14.

According to Takic Sugiyama Lebra and Wiltiarn P, Lebra, gz'ri, "a duty to a
specific person," or "sociaily contracted dependence," and ninjo, literafly "human
feeling" (in f3oi" words, "spontaneously arising feeling"), are related in that both en-
tail "consideration of other persons" that motivates a moral actor (seejdpanese Cul-
ture and Behavz'or: Selected Readings, rev, ed, [Honolulu: University of Hawaii
Press, 1974, 19861, p. 4). Gzri is frequently paired with on, a rnoral or social debt.
15. Tank and enryo refer to self-discipline or self-restraint.
16, Takco Doi tells us tliat "ornote and ~ r awhich
, Jqanese use to indicate thc con-
trasting attitudes in dealing with social situations . . . like the Engiish equivalents
Yrcrontknd %ear,"iterally rekr to the fore and back sides of tliings. Apart from this
literal use, however, they are sometimes used in naming ttlings to suggefi the social
function of the thing thus named. Far instance, omote-gwchz (front door) is the main
entrance tts Japanese houses which is of use for the members of a family or their
guests, but the maid or tl-te shoprnen who call either to take orders o r to deliver
things use only rara-gt.scht: (kitchen-ctoor). Ornate-dorz or ornole-kaido is a busy
street and ura-dori or tlra-kaido a ilonety alley; hence these two words may be used to
imply a succcss or tlic lack of it, . . . (0Ir;rtot.eis tlie appearance one would show to
others. Xn this respect it is interesting to note that umoto means 'face'aand ura 'mind'
in old literary japancse. Tliat one is able to brrifd up omoec is a cornrnendabie thing in
Japan. Xt means that one is finally on one's o w n It . is different from a similar English
expression, 'to put up a front,bli~ichhas the bad connotation of jnaking a show." See
E k e o Doi, Ornore to ura (%kyo: Kobundo, 196"5),translated by Mark A. Harbison
as The Anatomy ofSe& The lndhiductl Versus Sor-iety (Tokyomew York: Kodartsha
International, 19861, p. 158.
17. "[l3]ictionary definitions of taternae define it as a type of principles or rules that
liave bccn established as natural and proper. . . . [Tlhcse rules or conventions are es-
tablished by people and can therefore be overturned by people. . . . Tkkmae refers to
conventions created by people on thc basis of consensus, . . . In shore, taternae always
implies the existence of a group of people in its background who assent to it. . . . In
contrast to this, honne refers to the fact: that the individuals who belong to the group,
even while they consent to the tatemae, each have their own motives and opinions that
are distinct from it, and that they hold these in the background" (from Harbison,
trans., The Andtomy of,Ye& pp. 35-3 7).
18. Lebra, "Migawari,'". 107. Of the works cited in this passage, two are articles:
Jane Buchnik's 'The Two 'Faces' of Self and Society in Japan," Ethos 20(1992): 3-32,
and Nancy R, Kosenbcrger" s"Dialectic Balance in the Pc~IarMc~dclof Sclf: The Japan
Case," Ethos 17(1989): 88-1 13. Tile other works are books listed in the Bibliography
of the present volume.
19. Lcbra, "Sclf in Japanese Culture,'' in Roscnberger, ed.,japanese Sense ofSe$
20. Ibid., p. 108. Regarding the two works cited in this passage: "Chomas Rc3hlen's
"Spiritual Education in a Japanese Bank" i s reprinted in Japanese Gtllt~reand Behav-
Ior, ed. T. S, Lekra and W*I? Lcbra (Honolulu: tlnivcrsiry of Hawaii Press, 1986), and
Hamrni Befu's book is listed in the Bibliography.
21. The differences are more than coincidental; they reflect the profoundly differ-
ent natures of thc two religions. According to Talcott Parsons's theoretical frarne-
work, for example, Shinto is panicularistic, whereas Buddhism. is universalistic. For
an application of Parsons" theory t o Japanese religion, see Kobert N. Betiah,