent different in
the bilingual groups on the one hand and in the monolingual on the other. Initially, a description of the error categories with
examples from the data will be given.
As mentioned above, the two main categories of lexical deviances employed were approximations and contaminations. An
approximation is a deviant lexical unit that has such formal or semantic characteristics that it is immediately clear what the target
lexical element would be. The similarity between the unit produced and the target may be a matter of either form or meaning,
but it is often the case that both these categories coincide. A typical example of this is when the form njöts is used instead of
avnjöts as
As can be seen from the tables, there is a large difference between the groups with respect to number of approximations, while
the distribution and frequency of contaminations are practically the same in all groups. The number of contaminations, on the
whole, is very small. Thus, the more interesting results are those that concern the approximations.
In Table 2, we can see that the approximations are three times as frequent in the Finnish and three-and-a-half times as frequent
in the Spanish as in
Discussion
We have two topics to discuss against the background of our results, the differing proficiency level hypothesis and the notion of
fossilisation (cf. pp. 67-70). As will become evident, we shall have more to say about the second topic, since our data on the
first topic are difficult to interpret. At any rate, we shall initially focus on the topic of differing proficiency level.
If one were to assume that using a second language would generally hamper success in highly literate language tasks, one would
expect consistent differences between bilingual and monolingual subjects when confronted with the demands of such tasks. Such
a strong position may be disregarded, though, since it is not held by present day researchers (but it pops up in the general debate
about bilingualism in the school context), but also if the weaker claim were true, that a larger proportion among bilingual
speakers would risk not developing the proficiency level needed for literate language usealthough there were other bilingual
speakers that didone would similarly expect to find group level differences between monolingual and bilingual subjects.
The results of the present investigation do not support either of these positions. As we have noted, there are no consistent and
clear-cut differences between bilinguals and monolinguals on the measures employed to capture proficiency. The vocabulary, as
it is used in the literate tasks in this investigation, seems to be as large, as varied and as sophisticated in the bilingual groups as
in the monolingual group. Indeed, we do have individuals whose results indicate lower proficiency levels in vocabulary use, but
these individuals are distributed among all our subjects, both bilingual and monolingual.
Conclusion
In studying the use of lexicon among adolescent bilingual near-native and monolingual speakers of Swedish, we have found no
consistent differences
Notes
1. This study reports on work carried out in a project on the language of bilingual students in the Swedish gymnasieskola, who
are near-native second-language speakers of Swedish. The project was initiated and supported by the Swedish National Board of
Education. Financial support was also obtained from the Council of Södertälje and from the School of Education in Stockholm.
The team working on the project comprises Kenneth Hyltenstam and Christopher Stroud (principal investigators), Pirkko
Bergman, Kari Kuusisto, Alli Risberg and Lars Sjödin (research assistants).
Kari Kuusisto carried out the analyses of lexical density, lexical variation and lexical sophistication presented here. He also
undertook the statistical analyses of the data.
2. The formula is , where N is the number of tokens and V the number of types. k is a constant. (See Hultman and
Westman, 1977: 264).
3. The different number of words produced by each student has been considered by the calculation of these frequencies.
References
Biber, D. (1986) Spoken and written textual dimensions in English: Resolving the contradictory findings. Language 62, 384-
414.
Brown, G. (1981) Teaching the spoken language. In B. Sigurd and J. Svartvik (eds,, AILA 81, Proceedings II. Lectures. Special
issue of Studia Linguistica 35, 161-82.
Coppieters, R. (1986) Competence differences between native and fluent non-native speakers. Manuscript Pomona College.
Cummins, J. (1979) Cognitive academic language proficiency, linguistic interdependence, the optimum age question and some
other matters. Working Papers on Bilingualism, 19, 121-29.
(1983) Language proficiency and academic achievement. In J. W. Oller Jr (ed.) Issues in Language Testing Research. Rowley,
Mass.: Newbury House.
Edelsky, C., Altwerger, B., Barkin, F., Flores, B., Hudelson, S. and Jilbert, K. 1983)
Introduction
Within interlanguage (IL) research one is concerned with second-language acquisition, i.e. with the conscious and subconscious
processes involved in learning a language other than the mother tongue whether through language instruction or in a natural
setting. Samples of learner data are studied in order to gain insight into the learning process and, if possible, to map out routes
taken by learners from their first acquaintance with a target language to a more advanced proficiency level. It is a common aim
of this line of research to be able to identify general and variable features of language learning by focussing on linguistic,
psychological and/or sociocultural aspects chosen according to the researcher's theoretical stand. Thus learners who differ, for
example, in age or mother tongue, in cultural and educational background, in attitude to the target language culture, or in
motivation for learning the target language are compared and the general validity of the differentiating factors discussed (Ellis
(1985) for an overview of current theories of second language acquisition).
Syntactic Development
Syntactic development has been the object of an extensive number of IL studies, a major part of which are concerned with the
nature of the IL continuum. The impact of transfer, complexification/simplification, and universal grammatical principles on the
learning process have been studiedmainly as (series of) static descriptions of IL forms (e.g. Dulay and Burt, 1974; Hyltenstam,
1978; Klein & Dittmar, 1979; Schumann, 1978). However, in order to understand the dynamic nature of IL change, we need to
know not only what syntactic structures are acquired, but also how and why this is so. In other words we need to know more
about the learner strategies involved in second language acquisition and about the interplay between cognitive and
social/communicative aspects (Fillmore, 1979; Kasper, this issue, p. 37).
One way of dealing with the 'why' of language learning seems to be in studying syntax through the changing patterns of
information structure (Huebner, 1983; Givón, 1979). Within this functional approach, cognitive and interactional dimensions
merge in so far as the basic question, how 'discourse uses syntax to promote understanding' (Hatch, 1983: 109), involves a broad
range of phenomena such as complexity and organisation of information, linguistic coding, context-relatedness, speaker
intentions and interactional roles.
In the case of early second-language acquisition, the functional approach seems even more relevant, if not the only approach
possible. In a very
Data
Data were collected from 10 young learners of Danish through the first 12-15 months of their stay in Denmark. On arrival they
were 15-17 years old and all attended Danish schools during the period of data collection. The six learners which were selected
from this group are shown in Table 1. There were two from each language background (Albanian (Gheg), Vietnamese and
English). So far only data from learners C and E have been analysed carefully, and the following presentation will therefore
focus on these two learners.
The data were collected by means of audio-taped interviews, each consisting of unguided conversation and elicited production
(based on pictorial stimuli). Each interview was audio-taped in its full length (20-40 minutes), and then transcribed in ordinary
orthography. The learners were encouraged to introduce topics for conversation or elaborate on the pictures, which were chosen
with the specific purpose of engaging adolescents in conversation. All produced a couple of spontaneous utterances in the first
interview session but seemed to prefer the picture description. Later sessions, however, include an increasing number of
narratives, personal comments, etc. and the picture description is still carried out, but not elaborated on.
On two occasions data of a slightly more formal nature were collected as the learners were asked to retell a story depicted in a
series of drawings a genre familiar to all of them from the Danish school. Afterwards they were asked a fixed set of questions
concerning the pictures. The two comparable events took place with seven months in between for the Vietnamese and
Table 1
Learner Nationality Sex L1 No. of interviews
B Yugoslav Male Albanian 5
C Yugoslav Male Albanian 7
D Vietnamese Female Vietnamese 7
E Vietnamese Female Vietnamese 8
G American Female English 4
H American Female English 4
Only on a few occasions do the learners need to introduce a referent and at the same time apply a comment. This is done by
combining the two structures (in Example 4 it is important to know that E's brother had not been mentioned previously) or by
making a loose concatenation (Example 5):
4 E: det er min lillebror han spiller it is my little brother he plays
trommer drums
5 A: hvad er det? what is this?
C: det er en dreng og en it is a boy and a motorbike
motorcykel
Almost all utterances are simple (i.e. containing only one verb). In the case of complex utterances, the verbs are linked by being
listed in order of actual occurrence (Example 6):
6 E: den åbner kommer vand luk it opens comes water close
(about a tap)
Learner E produces only a few sentences which resemble topic-comment structures (Example 9) i.e. in the beginning of the
utterance the frame is given, followed by the comment, which is also new information, without any syntactic ties. C produces no
such structures.
9 A: hvad bruger du den til? what use you that for?
E: den der spise morgenmadeller that one eat breakfastor drink
drikke kaffe sukker coffee sugar
In general both learners manage to communicate in very short utterances which all follow the principle of one piece of new
information in each utterance. The new information is typically an agent or verb, but never a verb followed by its complement,
which may account for the fact that there are no instances of confused agent/object relations. The need to introduce new
referents (as agents) and name actions performed by agents already mentioned seems to bring about a limited set of utterance
structures. The new information may, of course, also consist of an affirmation or negation of (part of) the question asked, which
is then repeated in the learner's utterance as old information (Examples 7-8).
II
Time and place indications: variable sentence structure
During this stage more bits of information are introduced into the utterances, mainly through indications of time and place
(Examples 10-14). There are only few attempts at subordinating clauses (Example 14).
10 C: på Jugoslavien jeg In Yugoslavia I understand paper
forstår avis
Dan' jeg ikke forstår Denm' I not understand
11 C: jeg laver på I make at Nørrebro stadium it has many
Nørrebrohallen det har boys at sport (I do sport at N. there are
mange drenge på sport many boys doing sport)
Examples 15-16 are the only recorded attempts at expressing a causal relation produced by the two learners during the first
seven months of their acquisition of Danish:
he is fat he eats (later)
15 E: han er tyk han spiser (senere) because he eats
fordi han spiser
16 C: han er tyk spiser he is fat eats
During this stage the first instances of the learners' openly correcting their own word order appearmaybe this is an indication of
the first awareness of the grammatical function of Danish word order (Examples 17-18).
17 A: Wuzka er det et navn? Wuzka is that a name?
Wuzka in Yugoslavia
C: Wuzka på Jugoslavien
yes
A: ja
stupid (in)
C: dum i
means it stupid?
A: betyder det dum?
no stupid stupid is called
C: nej dum dum hedder
stupid
A: dum
yes
C: ja
yes is it him
A: ja er det ham der
yes is called stupid
C: ja hedder dum
it is maybe king he likes
18 E: det er måske konge han kan lide dogor dog loves king
hundeller hund elsker konge
During Stage II learner E to a very large extent keeps the basic word order pattern established above, i.e. (adv) SV (O) (adv) or
'det er' + NP. Learner C, however, changes between SV and VS word order with intransitive verbs and often leaves out the
anaphoric pronoun (compare Examples 19 and 20, and 17 above):
III
Breaking-up complex information into a line of 'det er' utterances
After Stage II, in which more information was added to the nucleus, one might expect attempts at integrating these bits of
information into the utterances by embedding. However, for a couple of months the two learners seem to choose a different
strategy, namely that of speaking in fairly long sequences which put together contain quite a number of different pieces of
information, but which are not integrated into one syntactical unit. The phrase det er (it is) is now used for another purpose
besides introducing new referentsthat of linking bits of information placed in short parallel sentences:
it is Saturday it is every week it is my
21 E: det er lørdag det er hver grandmother my aunt they come and
uge det er min mormor min visit my family
moster de kommer og besøger
min familie
it is more more learn (in this way we
22 E: det er mere mere lærer learn more)
it is guests it is dry the hand dry the
23 E: det er gæster den er mouth and it is much must I make ten
tørrer hånden tørrer munden og (she is supposed to sew ten napkins for
det er meget skal jeg lave ti a wedding)
it is operation it is not finished with
24 C: det er operation det er that
ikke færdig med den
it is a pilot it is stop plane in
25 C: det er en pilot det er stop aerodrome (airport)
maskine på aerodrom
IV
Embedding
During the last interview, which takes place approximately six months after the previous one, the pattern of breaking up
information into short, parallel sentences has been replaced by attempts at making subordinate clauses or infinitive constructions,
thus integrating the more complex information into syntactical units (Examples 26-27). Neither of the two learners seems to
experience any serious problems with word order in the main
To summarise, the similarity between the interlanguage development of learners C and E when described in terms of
information structure has brought about the setting up of four stages of development. It is thus suggested that the ordering of
elements in the utterance, i.e. syntax proper, is secondary to the need to organise information in the utterances. Once the basics
of the discourse level are established, the learner apparently starts reorganising his utterances according to rules of grammar
instead of rules of information structure.
It seems likely that the learner's IL is more open to typological transfer from the mother tongue during the syntactisation process
as the learner's hypotheses about the target language focus on syntactic questions. This may explain a difference between the
two learners only hinted at previously: when learner E after Stage I attempts to speak Danish, she adheres to a fairly rigid word
order pattern, whereas C displays variable word order to a larger extent.
As an answer to the question 'what do the two learners achieve in their IL at different periods during the first year of
acquisition?' the four stages may be characterised in the following way:
During Stage I the learners are concerned with surviving communicatively. They draw on all the set phrases that they know of,
repeat as many of their interlocutor's words as possible and limit their creative use of the language to the principle of one piece
of information at a time. When this is not sufficient and when the communicative pressure gets too hard, they may produce
topic-comment utterances.
During Stage II a bit more information is introduced into the utterances, mainly modality expressions of time and place.
Instances of variable syntax may indicate that an awareness of grammatical functions of word order is
During Stage II external negation still occurs but there are also instances of internal negation, placed before main verbs:
it is NAME decides I not
31 C: det er NAVN bestemmer jeg ikke decide
bestemmer
32 E: unge i Vietnam ikke drikker øl young people in Vietnam not
drink beer
At the start of Stage III there is no more external negation, but exclusively pre-verbal replacement of the negative word 'ikke'.
As this stage includes only one interview with learner C, I have no way of seeing the next development in his IL before Stage
IV. Learner E, however, proceeds from a phase of pre-verbal negation to a distinction between auxiliary verbs and main verbs:
I have not read (English) in
33 E: jeg har ikke læse (engelsk) i Vietnamnow they not learn
Vietnamnu de ikke lærer engelsk English
Conclusion
Clearly, one may question the general validity of the four stages set up on the basis of limited data collected from only two
learners. However, the qualitative analysis of these data has generated some hypotheses about the nature of early second-
language learning, which will be tested on the full group of learners in the next part of the study. The hypotheses are the
following:
1. early acquisition of syntax is determined by pragmatic principles;
2. the pragmatic period is followed by a period of syntactisation; and
3. typological transfer occurs as part of the syntactisation process.
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(1983)Psycholinguistics: A Second Language Perspective. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House.
Huebner, T. (1983) A Longitudinal Analysis. The Acquisition of English. Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers.
Hlyltenstam, K. (1978) Variation in Interlanguage, Syntax Working Papers No. 8. Lund: Dept of General Linguistics, Lund
University.
Klein, W. and Dittmar, N. (1979) Developing Grammars. Berlin: Springer.
McLaughlin, B. (1978) Second Language Acquisition in Childhood. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Schachter, J. and Rutherford, W. (1979) Discourse function and language transfer. Working Papers on Bilingualism, 19, 1-12.
Schumann, J. (1978) The Pidginization Process. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House.
Tarone, E. (1982) Systematicity and attention in interlanguage. Language Learning, 32, 69-82.
Introduction
A large number of studies have dealt with different aspects of the universal category negation (e.g. Horn, 1978; Dahl, 1979;
Sennekampf, 1979; Payne, 1985). Givón (1984: 322), for example, states that 'in naturallanguage unlike formal logicnegation is
a complex functional domain, drawing on three distinct though partially interdependent components', namely propositional
semantics, subjective certainty and discourse-pragmatics.
During the last two decades, research on the acquisition of negation in first as well as in second language acquisition (e.g. Klima
& Bellugi, 1966;
Methods
The study is based on three types of data from 60 adult learners of Swedish as a second language. The data can be said to be
longitudinal since they were gathered during a period of four months during which the learners were taught Swedish at a Labour
Training Centre. The learners are 20 Finnish, 20 Polish and 20 Spanish native speakers, and within each group there are 10 low
level learners (named F, P or S, plus a number between 01-26) and 10 high level learners (with the numbers 51-76). The
relatively large number of subjects, the three different native languages and the two levels of proficiency allow us to use the data
for cross-sectional studies and the groups are shortened FH for Finnish high-level learners, FL for Finnish low level and so on.
The three types of data consist of recordings of speech from (1) a ten-minute interview on selected topics and (2) descriptions of
a set of pictures. In addition, the taped data were complemented with (3) an acceptability test comprising written sentences (see
below). The recordings were made on three occasions: at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of the Swedish course. The
data used for this study are from the first and third occasion. Each recording session will henceforth be abbreviated as Time 1
and Time 3; the different data types are referred to as II, and 13, Pil, and Pi3 for the interviews and picture descriptions
respectively. (The second interview is excluded since there were only small differences in the categories studied between the
three occasions of recordings.)
All complete and comprehensible clauses containing NEG and ADV have been allocated to different categories according to the
verbal context of NEG and ADV and grammatical correctness with regard to the target language norm. Unfortunately, there is
no reasonable way to characterise the learners' interlanguage except in terms of deviations from the target language norm.
Hence, the inappropriate concept of 'grammatical correctness' is still used in this report. 'Formula' clauses containing X vet inte
(X doesn't know) are excluded (cf. Cazden et al., 1975; Clahsen et al., 1983).
As in NEG-mains the combination inte så mycket (not very much) seems to be resistant to splitting and in these data there is no
correct NEG-sub containing inte så mycket but 10 error clauses, for example
17. om man skriver inte så mycke (P64:I3)
(if one write not very much)
18. som vill bli fotograferad och in- har inte så snyggt va (P53:Pi3)
(who wants to have herself photographed and no- has not very good)
Note especially Example 18 in which the speaker alters his utterance, perhaps because he conceived inte så snyggt to be a
phrase not amenable to splitting. This learner's other NEG-subs have pre-verbal NEG in the V-context and post-verbal the finite
verb in the mV- and VV-contexts. The learner (P51) who has notably more NEG-subs than the others (12/15) is also of interest
in this connection. Of three error NEG-subs, one contains the phrasal verb tycka om (like)a well known difficulty in learning
Swedishand the other two inte så (not very) in a V-context.
Thus, there are some differences that might support the hypothesis that variable input delays the learning of a syntactic rule and
that input is as important as instruction for learning syntactic rules. Of course, anotheralthough for learner language less
plausibleexplanation might be that these learners apply the same rules for these clauses as do the native speakers, i.e. a
systematic variation between word order for main clauses and subordinate clauses depending on information structure. Another
explanation of the differences could be first language interference.
Adverbs in medial position
The study on the ADV in a medial position common to that of NEG was intended to investigate whether the variable placement
of ADV in Swedish and/or the differences in the subjects' native languages affect acquisition. With regard to ADV placement,
Finnish has rules similar to the Swedish ones for main clauses, while Polish has pre-verbal position for ADV, too, and Spanish
has variable rules but no ADV position between a finite and a non-finite verb.
Since the frequencies for ADV occurrence in contexts other than main clauses are low, only the results from the main clauses
(ADV-mains) will be presented here.
Concluding Remarks
On the basis of these data the answer to the question in the title of the paper will be 'Yes, there is some order'. For these tutored
subjects the rules for the placement of NEG are learned earlier than those for ADV, the auxiliary contexts in main clauses
earlier than the main verb contexts and there is a weak tendency for the opposite order in subordinate clauses. In these respects
all learner groups and mostly all learners behave in the same way. Concerning the placement rules for ADV there is an obvious
tendency for the Finnish high level subjects to learn the rule for main clauses earlier than the other groups, which is probably
due to effects from the native language. Their preference for post-verbal placement is particularly obvious in the subordinate
clauses in the acceptability test.
Other kinds of order indicated in the results are the tendencies (1) for semantics to take precedence over syntax and (2) for
prefabricated patterns to take precedence over syntactic rules in speech production.
By the first tendency (1) it is understood that learners neglect a syntactic rule under acquisition when problems arise in
expressing intended meaning. This is most obvious during the picture description task, when sometimes the learners lack the
necessary vocabulary, i.e. a situation with no possibilities of avoidance. In these cases the learners return to an earlier 'stage' in
the development of the placement rule (mostly pre-verbal placement in main clauses).
The second tendency, (2), accounts for many learners' preference to process frequent sequences as prefabricated patterns,
thereby rejecting syntactic rules that are applied in other contexts. This preference is found both in main and subordinate clauses.
In fact, the learners' early acquisition of frequent sequences seems very plausible, because sequences that are frequent in
everyday communication are, of course, expressions that are needed in human communication and hence important in the
learners' communication, too, and therefore they are acquired early (cf. Hatch, 1978). This is probably the reason for the early
acquisition of sequences with the auxiliaries as well. Their frequent use, their simple forms (cf. Zipfs law) and their importance
in human communication cause them to be acquired early. Besides, memorising useful phrases ought to be an economic way of
learning, comparable with, for example, the way many of us memorise a long telephone-number.
Early phrasal learning may also be the explanation of the later difficulties, especially in the contexts of auxiliaries, when the
placement rules for the subordinate clauses are being acquired, and perhaps this is the reason for the placement of NEG after the
non-finite verb in verb groups, too. The perfect and past-perfect tense and the modal plus the main verb may be
References
Andersson, L. G. (1975) Form and function of subordinate clauses. Gothenburg Monographs in Linguistics. University of
Göteborg: Dept. of Linguistics.
Bolander, M. (1987) Man kan studera inte så mycke. Om placering av negation och satsadverb i vuxna invandrares svenska.
SUM-rapport 5. Stockholms universitet: Institutionen för lingvistik.
Bourgonje, G. C. J. (1984) (Non-) language-specific deviations in EFL adverbial usage. Riksuniversiteit Utrecht: Institut voor
Engelse Taal en Litteraturkunde.
Cazden, C. B., Cancino, H., Rosansky, E. J. and Schumann, J. H. (1975) Second language acquisition sequences in children,
adolescents and adults. Final report United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare.
Clahsen, H. (1984) The acquisition of German word order: a test case for cognitive approaches to L2 development. In R. W.
Andersen (ed.), Second Languages: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective. Rowley/Mass.: Newbury House.
Clahsen, H., Meisel, J. M. and Pienemann, M. (1983) Deutsch als Zweitsprache. Der Spracherwerb ausländischer Arbeiter.
Tübingen: Gunter Narr.
Introduction
The ultimate aim of introducing a foreign language into the school curriculum while the learner is very young is the production
of competent bilingual speakers throughout the population.
Our immediate concern is with the initiation of the process: when and how to start a foreign language to ensure a sound basis
for the accomplishment of the goala bilingual speaker. For, appealing though the idea of a community of bilingual children
might be, we are, for reasons of economy,
All this led us to conclude that the task ahead was a very responsible one. The raw material we had to mould was in the hands
of the teachers. If they managed to motivate children to study English at that early age it might have a life-long beneficial effect
not only on their ability to use English but also upon their attitude to foreign languages and other nations in general.
One school year should suffice to find out if the learners have become used to the new subject and developed their own attitudes
towards it.
Each group of 12-15 students had two periods of English per week on a regular basis. Another interview on motivation was
conducted at the end of May 1978. The objective was to find out whether attitudes towards English classes had changed, and, if
so, in what direction. This time they were given nine questions, from which a picture of their likes and dislikes could be formed.
It was considered important to hear their interpretation of what they like, and what they find difficult in English lessons. The
parents' attitude was tested again to find out whether it had changed in the course of the year's study.
Conclusion
Our Project seems to have shown that children in our particular sociocultural environment have been able to start successfully
the long process of becoming bilingual.
None of them has yet become bilingualone could hardly expect this to happen in such a limited number of school periods of
learning English. According to an estimate (Mueller, 1967), six months, with between 6 and 14 hours a day, would be needed to
achieve proficiency in a foreign language, but only when selected students are in question. (This amounts to a total of 1,000 to
1,500 contact hours.)
Motivation to learn English, which was zero before the start, developed significantly. Ninety-nine percent of the children at the
end of the first year of learning expressed a strong desire to continue.
We hope that this has had a strong effect on moulding their life-long attitude towards English as a foreign language and foreign
languages in general, preventing the development of ethnocentric tendencies later in life. (Ethnocentrism is defined by Gardner
& Lambert (1972) as stereotyped negative feelings toward foreign countries and peoples.)
Bibliography
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Burstall, C. (1974) Primary French in the Balance. A Report from the British National Foundation for Educational Research.
Chomsky, C. (1969) The Acquisition of Syntax in Children from 5 to 10. Chicago: MIT Press.
Cook, V. (1977) Cognitive processes in second language learning. IRAL XV/1, 1-21.
Corcoran, G. (1976) Language Experience for Nursery and Kindergarten Years. Peacock.
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(1973) Should we teach children syntax? Language Learning, 23, 245-58.
(1974a) Errors and strategies in child second language acquisition. TESOL Quarterly, 8, 2.
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Garvie, E. (1976) Breakthrough to Fluency. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
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Thesis, McGill University.
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(1976) A case study. Language Learning, 26, 321-53.
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Introduction
In the following translated composition, written in Swedish by a Turkish girl living in Sweden, a situation is described that is not
unique in Sweden today:
My classmates
Our class is an unusual class. There are only three Swedes in the class. We speak Turkish, Serbocroatian, Arabic,
Armenian, Chinese, Finnish, Kurdish and Swedish. We get along well although we come from different countries and
have different religions.
I am a Turkish citizen. I am thirteen years old and came here when I was seven, but some of my friends were only a few
months old when they arrived. Songul, for example, was two months old when she came from Turkey. Deniz was even
born here, but her parents are Turkish. Her cousin Kürsat was only two months old when he arrived. Jacklin came here
from Lebanon because of the war. Tsz Kai came here from Hong Kong. Patrik's parents are from Finland but he was born
here. Kati is from Poland. Sandra is from Yugoslavia like Dragan. Caroline is from Lebanon but speaks Armenian.
Magnus's mother
The Situation
In many suburban areas of the big cities in Sweden today there are a great number of immigrants, most of them having arrived
during the last 20 years. Contrary to what is usual in many other European countries, the immigrants do not live separated from
each other in ethnic groups. In one of the suburbs of Stockholm, Rinkeby, for example, about 100 languages are spoken and
more than 30 languages are taught at school. In many classrooms and kindergartens in these areas children representing first or
second generation immigrants are in an overwhelming majority. It is not unusual that in a class of 30 children only two or three
have a 'pure' Swedish background and that 10-15 different languages are spoken in the homes of the rest of the class. Some of
these children have arrived in Sweden relatively recently and have not yet mastered the Swedish language very well. Others
were born in Sweden, but use mainly one (or more) of the total of about 150 foreign languages spoken in Sweden today. In
some cases the immigrant children use their mother tongue in school, i.e. if they attend a so-called 'home-language class', and
those who attend a 'Swedish' class are entitled to at least two sessions a week of 'home language', if they wish. As for Swedish,
newly arrived children are given preparatory courses, and those who have spent a long time in Sweden but still have problems
with the language are given supportive courses. Most immigrant children, thus, can be claimed to be bilingual, at least to some
extent.
Children in those areas where many languages are spoken seem to use mainly Swedish as a lingua franca in contact with peers
(Boyd, 1985), irrespective of what language is used at home. In the Swedish debate, however, their mastery of Swedish
sometimes has been characterised as 'poor', and the children have been claimed to be 'semi-lingual', i.e. 'not fully competent in
any language'. It is also sometimes reported by teachers, social workers and others that these children, even those who have
lived in Sweden since their early childhood, speak 'oddly' and that their Swedish is at times hard for a native Swede to
understand, especially when they are speaking informally within the group, even though the children themselves seem to
understand each other perfectly well.
In the light of these facts I shall discuss two hypotheses regarding what might happen to Swedish as used by immigrant children
and to Swedish as a whole: (1) Swedish, as used by immigrant children, may show certain
In fact, it seems quite possible that immigrant children's Swedish may be described in all three ways. Some individuals may use
an idiomatic Swedish, perhaps sometimes even hypercorrect due to the fact that many of them have learnt Swedish at school as
a second language. Other children might well in certain respects have a 'poor' command of Swedish, which especially is
handicapping to them at school, while again other individuals might use a variety that does not impair communication but still
contains some deviant, and from a Swedish point of view, 'strange' elements.
It might also, however, be possible that the Swedish of one and the same individual could be characterised in all three ways,
different in different situational contexts. If so, his language in certain informal situations might seem quite 'Swedish' and typical
for his age, while in other situations, for example at school, it might be considered 'poor' and insufficient. Finally, the same
individual may, in a context consisting of those immigrant children from different ethnic groups, with which he normally
interacts, have developed a certain variety of Swedish, which could have deviant features. This variety might serve as a group
dialect with the purpose of identifying the members of the group as 'foreigners', a word that need not have any negative
connotations to the children themselves. This special immigrant sociolect might, if it exists (at least locally), serve as a group
ethnic variety
Conclusions
Many children in certain areas of Sweden today get an input consisting partly of one or two 'mother tongues' other than Swedish
and partly of a simplified variety of Swedish. It has been suggested that deviations from standard Swedish should not be looked
upon only as 'errors' and the results of imperfect learning, but as features similar to those which appear in creoles. Therefore, at
least some children with an immigrant background might, if one looks at it negatively, have difficulties in learning grammatical
and stylistic nuances in Swedish. On the other hand, they might, if one looks at it positively, also have a greater capacity to
create new expressions for their linguistic needs.
Notes
1. Southern part of Sweden.
References
Bickerton, D. (1981) Roots of Language. Ann Arbor: Karoma.
Boyd, S. (1985) Language Survival: A Study of Language Contact, Language Shift and Language Choice in Sweden. Göteborg:
Department of Linguistics, University of Göteborg.
Gumpertz, J. and Wilson R. (1971) Convergence and creolization. In D. Hymes (ed.), Pidginization and Creolization of
Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hyltenstam, K. (1984) The use of typological markedness as predictor in second language acquisition: The case of pronominal
copies in relative clauses. In R. Andersen (ed.), Second Languages: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury
House.
Janson, T. (1979) Mechanisms of Language Change in Latin. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International.
Kay, P. and Sankoff, G. (1974) A language universals approach to pidgins and creoles. In D. DeCamp & J. F. Hancock. (eds),
Pidgins and Creoles. Current Trends and Prospects. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press, 61-72.
Kotsinas, U. -B. (1981) Come and Go: tense and aspect in immigrant Swedish. In N. Dittmar and P. Königer (eds), Proceedings
of the Second Scandinavian-German Symposium on the Language of Immigrant Workers and Their Children in West-Berlin,
Linguistische Arbeiten und Berichte, Heft 16. Berlin: Fachbereich Germanistik der Freien Universität, 112-29.
(1982) Repetitions in immigrant Swedish. In T. Bhatia and W. Richie (eds), Progression in Second Language Acquisition.
Special Issue of Indian Journal of Applied Linguistics, 9, 69-88.
(1984a) 'Ask maybe ten hours', Semantic over-extension and lexical over-use. Scandinavian Working Papers on Bilingualism, 2.
Stockholm: Department of Linguistics, University of Stockholm.
(1984b) On the acquisition of vocabulary in Immigrant Swedish. In H. Ringborn, (ed.), Förhandlingar vid Conference on
Psycholinguistics and Foreign Language Learning. Publi-
Lack of competence normally leads to problems with regard to school and social life.
Certainly, productive competence is demanded by migrant children in the local dialect, a standard variety of German, and the
professional languages that are used in school. Students often use a group variety of their own (youth language) that must be
practised by those who want to belong to this peer-group. It is trivial to point out that lack of competence in the professional
languages and in standard German leads to school problems. Lack of competence in the local dialect may lead to an outsider
position (similar to the youth languages). Productive competence is also required in daily life situations, e.g. to buy milk in the
break or to answer an invitation to a birthday party.
Only reactive competence is required in the local dialect if the children move into this region at an older age. In school, the
language of instruction spoken by the teacher demands reactive competence, as does the literature that is read in class.
Deficiencies lead once again to school problems.
Receptive competence suffices, e.g. for television German, for the language of advertisement and partly for the language used in
newspapers. The latter may also demand reactive competence if newspapers are, for example, read in school.
Besides, it has to be pointed out that most communication situations require at least reactive competence in language and
behaviour.
Consideration has been restricted to L2 as language of the environment so far, with the result that competences of three kinds
are demanded for several language varieties, especially the local German, standard German and different professional varieties.
There aredepending on individual living conditionsfewer occasions to use a Turkish, Italian, etc., variety if, for instance,
shopping is done in German supermarkets, sports are practised in German clubs, and so on. Due to this, due to the reduced
family communication in families where both parents are working, due to the German school context, many topics are not, or
only seldom, discussed in L1. So, reduced capabilities in the use of language varieties in L1 have to be assumed.
Learning Difficulties
One reason is to be seen in the fact that many teachers of GSL neither reflect nor teach the diversity of varieties, though they
expect their students to use them. Most GSL books neglect important structures (as, for example, passive voice) for a long time,
though they are needed to understand technical language even in primary school (cf. Luchtenberg, 1986). Besides other reasons,
there is a very important one for learning difficulties: varieties stem from a sociocultural background; they are full of societal,
social and cultural experiences which may be unknown to migrant children (cf. Oksaar, 1983; Scharnhorst and Steinmüller, 1985
for examples).
The cultural implications of language varieties are one of the most important reasons why migrant students (and adults, too) fail
so often in the correct use of varieties and registers in German. Of course, varieties, situationally adequate verbal and non-verbal
behaviour, phraseology, idioms, routine formulae, etc., are trained in kindergarten and school, but more or less from a German
background and viewpoint so that the needs of the migrant children are not met (e.g. Daniels and Pommerin, 1979). Therefore,
intercultural education seems to be the only possible solution to help develop full competence in language varieties.
On the other hand, many teachers are mistaken in judging their migrant students to be fluent in German because they are fluent
in the regional variety in daily life conversations. It has also to be taken into account that the use of language varieties is closely
related to the question of norms that might be answered in a different way by different teachers.
Thus, children who begin to feel accepted can learn different verbal behaviours and varieties (besides other matters). Language
experiences shared by German and non-German children can help to overcome misunderstandings because all children learn
about situational interference and cultural implications. Furthermore, they learn to speak about language.
With regard to language varieties in a multi-ethnic classroom, it has to be asked whether there are differences from a
monolingual classroom and how to treat them. Certainly, there are differences to be heard:
all kinds of variations of German (i.e. learner languages on different levels as shown by Klein & Dittmar, 1979);
code mixtures (cf. Kotsinas, this issue, pp. 129-40, for a Swedish example);
mother tongues (perhaps in different varieties); and
even sometimes foreigner talk.
All of them should be explained and discussed: their function, their structures, their problems.
It should also be shown that most of them are also to be heard or read in our somewhat multilingual society. And
multilingualism is certainly an important theme in intercultural education (e.g. Gumperz, 1976). Cultural awareness of language
behaviour is a major aim of intercultural education and answers at the same time most questions of language varieties, especially
situational ones. Language behaviour includes a good deal of traditions, manners, etc.topics that are usually taught in language
classes abroad (though not always in an adequate way), but that have also to be discussed in classes in the L2 countryin
intercultural settings (cf. Holmes & Brown, 1984 for examples).
The necessity of teaching language varieties in school, because of their importance for migrant students, has been pointed out.
On the other hand, language varieties can also help to show that cultural and linguistic diversity has already existed within our
society so that multilingualism/multiculturalism means only a new dimension of an old fact.
References
Belke, G. (1986) Schulpolitische Voraussetzungen und sprachdidaktische Konsequenzen einer zweisprachigen Erziehung.
Diskussion Deutsch, 90, 379-88.
Daniels, K. and Pommerin, G. (1979) Die Rolle sprachlicher Schematismen im Deutschunterricht für ausländische Kinder. Die
Neueren Sprachen, 78, No. 6, 572-86.
Extra, Guus (1987) Zweitspracherwerb und Beschulungsmodelle unter vergleichenden Gesichtspunkten. Die Beispiele Holland
und USA. In E. Apeltauer (ed.), Gesteuerter Zweitspracherwerb. München: Hueber, 53-66.
Supplementary Mother-Tongue Education and the Linguistic Development of Yugoslav Children in Denmark
Andrina Pavlinic-Wolf *
Institute for Migration and Nationalities Studies,
41001 Zagreb, Trnjanska b.b., P.O. Box 88, Yugoslavia.
Karmen Brcic*
Zagreb, Yugoslavia
and
Nadezda Jeftic1*
Copenhagen, Denmark
Abstract. After a section on supplementary mother tongue education for Yugoslav pupils speaking Serbo-Croatian and
some information on Yugoslav migration in Denmark, some preliminary results are presented of a sociolinguistic survey
conducted on 50 respondents aged 10-18, attending regular instruction and mother tongue classes in Copenhagen. The
research was carried out in eight European countries hosting migrant workers: Austria, Denmark, France, FR Germany,
Great Britain, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland. The mother tongue of 342 respondents was tested by means of a
questionnaire (a total of 25 questions, five for each of the five linguistic levels). The children also wrote a composition
('My School', 'My Home', 'My Homeland Yugoslavia', or 'My New Homeland'). In addition to the linguistic methods of
gathering data on their written productions, some sociological and sociolinguistic parameters were applied to examine the
communication range of the mother tongue, e.g. the length of their residence and schooling in Denmark Yugoslavia, the
educational level of their parents, verbal interaction with family members' Yugoslav peers Danish peers (self-assessment)
and some other forms of mother tongue usage, the self-evaluation of mother tongue skills, the comparative assessment of
L1 and L2 skills, etc.
Most of the total of examples of interference are those pertaining to Danish grammatical interference in Serbo-Croatian.
The most common examples of morphological interference are related to misused (displaced) case endings or a reduction/loss of
them:
(Q.No.842)Kad dodem u razredu onda su puno od moji drugari i
drugarice napolje da igraju fudbal (under the
influence of 'Når jeg kommer til klasse lokalet er
mange af mine venner nede for at spille fodbold');
(Q.No.848)Ima cetiri decije* sobe na drugi sprat (probably
under the influence of 'på anden sal');
however, it is hard to tell whether the above (Q.No.848) is due exclusively to Danish interference (i.e. no declension of the
substantive), knowing that a construction such as this can be heard in some (eastern) Serbo-Croatian dialects.
Below are two examples of recurring syntactic interference, showing Danish word-order in Serbo-Croatian sentences:
(Q.No.816)Stara zgrada je preko sto godina stara, a nova zgrada
je 16-17 godina stara (under the influence of '. . . det
nye hus er 16-17 år gammelt.')
The repetition of the subject zgrada in two or more successive independent/ dependent clauses is redundant in Serbo-Croatian.
(Q.No.815)Onda sve to je doslo* u novinama (under the
influence of '. . . så kom det hele i avisen').
The pattern of possessive adjectives min, mit + noun(s), which is so common in Danish, has become adapted in Serbo-Croatian,
which does not normally favour it:
(Q.No.828)Tu zive* troje, moja majika i moj otac i ja (under the
influence of '. . . min mor, og min far og jeg');
(Q.No.846)Svakog dana idem u skolu* gde provodim najvise*
moga vremena.
At the morpho-syntactic level, an erroneous use of Serbo-Croatian prepositions is recurrent under the influence of Danish ones:
(Q.No.813)I nekada idemo na velike muzeje i tamo ima svasta*
(cf. 'Nogle gange tager vi på dit store museum . . .')
Having compared our respondents' language skill as exhibited in the multiple choice test with their written productions
(compositions), we have reached the conclusion that their passive grasp of the language (i.e. at the level of recognising correct
answers) is better than their active application of the internalised standard.
Factors that may stimulate L1 acquisition, maintenance and development
We have studied some factors that may motivate Yugoslav migrant children to learn and maintain their mother tongue.
The intention of migrant parents to return to their homeland and reintegrate in the society of origin, entailing their children's
return and, possibly, insertion in that community's school system may be an important factor influencing motivation for mother
tongue learning. The results of our research have confirmed again how difficult it is to resolve the migrant dilemma of 'whether
to stay on or to return'. It may not always depend on subjective aspirations, but is often resolved as a result of objective
circumstances or a contingency.
Parent interests or aspirations need not coincide with those of their children. Compromises and shortcomings are not uncommon
in a migrant worker's family, which may even split up (the old generation returning to the country of origin, the new one
embracing the adoptive community and its values). The planned strategy of life choices may be reflected in the language sphere.
Twenty of our respondents believe that their parents intend to return to the homeland, 6 do not think so, and 24 do not know. As
for themselves, 7 intend to continue their education in Yugoslavia, 23 do not, while as many as 20 do not know where they will
complete their education.
An important factor stimulating mother tongue learning motivation may also be migrant children's need to be identified as
members of their own ethnic group, their people, the country that they originate from, speaking 'their own' language. Forty-four
pupils (among them 18 who have spent 10-12 years in Denmark and 12 who have resided there 13-15 years) think of themselves
as Yugoslavs, one does not, four do not know whether they can call themselves that (one gave no reply to the question on their
national affiliation). Our premise to be tested by means of this ongoing research is that the respondents with an unstable national
identity may be less motivated
Notes
1. Karmen Brcic * is responsible for the manual statistical processing of data that were collected for the purposes of the project
'The Language of Yugoslav children living in European
References
Document MMG-3(87)17 (1987) Migrants in Western Europe: Present Situation and Future Prospects. Strasbourg: Council of
Europe.
Document (1983) Informacija o nastavi maternjeg jezika i nacionalne kulture za jugoslovensku decu u inostranstvu. Belgrade:
Savezni biro za poslove zaposljavanja*.
Modersmåls undervisningen i Hovedstadsområdet (1985-87). København: Kontoret for fremmedsprogede elever.
Pavlinic-Wolf, A., Anic*, J. and Ivezic*, Z. (1987) Jezik jugoslavenske djece koja zive* u Svedskoj*. Child Language in
Diaspora (Serbo-Croatian in West European CountriesPapers from a Symposium). Slavica Lundensia 11, 159-173. Lund:
Slaviska Institutionen vid Lunds Universitet.
Schierup, C.-U. (1984) Do they dance to keep up tradition? Analysis of a social situation among Yugoslav immigrants in
Scandinavia. Research Report No.81. Umeå: Department of Sociology, University of Umeå.
(1985) Why are vampires still alive? Wallachian immigrants in Scandinavia. Ethnos. Xeroxed manuscript, Department of
Sociology, University of Umeå.
(1986) Options of unemployed immigrants in the 1980sa comparative study of unemployment among Turkish and Yugoslav
immigrants in Sweden and Denmark. Migracijske teme 3-4. Zagreb: Centar za istrazivanje* migracija i narodnosti, 77-86.
Schierup, C.-U. and Ålund, A. (1987) Will They Still Be Dancing? Integration and Ethnic Transformation among Yugoslav
Immigrants in Scandinavia. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell.
Introduction
Six nations live in Yugoslavia (Montenegrins, Croats, Macedonians, Muslims, Slovenes, Serbs), together with ten
nationalities/national minorities (Albanians, Bulgarians, Czechs, Italians, Hungarians, Romanians, Ruthenians, Slovaks, Turks
and Ukrainians) and two ethnic groupsGypsies and Vlachs. In addition to these, members of various other nationalities live
scattered throughout the entire territory of Yugoslavia, though not in large numbers.
The first motivation mentioned springs from the national identity of the individual and is present in members of nationalities, to
whom the learning of the language of the nationality means the learning of the mother tongue (L1). The socioeconomic
motivation means that knowledge of the language of the nationality is very important in providing communication between
speakers of different nationalities. Knowledge of the language gives the basis for the creation of co-existence and represents a
very important element, one could say even precondition for the individual's participation in life it makes it possible for him/her
to enter work and thus gives economic security and provides the possibility of progress in his/her profession. This
socioeconomic motivation is usually related to certain professionsteachers, employees who work with the public, traders. The
socioeconomic motivation of the individual is also influenced in our opinion, in a negative manner, by the principle of territorial
limitation of bilingualism.
Similarly with the language of the nationalitywhich linguistic group it belongs to, whether it has the status of an international
language, what is its role in the world and what relations it has to the state (country) of the mother nation in political, cultural
and economic fieldsall these are aspects which can affect, in a negative or positive sense, the socioeconomic motivation of the
individual for learning the language of the nationality. The motivation for acquisition of knowledge can be defined as a purely
linguistic motivation, whose aim is not learning the language of the nationality as the mother tongue or second language in order
to communicate with people in the common environment, or to get to know their culture and historythus creating co-existence in
a specific surrounding. The individual learns the second language primarily as an investment in his own knowledge, the
acquisition of 'mankind's intellectual capital' (Grenier & Vaillancourt, 1983). Of course, in the majority of cases, this motivation
touches on the socioeconomic motivation of the individual.
Conclusion
Bearing in mind various definitions of when an individual is bilingual (Ovando & Collier, 1985), we may claim that in
nationally mixed regions, members of the nation and members of the nationality are both bilingual, although different levels of
bilingualism can be distinguished. The results of surveys in nationally mixed regions in Slovenia indicate that in contacts with
the public, in offices and places of work, the language of the majority is usedSlovene. This raises the question of why, despite
objective possibilities (educational system) and positive factors (attitude of society), which encourage the use of the languages of
both the majority and the minority, in certain formal contacts the use of the majoritySlovenelanguage predominates. There may
be many reasons and answers, and we
References
Cuminins, J. (1986) Empowering minority students: a framework for intervention. Harvard Educational Review, 1, 18-36.
Cziko, G.A. and Troike, R.C. (1984) Contexts of bilingual education: international perspectives and issues. ILA Review, 1, 7-34.
Dular J. (1986) Jezikovni polozaj* v Dobrovniku. In Madzari* in Slovencisodelovanje in sozitje* v obmejnem obmozju* ob
jugoslovansko-madzarsk*i meji. Ljubljana: INV.
Fishman, J. (1976) Bilingual Education: An International Sociological Perspective. Rowley, Mass: Newbury House.
Grenier G. and Vaillancourt, F. (1983) An economic perspective on learning second language. Journal of Multilingual and
Multicultural Development, 6, 471-83.
Klinar, P. (1986) Socioloski* vidiki multikulturaliszma. Migracijske teme, 2, 73-84.
Mikes*, M. (1984) Instruction in mother tongues in Yugoslavia. Prospects, 1, 121-31.
Miklic, T. (1984) Komunikacija v drugem jeziku in jezikoslovje: ali jezikslovje lahko prispeva k razvijanju in utrjevanju
dvojezicnosti. In Dvojezicnost-individualne* in druzbene razseznosti, Ljubljana: DUJS, 245-50.
Milani-Kruljac, N. (1984) Bilingualismo e statuti comunali: la siituazione Istro-Quarnerina. In Dvjezicnost-indviduale in
druzbene razseznosti, Ljubljana: DUJS, 47-53.
Necak-Lük, A. (1983) Druzbene razseznosti dvojezicnosti na arodnostne mesanem obmocju* Prekmurja. Doctoral dissertation,
Filozofska fakulteta, Ljubljana.
(1986) Education in multicultural societies and its societal implications. Razprave in gradivo, 18, 309-13.
Novak-Lukanovic*, S. (1986) Some Yugoslav experiences in asserting equality of the nations and nationalities in the field of
education. Razprave in gradivo, 18, 32-89.
(1987) Dvojezicna* osnovna sola*: kam in kako potem?. Ljubljana: Ekspertiza INV.
Ovando, C. J. and Collier, V. P. (1985) Bilingual and ESL Classrooms, New York: McGrawHill.
Strukelj*, I. (1979) Motivacija in stalisca* do ucenja* in rabe L1 in L2. Ljubljana: Institut za sociologijo. Univerze Eduardo
Kardelje.
UNESCO, (1953) The Use of Vernacular Languages in Education. Monographs on Fundamental Education VII. Paris.
Language Policy and Language Planning after the Establishment of the Home Rule in Greenland
Aquigssiaq Møller
Kultur-og undervisningsdirektoratet, Grønlands Hjemmestyre,
3900 Nuuk, Grønland.
Abstract. When Home Rule was introduced in Greenland in 1979 the question about the languages was dealt with in the
Home Rule Act and in the Statutory Instrument of the Parliament, No 6 of 16 October, 1979, regarding the primary
school, in which it is stated in § 1.2 and 1.3 that the educational language is Greenlandic, and that Danish may be the
educational language if exceptional circumstances make it necessary.
For pupils with the Greenlandic language as their mother tongue, the subject of Danish may be introduced in the second
grade, and has to be introduced by the fourth. For other pupils special training in Greenlandic as a foreign language is
given.
It must be stated that the efforts of strengthening the Greenlandic language and making it the principal language, within
the administrative field as well, have been fruitful. But it has been a slower process than expected. This is due to many
things which I shall deal with in this paper.
The Home Rule Act and the Statutory Instrument about the primary school very clearly state which language is the main
language. The situation is the same for the media policy, where the aim is a distribution between the languages of 80%
Greenlandic and 20% Danish.
Recent Greenlandic school history and the debate about education and learning is very much centred on language
problems. There is a tendency to discuss the acquisition of language as a final purpose in itself instead of as a means to an
end.
The aim is bilingualism in Greenland, oras stated by the Home Rule Actthat Danish has to be mastered well and
thoroughly.
The situation of the language policy and planning after seven years of Home Rule is illustrated by information about
debates in the Parliament, in parents' assemblies and in teachers' assemblies. Summary by Gerd Gabrielsen
The Home Rule Act of 1979 instituted a bilingual language policy by stating that Greenlandic is the main language of
Greenlandic society, and that a high level of proficiency in Danish will be generally required. This policy is intended to cover all
areas in Greenlandic society. Its purpose is to preserve and further develop Greenlandic culture.
As to languages, the development of Greenlandic as a first language is of primary importance, both as to form/conceptual
coverage and at a functional level. Danish is important as the first foreign language. There is at the moment an ongoing process
of change, the outcome of which it is too early to estimate linguistically and qualitatively. The relative balance between the two
languages as measured in the number of school hours given is being changed: the number of hours spent in Danish is being
decreased, while the number of hours spent in Greenlandic is being increased.
A general improvement in the teaching of Danish is currently being attempted:
1. New curricular guidelines have been developed, while materials are under development, taking into account the present, and
not least the future, use of Danish as a first foreign language and the particular use made of the Danish language in Greenland.
(Material will be completed within two or three years for grades 1 to 9.)
2. A radical change in or the abolition of present Danish-based exams.
3. Intensification of teaching and in-service provision for Danish teachers.
At the present time, after eight years of Home Rule administration, the debate on languages in school is polarised, with a clear
trend towards favouring the development of Greenlandic. In basic general schooling it is
Figure 1: *
Language in schools
(Sources: (a) Linguistic Minorities Project, 1985, p.328; (b) ILEA, 1985)
Figure 2:
Household language use among bilingual adults in London
(Source: Reid, Morawska & Smith, 1985: 27, 51)
Current Practice
At this point in the conference talk, extracts from video films which have been produced for use in teacher training courses were
shown. Details of these films and of where they can be obtained are given at the end of the paper.
From the Integration of Immigrants' Children in France to the Linguistic Integration of France in Europe
The linguistic situation of France is quite complicated and there are as many prejudices in France as elsewhere in the approach
to language policy and in public opinion. The French educational system is historically based
Notes
1. Names of European projects concerning: a) communication; b) use of new technologies; c) common standardisation of
computer-programs and languages; d) exchange of student integration of study curricula, higher education networks.
References
Changeux, J.P. (1985) L'Homme Neuronal. Paris: C. Levy.
Daben, L. (1986) In actes du colloque. Les Enseignements bilingues en Europe. Lycée Francais de Madrid. Madrid 1986. pp. 27-
29.
Hoffmann, C. (1987) 2 Sprog 2 Kulturer, Abstracts. p. 53.
Jacquart, A. (1983) Introduction. In R. Cohen (ed.), Plaidoyer pour les apprentissages précoces. Paris: Seull.
LePong (1986) Résultats d'enquête concernant les sections internationales franco-italiennes et franco-portugaises de la
circouscription de Tourcoing I. Rapport à l'inspection académique. Mai 1986.
Martinet, J. (1986) Colloque sur le Bilinguisme en Europe. Landerneau. Organisé par Diwan.
Tabouret-Keller. M. 1986) Intervention. Actes du Colloque. Les Enseignements bilingues en Europe. Lycée Francais de Madrid.
Madrid 1986. pp. 20-27.
Ethnic Identity
The first step here is to attempt to formulate a definition of ethnic identity. There have, of course, been manyalthough Isajiw
(1980), in examining 65 studies of ethnicity, found that 52 of them gave no explicit definition at all. Bearing in mind Isajiw's
observations, Edwards (1985) presented a definition of ethnic identity which took four major points into consideration: (1)
ethnic identity need not be a minority phenomenon; (2) perceived group boundaries can continue across generations even though
the cultural content within these boundaries may have changed radically (see Barth, 1969); (3) objective trait descriptions do not
fully encompass the phenomenona sense of 'groupness' may be very important here (see data from Nova Scotia, reported in
Edwards, in press; Edwards and Chisholm, 1987; Edwards and Doucette, 1987); (4) so-called 'symbolic' ethnicity (see Gans,
1979) should be taken into account. Edwards' definition is thus:
Ethnic identity is allegiance to a grouplarge or small, socially dominant or subordinatewith which one has ancestral links.
There is no necessity for a continuation, over generations, of the same socialisation or cultural patterns, but some sense of
a group boundary must persist. This can be sustained by shared objective characteristics (language, religion, etc.), or by
more subjective contributions to a sense of groupness, or by some combination of both. Symbolic or subjective
attachments must relate, at however distant a remove, to an observably real past. (Edwards, 1985: 10)
The major import of this definition for present purposes is its implication that no particular objective marker is necessary for a
continuing group
Conclusions
The overall message concerning language, education and minority-group identity is at once negative and positive. There is, on
the one hand, a general inevitability to language shift under certain conditions and no amount of educational support can
significantly affect the powerful social currents which produce this shift. It is probably better, however, to speak of language
change under conditions of contact rather than language loss (as is commonly done), since alteration of certain markers of
identity accords better with social dynamics. There is, after all, never a question of loss, pure and simple, with nothing to
replace the abandoned communicative language; another language gradually comes to serve and, in the transitional period,
bilingualism is the usual bridge. Bilingualism in such circumstances is usually, then, of the unstable variety and represents an
instrumental expansion of the linguistic repertoire in response to altered environments; it need not entail any sort of
'schizophrenic' identity pattern.
However, if language shift is the negative side of the coin, the positive is that minority-group identity can be, and commonly is,
maintained through and beyond the transitional times made inevitable by social evolution. Groupness, it would seem, is a
tenacious quantity and is capable of surviving changes in any objective marker, including language.
Language revival or maintenance, cultural pluralism, stable bilingualismthese cannot be instituted by fiat. Neither should we
expect schools alone to successfully counter strong social tides. If language is seen
References
Barnard, F. (ed.) (1969) J.G. Herder on Social and Political Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Barth, F. (ed) (1969) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Boston: Little, Brown.
Breton, R., Reitz, J. and Valentine, V. (1980) Cultural Boundaries and the Cohesion of Canada. Montreal: Institute for
Research on Public Policy.
Bullivant, B. (1981) The Pluralist Dilemma in Education. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Comber, T. (1960) The revival. Múinteoir Naisiunta, 5(7), 23-7.
Committee on Irish Language Attitudes Research (1975) Report. Dublin: Government Stationery Office.
Cowan, M. (1963) Humanist without Portfolio: An Anthology of the Writings of Wilhelm von Humboldt. Detroit: Wayne State
University Press.
De Fréine, S. (1977) The dominance of the English language in the nineteenth century. In D.Ó Muirithe (ed), The English
Language in Ireland. Cork: Mercier.
Eastman, C. (1984) Language, ethnic identity and change. In J. Edwards (ed.), Linguistic Minorities, Policies and Pluralism.
London: Academic Press.
Edwards, J. (1985) Language, Society and Identity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
(in press) Gaelic in Nova Scotia. In C. Williams (ed.), Language in Geographic Context. Clevedon, Avon: Multilingual Matters.
Edwards, J. and Chisholm, J. (in press) Language, multiculturalism and identity: a Canadian study. Journal of Multilingual and
Multicultural Development, 8, 391-408.
Edwards, J. and Doucette, L. (1987) Ethnic salience, identity and symbolic ethnicity. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 19, 52-62.
Fichte, J. (1968) Addresses to the German Nation. New York: Harper & Row.
Fishman, J. (1980) Language maintenance. In S. Thernstrom, A. Orlov & O. Handlin (eds), Harvard Encyclopedia of American
Ethnic Groups. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Gans, H. (1979) Symbolic ethnicity: The future of ethnic groups and cultures in America. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 2, 1-20.
Harrison, M. (1976) The revival of Irish. Secondary Teacher, 6(1), 34-5.
Ireland (1980) White Paper on Educational Development. Dublin: Government Stationery Office.
Isajiw, W. (1980) Definitions of ethnicity. In J. Goldstein and R. Bienvenue (eds), Ethnicity and Ethnic Relations in Canada.
Toronto: Butterworth.
Kedourie, E. (1961) Nationalism. London: Hutchinson.
Ó Conaire, B. (1973) Flann O'Brien, 'An Béal Bocht' and other Irish matters. Irish University Review, 3, 121-40.
O'Rahilly, T. (1932) Irish Dialects Past and Present. Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies.
Pearse, P. (1976) The Murder Machine and Other Essays. Cork: Mercier.
Ravitch, D. (1981) Forgetting the questions: The problem of educational reform. American Scholar, 50, 329-40.
Schlossman, S. (1983a) Is there an American tradition of bilingual education? German in the public elementary schools, 1840-
1919. American Journal of Education, 91, 139-86.
(1983b) Self-evident remedy? George I. Sanchez, segregation, and enduring dilemmas in bilingual education. Teachers College
Record, 84, 871-907.
Smith, A. (1971) Theories of Nationalism. London: Duckworth.
(1986) The Ethnic Origins of Nations. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Stone, M. (1981) The Education of the Black Child in Britain: The Myth of Multiracial Education. London: Fontana.
Gabriele Kasper: The need for an Interdisciplinary Research Strategy in Second Language Studies
I would like to make some brief remarks about what I see as a necessary research strategy in second language (L2) studies that
have a practical orientation towards bilingual education. My suggestion is in no way original, but rather what seems to me a
timely reminder.
Many of the topics discussed in the last few days will be of central concern for researchers and educationalists during the
coming years: learners' strategies, discourse procedures in cross-cultural communication, classroom interaction, the inter-relation
of language, culture and identity, bilingualism and cognitive development. The question I would like to put forward is how these
and other topics, whose relevance to bilingual education is uncontroversial, can be most appropriately investigated.
Let me do this by way of an example from this conference. You may remember that in the discussion of learning strategies
following Dr Chamot's main plenary paper, Dr O'Malley remarked that the trouble with current theories of L2 learningUniversal
Grammar, the Monitor Model, the Interactional Approachwas that they lacked a psychological basis in cognitive theory. Indeed,
an interesting theory of L2 learning has to explain how L2 information is selected from input, processed, stored, and accessed in
real time. The model presented by Dr O'Malley (this volume, p.43) takes care of the processing dimension. Yet, as is typical of
many models of cognitive processing, it does not take into account the specificity of the information to be learned and used, that
is, the structure of linguistic information. As long as we assume, as linguists and psycholinguists do, that the structural and
functional properties of linguistic knowledge are qualitatively different from, say, motor skills or mathematical knowledge, our
models of L2 learning and use have to account for such properties. I understand from Dr O'Malley that such a theory has
recently been suggested (MacWhinney & Anderson, 1986). Furthermore, as L2 learning presupposes already existing L1
knowledge, a theory of L2 learning and use will have to incorporate prior linguistic knowledge and its interaction with the
learners' interlanguage knowledge. I am not sure whether the new model is readily applicable to interlanguage knowledge.
In order to describe and explain the impact of these components on the use of learning strategies, and the interaction of learning
strategies with L2 input and prior knowledge, theories and methodologies from at least the following scientific disciplines have
to be available, in relation to the different components:
Linguistics: the structure of L2 input and previous linguistic knowledge;
Second language research: the interaction between L1 and L2 knowledge; Cognitive psychology: the organisation of other
knowledge, and the operation of learning strategies;
Other branches of psychology (social, developmental; psychoanalysis): affective variables (attitude, motivation; 'character'
in psychoanalytic terms);
Anthropology: sociocultural background.
It follows that the task of developing an analytical and educational framework for learning strategies requires a highly
interdisciplinary approach. Indeed, such an approach is requisite for most research questions in second language studies. In order
to tackle a research task in a problem-oriented way, such theories and methods have to be selected from each of the relevant
disciplines that are assessed as most appropriate for the given task. This implies that the researcher has to be able to:
compare alternative theories and methodologies to each other;
understand the presuppositions and consequences of their differences;
evaluate their adequacy for the task;
and to apply the selected theory and method to the research problem in combination with theories and methods that have been
selected by the same procedure from the other disciplines.
Clearly, with the exception of the happy few individuals who are on lifelong research grants or born geniuses, and preferably
both, this is not a feasible enterprise for one researcher, or even for a group of investigators with the same professional
background, given such vast, diversified and rapidly expanding fields as psychology or linguistics. And yet it is more the rule
than the exception, at least in this country, that one person or a group of people with very similar qualifications have to make
decisions that are crucial for an
References
MacWhinney, B. and Anderson J. (1986), The acquisition of grammar. In I. Gopnik & M. Gopnik (eds), From Models to
Modules. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex, 3-25.
Ellen Andenæs: The Researcher's Dilemma, or the Dual Task of the Applied Researcher
The participants in this congress are (mostly) either second language teachers, or researchers, or both. Personally, I feel I belong
to the 'both' groupand I shall address myself to both.
When I first started teaching Norwegian as a second language, I very quickly found out that I was not at all qualified for it. I
knew nothing about my students; about their needs, their backgrounds, or their native languagesnor could I ask them about these
things, since we had no language in common. Since I was a university graduate, I concluded I must have studied the wrong
subjects, and quickly went back to the university to supply myself with the knowledge and information I needed to do my work.
I was sorely disappointed. For some of the languages I needed to know about, a few linguistic reports were availablebut on the
whole, I found
References
Andenæs, E. (1984) Morsmål, mellomspråk, målspråkhvordan lærer vi nye språk? In A. Hvenekilde and A. Ryen (eds), Kan jeg
få ordene dine, lærer? Oslo: Cappelen.
Krashen, S. (1983) Second language acquisition theory and the preparation of teachers: toward a rationale. Georgetown
University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics 1983: Applied Linguistics and the preparation of Second language
teachers: Towards a rationale, edited by J. E. Alatis, H. H. Stern & P. Strevens.
Nafstad, H. E. (1982) Applied versus basic social research: a question of amplified complexity. Acta Sociologica, 25, No. 3,
259-67.
Appendix
This volume is one of three which comprise the Proceedings of the Fifth Nordic Conference on Bilingualism, held in
Copenhagen, Denmark, 22-25 June 1987. The other two volumes appear in book form, their titles and contents being as follows:
HOLMEN, ANNE, HANSEN, ELIZABETH, GIMBEL, JØRGEN AND JORGENSEN, J. NORMANN (EDS) (1988)
BILINGUALISM AND THE INDIVIDUAL. COPENHAGEN STUDIES IN BILINGUALISM, VOL. 4. CLEVEDON:
MULTILINGUAL MATTERS.
Contents
Anne Holmen, Elisabeth Hansen, Jørgen Gimbel and J. Normann Jørgensen: Introductory Note
Interactimal Analysis
Karen Margrethe Pedersen: Second Language Learners in the German Minority in Denmark
Hans Dahlbäck: Children's Questions to Children and Adults in a Second Language
Tuula Hirvonen: Monolingual and Bilingual Children's Foreigner Talk Conversations
Jehannes Ytsma: Bilingual Classroom Interaction in Friesland
J. Normann Jørgensen: Turkish Children's Communication Strategies in Danish
Elizabeth Lanza: Language Strategies in the Home: Linguistic Input and Infant Bilingualism
Hans Vejleskov: A Critique of the Distinction Between 'Academic' and 'Communicative' Language,from a Pragmatic Point of
View
Lenore Arnberg: Assessing Comprehension Skills in Preschool Bilingual Children
Gisela Håkansson and Inger Lindberg: What's the Question? Investigating Questions in Second Language Classrooms
Maija Kalin: Metalinguistic Knowledge and Understanding in Adult Language Learning
Contents
J. Normann Jørgensen, Elisabeth Hansen, Anne Holmen and Jørgen Gimbel: Introductory Note
Bilingualism in Society and School
Emilia Nercissians and Caro Lucas: A Game Theoretical Approach to Language Planning
Christer Laurén: Societal Bilingualism and Language Planning
Lenora A. Timm: Against All Odds: Language Promotion Efforts in Brittany
Charlotte Hoffmann: Linguistic Normalisation in Catalonia: Catalan for the Catalans or Catalan for Catalonia?
Doris Pyee-Cohen: On the Planification of Language Acquisition
Status of Languages
Emilia Nercissians: Bilingualism with Diglossia: Status and Solidarity Dimensions
Jeannine Gerbault: Language Use and Attitudes: The Rise of Sango
Malan Saleem: Tosprogethed på Færøernei historisk perspektiv
Jeffrei Henriksen: Faktorer, der fremmer eller truer det færöske sprog
László Szabó: Malecite Bilingualism
Language Ecology and the School
Aquigssiaq Møller: Sprogpolitik og sprogplan-lægning efter hjemmestyrets indførelse
Grete Ulrich: Børn, teenagers og de to sprog i Grønland
Viking Brunell: Tvåspråkighet och skola i Svenskfinland
John de Vries: Language Use by French Immersion Graduates
Raymond Mougeon and Édouard Beniak: Should the French-Canadian Minorities Open Their Schools to the Children of the
Anglophone Majority?
Ellen Andenæs: Bilingual Education or Education for Bilingualism? Some Notes from Norway
Roger Källström: Bilingual Education and Bilingualism in the Swedish Comprehensive School
Index
A
Adverbs 97-113
B
Bilingual Education 11-35
-early 193-202
-typology of 169-176
Bilingual teachers 181-191
Bilingualism 141-149, 203-210
C
Catalonia 193-202
Competence 141-149
Conversation 61-66
Creolisation 129-140
D
Danish 85-96, 177-179
Denmark 151-167
E
Education 203-210
ESL 43-60
-content-based 43-60
Ethnic identity 203-210
F
Fossilisation 67-84
France 193-202
Functional approach 85-96
G
German as a second language 141-149
Greenland 177-179
I
Immaturity 115-128
Immigrant children's language learning 129-140
Immigrant varieties 129-140
Information structure 85-96
Input 97-113
Intellectual language 61-66
Intercultural Education 141-149
Interference 115-128
Introspective methods 37-42
Italy 193-202
L
Language
-change 129-140
-planning 177-179
-policy 177-179
-shift 203-210
-varieties 141-149
Learning strategies 11-35, 37-42, 43-60
LEP students 11-35
Lexis 67-84
Longitudinal study 85-96
M
Mainstreaming 181-191
Minority Education 169-176
Mothertongue maintenance 151-167
Motivation 115-128
N
National minorities 169-176
Negation 97-113
P
Placement rules 97-113
Pragmatics 61-66
Prefabricated chunks 97-113
Prefabricated patterns 115-128
Pre-school children 61-66
Procedural knowledge 37-42
R
Research methods 37-42
S
Second language acquisition 85-96
-adult 97-113
Second language proficiency 67-84
Social language 61-66
Sources of difficulty 115-128
Spain 193-202
Strategic competence 37-42
Swedish 129-140
Syntax 85-96
T
Teacher training 11-35, 177-179, 181-191
U
U.S.A. 11-35
Utterance function 61-66
Y
Yugoslav migrant children 151-167
Yugoslavia 169-176
Z
Zagreb Project 115-128