Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
in Viceregal Mexico
by
Michael A. Brown
Doctor of Philosophy
January 2011
__________________________
Jonathan Brown
UMI Number: 3445271
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a note will indicate the deletion.
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iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
enthusiasm for the arts of Latin America have led me down new
iv
Sanabrais, and Dr. Nuno Senos, whose scholarship inspired and
Lynda Klich, Rebecca Long, Dr. Ellen Prokop, Jenni Rodda, Dr.
v
her, nor without the generosity and extraordinary vision of
the late Mr. Frederick R. Mayer, and his wife, Jan Mayer. I
vi
ABSTRACT
women and the family. The final chapter deals with the
vii
generation of Spanish artists trained at the Academy in
Madrid.
viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
ABSTRACT vii
LIST OF PLATES xi
INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER I 23
Chapter II 72
ix
CHAPTER IV 152
CONCLUSIONS 195
BIBLIOGRAPHY 202
PLATES
x
LIST OF PLATES
xi
7. Unidentified artist. Portrait of don Antonio de
canvas.
xii
Cathedral, Mexico City. Oil on canvas.
Oil on Canvas.
Oil on Canvas.
xiii
16. Cristóbal de Villalpando. Portrait of José de Retes
Oil on canvas.
xiv
21. Unidentified artist. Portrait of Fray Payo Enríquez
canvas.
canvas.
xv
Pérez de Lanciego y Eguilaz y Mirafuentes, archbishop of
Oil on canvas.
xvi
canvas.
Oil on canvas.
canvas.
xvii
1615-1620. Museo Nacional de Arte, Mexico. Oil on
canvas.
on canvas.
xviii
40. Basilio de Salazar. Mass of Saint Gregory with
canvas.
xix
45. Miguel Cabrera. Portrait of Ferdinand VI. 1751.
canvas.
xx
50. Unidentified artist. Don Mariano Francisco de Cardona.
canvas.
Oil on canvas.
Market.
xxi
56. Gerónimo Antonio Gil. Anatomical illustration for Las
xxii
Protector of the Arts and Sciences. 1754. Museo de la Real
xxiii
67. Miguel Cabrera. Portrait of don Juan Joaquín
Pencil sketch.
xxiv
INTRODUCTION
insistence was that an heir to the throne had been born while
the pintor del rey was away, and the young prince Baltasar
court that during his visits of 1603 and 1628, Peter Paul
courtiers.2
1
Jonathan Brown, Velázquez, Painter and Courtier, (New Haven
and London: Yale University Press, 1986), 79, citing Pacheco.
2
Rubens himself alludes to his use of portrait painting to
curry favor during these missions in his letters. He used it
as a pretense for his second visit, during which he held
secret diplomatic negotiations with the Count-Duke of
Olivares. See Ruth S. Magurn, ed., The Letters of Peter Paul
1
The great painter-courtiers of the sixteenth and
2
and both attempted to employ portraiture in their efforts to
and institutional.
3
closely tied to their family‘s social status than their
4
the Council of Trent (1563).3 Most commissions worked on the
3
The decision to base a definition of portraiture on these
three writers was influenced by Marita Martínez del Río de
Redo‘s fine essay ―El retrato novohispano en los siglos XVII
y XVIII,‖ in El retrato civil en la Nueva España (Mexico
D.F.: Museo de San Carlos, INBA, 1991), 23-41. The author
uses excerpts of their writings to highlight some of the
peculiarities of Spanish portraiture that were transferred
across the Atlantic.
5
words like ―verdadero retrato…,‖ to describe a central image
6
portraits is that of the Museo Nacional de Historia (Castillo
4
Bárbara Meyer and María Esther Ciancas, La pintura de
retrato colonial (siglos XVI-XVIII): Catálogo de la colección
del Museo Nacional de Historia (Mexico City: Instituto
Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1994), 9-10. Each
catalogue entry includes 8 pieces of information (if
application) in the following order: Sitter, Artist, Medium,
Date, Dimensions, Frame description, Inventory numbers,
Inscription. Jesús Romero Flores, then the head of the city‘s
Departamento de Historia, was the old Museo Nacional‘s
director and in 1940 published the catalogue of Museum‘s
collection of portraits in the seminal Iconografía colonial
(Mexico City, 1940).
5
Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Pintura novohispano
(Tepotzotlán: Asociación de Amigos del Museo Nacional del
Virreinato, 1992), 3 vols. The Museo Nacional de Arte,
meanwhile, has devoted little gallery space to the display of
portraiture and almost no pages in its catalogues to the
study of portraiture.
7
In contrast to other national schools of painting of
8
important surveys of colonial Mexican painting, no volume has
century.
6
Manuel Toussaint, Pintura Colonial en México, (Mexico,
D.F.: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1990).
7
Toussaint 1990, 136.
9
and their patrons in New Spain tended to stick to long-
10
Mexico and was accompanied by a superb catalogue with
8
Rogelio Ruíz Gomar, et al., El retrato novohispano en el
siglo XVIII (Puebla: Museo Poblano de Arte Virreinal, 1999).
In a fine essay, Iván Escamilla González establishes a clear
sense of the social context in which such portraits were
commissioned.
9
For example, the exhibition held at the Museo de San Carlos
in 1991-1992 and published as El retrato civil en la Nueva
España (Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Arte e Historia, 1991).
This exhibition brought together 100 portraits dating from
three centuries, over 60 of which are by unidentified
painters.
10
Bárbara Meyer and María Esther Ciancas, Museo Nacional de
Historia, El otro yo del Rey: virreyes de la Nueva España,
1535-1821 (Mexico, D.F.: INAH and Museo Nacional de Historia,
Castillo de Chapultepec, 1996). This catalogue, at only 57
pages with 22 illustrations, is nonetheless one of the
foundational contributions to the study of the genre of
portraiture of New Spain.
11
However, in many recent major retrospective exhibitions
Basílica de Guadalupe).11
11
Both the exhibition and its catalogue were admirably
produced. For the Cabrera, see Zodiáco mariano concerning
the overpainting of the Zumárraga portrait on a previous
bishop of Puebla.
12
and New Spain in 1979, organized by Marcus Burke and Linda
12
Metropolitan Museum of Art, Mexico: Splendor of Thirty
Centuries (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1990).
13
This exhibition traveled from Denver to Los Angeles, CA,
San Antonio, TX, and Mexico City.
13
sometimes for the first time.14 The exhibition Retratos: 2000
Mexican portraiture.
examples of portraiture.15
14
The exhibition Retratos: 2000 Years of Latin American
Portraits, organized by the San Antonio Museum of Art and El
Museo del Barrio (New York), also added to our general
understanding and appreciation of Mexican portraiture. The
catalogue, whose entries are not intended to go beyond basic
wall-text information, breaks no new ground but provides an
excellent array of reproductions.
15
Joseph J. Rishel and Suzanne Stratton-Pruitt, eds., The
Arts in Latin America 1492-1820 (New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, in association with the Philadelphia Museum
of Art, 2006). For the Philadelphia museum‘s history
regarding Latin America, see especially Rishel‘s preface to
the catalogue, xvii-xix. A major drawback of this otherwise
fine publication is that the entries are not footnoted and
some include repetitions of previous material. The later
publication of Spanish edition allowed me to correct an error
in my entry for the Portrait of the Countess of Monteblanco
and Montemar (Huber Collection, New York). The English
edition repeats the attribution to Carlos Lozano put forward
by Alexander Gauvin Bailey. I have more securely attributed
the picture to Pedro José Díaz (active 1765-1810), supported
by a comparison to his Portrait of Doña María Rosa de Rivera,
Condesa de la Vega del Ren (Thoma Collection, Chicago, IL)
and other autograph works. See Suzanne Stratton-Pruitt, ed.,
14
In 2008-2009, the four-volume publication ―Pintura de
pan-Hispanic context.16
15
strayed very far from the norm. The earliest compositions
court in Madrid.
16
Out of the Picture: Anomalies in Viceregal Portraiture
Spain. In many cases, however, the family did make the trans-
17
exceptional bust-length canvas (Museo Nacional de Arte,
Mexico City).
17
The picture, which measures 205 x 200, is signed ―El P San
Geronimo, lo Raz…ó. Se Acabó el dia 20 de Octue. a 96. Fr.
Pablo de Jesus, p.to.‖
18
portrait was reserved for royalty and their favorites (such
18
Michael A. Brown, ―Masters of the Horse: The Equestrian
Portraits of Rubens, Van Dyck and Velázquez,‖ (Master‘s
thesis, New York University, 1999). Gálvez and his tracery
horse are executing a levade, a highly advanced maneuver of
the Spanish Riding school.
19
Campeche‘s trio of female equestrian portraits, the
so-called Damas a Caballo (Museo de Arte de Puerto Rico;
Universidad de Puerto Rico; Museo de Arte de Ponce), which
are of remarkable quality, feature Andalusian horses
executing the precise steps of the Spanish Riding School.
19
Español de Arte began with the following sentence: ―Few
20
Carlos A. Page, ―Icongrafía Antigua del arzobispo de
Charcas Fray José Antonio de San Alberto OCD,‖ AEA, LXXXII,
326 (2009), 194-226.
21
Ruiz Gomar, ―Pintura de retrato,‖ 18, 141.
22
Ibid., 17, 140.
20
their portraits, what sense does it make to hold their works
Cabrera?
while there are many other examples at the same time that
21
exclusively male tradition, which lasted a century and a
22
CHAPTER I
Introduction
23
Secretaría de Desarollo Urbano y Ecología, Catedral de
México: Patrimonio artístico y cultural (Mexico,D.F.:
23
those of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. This
to be undertaken.
24
historical allegory, the portrait galleries establish the
the various church personages and thus have all but escaped
25
The literature regarding the portraiture of viceroys is
much more developed, however. For reproductions of these
works, see for example, Manuel Cortina Portilla, Veintitrés
virreyes y un siglo (Mexico D.F.: Grupo Consa, 1995), in
which each of the eighteenth-century viceroys is illustrated,
though without the biographical inscriptions, which are
cropped from the color reproductions, presumably for
aesthetic reasons. Recent studies that apply postcolonial
theory and political science to the study of the image of
the viceroy in New Spain include Michael J. Schreffler, ―Art
and Allegiance in Baroque New Spain,‖ (Chicago: Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Chicago, 2000), ch. III, 61-120;
Schreffler, The Art of Allegiance: Visual Culture and
Imperial Power in Baroque New Spain (University Park, PA:
Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007); and Alejandro
Cañeque, The King‘s Living Image: The Culture and Politics of
Viceregal Power in Colonial Mexico (New York: Routledge,
2004), which discusses the viceroy himself as the ―flesh and
blood‖ image of the Spanish king and provides a ground-
breaking (and encyclopedic) insight into the role of the
viceroy (and their images) in Spanish colonial political
culture.
25
scholarly neglect. While Toussaint accepts the portrait of
New Spain. While the chapter series in Mexico City was likely
26
Toussaint 1990, 53.
27
The bibliography surrounding the program of the sacristy
decoration in Mexico City, and the involvement of the two
principal painters, Cristóbal de Villalpando and Juan Correa,
is considerable. For a cogent, brief discussion of the
project, see Gutiérrez Haces, Juana, ―The Painter Cristóbal
de Villalpando: his Life and Legacy,‖ in Exploring New World
Imagery: Spanish Colonial Papers from the 2002 Mayer Center
Symposium, ed. by Donna Pierce, (Denver: Denver Art Museum,
2005), 104-128.
26
the cathedral in Puebla, which likewise remains in sitú in
28
Other institutions with extensive portraiture collections
include the cathedral in Durango, the church of Santa Prisca
in Taxco de Guerrero, and the formerly Jesuit (now Oratorian)
church of La Profesa in Mexico City.
29
For the portrait gallery in Spain, see Jonathan Brown and
John H. Elliott, A Palace for a King: The Buen Retiro (New
Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1980); and Maria
Kusche, Retratos y retratadores: Alonso Sánchez Coello y sus
competidores Sofonisba Anguissola, Jorge de la Rúa y Rolán
Moys (Madrid: Fundación de Apoyo a la Historia del Arte
Hispánico, 2003); and Kusche, Juan Pantoja de la Cruz y sus
segidores: B. González, R. de Villandrando y A. López Polanco
(Madrid: Fundación de Apoyo a la Historia del Arte Hispánico,
2007).
27
nearly as prominent in the cathedrals – they share a
portraiture commissions.30
30
In the case of Santa Prisca, one of the wealthiest parish
churches in New Spain, Miguel Cabrera and his workshop
executed the extensive sacristy decoration and several of the
portraits in the sala capitular, including that of Pope
Benedict XIV. See Vargaslugo, 1999, 416.
28
García Ferrer, first bishop of Puebla, Puebla, cathedral).
canvas.31
31
See J. Brown 1998, 24. Somewhat surprisingly, there does
not appear to be a comparable program of portraiture in the
cathedral of Seville.
32
Aubert Le Mire, Illustrium Galliae Belgicae sciptorum
icones et elogia (Antwerp, 1608). This edition first came to
my attention while reading Joanna Woodall‘s intriguing study
of Antonis Mor and portraiture. See J. Woodall, Anthonis Mor:
Art and Authority (Zwolle: Waanders, 2007), 301-303.
29
Libro de descripción de verdaderos retratos de ilustres y
see pl. 6).33 In both of these cases, the editions may not
33
Giles Hendricx acquired the portfolio, publishing the
edition under the title Icones Principum Virorum…numero
centum in 1645. See Elizabeth T. Pearson, ―Portraits after
Van Dyck,‖ Bulletin of the Pennsylvania Museum 27: 144
(1931), 47-49. Pacheco‘s ―verdaderos retratos‖ may not have
been widely circulated until the nineteenth century, when it
was published in Seville by José M. Asensio (1881-1885).
34
The MNH series is extensively documented in Bárbara Meyer
and Maria Esther Ciancas, La pintura de retrato colonial
(siglos XVI-XVIII): Catálogo de la colección del Museo
Nacional de Historia (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Museo Nacional de Historia, 1994).
This catalogue, although it offers no art-historical
discussion of the works, provides the foundation of any study
portraiture in New Spain. While its reproductions are of
abysmal quality, each portrait‘s biographical inscription in
transcribed and its provenance, when available, is noted. It
is hoped that a second edition of this catalogue, with
30
are the earliest of their kind in Spain‘s American colonies,
seventeenth century.
31
a brief Latin inscription along the bottom with the sitter‘s
32
This chapter explores the development and political
the Church in New Spain. Because these works are among the
33
clearly calculated.36 Ecclesiastical portrait galleries in
36
In the cathedral of Mexico, the chronological series of
prelates is joined by numerous additional portraits of
archbishops that almost haphazardly fill every inch of
available wall space. The reasons for the prevalence of such
portraits are also a subject of this chapter‘s investigation.
37
Bernardo Sandoval y Rojas, among others, might qualify as
an exception in Spain.
34
and of viceroy.38 The best known case of such double-duty
38
Examples include García Guerra (appointed archbishop in
1609), whose portrait in the Museo Nacional de Historia makes
mention in its inscription of his occupation of both offices
in 1611; Payo Enríquez de Rivera in 1673; and perhaps the
best known example, Juan Palafox de Mendoza, discussed below;
he later served as archbishop of Mexico City and returned to
Spain to serve as bishop of Osma.
39
John H. Elliott, ―Reformismo en el mundo hispánico:
Olivares y Palafox,‖ in La pluma y el báculo: Juan de Palafox
y el mundo hispano del seiscientos, ed. Montserrat Galí
Boadella, (Puebla: Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla,
2004), 13-55. See also David A. Brading, The First America:
The Spanish Monarchy, Creole patriots and Liberal State, 1492
-1867, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 228-
229; and Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo, Politics and Reform in
Spain and Viceregal Mexico. The Life and Thought of Juan de
Palafox, 1600-1659 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).
40
Elliott 2004, 27-28.
35
held the office of viceroy of New Spain, a position that had
41
Elliott 2004, 28-29. It appears from the outset that
Escalona‘s tenure was destined to brief as Olivares sent his
own spy in the original entourage of 1639-40, an Irishman
named William Lamport, to keep tabs on the new viceroy (and
possibly on Palafox, as well).
42
See Brading 1991, 228-233.
36
undermine the precarious balance of power by challenging the
43
See John H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World:
Britain and Spain in America 1492-1830 (New Haven and London:
Yale University Press, 2006), 198-202.
44
Because the term limits of such offices were uncertain the
detailed biographical inscriptions found in so much of New
37
by the combination of these factors would be of great
painting alike.
halls were not intended then (nor are they now) for public
38
intended impact was to emphasize the legitimacy and grandeur
are made, not the least of which is bold color, even in the
45
Of course, the office of viceroy ended around 1821, while
the archdiocese of Mexico continues to this day (along with
the portraiture of current bishops).
39
well as his accomplishments and positions in Spain and the
New World.
today.46
46
This data should not be interpreted to suggest that all
the pictures were executed after 1750. Because the repainting
40
It is significant to note that during the viceregal
41
(with unmistakable echoes of the imagery of dynastic
archiepiscopalis.
47
The inscription along the bottom register of the picture
reads: ―El Illmo Sr Dn Frai Juan de Zumarraga. Natural de la
Villa H. Durango en Viscaya, primero Obispo y Arzobispo de
esta Sta. Iglesia Cathedral Metropolitiana de Mexico y llego
a ella Año de 1528, y por el de 1531 en 12 de Diziembre se le
aparecio la portentosa Imagen de N.S. de Guadalupe que
42
shown in an attitude of benediction, his eyes raised
43
and the archbishop, which laments the cathedral‘s lack of
1704, and the mahogany furniture in the same room was added
48
Acevedo, in Catedral de México 1986, 64.
49
Manuel Toussaint, La catedral de México y el Sagrario
metropolitano (Mexico, D.F.: Ed. Porrua, 1973), 291.
44
likely, as well as one or more relocations over the years.
the peninsula during the same time period, which may be best
Mor (ca. 1520 – ca. 1576) and Sánchez Coello at the court in
century, about the same time as the rest of the first six
archbishops.52
50
The current overall appearance of the space today is
probably along the lines of how the room looked in the second
half of the eighteenth century. The earliest published
photographs of the room date from around 1900.
51
J. Brown 1998, 40-41.
52
The best known image of Mexico‘s first archbishop is
Miguel Cabrera‘s full-length depiction of the archbishop of
1758 (Museo de la Basílica de Guadalupe). The Mexico
cathedral portrait served as Cabrera‘s model.
45
In fact, the style and composition of these six relates
53
Biographical information on the painter in Carlota Creel
Algara, ―Alonso López de Herrera,‖ Boletín del Instituto
Nacional de Antropología e Historia 41 (1970): 23-27. For a
cogent and more recent discussion of the artist, see María
Concepción García Saíz‘s entry in Painting a New World
(2004), 135-36.
54
Roberto M. Alarcón Cedillo and María del Rosario García de
Toxqui, Pintura Novohispana, (Tepotzotlán: Museo Nacional del
Virreinato, 1992), vol. 1, cat. 0207, 175. López de
Herrera‘s signature, which was reported by early historian
Manuel Romero de Torreros, is no longer visible.
46
Flemish models.‖55 Indeed, the picture is one of the early
55
García Saíz in Denver 2004, op. cit., 136. López de
Herrera is perhaps best known for his copper panel depicting
the Dominican Saint Thomas Aquinas on one side, and St.
Francis Receiving the Stigmata on the other, which is signed
and dated 1639 (Meadows Museum, Southern Methodist
University, Dallas TX). See Burke, Marcus B., Pintura y
escultura en Nueva España: El barroco, (Mexico, D.F.: Grupo
Azabache, 1992), 30-31. Also signed by the master is the oil
of copper of the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception that was
recently acquired by the Hispanic Society of America, dated
1640. See Joseph J. Rishel and Suzanne Stratton-Pruitt, eds.,
The Arts in Latin America 1492-1820 (New Haven and London:
Yale University Press, in association with the Philadelphia
Museum of Art, 2006), no. VI-10, 358-359.
56
The convention of the note on the floor was abandoned in
most subsequent examples of ecclesiastical portraiture,
perhaps because it lacked the clarity prescribed by the
guidelines of the Council of Trent. It reemerges in such
later society portraits as that of the Marquis of Moctezuma
(1760s, Denver Art Museum, Frederick and Jan Mayer
collection).
47
Saint Thomas Aquinas in his Study of 1639 in the Meadows
unclear why Echave abandoned the series after only four (or
48
existing tradition of austerity in portraiture, as
Spain.
Spain, and thus the prelate served as head of both church and
57
Meyer and Ciancas 1994, cat. 122. Because this important
but preliminary publication is not a catalogue raisonné per
49
half-length in the cathedral, and the full-length in
50
These conventions are common in Spanish and Flemish
58
John H. Elliott, Imperial Spain: 1469-1716,
(Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963), 304-305.
51
1585 to work at the Escorial, became Philip III‘s chief royal
59
Bartolomé Carducho and a group of Tuscan contemporaries
(whose works Carducho actively imported to the Spanish court)
are often called reformers for their shift away from
mannerism to a style based on natural light effects,
individualized facial characteristics, and a humanized
narrative clarity guided by Council of Trent doctrine. For
the best brief account of this period see Jonathan Brown,
Painting in Spain: 1500-1700, (New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, 1998), 80-81. For further examples of
artists and their works, see Angulo Iñíguez, Diego, and
Alfonso Pérez Sánchez, Historia de la pintura Española:
Escuela madrileña del primer tercio del siglo XVII, (Madrid:
Instituto Diego Velázquez, 1969), 14-46.
60
Angulo Iñíguez and Pérez Sánchez, Escuela madrileña, 33
and 46. In 1605, the duke of Lerma also paid him for a
Rosario altarpiece in honor of the duke‘s confraternity. The
fact that one of these commissions was for frescoes (painted
in sítu) demonstrates that Carducho was physically present at
the monastery, and thus likely came into contact with Guerra
and López de Herrera.
52
the monastery of San Pablo as a ―mini-Escorial.‖61 Indeed,
(1603, Prado).63
61
Sarah Schroth, ―A New Style of Grandeur: Politics and
Patronage at the Court of Philip III,‖ in Baer and Schroth
2008, 86.
62
See Ronni Baer and Xiomara Murray, ―Biographies,‖ in El
Greco to Velázquez: Art during the Reign of Philip III, ed.
by Sarah Schroth and Ronni Baer (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts,
2008), 294. Payment records dating from 1601 and 1603 show
that Carducho was at work on decorative frescoes for the
ceiling and main altar of the conventual chapel.
63
For Rubens‘ activities in Spain, see Alexander Vergara,
Rubens and his Spanish Patrons (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999), 12-15.
53
Portrait commissions were a primary concern for Philip
64
Magdalena de Lapuerta Montoya, Los pintores de la Corte de
Felipe III: La Casa Real de El Pardo, (Madrid: Comunidad de
Madrid y Fundación Cajamadrid, 2002), 412 and 461 (document
2). Pantoja de la Cruz and his workshop would undertake most
of the portrait commissions. In the reconstruction of the
portrait gallery (overseen by Lerma), the number of
likenesses was reduced to include only members of the royal
family, emphasizing the importance of dynastic succession in
the overall program (which included allegorical ceiling
decorations). See also Kusche 2007. In addition, William
Ambler is in the process of writing a doctoral dissertation
at the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, on the
subject of portraiture at the court of Philip III.
54
In this setting, fray García Guerra, prior of the
65
It bears repeating here that unlike in Europe, where the
pope nominated bishops and archbishops, these positions in
the Spanish Americas were controlled exclusively by the king
under the right of royal patronage (real patronato).
66
Enríque Valdivieso González, La pintura en Valladolid en
el siglo XVII, (Valladolid: Imprenta Provincial, 1971), 86.
See also Paz Julián, El Monasterio de San Pablo de Valladolid
(Valladolid, n.d.).
55
folds of drapery in the background, and in the play of
Spain.
67
See note 33, op. cit.
68
Clara Bargellini, ―La pintura sobre lamina de cobre en los
virreinatos de la Nueva España y Perú,‖ Anales del Instituto
de Investigaciones Estéticas, vol. XXI, no. 74 (1999), 85-86.
56
1607.69 Vázquez, who had been working in Seville, came to New
69
Jesús Palomero Páramo, ―Las últimas voluntades y el
inventario de bienes del pintor Alonso Vázquez,‖ Anales del
IIE, vol. XXVII, no. 86 (2005), 194. Document 4, Vázquez
last will and testament, includes item 18, ―doçe o treçe
cuadros de enperadores de italia.‖ The inventory entry makes
clear that the set of portraits is painted, rather than
engraved. Other Italian pictures, as well as European
engravings, are also mentioned.
70
In July of 1607, Montesclaros (1571-1628) left Mexico
City to become viceroy of Perú. In 1615, he returned to court
in Madrid as a grandee, and later became an advisor to Philip
IV.
71
Ruiz Gomar, ―Unique Expressions,‖ in Denver 2004, 62. One
of the finest short surveys in any language on the history of
colonial painting in New Spain, Ruíz Gomar‘s essay
nevertheless retains one of Toussaint‘s models by tracing the
supposed arc of progression from mannerism to naturalism to
Baroque. López de Herrera seems altogether out of place in
the section entitled ―The Persistance of mannerism.‖ If
anything, his training and mature style would be described
best as anti-mannerist. Moreover, any archaizing trends in
his portraiture are more likely the result of the strictures
of his commissions and his patrons.
72
The Hispanic Society of America acquired a signed and
dated Virgin of the Immaculate Conception (1640, oil on
57
López de Herrera‘s Artistic Formation
58
documents as María de Cárdenas of Valladolid.74
inscription.
74
Carlota Creel Algara, ―Alonso López de Herrera,‖ Boletín
del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia 41 (1970),
23-27. Rogelio Ruiz Gomar‘s excellent recent biographical
sketch of the artist in Philadelphia 2006, 532-33, suggests
that the painter apprenticed with a documented painter of the
name Alonso de Herrera, possibly his father (who had the same
name).
59
international court painting, represented by the ascendant
75
A consideration of the subject of Florentine reform in New
Spanish religious painting, while firmly outside the limits
of this dissertation, is certainly ripe for future study.
76
J. Brown 1998, 81-82.
77
The influence of Bartolomé Carducho‘s religious works, as
well as those by other painters active in Valladolid, on
López de Herrera‘s painting, is a topic ripe for further
investigation, but unfortunately lies beyond the scope of the
current study.
60
among the traveling retinue of the archbishop-elect to New
à-vis his own artistic output, that López de Herrera may have
78
Ruiz Gomar, in Philadelphia 2006, 533.
61
other known painter would have been suitable for such a
62
archbishop, Fray García Guerra, decided to include a talented
had two heads: the viceroy (and his council) and the
63
Distinctions between the responsibilities of each branch of
79
See Alejandro Cañeque, The King‘s Living Image: The
Culture and Politics of Viceregal Power in Colonial Mexico
(New York: Routledge, 2004); see also, Israel 1975, and
Elliott 2006.
80
See Antonio Garrido Aranda, Organización de la iglesia en
el Reino de Granada y su proyección en Indias (Sevilla:
64
Innocent VIII granted this privilege in 1486, creating the
Patronato Real that allowed the crown not only to appoint the
65
of Puebla. In many cases, as we have seen with Fray García
Conclusions
66
painters and native masters like Murillo and was likely
83
For new evidence regarding the export of paintings related
to Murillo, see Sofía Sanabrais, ―The influence of Murillo in
New Spain,‖ The Burlington Magazine 147 (2005), 327-330. Juan
Simón Gutiérrez, a Sevillian follower of Murillo, shipped
thirty-three devotional pictures to New Spain in 1678.
Though there were no portraits in this shipment, a painting
by Juan Rodríguez Juárez in the Mayer collection (Denver, CO)
incorporates a copy of Murillo‘s well-known composition of
Saint Rose of Lima (Madrid, Museo Lázaro Galdiano). This work
is discussed below.
67
viceroys, thereby creating a direct visual and iconographical
New Spain.
68
Primarily, the most sought-after painters of the day
and those early efforts by Echave Orio, also helped form the
viceroy.
69
most powerful branches of the colonial infrastructure. Each
84
Juan Palafox y Mendoza, Historia real sagrada: luz y
principes y suditos (Puebla, 1643). 1661 edition in the
collection of the Library of Congress. For a discussion of
images of Palafox, see Julie Shean, Models of Virtue: Images
and Saint-Making in Colonial Puebla (1640-1800) (New York:
New York University/UMI, 2007), especially 190-231.
70
velvet desk-cover (nobility). These aspects combine to
71
Chapter II
Introduction
85
Most notable among the exceptions to this rule is the
masterful female donor portrait by Baltasar Echave Orio (c.
1600, México, D.F., Museo Nacional de Arte), discussed in
Chapter 3. See Ruiz Gomar, ―Unique Expressions,‖ in Pierce
2004, 51.
72
However, the conflicts between bishops and viceroys
86
Ibid., 290. This picture is signed, The figure of López de
Arteaga is one of the most significant and perplexing of the
seventeenth century. A study of his life and work is long
overdue. He appears to have trained in Seville, perhaps in
the circle of Francisco Pacheco, before traveling to New
Spain. The recent cleaning of his Apparition of Archangel
(Denver Art Museum) has revealed a tremendous talent and a
technique and palette aligned with early seventeenth-century
mannerist trends in Sevilla.
73
portrait gallery in New Spain: each sitter was painted on the
87
Fernando E. Rodríguez-Miaja, Diego de Borgraf: Un destello
en la noche de los tiempos. Obras pictóricas (Puebla:
Patronato Editorial para la Cultura, Arte e Historia de
Puebla, 2000), 230. The inscription is transcribed: ―El
Excelentísimo y Venerable Siervo de Dios Señor Don Juan de
Palafox y Mendoza, nono Obispo de los Ángeles, Capellán y
Limosnero mayor de la Serenísima Emperatriz María infanta de
España: Electo Arzobispo de México: del Consejo de su
Majestad, en el Reino de las Indias y Supremo de Aragón;
visitador general, Virrey, Gobernador y Capitán General de
esta Nueva España. Se retrató de edad de 43 años en el de
1649.‖
88
Juan Palafox y Mendoza, Historia real sagrada: luz y
principes y suditos (Puebla, 1643). 1661 edition in the
collection of the Library of Congress. See also Shean 2007,
216-231.
74
and military authority in his role as viceroy and visitor-
like the drapery and the fold threads of its fringe; in the
89
Two portraits, both male, are known by Villalpando: don
José de Retes y Lagarcha (Banco Nacional de México) is signed
at lower left and dates from around 1690; and don Francisco
de Aguiar y Seixas y Ulloa (La Profesa, Mexico), bishop of
Guadalajara, Michoacán, and archbishop of Mexico, also signed
by the master. See Juana Gutiérrez Haces, et al., Cristóbal
de Villalpando ca. 1649-1714: catálogo razonado (Mexico,
D.F.: Fomento Cultural Banamex, 1997), cats. 74 and 99.
75
sitter‘s face, the artist eschews idealized features in favor
the skull makes clear that this likeness only conveys the
90
The inscription is transcribed: ―El Capitán Don Joseph de
Retes Largarcha Zalasar, cavallero profeso del orden de Sr
Santiago; natural de la villa de Arciniega en el señorio de
Viscaya; apartador general del oro y de la plata en esta
Nueva España. Enpeso a su costa iglesia y convento del
dulcísimo Nombre de María. Glorioso S. Bernardo Abad: en
vientiseis de Abril, cuya primera piedra se puso a
veinticuatro de Junio Domingo infra octav de Corpus Christi,
del año de mil seicientos y ochenta y cinco. Murió en dicho
año…Amen.‖
76
qualities that mattered most in Spanish society were not
Bourbon dynasty.
77
was the physical representative of the monarch in absentia in
91
Cañeque 2004, 26.
78
City).92 Seeking refuge in the choir of the conventual
92
Cañeque 2004, 79-80.
79
Mendoza was appointed to the position of visitor-general by
with the interests of both the Jesuits and the viceroy, the
93
Cañeque 2004, 218.
94
Jonathan Israel, Race, Class and Politics in Colonial
Mexico, 1610-1670 (London: Oxford University Press, 1975),
130-165.
80
are apocryphal, the incident is a testament to the political
95
As discussed below, José de Lanciego y Eguilaz in the
early eighteenth century was another reform-minded archbishop
whose policies and publications caused irritation with the
office of the viceroy. In particular, his sympathetic stance
regarding the welfare of the indigenous population aligned
him with the regular orders (he was a Benedictine himself),
which threatened the viceroy‘s political power.
81
Writing to the queen regent, Mariana of Austria (Philip IV
structure.97
(cabildo) and the royal palace (in the sala del Acuerdo) were
96
Cañeque 2004, 138. From letters of 29 October 1669
(Enríquez de Rivera to Mancera) and 26 January 1670 (Enríquez
de Rivera to the queen regent).
97
Ibid. 2004, 139.
82
audiencia was often addressed as ―Muy Poderoso Señor‖ as
The viceroy would sit under a canopy with the royal seal and
98
Alejandro Cañeque, ―Imaging the Empire: The Visual
Construction of Royal Authority in Habsburg New Spain,‖
(lecture at University of Pennsylvania, November, 2006). The
author cites seventeenth-century Spanish philosopher Juan de
Madariaga‘s treatise Del Senado y su príncipe (Valencia,
1617), 96.
99
Cañeque 2006. The author cites Isidro Sariñana‘s well-
known account in Llanto del Occidente en el ocaso del más
claro sol de las Españas. Fúnebres deomstraciones que hizo,
pira real que erigió en las exequias del rey, N. Señor, D.
Felipe IIII el Grandeel…marqués de Mancera, virrey de la
Nueva España (Mexico, 1666), folio 14. Document of 4 June
1664, Archivo General de Indias, Mexico 77, no. 38c.
100
Fray Juan de Zumárraga, the first bishop (and later
archbishop) of Mexico, began his 21-year episcopacy in 1527,
while the first viceroy (Mendoza) was not sent to New Spain
until 1535.
83
the authority of the office, the lineage and grandeur of the
Church did not end with the seventeenth century. Two of the
84
images of Lanciego is the half-length, state portrait, by
101
The deteriorated condition of the Viana picture makes it
difficult to make any judgments as far as the authenticity of
the work, though it must have originated in the Rodríguez
Juárez workshop and bears his signature.
85
Museum, Mayer collection).102 In both this work and the half-
pallium rest on the desk to his proper right while the crux
102
The painting is inscribed at left (in the cartouche): ―El
Yllmo y Rmo Sor Dn Fr Joseph Perez de Lanciego y Eguilaz: hijo
professo, y dos veces Abad del Rl Monasterio de Sta Mria de
Naxera Predicador de las dos Mos Carlos II y Philip V
Calificador de la Suprema y Genl Inquisición Arçobispo de
México electo en 21 de Mayo del año de 1713 Consagrada en 4
de Noviembre de 1714.‖ Transcription: ―El ilustrísimo y
reverendísimo señor don fray José Pérez de Lanciego y
Eguilaz: hijo profeso, y dos veces abad del real monasterio
de Santa María de Nájera, predicador de las dos monarcas
Carlos II y Felipe V, calificador de la suprema y general
inquisición, arzobispo de México electo en 21 de mayo del año
de 1713, consagrada en 4 de noviembre de 1714.‖ [The most
illustrious and most reverend señor don fray José Pérez de
Lanciego y Eguilaz: legitimate son and twice abbot of the
Royal Monastery of Santa María de Nájera; official preacher
to the two monarchs Charles II and Philip V; inspector of the
supreme general Inquisition; archbishop of Mexico, elected 21
May of the year 1713, consecrated on 4 November of 1714].
103
This portable crucifix was typically carried in front of
the archbishop during religious celebrations, and according
to liturgical guidelines was to face the prelate, as is shown
in this portrait.
86
clerical collar in the midst of lifting an armful of heavy
the Church.
104
Oraciones Funerales en las solemnes exequias del Illmo. y
Rmo. S. D. Fr. Joseph de Lanciego y Eguilaz…, (Mexico, Joseph
Bernardo de Hogal: 1728), 44. Original, Biblioteca Nacional,
Madrid; microfilm Library of Congress, Washington, D.C, HA-M
Reel 22-2.
87
by the bishops of Oaxaca, Michoacán, and Guadalajara.105 In
December 8, 1714.106
105
Gaceta de Mexico, March 1722.
106
Lanciego‘s episcopate was officially ratified by papal
bull in the presence of the bishops of Michoacán,
Guadalajara, and Oaxaca on November 4, 1714. This ceremony
most likely took place in the chapter hall of the cathedral.
The archbishop‘s half-length state portrait would have been
displayed shortly afterward in the same hall.
88
indicated by the fact that he lived across the street from
1728.107
107
For a study of Rodríguez Juárez and his brother, Nicolás,
see Rogelio Ruíz Gomar, ―La tradición pictórica novohispana
en el taller de los Juárez,‖ in M.C. García Saíz and J.
Gutiérrez Haces, eds., Tradición, estilo o escuela en la
pintura Iberoamérica. Siglos XVI-XVIII (Mexico, D.F.,: UNAM
and Fomento Cultural Banamex, 2004), 151-172. Ruíz Gomar‘s
article is the best monographic study to date of this
artistic family.
89
gesture is one not only of deference toward the archbishop,
but also one that implies the close relationship between the
90
Examples Several of Van Dyck‘s portraits in the 1630s also
Palace).
proceedings in 1728.108
108
Oraciones funerales…, op. cit. Miguel Angel Lanciego is
listed on the title page of the exequies as one of the
orators, along with Juan Antonio Fábrega Rubio. Juan José de
Eguiara y Eguren also contributed to the proceedings.
91
depicted in Benedictine vestments (pl. 27). Vidal was from
92
greater numbers of American-born members of the secular
109
For an in-depth study of ecclesiastical career options in
New Spain, see Rodolfo Aguirre Salvador, ―El ascenso de los
clérigos de Nueva España durante el gobierno del arzobispo
José Lanciego y Eguilaz,‖ Estudios del Historia Novohispana
22: 2000, 77-110. It was thanks to Lanciego, according to
Aguirre, that more than half of the sitting members of
cathedral chapters in Mexico were American-born by mid-
century. This situation was reversed subsequently by
Archbishop Lorenzana and Charles III‘s visitor-general, José
de Gálvez (1720-1787).
110
Lanciego y Eguilaz, ―Carta Pastoral,‖ 8 June 1726.
93
Lanciego‘s monastic reforms probably won him few
friction between his office and that of the viceroy, the Duke
reform, would not have made him a popular leader among the
111
The plausible attribution of this canvas is found in both
Meyer and Ciancas, 1994, cat. 10; and Rodríguez Moya 2003,
202.
112
For more on this matter, see my discussion on Linares
above.
113
Aguirre Salvador, 78.
114
Oraciones Funerales…, op.cit.
94
viceroys or members of their retinue. It appears, however,
115
See note 54, above. In addition, his titles of inquisitor
and predicador under the monarchs are also listed in the
title pages of his published exequies.
95
Fernando de Alencastre Noroña y Silva, duke of Linares,
117
While Albuquerque had been appointed by Philip V, his
family‘s status as grandees of Spain stretched back to the
fifteenth. In addition, his grandfather, VIII duke of
Albuquerque, had served as Philip IV‘s viceroy in New Spain,
while his uncle had been viceroy of Perú. Portraits of
Linares‘ three predecessors as viceroy, including de la Cueva
(1702-1711), Archbishop Juan de Ortega Montañes (interim
1701-1702), and José Sarmiento y Valladares (1696-1701) show
them in distinctly Hapsburg-era fashions and compositions.
96
architectural space dressed in the full regalia of his
brush, while at the same time the shadowing behind the figure
97
29).118 That said, Villalpando brought about subtle changes
118
Juana Gutiérrez Haces, et al., Cristóbal de Villalpando
ca. 1649-1714. Catálogo razonado, (Fomento Cultural Banamex:
Mexico, 1997), no. 74.
119
The other portrait here is that of Francisco Aguilar y
Seixas, archbishop of Mexico (Mexico, D.F., La Profesa – San
Felipo Neri), which is in questionable condition due to old
restorations. However, this picture also fits a similar
description as that of Retes y Lagarcha.
98
enmity between the two nations, sits on an ornate marble side
120
The inscription on the canvas reads: ―Don Fernando de
Lencastre Noroña y Silva, Duque de Linares, Marqués de
Valdefuentes, Portra Alegre, y Gobez; Comendador maior de la
orden de Santiago en Portugal, Gentilhombre de la Camara de
su Magestad, Theniente general de sus exercitos, Gobernador
General de sus reales armas en el Reyno de Napoles, electo
Virrey del Reino Serdeña, Vicario General de la Toscana,
electo Virrey del Peru, Virrey y Capitan General de esta
Nueva España. Murio en 3 de junio y se enterro el dia 6 del
dicho en la peana de este altar año de 1717.‖ Translation:
―Don Fernando de Lencastre Noroña y Silva, Duque de Linares,
Marqués de Valdefuentes, Porta Alegre, and Gobez [Govea];
commander major of the Order of Santiago in Portugal,
Gentleman of His Majesty‘s Chamber, Lieutenant General of His
armies, Governor General of Royal Arms in the Kingdom of
Naples, elected Viceroy of the Kingdom of Sardinia, Vicar
General of Tuscany, elected Viceroy of Peru, Viceroy and
Captain-General of this New Spain. Died 3 June and was buried
day 6 of the same [June] under the base of this altar in the
year 1717.‖
99
Naples, and as the viceroy of Sardinia and of Perú.121 An
Royal Navy.122 Along with this task, Linares was also charged
121
Jaime Castañeda Iturbide, Gobernantes de la Nueva España,
Vol. II (1696-1821), (Mexico D.F.: Distrito Federal, 1986),
23.
122
For more on the subject of pirating during the viceregal
period, see Marita Martínez del Río de Redo, La fuerza y el
viento: la piratería en los mares de la Nueva España (Mexico,
D.F.: México Desconocido, 2002).
123
Castañeda Iturbide 1986, 24.
100
original crime-fighting mandates, Linares went on to finish
the town of San Felipe de Linares, not far from the present-
124
Castañeda Iturbide 1986, 24-25.
125
Linares was buried there in 1717, after ill health
prevented him from returning to Spain. The church of San
Sebastián was founded by Franciscans and subsequently ceded
to the Augustinian order in 1607.
101
Francisco Martínez (pl. 30).126 The result is a faithful
126
Martínez would also go on to produce a later copy after
Rodríguez‘s full-length portrait of the duke of Linares
(1723, Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Tepotzotlán).
127
See Manuel Cortina Portill, Veintitrés Virreyes y un siglo
(Mexico, D.F.: Grupo CONSA, 1995), no. IV, 25-27.
128
Gaceta de México 107 (October 1736), reproduced in Ignacio
Rubio Mañé, El Virreinato, vol. I, (Mexico, D.F.: 1983), 263.
102
Conclusions
earlier part of the viceregal era. For the most part, the
uncertain atmosphere.
103
By 1700, the artists Juan and Nicolás Rodríguez Juárez
104
CHAPTER III
Introduction
129
Henry Kamen, Philip V: The King who Reigned Twice (New
Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001), 3.
105
Charles). Initiated by Great Britain and its allies, the
would quickly change the face of the Spanish court and those
130
Elliott 2006, 255. See also D. A. Brading, Miners and
Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810. Cambridge Latin
American studies, 10. (Cambridge [Eng.]: University Press,
1971), chapter 2.
106
economic stimulation in other areas like farming and
concerns.132
131
Ibid., 2006, 256.
132
Regional centers of Guanajuato north of Mexico City
flourished with the new-found wealth, but most shareholders
in the silver industry were still based in Mexico City.
Higher output of silver also meant a lower tax percentage
imposed by Madrid.
133
John E. Kicza, Colonial Entrepreneurs: Families and
Business in Bourbon Mexico City (Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press, 1983), 16. See also Amy Butler Greenfield,
A Perfect Red: Empire, Espionage, and the Quest for the Color
of Desire (New York: HarperCollins, 2005).
107
the capital that had amassed estates over one million
pesos.134
134
Kicza 1983, 16.
135
Kicza 1983, 15-17. Kicza identifies what he calls ―the
Greats‖ as those families who achieved the uppermost echelon
of economic wealth in New Spain with fortunes over one
million pesos. He charts one hundred or so such families
resident in Mexico City, and fewer that a dozen resided in
other regional towns. For Guanajuato, see Brading 1971,
chapters 8 and 9.
108
viceroyalty.136 In short, social mobility increased markedly
136
For example, importers and exporters in the principal port
cities of Guadalajara amassed considerable wealth, while
wholesale entrepreneurs in Mexico City profited greatly from
the concentration of rich consumers in the capital.
137
Elliott 2006, 261.
138
Ilona Katzew, Casta Painting: Images of Race in
Eighteenth-Century Mexico (New Haven and London: Yale
Unversity Press, 2004), 111 ff.
109
Creoles appear to have benefited dramatically from the mining
eighteenth century.
139
For a discussion of such families, and their rising
financial and political stock, see Kicza 1983, 33-38.
140
John Lynch, Bourbon Spain: 1700-1808 (Oxford: Blackwell,
1989), 228-9. Also see Elliot 2006, 302. By mid-century, the
Audiencia in the capital of New Spain was dominated by a
creole majority, as was the case in many other centers
throughout the Spain‘s American territories.
110
creoles by promoting them in the Church hierarchy. Though
141
Kicza 1983, 38-40. Two of the highest profile marriages
of the eighteenth century were that of the daughter of the
creole Marques de Jaral de Berrio to the peninsular
intendente of Oaxaca, and the union of María Rafaela
Gutiérrez de Terán and the Conde de Casa Flores, son of the
viceroy.
111
1776.142 The process of nomination to knighthood required an
examination of how the elite in New Spain, both the noble and
142
Ibid., 38.
143
Elliott 1963, 220-224.
144
Elliott 2006, 51.
112
of the casta painting genre, which imposed a visual ―system‖
1711.146 Just a few years later, Juan Rodríguez Juárez and his
145
John K. Chance and William B. Taylor, ―Estate and Class in
Colonial Oaxaca: Oaxaca in 1792,‖ Comparative Studies in
Society History (1977), 460. See Katzew‘s cogent synthesis of
the literature on the sistema, including how it was used by
the Creoles to differentiate themselves from the racially
inferior categories of this model of classification, which
were occupied by Indians and Africans; Katzew 2006, 43.
146
Katzew 2004, 10-15. Three extant canvases from this series
are known: two are in the Museo de América, Madrid; the other
is known as Rendition of a Mulatto (Denver Art Museum,
Frederick and Jan Mayer collection (pl. 31). For this canvas,
see also Denver 2004, cat. 30 by Katzew. A fourth is known
only through photographs. See also María Concepción García
Saíz, Las castas mexicanas: Un género pictórico Americano
(Milan: Olivetti, 1989). See also the Arellano biography by
Juana Gutiérrez Haces in Philadelphia 2006, 528.
113
1717, viceroy 1711—1716).147 In the 1720s, the tradition
consummate portraitists.
147
Katzew 2004, 12-17, and 69ff. The castas by Rodríguez
Juárez are located in various institutions and private
collections, among them Breamore House (Hampshire, England),
the Hispanic Society of America (New York), and the Museo de
América (Madrid).
148
See James M. Córdova, ―Mexico‘s Crowned Virgins: Visual
Strategies and Colonial Discourse in New Spain‘s Portraits of
‗Crowned Nuns‘,‖ Tulane University, 2006; see also Alma
Montero Alarcón, Monjas coronadas: profesión y muerte en
Hispanoamérica virreinal (Mexico, D.F.: INAH and Museo
Nacional del Virreinato, 2008), which includes a database of
over 100 portraits of crowned nuns. A full bibliography
cannot be included here, but can be found in these two
studies.
114
Precious Blood of Christ (pl. 32, Denver Art Museum,
149
See Pierce in Denver 2004, 267.
150
Ibid. See also Kirsten Hammer, ―Monjas Coronadas: The
Crowned Nuns of Viceregal Mexico,‖ in Retratos: 2,000 Years
of Latin American Portraits (New Haven and London: Yale
University Press; San Antonio Museum of Art, 2004), 86-101.
151
See Rogelio Ruiz Gomar in Mexico: Splendors of Thirty
Centuries, cat. 153; and Michael A. Brown, ―Imagen de un
imperio,‖ in Pintura de los Reinos (2009), 1502-1503. The
115
As Eva Nyerges has pointed out, the full-length nun‘s
116
around 1710. As was the case elsewhere in the Spanish empire
154
The historiography of this phenomenon in other countries
in Europe is well established, especially in cases such as
Anthony van Dyck in England. While this is not the place to
list the bibliography of Van Dyck‘s English period, I should
acknowledge the contributions of Olivar Millar and Malcolm
Rogers. See also Laura Lunger Knoppers, ―The Politics of
Portraiture: Oliver Cromwell and the Plain Style,‖
Renaissance Quarterly (1998): 1283-1319.
155
Ruiz Gomar, ―Unique Expressions,‖ 51.
117
dressed in finery including a diaphanous veil trimmed with
lace and pearls, a ruff collar, gold buttons and rings with
technique, and the eyes are given life with a single touch of
Seville and the court style of Philip III. One can only
Mosquiera, who took the name Sor Teresa de Jesús when she
118
old girl in 1664,156 is shown dressed not as an adult, but as
Young Girl (pl. 38, Museo del Prado, Madrid) of circa 1660
Mexican works.158 While the two girls both wear large red
gold rings. As Ana Paulina Gámez has pointed out, the pearls
156
Entry by Marita Martínez del Río de Redo in Denver 2004,
182.
157
For this work, see Javier Portús‘s entry in El retrato
español en el Prado del Greco a Goya, ed. Leticia Ruiz Gómez
(Madrid: Museo Nacional del Prado, 2006), 98-99.
158
Ruiz Gómez 2006, 120.
119
originated in the Caribbean, and the wearing of such jewelry
Donor (pl. 39, circa 1710, Denver Art Museum, Frederick and
than a print.161
159
Gámez in Denver 2004, 183.
160
See Denver 2004, cat. 16.
161
There is also the possibility that Rodríguez Juárez
traveled to Spain, in which case he would have had the
opportunity to copy the original directly. So far, however,
there is no evidence that the artist undertook such a
journey.
120
Mexico‘s elite for sumptuous painted portraits.162 Rodríguez
162
Katzew 2004, 69, who cites Efraín Castro Morales, ―Los
cuadros de castas de la Nueva España,‖ Jahrbuch für
Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft
Lateinamerikas, no. 20 (1983), 679-80.
163
See Ruiz Gomar in Denver 2004, 146.
121
proliferation of pearls, jeweled headdresses, and rings and
pearls.164
164
Museo Poblano de Arte Virreinal, Retrato novohispano 1999,
cats. 8 and 13.
122
wrist. She also has pearls in her wig, set into floral
her neck, her wig (or powdered hairstyle) and her expression
165
For the mining of emeralds and pearls in the Spanish
Americas, see Michael A. Brown, ―Selected Objects from the
Stapleton Foundation Collection of Latin American Colonial
Art,‖ in The Arts of South America 1492-1850: Papers from the
2008 Mayer Center Symposium at the Denver Art Museum, ed.
Donna Pierce, (Denver: Denver Art Museum and University of
Oklahoma Press, 2010).
123
sitter‘s high degree of education, the intent of the portrait
166
The inscription is transcribed: ―Don Fernando Frayle
Navas, hijo del lugar de San Cristobal, jurisdicción de la
villa de Cuéllar obispado de Segovia; colegial filosofo en el
real y primitivo del señor San Nicolas Obispo en este ciudad
de Valladolid, obispado y provincia de Michoacán. De edad de
13 años, cumplidos en este [año] de 1763.‖ [Don Fernando
Frayle Navas, native son of the town of San Cristobal in the
jurisdiction of the town of Cuéllar in the diocese of
Segovia. Schoolboy in philosophy at the Royal and ancient
[college] of Señor San Nicolás Bishop in this city of
Valladolid [Morelia] in the diocese and province of
Michoacán. At the age of 13 years, celebrated in this year of
1763.]
124
accessories. Don Fernando is presented in the dark blue gown
his shoes are fine yet simple, as is his black cassock and
167
See Alma Montero Alarcón, Monjas coronadas (Mexico, D.F.:
Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1999), for more
examples of such pictures.
125
ostentation and display. Two of the best examples of such
126
found in portraiture in Seville at the time, appear
168
Similar frames with inscriptions appear in Spanish
pictures of the same period, especially in Seville, the port
city that was the gateway to the Spanish Americas. See for
example Andrés Rubira‘s Portrait of José Cervi (1734, Real
Academia de Medicina, Seville). Please see Enrique
Valdivieso, Pintura barroca Sevillana (Seville: Guadalquivir,
2003), 551. See also Fray Miguel de Herrera‘s portrait of
Pope Benedict XIV (Museo de la Basílica de Guadalupe,
Mexico).
169
See Katzew, Ilona, Casta Painting: Images of Race in
Eighteenth-Century Mexico (New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, 2004), 116.
127
hands entirely.170 In the case of Don Fernando, the hands are
170
In other cases, the evidence of Cabrera‘s struggles with
the modeling of hands and fingers is apparent in visible
pentimenti. See for example his Portrait of the Archbishop
Juan de Zumárraga (Museo de la Basílica de Guadalupe, Mexico,
D.F.).
171
Tovar de Teresa, Guillermo, Miguel Cabrera: pintor de
cámara de la reina celestial (Mexico, D.F.: Grupo Financiero
InverMexico, 1995), 232 and cat. 300.
128
In the case of Don Fernando, the artist shows no attempt to
José de Páez, Miguel Cabrera would have been the best choice
129
from birth. Should his parents have remained in Cuéllar
172
The inscription reads: ―El Liciendo Don Fernando Navas
Arnanz, natural de la villa de Cuellar, en el obispado de
Segovia, cura economo de San Martín y Modian, propio del
lugar de Fuentes, y de la parroquía de Santa María de la
Cuesta, abad del cabildo ecclesiastico de Valdelobingo
después del cabildo de la Villa de Cuellar permanecido hasta
el año de 1757, en el que fue nombrado racionero de la Santa
Catedral de Valladolid en este obispado de Michoacán en la
130
Fernando was born in the town of Cuéllar, Spain, located
131
picture with some security to within a decade of Navas
173
Although the sheer number of portraits of Nuñez de Haro
prohibit listing all of them here, notable examples are in
the Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Tepotzotlán and the Museo
de la Profesa, Mexico City. The Hartford canvas is discussed
more fully by Rogelo Ruiz Gomar in Denver 2004, 253-55.
132
Details of José de Páez‘s biography remain scarce,
City) attests to his facility with the brush and his mastery
portraitist was not limited to New Spain: demand for his work
174
Manuel Toussaint, Pintura Colonial en México (Mexico,
D.F.: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1965), 178.
175
This small picture has not been published and is signed
―Jo. de Paez facit en Mexico.‖
133
Conradus (a thirteenth-century Cistercian scholar), and a
176
The legal code was drawn up originally under Philip II and
re-issued in 1640 by Philip IV. Commonly known as the Nueva
recopilación, the corpus‘s official title is Recopilación de
las leyes destos reynos, hecha por mandado de la Magestad
Católica del Rey don Felipe Segundo…que después de la ultima
impressión se han publicado por la Magestad Católica del Rey
don Felipe Quarto el Grande nuestro señor, (Madrid: Catalina
de Barrio y Angulo y Diego Diáz de la Carrera, 1640).
177
The full title of this edition, known commonly as the
Corpus juris civilis, is Digestum Nouum: Pandectarum iuris
ciuilis…sextae partis reliquum ac septimam eandémque
nouissimam Digestorum partem continens (Lyons: Apud Hugonem à
Porta, 1551-53).
134
the time.178 Thus, not only do the volumes in the library
(pl. 48, 1761, Denver Art Museum, Frederick and Jan Mayer
178
For a discussion of the significance of timepieces in
colonial portraiture, please see my entry in Philadelphia
2006, 454.
179
The inscription in the cartouche on the floor reads: ―El.
Exmo. Señor Dn. Francisco de Orense, Motezuma, deel Castillo,
y Guzman, Conde de Villalobos, Hijo Postumo, y Unico deel
Señor Dn. Francisco de Orense, y Motezuma, e el exma. Señora
da. Maria Manuela Motezuma, Nieto, de Silva, Marquesa de
Zerralbo, y Almarza. Año de 1761.‖ Tanslation: ―The Most
Excellent Señor Don Francisco de Orense y Moctezuma del
Castillo y Guzmán, Count of Villalobos, sole and posthumous
son of Señor Don Francisco de Orense y Moctezuma and the Most
Excellent Señora Doña Maria Manuela de Moctezuma Nieto de
Silva, Marquesa of Cerralbo and Almarza. The year 1761.‖
135
de Orense y Moctezuma in 1736. According to genealogical
was not to marry until the relatively late age of 32, when he
age of 47.
180
Maria Manuela Moctezuma died on 6 June 1787 in Salamanca.
181
Please see C. R. Boxer‘s review of Hanke, Lewis, and Celso
Rodríguez, Guia de las Fuentes en el Archivo General de
Indias Para el Estudio de la Administracion Virreinal
Espanola en Mexico y en el Peru, 1535-1700 (Koln/Vienna,
1977) in Journal of Latin American Studies 10 (1978), 361-62.
136
viceroy and his political nemesis, the archbishop of Mexico.
The death of his son without heir allowed the Cerralbo title
total) and the most enduring; together for the next twenty
182
For documents relating to Pacheco y Osorio as viceroy,
please see Lewis Hanke and Celso Rodríguez (eds.), Guía de
las fuentes en el Archivo General de Indias para el estudio
de la administración virreinal en México y en el Perú 1535-
1700, 3 vols. (Köln and Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 1977), vol. II,
142-157.
183
Donald E. Chipman, Moctezuma‘s Children: Aztec Royalty
under Spanish Rule, 1520-1700 (Austin: University of Texas
Press, 2005), 52. According to Chipman, ―Spaniards viewed
Isabel Moctezuma as the principal heir of the late emperor,
Moctezuma II…she received lucrative revenues of one of the
cities that had formed the Triple Alliance of the Aztecs.‖ In
this sense, she was an encomendiera benefiting from the
services of her native people.
137
married a Spanish woman of minor nobility in 1559. Juan‘s
184
In fact, the young count‘s parents shared a set of
grandparents. Of course, this situation was not uncommon
among Spanish and other European nobility during this time
period. For an account of Moctezuma‘s heirs immediately
following the Spanish conquest of Mexico, please see Chipman
2005, 45.
138
unusual for a number of reasons, not least of which for the
Lima, Peru.185
his title from his mother, who also held the titles of
Perhaps the best known descendant of this family was the XVII
185
For example, José Campeche (San Juan, 1751-1809) composed
many of his portraits outdoors, and Pedro José Díaz (Lima,
active 1765-1810) also incorporated landscapes, often visible
through porticos similar to that seen here. For Campeche see
Teodoro Vidal, José Campeche: Retratista de una Época (San
Juan, PR: Ediciones Alba, 2005); for Díaz and portrait-
painting in Lima, see my entry on the Portrait of Doña Rosa
María Salazar y Gabiño, condesa de Monteblanco y Montemar in
Philadelphia 2006, 454; and Suzanne L. Stratton-Pruitt,
Virgins, Saints and Angels: South American Paintings 1600-
1825 from the Thoma Collection (Stanford, CA: Skira, in
association with The Cantor Center for Visual Arts at
Stanford University, 2006), 210-211.
139
1922), the famed politician, intellectual and collector.
186
The Museo de Cerralbo is overseen by a board of Trustees
that includes the current marquis, the archbishop of Madrid,
and the president of the Supreme Court.
187
The founding of the Real Academia Española in 1713 was an
attempt to reform language and spelling not only in the
Iberian peninsula, but also in Latin America. The standards
established by the academy, which continue to develop today,
are not always adhered to in Mexico and other areas of the
Spanish Americas.
140
the colonies. It is likely that this portrait represents the
braid of dark brown hair that nearly reaches the hem of his
188
The placement of the inscription follows a precedent set
in the colonies in the early seventeenth century by Alonso
141
In all likelihood, the picture commemorates his arrival and
not opulent, the sitter‘s dress, his sword, the clock, and
142
sitter himself. While his maternal surname was well-
securely date the picture to the first half of the year 1788.
190
The parish church of Santa Maria de Piera, where the
sitter was baptized, is still active and even maintains a
website for its parishioners. The municipality of Subirats,
outside Barcelona in the Penedès Valley, is best known for
the quality of its winemaking. See
http://www.parroquiadepiera.com.
143
this portrait. For example, the correspondence that Subirats
itself.191
191
The use of portraits such as this one, in the context of
devotion (i.e., financial support) to a particular
confraternity or parish, was common in both Spain and New
Spain. For example, the series executed by Juan José Esquivel
for the confraternity of the Santísimo Cristo de Burgos in
Mexico City hung in the chapel itself until it was removed to
be housed in the Museo Nacional de Historia. See Michael A.
Brown, ―José Mariano de Farfán de los Godos y Miranda‘s
Portrait of Fernando González de Collantes Zevallos,‖
unpublished report, Mayer object files, Denver Art Museum
(Frederick and Jan Mayer Collection, Denver).
144
decline and political unrest. None other than Juan de
between Catalonia and the Americas was not lifted until 1778,
trade route.
1714, and together with his son, who joined the firm in 1727,
145
was among the leading clockmakers of eighteenth-century
192
Thanks to John Carlton-Smith, the antiquarian clock dealer
in London, for furnishing this information regarding David
Hubert and his firm‘s connection to Spain. In his words,
―Hubert clocks are always of the highest quality.‖ Carlton-
Smith dated the clock in the Mayer portrait to mid-century,
meaning that it was likely designed by David Hubert II, who
took over the company in 1743.
193
Michael A. Brown, unpublished object report, Mayer object
file, New World Department, Denver Art Museum. I include a
genealogy of descendents of Subirats, which makes it clear
the man returned to his native Barcelona and his descendants
did not return to New Spain.
146
children. The portrait of Don Mariano Francisco de Cardona
Conclusions
194
Please see my entry in Philadelphia 2006, 394.
147
coincided with the emergence of the genres of casta painting
both the monja coronada and casta genres were found in other
195
Ilona Katzew has identified the earliest casta series, of
which four canvases are known, one of which (Collection of
Frederick and Jan Mayer, Denver) is signed ―Arellano‖ and
dated ―17011.‖ See Katzew 2004, 9-11.
196
See especially Córdova (2006) and also Alarcon 2008, which
includes a CD-ROM database of interactive materials and a
searchable database of 119 portraits of nuns.
148
published in the previous two decades, while none has been
portraiture. One can only speculate why the family did not
197
The vast majority of painted portraits feature Spanish or
criollo (i.e., Caucasian) sitters. There are many notable
exceptions, such as the portrait of Sebastiana Iñés Josefa de
San Agustín, an Indian noblewoman (1757, Museo Franz Mayer,
Mexico City).
198
A prime example is the portrait of Doña Rosa María Salazar
y Gabiño, condesa de Monteblanco y Montemar (Huber
Collection, New York), which I have attributed to Pedro José
Díaz. Together with her husband, the sitter owned one of the
largest slave populations in the Viceroyalty of Perú. See my
entry in Revelaciones 2006, 462 (my entry in the English
edition, Philadelphia 2006, contains an implausible
attribution to Cristóbal Lozano).
149
have an earlier artistic presence, since the family – from
150
enrolled in the military academy at age 6, don Joaquín
in South America.200
199
Mayer object files, New World Department, Denver Art
Museum.
200
The inscription reads: ―A mis abuelos los Señores Condes
de Santa Cruz de la Torre, Ms. ms. As., Cartegena de Indias.‖
151
CHAPTER IV
Introduction
152
official (i.e., Spanish) style throughout the colony. Within
imports.201
201
See Salvador Moreno, ―La Academia de San Carlos de Nueva
España y sus primeros maestros españoles,‖ in Actas del XXIII
Congreso Internacional de Historia del Arte. España entre el
Mediterraneo y el Atlántico, Granada, 1973, vol. 3, (Granada:
Universidad de Granada, Departamiento del Arte, 1978), 429-
433. An excellent overview of the Academy, and a brief
discussion of some of its principal and secondary members, is
found in Eloísa Uribe, ―El dibujo, La Real Academia de San
Carlos de Nueva España y las polémicas culturales del siglo
XVIII,‖ in Arte de las Academias: Francia y México siglos
XVIII-XIX (Mexico, D.F.: Antiguo Colegio de San Ildefonso,
UNAM and Conaculta, 1999), 45-58.
153
elsewhere, one reason for the prevalence of such inscriptions
of this paradox and the role that the new Academy of San
Spain.
202
Many officials, both ecclesiastical and political, were
not in New Spain long enough to establish generational ties
to society, so the inscriptions were a practical way of
identifying the sitters and their achievements for subsequent
viewers. I would like to thank Steven N. Orso for first
pointing this out to me.
154
institution of their own. Miguel Cabrera (1695 - 1768) and
203
Guadalupe Jimémez Codinach, México: su tiempo de nacer,
1750-1821 (Mexico City: Fomento Cultural Banamex, 1997), 100.
For Morlete Ruiz, see the biography by Juana Gutiérrez Haces
in Philadelphia 2006, 534. For Herrera, see Toussaint 1990,
151. For José de Alcíbar, the most influential of these
three, see Donna Pierce‘s biography in Philadelphia 2006,
527.
204
José Luis Barrio Moya, ―Algunos noticias sobre la vida y
la obra del Andrés de la Calleja,‖ Academia. Boletín de la
Real Academia de Bellas Arts de San Fernando 67 (1988): 318-
19. Olivieri was, along with Felipe de Castro, one of the
original directors of sculpture at the new academy in Madrid.
155
Ibarra, however, were ultimately unsuccessful in their
fruit.
205
For a transcription of the Academy of 1660‘s statutes, see
José Gestoso y Pérez, Biografía del pintor sevillano, Juan de
Valdés Leal (Sevilla, 1916). Peter Cherry, ―Murillo‘s Drawing
Academy,‖ in Bartolomé Esteban Murillo (1617-1682) :
Paintings From American Collections (New York: H.N. Abrams,
in association with the Kimbell Art Museum, 2002). See also
Jonathan Brown, The Drawings of Murillo (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1976), for an overview of Murillo‘s academy
and its workings. For Pacheco‘s earlier academy in Seville,
see Peter Cherry, ―Artistic Training and the Painters‘ Guild
156
and Cabrera‘s ―academy‖ remain obscure, the importance of
157
with his designs for commemorative medals (pl. 53).207 His
207
For other coins and medals designed by Gil, see Alfonso
García Ruíz, Guía de la exhibición de monedas y medallas
(Mexico, D.F.: Museo Nacional de Historia, Castillo de
Chapultepec, 1950).
208
Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando, Estatutos
de la Real Academia de S. Fernando (Madrid: R. Ramírez,
1757).
158
antigüedad, must also have had something to do with his
coin.210 Mayorga acted quickly and within a mere two weeks had
because at the time he had consulted neither the king nor the
209
Gérard Audran, Les proportions du corps humain, mesurées
sur les plus belles figures de l‘antiquité, (Paris: G.
Audran, 1683). Gil‘s translation of 1780 was published in
Madrid. Facsimile edition in Eduardo Báez Macías, Jerónimo
Antonio Gil y su traducción de Gérard Audran, (Mexico City:
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de
Investigaciones Estéticas, 2001).
210
See the portrait of Mayorga, attributed to José Germán de
Álfaro, 1779, Museo Nacional de Historia, Mexico.
211
David Marley, Proyecto, estatutos y demás documentos
relacionados al establecimiento de la Real Academia de
pintura, escultura y arquitectura denominada de San Carlos de
Nueva España (1781-1802), (Mexico City: Rolston-Bain, 1984),
i-ii.
212
Ibid., ii. Gálvez, in his positions as Indies council
minister and visitor-general, oversaw all matters related to
159
Nueva España was officially established via Carlos III‘s
160
However, his involvement should not be underestimated
216
See Estatutos, the first section of which is signed by
Gálvez; the conclusion is signed by his son and successor,
Bernardo Conde de Gálvez.
161
protector of the Academy of San Carlos.217 The canvas is part
pl. 52), the sculptor Manuel Tolsá (pl. 59, Museo Nacional de
217
See M. A. Brown‘s entry in Denver 2004, 247-249,
especially note 1. The picture measures 226cm x 155cm and
bears no visible signature. See also the entry by Juana
Gutiérrez Haces in Philadelphia 2006, which corroborates the
attribution to López.
218
Diego Angulo Iñiguez, La Academia de Bellas Artes de
Méjico y sus pinturas españolas (Seville, 1935), 45; and
Brown, Thomas Anthony, The Academy of San Carlos of New Spain
(Durham, N.C.: Duke University, 1970), 33. See also Brown,
Thomas Anthony, La Academia De San Carlos De La Nueva Españ
a
(SepSetentas, 299-300. México: Secretaría de Educación
Pública, 1976).
162
of portraits are two official portraits of late eighteenth-
that had taken hold at the academy by the 1790s. Apart from
artists who had themselves traveled from Spain who would have
163
Connolly of Castletown (1758, National Gallery, Dublin) and
164
arms, a field marshal‘s baton, and writing accouterments
quills and paper are still present on the viceroy‘s desk, the
219
See Meyer and Ciancas 1994, cat. 100. The inscription is
transcribed: ―El excelentísimo señor don Matías de Gálvez y
Gallardo, teniente general de los reales ejércitos de su
majestad, virrey gobernador, capitán general de la Nueva
España y presidente de la Real Audiencia. Juró los referidos
empleos el dia 29 de Abril de 1783.‖
165
to the López portrait, however, is the likeness of José de
painting.222
220
Azcárate, 54.
221
Ibid., 55.
222
Ibid.
166
City. Calleja (1705-1785), whose renown during the eighteenth
223
Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando (Madrid),
Distribución de los premios concedidos por el rey N. S. a los
discipulos de las tres nobles artes hecha por la Real
Academia de San Fernando (Madrid, 1753-1808), Appendix.
224
For notable examples, see Barrio Moya 1988, 318ff.
225
It has also been noted that in both his religious pictures
and his portraits, Calleja tended toward a style reminiscent
of Spanish court painters of the seventeenth century and
borrowed designs from such artists as Bernini and Peter Paul
Rubens.
167
fauteuil dressed in attire appropriate to his nobility and
like the bundled pilasters and the column base at the left.
226
The fact that this object is terracotta, rather than a
plaster cast, is supported by the fact that such sculptures
were award prizes during the 1753 ceremony. See Premios. Note
prize for terracotta copies during this year.
168
service to the king. The portraits fit into a pictorial
princely virtue.
227
The attribution was first made by Xavier Moyssén in ―Dos
pinturas de la Academia de San Carlos,‖ Boletín INAH 25
169
plaster cast, avidly studied by the advanced students in the
was likely not commissioned until some seven years after the
of the academy.
170
statuary and other instructional aids from the collection of
It was not until 1790 that, nearly seven years after the
230
The correspondence of 21 March 1778 from José de Gálvez
(writing on Gil‘s behalf) to the Count of Floridablanca (then
the vice-protector of the Madrid academy) requesting the
expedition of a collection of models, bas-reliefs, and busts
is reproduced in Genaro Estrada, Algunos papeles para la
historia de las bellas artes en México (Mexico: Academia
Nacional de San Carlos, 1935), 14-15. For the date of the
later arrivals of plaster casts and antique replicas, see
Clara Bargellini and Elizabeth Fuentes, Guía que permite
captar lo bello: Yesos y dibujos de la Academia de San
Carlos, 1778-1916 (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
México, Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 1989).
171
Academia Nacional, Mexico.231 Such anatomical figures were
231
The ecorché is represented here by a 1800 drawing by
Felipe González (Museo de la Academia de San Carlos, Mexico).
See Bargellini and Fuentes 1989, figs. 51 and 113.
232
The cast cannot represent the famous ―Borghese Gladiator‖
as was suggested in passing in Angélica Velázquez Guadarrama,
―Pervivencias novohispanos y tránsito a la modernidad,‖ in
Gustavo Curiel, et al, Pintura y vida cotidiana en México
1650-1950 (Mexico City: Fomento Cultural Banamex and Consejo
Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1999), 193.
233
Though also about life-sized, at 93 x 74 cm, the work is
considerably smaller than the full-length portrait.
172
(dating from the sixteenth century on) that share the Palacio
Nacional provenance.
1783.234
234
The above transcription is taken from Bárbara Meyer and
Esther Ciancas, La pintura de retrato colonial, siglos XVI-
XVIII: Catálogo de la collección del Museo Nacional de
Historia (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e
Historia, 1994), cat. 100). ―His excellency Señor Don Matías
de Gálvez y Gallardo. Lieutenant General of His Majesty‘s
Royal Army, Viceroy Governor [and] Captain General of New
Spain and President of the Royal Tribunal [Audiencia]. Sworn
in to these posts 29 April 1783.‖
235
Provenance provided in Meyer and Ciancas, Catalogo, 70,
cat. 100.
173
appears as the frontispiece to the Solemnes exêquias del
the artist has changed the disposition of the arms and hands
236
Signed and dated by Tomás Suria, Mexico City, 1785.
Published as the frontispiece in Solemnes exêquias del Exmô.
Señor D. Matías de Gálvez (Mexico City: Nueva Imprenta
Mexicana de Don F. de Zúñiga y Ontiveros, 1785).
174
Madrid).237 The viceroy‘s vita is inscribed on a vellum sheet
Mexico.238
237
The dimensions of the Madrid portrait are 113 x 91 cm.
238
―His Excellency Señor Matías de Gálvez, president of the
Real Audiencia and Captain General of the Kingdom of
Guatemala, Viceroy of New Spain. Promulgator of the peace
with England. Founder and protector of the Academy of Fine
Arts of the city of Mexico.‖ The treaty with England was
signed in Paris in 1763. Other objects in the picture include
files labeled ―Court Correspondence‖ and ―Confidential
Correspondence,‖ while a scroll on the shelf above is
identified as the ―plano del Bosque de Chapultepec.‖
175
would be known ―con título de S. Carlos de Nueva España baxo
Statutes in 1785.240
likenesses and yet was sent to Spain at some time after its
239
See Marley, 1984, Document III, n.p..
240
It may be hypothesized that the portrait was commissioned
with export to Spain in mind. Not merely because it has
resides in the Museo de Américas in Madrid, but also because
its composition is an unusual one for state portraits in New
Spain. The seated portrait subgenre, whose most famous
Mexican examples are those of Sor Juana Iñes de la Cruz, is
more suited to high-ranking officials and courtiers in
Madrid. It does not appear that Andrés López knew of the
picture when he set about painting either of his likenesses
of the viceroy Gálvez.
176
and psychological characteristics of the man, while his
Council of Indies.
of the late 1780s and 1790s, a time that bore witness to the
177
Gerónimo Antonio Gil: Portrait of an Academic Protagonist
178
determination of Gil‘s countenance. The plaster head also
subject.242
making and engraving were the staple skills of the old Real
241
There are many extant drawings after antique models in the
Academy‘s collection, among them Rafael Ximeno y Planes‘s
pencil study of the head of the Dying Alexander (pl. 68,
circa 1799).
242
Katzew 2004, 39.
179
medal, the final product of the instruments surrounding it:
the casting die, the two burins lying just behind it, and the
243
See Katzew 2004, 38-40. Also included in the collection
were publications of figures by both Poussin and Salvatore
Rosa, among others. A list of other copies, publications and
engravings in his collection reads like a survey of the canon
of western art history from the Antique to the Renaissance
through the end of the seventeenth century: works include
those by Vitruvius, Leonardo, Vasari, Palomino, Carducho,
Goya (prints after Velázquez), Luca Jordano, Rubens, Veronese
and Titian and Mengs. Also among his pictures were several
portraits from the academy of San Fernando in Madrid.
180
were copies after such Spanish masters as Murillo, Ribera,
Zurbarán, Velázquez and Morales. Thus, not only did Gil bring
181
encouragement of, the aspirations for independence in creole
society.244
244
Moreno 1978, 430. The author writes that the academic
movement served to encourage the desire for independence in
Mexico ―alentar el deseo de independencia en México.‖
245
López nevertheless continued to obtain commissions (for
devotional pictures, in most part) for the next two decades.
His last known painting bears an inscribed date of 1811.
246
T. A. Brown 1970, 150.
182
physical appearance of the colonial capital itself. Indeed,
247
Carillo y Gariel 1939, 26-28; and T. A. Brown 1970, 151.
248
T. A. Brown 1970, 162.
249
Moreno 1978, 432.
250
For more on the early proponents of Neoclassicism in
Mexico, see Comunidad Valenciana, Tolsá, Gimeno, Fabregat:
trayectoria artística en Españ
a, siglo XVIII. (Valencia:
Generalitat, Comissió per al Ve Centenari del Descobriment
d'America, 1989).
183
right hand. Tolsá is here identified as sculptor, rather than
New Spain from 1789 until 1794, was likely painted sometime
184
very shortly after viceroy‘s tenure.251 The other, of viceroy
Miguel José de Azanza, who ran the colony from 1798 until
251
For a complete biography of the count, see James Manfred
Manfredini, The Political Role of the Count of Revillagigedo,
Viceroy of New Spain 1789-1794, (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers
University, 1949).
252
The portrait of Revillagigedo measures 52 x 41cm while
that of Azanza measures 53 x 41cm. They could be part of a
larger group of allegorical portraits, though no others are
extant to my knowledge.
185
good government, the goddess guides the statesman toward
victory.
to sea past the gunship in the bay, symbolizing that with the
advent of the new viceroy has come a new peace for the people
holding the scales of her virtue in her left hand while the
that directly behind her head hovers the royal arms of Spain
253
Díaz-Trechuelo Spinola, María Lourdes, ―El virrey don Juan
Vicente de Güemes Pacheco, segundo conde de Revillagigedo,‖
in Los virreyes de Nueva España en el reinado de Carlos IV,
vol. 1, ed. by José Antonio Calderón Quijano, Seville, 1972,
285ff.
186
quarter length topcoat, adorned with the emblems of his noble
the Order of Carlos III.254 His proper left hand rests firmly
of geometrical drawings.
254
Díaz-Trechuelo Spinola, 94.
187
parallel to that of Athena‘s spear, suggesting that his aims
everlasting fame.
255
Cite bio from Diaz-Trechuelo Spinola. Azanza commissioned
a gunpowder storage facility from the architect Antonio
Rodríguez Velázquez on the grounds of the Chapultepec
viceregal palace; see Díaz-Trechuelo, 6.
188
depictions: she is characterized by a rounded jawline, a
slightly down-turned nose, and ears that are all but obscured
189
antiquities (or, in this case, copies thereafter) in the
256
José María de Azcárate Ristori, ―Génesis y evolución de la
Real Academia en el periodo 1744-1844,‖ in Azcárate 1991,
XIX.
257
Ibid., XIX. The Apertura solemne was published on the
occasion of the Academy‘s foundation in 1752.
190
drawings to be of the greatest importance for didactic
258
Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando (Madrid),
Estatutos y Reglamento de la Real Academia de Nobles Artes de
San Fernando (Madrid, 1865).
259
José Nicolás Azara, Obras de Mengs (Madrid, 1780), 391-
393. Translated in Azcue Brea, Leticia, ―Protagonismo de los
escultores Olivieri y Castro en los inicios de la Real
Academia de Nobless Artes de San Fernando,‖ Academia 75
(1992), 367-88.
191
Conclusions
260
See Moreno 1978, 429-433.
261
Apart from Rafael Ximeno y Planes, other academicians
imported from Spain included Antonio González Velázquez,
Joaquín Fabregat, Andrés Gines de Aguirre, and Manuel Tolsá.
Originally, Tolsá‘s place had been offered to Manuel Arias,
but he died before making the journey to New Spain.
192
had studied at the Academy of San Fernando, began arriving in
262
For Clapera, whose career and oeuvre in New Spain remain
something of a mystery, see Clara Bargellini, ―Dos pinturas
de Francisco Clapera,‖ Anales del Instituto de
Investigaciones Estéticas 65 (1994), 159-178. A set of 16
casta paintings is on view at the Denver Art Museum
(Frederick and Jan Mayer Collection), and one devotional
picture also resides in the Mayer Collection in Denver.
263
From an undated document of about 1790, transcribed in
Báez Macías, 84-85 (AAASC doc. 910). The relevant passage
reads: ―por ser la principal parte que comprehenda todas ser
más difícil de aprender, y en que contrído un mal hábito no
fácil de quitar, es el dibujo…‖
264
Moreno 1978, 430. The author states that, following
centuries of ―dependence‖ on baroque stylistic traditions,
the ―principally intellectual‖ neo-classical movement
possibly served to ―alentar el deseo de independencia en
México.‖
193
the academy, exhibited a dramatic stylistic and iconographic
patria.‖
194
CONCLUSIONS
is that the portrait in New Spain did not develop the same
195
elites because the pictures themselves were located in the
265
Mateo Aléman, Sucesos de D. Frai Garcia Gera, arçobispo de
México (Mexico: Viuda de Pedro Balli, 1613). For a brief
discussion, see José María Micó, ―Introducción,‖ in Mateo
Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache I 8th ed. (Madrid: Cátedra ,
Letras Hispánicas, 2009), 24.
196
artist familiar with Spanish court taste, was a calculated
197
during this period owed much to the necessity of maintaining
reins of command.
198
of portrait commissions at this time. New categories suddenly
family.
199
Herrera had portraiture in Mexico hewn more closely to
200
shaky balance of power that defined colonial politics and
society.
overlooked.
201
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