Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

The Presentation of Elite Masculinity and

Sexuality in Formal and Informal Art during
the New Kingdom
The concepts of sexuality and eroticism are globally individualised by spatial,
temporal and cultural boundaries. On a more fundamental level, these concepts are
further enclosed by personal perception and subjectivity together with social factors
such as gender, ethnicity and status differentiation. In both modern and ancient
societies, visual expressions of sexuality are often entwined with matters of politics,
religion and ethics as well as social status (Cartledge 1983, 170). These socio-political
factors are present in ancient Egyptian works of art and expressions of male and
female sexuality are portrayed explicitly and implicitly (Derchain 1976, 7).
Unfortunately, the majority of surviving evidence derives from the elite sphere in
ancient Egypt and reflect the ideals of an exclusively male elite class (Robins 1996,
27).
Robins (2008, 209) estimates that around five percent of the overall population
was literate in ancient Egypt. Furthermore, given that women could not hold
governmental office, it is reasonable to assume that most of the extant literary and
visual sources were composed and constructed by men (Robins 2008, 209). However,
a number of erotic images have survived on New Kingdom ostraca and these images
appear to ignore the canons of formal state art. Toivari-Viitala (2001, 143) states that
the erotic images were created exclusively by men. However, there is no evidence to
suggest that women did not enjoy or participate in the production of erotic images.
Recent studies on sexuality in Ancient Egypt are often closely associated with
matters that relate to gender (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 139). In keeping with this
approach, and given the dominance of male authorship in New Kingdom Egypt, this
paper examines the presentation of elite masculinity and male sexuality in formal
New Kingdom art. Furthermore, this paper addresses the topic of female sexuality,
as it is presented by a minority and elite male class. The final section of this paper
focuses on non-official art on Ramesside ostracon and compares formal and non-
formal representations of masculinity and sexuality.
This paper does not specifically argue that women sketched or enjoyed erotic
images of men or women. However, it does maintain that modern perceptions of
ancient Egyptian women are not only tainted by the ideals of ancient Egyptian men
but by modern prejudices and biases also.

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 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

What is Masculinity?

In modern cultures, masculinity is a notoriously difficult concept to define.

Cornwall and Lindisfarne (1994, 12) rightly point out that the concept of masculinity
is different in every given culture and the term has various and ambiguous
meanings. For example, in the Spanish language, the term ‘macho’ denotes the male
sex and it is connected with ostentatious virility (Cornwall and Lindisfarne 1994, 12).
On the other hand, in Britain, the term ‘macho’ can be defined as having ‘aggressive
pride’ although the concept can be associated with both rugged rugby teams as well
as styles of male homosexuality (Cornwall and Lindisfarne 1994, 12).
Can the concept of masculinity only be associated with males? For instance,
Margaret Thatcher is famously known as the Iron Lady and Campbell (2003, 37)
refers to her as the “hard masculine warrior and leader.” Is it negative for a female to
express or possess qualities associated with males? In Manhood in the Making,
Gilmore (1990, 9) states that all societies make a social differentiation between male
and female principles. In modern western cultures, referring to a female as
‘masculine’ is potentially offensive and may sometimes aim to humour her
expression of so-called male qualities. Gilmore (1990, 9) observes that sex-
appropriate roles for adult males and females are often institutionalised in any given
society and are not always transposable.
In ancient Egypt, formal New Kingdom art makes a clear distinction between
male and female roles (Robins 1996, 39). Parkinson (2008, 124) states that the
idealised male figure was created by men themselves and in some cases, was viewed
by a male only audience. In this context, men’s presentation of themselves in ancient
Egypt may signify the presence of “male narcissism or a display of machismo”
(Parkinson 2008, 124). Moreover, Parkinson (2008, 131) suggests that masculinity
was “presented in terms of hardness, strength, and dominance, including over other
males, and sometimes in sexualised terms.”
Recent studies in Egyptology generally tend to place an emphasis on female
sexuality and gender and Parkinson (2008, 115) points out that masculinity can
sometimes be unintentionally treated as a non-constructed “monolithic given.” This
may be due to the absence of overt male erotica in the New Kingdom elite sources,
in contrast to the ubiquitous portrayal of female sensuality that appears in both
formal and non-formal contexts (Robins 1996, 34).

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 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

1. Round-Topped Limestone Stela.1

Find spot: Found/Acquired in Egypt

Date: 18th Dynasty
H: 26cm W: 20

The British Museum, EA 358.

This 18th dynasty stela shows an elite male official kneeling in adoration
before Amun-Ra-Kamutef (Robins 1996, 35). The stela is of fundamental importance
to this paper as the overall image initiates general discussion points on the formal
presentation of masculinity during the New Kingdom.
The first topic of interest is instigated by the portrayal of the ithyphallic god,
Amun-Ra-Kamutef, and the significance of the image of the erect phallus. The
ancient Egyptian word for male, TAy, ends with a hieroglyph of an erect phallus that
is sometimes shown ejaculating (Robins 2008, 208; Allen 2000, 471). As such, Robins
(1996, 36) states that in terms of language, the image of the erect phallus symbolised
masculinity. Although this association may not be surprising, the image of the erect
phallus also embodied other fundamental aspects of masculinity. In religious terms,
the concept of male regeneration and procreation was expressed via the visual
syncretisation of Amun-Ra-Kamutef (Robins 2008, 209). The concept of the epithet
kAmwt.f, meaning ‘bull of his mother,’ is underpinned by the belief that the male
principle contained a self-generative ability (Robins 1996, 36).
Emphasis on male potency also underpins ancient Egyptian creation myths
and the Bremner-Rhind Papyrus records that Atum engendered humanity through
an act of masturbation (Faulkner 1937, 172: 27.1). In other words, the phallus of
Atum created the ordered world. Atum contained both male and female principles

1 http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_det
ails.aspx?objectid=121004&partid=1&IdNum=358&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collectio
n_database%2fmuseum_no__provenance_search.aspx

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 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

yet it is his capacity as a male that ensured the creation of the world (Robins 2008,
209). In this context, the very constructs of the Egyptian ordered world were
anchored by the self-generative capability of the male. As such, the presence of the
ithyphallic god, Amun-Ra-Kamutef, on the stela may have reinforced the official’s
capacity to create new life (Robins 1996, 36).
Male self-generation also underlined some aspects of solar theology and the
ancient Egyptians believed that Ra was able to renew himself through the
impregnation of Nut (Robins 2008, 209). Despite her key function, Nut’s
participation is of subordinate importance (Roth 2000, 189).
The self-generative ability of the sun-god is emphasised by his image as a
child with an erect phallus as shown in the tomb of Merenptah (Robins 2008, 209;
Hornung 1990, 98: pl.65). The resurrection of Osiris was also symbolised by the
image of the erect phallus and the god ensured the renewed virility of deceased
males in the afterlife (Robins 2008, 209).
Notably, those who were damned by being refused entry to the realms of
Osiris were de-masculinised and were often depicted naked without genitals
(Robins 2008, 209; Hornung 1990, 161: pl. 119 & 120). During the New Kingdom, the
semen of Osiris was associated with the inundation, which links the symbol of the
erect penis with the sustenance of life (Pinch 2002, 179). During the New Kingdom,
images of ithyphallic gods are commonly depicted in formal and non-formal art and
the core concept of masculinity was connected with creation and embodied by the
erect phallus (Robins 2008, 209). Despite the connection between the erect phallus
and displayed masculinity, royals and elite male officials are never depicted with an
erect penis as exemplified by the portrayal of the official in the votive stela (Robins
2008, 209).
Why is the official not depicted with an erect phallus, the source symbol of
masculinity? Robins (2008, 215) suggests that elite men were not depicted with an
erect penis as it was solely associated with deities such as Osiris, Ptah, Khonsu and
Min. In their ithyphallic form, these deities were depicted wearing mummy
wrappings, like Amun-Ra-Kamutef, and as such take on a non-bipedal stance
(Robins 2008, 215). On the other hand, deities that are depicted in a bipedal stance
are shown wearing a kilt and are never portrayed with an erect phallus (Robins 2008,
215). Robins (2008, 215) argues that this distinction indicates that the Egyptians
deemed it inappropriate to depict an ‘active’ or ‘living’ being with an erect penis.
Notably, elite men were not depicted with a flaccid penis either. The symbol of a
non-erect penis was perhaps ambivalent (Robins 2008, 215) although it differentiated
foreigners, peasants and children from elite male Egyptians.
As a depiction of the erect penis was deemed unacceptable on mortals, Robins
(2008, 215) states that masculinity had to be otherwise constructed on the body. On
the above stela, the official is shown wearing an elaborate knee-length kilt that is
typical of male elite costume in New Kingdom art (Robins 1996, 37). Male clothing
was portrayed as increasingly voluminous during the New Kingdom and Robins

4
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

(2008, 210) argues that this feature was designed to attract attention to the male
genital region.
The official on the stela is portrayed with a youthful appearance and the 19th
dynasty composition The Instruction of Any suggests that youthfulness was
associated with male potency (Lichtheim 2006, 136). In terms of general presentation,
the official’s physiognomy is visually attractive and his broad shoulders and well
defined arm and leg muscles contrasts with the slender and narrow figure of women
in New Kingdom art (Robins 1994, 255).
Male musculature was not as emphasised in New Kingdom art as it was
during the Middle Kingdom (Robins 1994, 255). Robins (1994, 255) points out that
the proportions of the male and female physiques were reduced in the New
Kingdom and more emphasis was placed on gendered costume. Despite the
reduction of male musculature, the elite male figure remained considerably larger
than that of the female and non-elite which suggests that displayed musculature was
associated with ideals of masculinity (Robins 1994, 255).
On the stela, the official is portrayed as clean shaven and besides his elaborate
wig he does not have any other body hair (Robins 2008, 212). In contrast, non-elite
males and foreign men are often portrayed as un-groomed and balding and are
sometimes depicted with chest hair as shown in the tomb of Rekhmire (Davies 1973,
pl. XLVIII).
Finally, the official is shown wearing an elaborate necklace that also indicates
his status (Robins 2008, 212). Whilst elite women are also depicted with jewellery,
sophisticated adornments are indicative of wealth and form part of the overall elite
masculine image (Robins 2008, 212).
In summary, a full frontal depiction of male genitalia for non-divinities was
not used to portray masculinity in New Kingdom elite art. Further, the symbol of a
flaccid penis was not associated with masculinity but rather foreignness, immaturity
and poverty. Attractive youthfulness, musculature, jewellery, and a clean-shaven
appearance together with an elaborate wig and no body hair were qualities of
displayed masculinity. The presence of an ithyphallic god with a male seems to have
represented his masculinity while symbolising male regenerative power in general.

5
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

2. Fragment of a scene
from the tomb chapel of
Nebamun.2

Find spot: Thebes

Date: 18th Dynasty
H: 83cm W: 98cm.

The British Museum,

EA 37977.

This decorated wall fragment is referred to as ‘fowling in the marshes’ and,

due to the detail and colour, the piece is often considered as an ancient masterpiece
(Miller and Parkinson 2001, 49).
In the scene, Nebamun is shown spearing fowls on the riverside and is
accompanied by his wife, Hatshepsut, and his daughter (Meskell 2002, 148-149). In
ancient Egypt, the tomb was designed to accommodate the deceased with an
appropriate setting for the afterlife and as such, it is unlikely that the scene reflects
an actual event (Derchain 1976, 8). Furthermore, this scene also appears in the elite
tombs of Menna and Nakht which suggests that the image was a standardised
mortuary decoration that was utilised by elite men (Miller and Parkinson 2001, 49).
Despite the naturalistic elements in the image, Derchain (1976, 8-9) suggests
that its surrealist nature indicates the picture is encoded with symbolisms. Meskell
(2002, 149) observes that a majority of these symbolisms are associated with male
and female sexuality.
The presence of the lotus flowers suggest that the scene was geared towards
Nebamun’s rebirth in the afterlife (Pinch 2002, 158). Robins (1988, 62) work suggests
that the marsh background was associated with Hathor and most likely contains an
erotic element. Hathor personified sexuality and her title Drt nTr associated her with
the self-generative act of the creator god, Atum (Fantechi and Zingarelli 2002, 33).

2http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/aes/n/nebamun_hunting_in_the
_marshes.aspx

6
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

Hathor represented the fundamental female principle and she was also
associated with fertility (Robins 1988, 69). In her manifestation as the female vital
force, Hathor stimulated the sexual arousal of the creator god and thus ensured
universal rebirth (Fantechi and Zingarelli 2002, 35). Hatshepsut is depicted with a
sistrum and the sound of the instrument was associated with Hathor’s creative
energy (Fantechi and Zingarelli 2002, 32).
The overall scene is underpinned by the sexual energy of Hathor and her
divine presence was intended to sexually stimulate Nebamun. As an embodiment of
the fundamental female principle, Hatshepsut’s rendered nudity served as
Nebamun’s visual stimulation and her body emphasises fertility, birth and rebirth
(Robins 1996, 39). The placement of the daughter may indicate the sexual union
between Nebamun and Hatshepsut and signifies Nebamun’s continued virility in
the afterlife (Fantechi and Zingarelli 2002, 34).
The figure of Nebamun dominates the scene and his overall image conforms
to the canons of displayed elite masculinity as previously discussed. In contrast to
the official on the Amun-Ra-Kamutef stela, Nebamun is depicted in an active pose
and his youth and agility are expressions of potent masculinity (Robins 2008, 212).
On the other hand, Hatshepsut takes a more passive stance and Robins (2008, 212)
states that her pose and smaller figure thus reinforces Nebamun’s authority and
masculinity.
The artist has emphasised Nebamun’s upper arm and stomach muscles and
this could also be a symbol of his virility. The 19th dynasty composition The Tale of the
Two Brothers suggests that the physical strength of a man was deemed to be sexually
attractive by women: “There is great virility in you, for I have been observing your
exertions daily...come, let’s spend an hour lying together” (Wente 2003, 81).
Nebamun wears a knee-length kilt and a sash envelopes his waist and falls in the
vicinity of his genital area (Robins 1996, 39). Conversely, Hatshepsut is shown
wearing an elaborate robe that is rendered transparent and reveals the outline of
Hatshepsut’s body (Meskell 2002, 148; Robins 1996, 39).
Robins (1996, 39) argues that that the dichotomy between male and female
costume was intended to emphasise “women’s lack of male potency.” Moreover,
Robins (1996, 39) states that the rendered transparency of Hatshepsut’s dress
intentionally reveals her lack of a penis, the source of masculinity, and signifies
Hatshepsut’s disempowerment in relation to Nebamun’s status.
In keeping with Robins, Meskell (2002, 135) argues that Hatshepsut’s
rendered nudity indicates that women were viewed as “secondary and subservient
and formed a necessary commodity for men.” However, at the same time, Meskell
(2002, 149) and Robins (1988, 61) also argue that Nebamun’s tomb scene does not
reflect reality. This contradiction highlights a fundamental flaw in both scholars’
arguments as it seems to be based on a subjective selection.
Admittedly, Hatshepsut’s passive pose in the scene does point towards a
subordinate role. However, as Nebamun was the owner of the tomb, his role as the
central character in the funerary decor is not surprising. Such a dominant role is also

7
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

exemplified in the tomb decor of both royal and elite women during the New
Kingdom (Roth 1999, 49). However, in some cases, the husband of the female is
entirely omitted from the funerary decor all together (Roth 1999, 49). Based on
Meskell’s and Robins’ argument, this could potentially indicate that men were
disempowered in relation to the status of their wives.
Whilst this may be true, the inconsistent pattern in the funerary sources
prevents a coagulated interpretation. This is further highlighted by a different scene
in Nebamun’s tomb. The scene shows the official and his wife on the same
proportional scale which may suggest that they were of equal status (Davies 1923,
pl.XXI). Moreover, Hatshepsut and Nebamun are seated in the scene and there is no
obvious emphasis on their genital regions (Davies 1923, pl.XXI).
As such, this paper maintains that the role of the female, as depicted in art, is
wholly dependent on context. This paper also avers that the emphasis on female
sexuality in the ‘fowling of the marshes’ scene highlights the indispensable role of
the female principle with regards to the male’s virility. Given the close association
between masculinity and sexual potency, the integral role of the female principle, in
some contexts, seems to have defined the very nature of masculinity in New
Kingdom formal art.

Whilst this paper agrees that Hatshepsut assumes a less authoritative role in
the scene, it considers that Robins’ choice word “disempowerment” is more
reminiscent of modern feminist theory. For instance, liberal feminism argues that
biological sex should not determine a person’s status (Colebrook 2004, 119). It must
be pointed out that non-elite males are sometimes depicted naked and their revealed
penis is shown small and flaccid (Robins 2008, 213). In other words, the absence of
the erect penis and clothing suggests that non-elite males, like women, lacked male
potency. Moreover, a scene in the tomb of Sennedjem at Thebes shows male and
female labourers who are both clad and depicted on the same proportional scale
(Robins 1997, 185: pl.218).
The scene in Sennedjem’s tomb suggests that non-elite males and females
were deemed to have the same social status by elite men. Children are also often
shown naked and their unclad bodies could be a realistic portrayal or a symbol of
their lack of adult citizenship (Asher-Greve and Sweeney 2006, 165) Furthermore,
the tomb of Rameses IX is decorated with images of bound enemies that are shown
unclad without genitalia (Hornung 1990, 161: pl.119 & 120).
Overall, the discussed evidence suggests that social “disempowerment” was
not unique to the presentation of elite females in New Kingdom Egypt, but rather to
the general ‘Other’ including non-elites, foreigners, women and children. This
indicates that the display of masculinity and male potency was reserved only to
those who held the virtue of being an elite male (Robins 1996, 39).

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 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

3. Limestone Ostracon with Artists’

sketch.3

Find spot: Deir el-Medina,

Date: Ramesside Period,
H: 13.5cm, W: 15cm.

The Fitzwilliam Museum, EGA 4324-

1973 (recto).

The image on this informal Ramesside ostracon is unique and is without

parallel in formal or informal art (Brunner-Traut 1979, 40). Peck (1978, 151) refers to
the image of the man as the “unshaven stone-mason.” Although the image does not
have a sexual overtone, the ostracon is of particular importance to this paper as it
appears to present the opposite conventions of masculinity that are presented in
formal art.
Firstly, the man is depicted with a bald head and the artist has rendered the
stone-mason with stubble (Brunner-Traut 1979, 40). Secondly, the man is shown with
a small bull neck and his nose and ear are shaped in a prominent fashion (Brunner-
Traut 1979, 40). The stone-mason’s mouth is open and it may symbolise strain from
his physical labour or in Peck’s (1978, 151) own words “simple-mindedness.”
However, Peck’s interpretation seems to reveal more about modern western culture
as it alludes to stereotypical fictional characters such as Shrek or Lennie from John
Steinbeck’s Of Mice and Men. As discussed, elite males in ancient Egypt are never
depicted as bald, or with stubble, and are never shown engaged in physical labour
(Robins 2008, 212). Furthermore, the general physiognomy of elite males is always
portrayed in an aesthetic manner; a quality that is not mirrored by the image on this
ostracon.
As Brunner-Traut (1979, 41) points out, this drawing appears to be free from
any encoded symbolisms and it may reflect the physical labours of daily life in the
New Kingdom. Alternatively, Peck (1978, 151) suggests that this image was the work
of a skilled artist, who viewed and humoured the stone-mason in a bigoted manner.

3 Brunner-Traut (1979) 40 & PL. XIII.

9
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

On the other hand, the drawing could be a caricature or it may simply be a

parody of the canons of official state art and culture (Parkinson 2008, 123). Given
this, it is important to point out that the elite presented themselves in an idealised
fashion regardless of their true age or physical attractiveness (Robins 2008, 212-213).
As such, the drawing of the stone-mason may just be a veristic sketch of a workman.
At any rate, the drawing reflects all the physical attributes that were not
associated with the presentation of idealised masculinity during the New Kingdom.

4. Limestone Ostracon
depicting an Artists’
Sketch of coitus a tergo.4

Find spot: Thebes,

Date: 19th/20th Dynasty,
H: 14.6cm, W: 18.5cm.

The British Museum, EA

50714.

This limestone ostracon shows an incomplete sketch of a couple engaged in

explicit sexual intercourse and is accompanied by text which reads ‘gentle of skin,
gentle of charm’ (Demaree 2002, 32). However, the meaning of the text is ambiguous
and it is uncertain as to whether the text refers to the overall image or to one of the
depicted individuals (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 145).
Both figures are shown completely naked and the explicit nature of the image
contrasts markedly with the formal presentation of official state art as discussed
above. In contrast to formal representation, the artist has depicted the male’s genitals
and his testicles are clearly on view (Robins 1996, 36).
Peck (1978, 82) suggests that the figure on the left of the ostracon is female,
based on the shape of the legs and torso as well as the depiction of the protruding
nipple. However, despite the rendered exposure of the male’s testicles, his body has
a similar shape and curvature to that of the actor on the left. Furthermore, in formal
art, males are often depicted with protruding nipples as evidenced in the tomb of
Rekhmire (Davies 1973, pl. L).
Based on this, and on the concealment of the genitalia of the bent figure, the
sex of the figure on the left cannot be determined with any absolute accuracy
(Toivari-Viitala 2001, 144).

4 Demaree (2002) 31 & PL. 106.

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 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

Meskell (2002, 136) states that the figure on the left of the ostracon, which she
assumes to be female, is portrayed in a “hyper-sexualised” manner that mirrors the
presentation of females in elite art in general. Additionally, Meskell (2002, 136)
contends that the female is portrayed in a role which is passive when compared to
that of the ‘active’ male. In other words, Meskell (2002, 136) suggests that the
subjugation of the female reinforces her role as a visual subject of male desire.
Quite a different interpretation of the image is provided by Toivari-Viitala.
Given that the sex and status of the figures is not sharply differentiated, Toivari-
Viitala (2001, 145) suggests that the ostracon was not primarily concerned with the
projection of gender ideals. Rather, Toivari-Viitala (2001, 145) asserts that the image
of sexual intercourse on the ostracon may have been an expression of mutual sexual
pleasure and could be associated with potency and fertility.
This paper agrees with Toivari-Viitala. In opposition to Meskell (2002, 136,) it
avers that the female is not presented in a hyper-sexualised manner in relation to the
male. Meskell’s (2002, 136) conclusion is based partly on a cross-comparison between
formal and informal presentation of masculinity and sexuality. As already discussed,
elite presentation of masculinity was closely associated with displayed virility and
authority (Robins 2008, 215). In response to Meskell, this paper suggests that the
language of elite masculinity does not necessarily translate smoothly in an informal
context. Furthermore, the scene on the ostracon may simply reflect intimacy and
sensuality in a manner that may not be accurately translated in modern Western
culture (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 146). The image on the ostracon may simply have been
created for fun.
Meskell’s argument is further clouded by the assumption that the explicit
image was created by a male. Meskell (2002, 136) proposes that, in general, erotic
images were exclusively produced by males and this viewpoint is followed by
Toivari-Viitala (2001, 142).
Somewhat paradoxically however, Toivari-Viitala (2001, 142: n.28) states that
New Kingdom love songs expressed the voices and “longing” of women, despite the
fact that they were written by men. This demonstrates a fundamental problem with
the argument that the production of erotic images was the sole concern of men.
Given this, it seems unreasonable to assign erotica to men and love poetry to
women. As such, the authorship of the ostracon must remain uncertain.
Parkinson (2008, 123) suggests that the ostracon may be an intentional parody
of mainstream religious conventions. Given the unidentified sex of the left-hand-side
figure, the image could also signify a homosexual authorship or audience. There is
no reason to exclude the possibility that the scene is a parody or sexual expression
from a female perspective.
In any case, it is unclear as to whether the scene is an intentional display of
masculinity. Nevertheless, the image on the ostracon, when compared to formal art,
highlights the problem of taking elite presentation as a reflection of ancient social
reality (Baines 1996, 362). In other words, the projection of elite masculinity and

11
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

sexuality does not represent the perspective of the ancient Egyptian populace at
large.

5. An Erotic Scene
from the Turin
Papyrus (redrawn
by Lynn Meskell).5

Find spot: Thebes,

Date: 19th-20th
Dynasties.

Turin Museum (P.

Turin 55001).

This informal scene comes from the Turin Papyrus, which may have
originated from the workman’s village at Deir el-Medina (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 147).
The upper section of the papyrus contains images of various animals which are
followed by several erotic scenes and texts (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 147). However, due
to damage the accompanying captions are only partly comprehensible (Toivari-
Viitala 2001, 148).
The format of the papyrus is without parallel in the ancient Egyptian sources
although the document may be a model of other similar compositions that have not
survived (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 148). Most scholars suggest that the papyrus is of a
satirical genre (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 147; Meskell 2002, 137; Parkinson 2008, 123). As
such, the papyrus may be an intentional parody of established state art and cultural
convention (Parkinson 2008, 123).
The scene shows three individual sexual encounters between young women
and short, aged, balding men (Meskell 2002, 136). The women are rendered with
symbols of sexuality such as hip girdles, lotus flowers and elaborate wigs (Meskell
2002, 139). Furthermore, the sexual potency of Hathor may also be alluded to in the
scene as suggested by the presence of the sistra and musical instruments (Meskell
2002, 139). Notably, these adornments and symbols are borrowed from official state
iconography.
Manniche (1987, 107) argues that the scene provides a glimpse “behind the
screen in a whorehouse at Deir el-Medina.” However, this paper rejects Manniche’s
statement as there is no extant evidence to confirm the existence of a “whorehouse”

5 Meskell (2002) 138, Fig. 5.3.

12
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

or organised prostitution (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 149; Meskell 2002, 136). On the other
hand, Eyre (1984, 96: n.34) suggests that the ancient Egyptians did not differentiate
between the roles of a female dancer or entertainer with that of a prostitute. Despite
the lack of evidence, Manniche (1987, 15) claims that there is an abundance of
archaeological material from Deir el-Medina that indicates the residence of
prostitutes in the village. However, Manniche (1987, 15) does not state what this
evidence is. In response to Eyre’s and Manniche’s scenarios; there is no extant
evidence to support either claim (Toivari-Viitala 2001, 149-151).
Meskell (2002, 139) insists that the scene has a male authorship and states that
women were dissatisfied with their “explicit sexualisation.” However, this paper
suggests the opposite. Regardless of the authorship of the papyrus, this paper asserts
that the scene may intentionally caricaturises men and elite masculinity. Moreover, it
is possible that some female viewers deemed the ‘de-sexualisation’ of men on the
papyrus as quite humorous.
Notably, all of the males in the scene are depicted with all the physical
attributes that are opposite to those of idealised masculinity. For example, the men are
shown balding and un-groomed and are of a small rendered height in comparison to
the females (Meskell 2002, 139; Robins 2008, 215). Furthermore, the depictions of the
erect phalluses are shown on such a large and unrealistic scale that they may be
deemed as comical (Meskell 2002, 139).
On the other hand, the females are depicted in an idealised fashion and are
portrayed with slender bodies and attractive physiognomies (Meskell 2002, 136).
Based on the satirical nature, and on the supposed male authorship of the papyrus, it
is reasonable to suggest that some non-elite males, as well as females, considered
elite presentation of masculinity and sexuality to contain an essence of
pretentiousness.

13
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

In conclusion, the discussed range of evidence shows that the formal

presentation of masculinity was shaped and engineered by an exclusive and male
minority in ancient Egypt. Their self presentation suggests that the male elite class
considered themselves to be a non-constructed natural phenomenon.
As such, it is very difficult to infiltrate the psyche of the general populace. It
can be summarised that the display of elite masculinity had three main criteria for
membership; to be male, elite and Egyptian. The lack of any one of these virtues
seems to have excluded a person from competing in the official arena of display.
The elite concept of masculinity was closely associated with virility. On an
ideological and theological level each concept could not exist without the other. The
projected concept of masculinity was inextricably linked with the material world and
the necessities of creation, fertility and sustenance. However, elite ideology cannot
be said to accurately reflect social reality as it was presented as a monolithic given.
The evidence suggests that masculinity was a multi-tiered concept in ancient
Egypt just as it is in modern western societies. However, it is very difficult to gain
insight on the perspective of the general populace as the overall projection of
masculinity was dominated by an elite minority. As such, ancient Egyptian sources
tend to transmit a sense of uniformity and give the impression of collective identity
throughout the social strata.

14
 Masculinity in New Kingdom Egypt

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