Katz, Dina - The Image of The Netherworld in The Sumerian Sources. 2003

THE IMAGE
OF THE NETHERWORLD
IN THE SUMERIAN SOURCES
by
D IN A KATZ
C D L P R ESS
2003
Lib r a r y o f C o n g r e s s C a t a l o g in g - in - P u b l ic a t io n
Katz, Dina
The image o f the netherworld in the Sumerian sources / Dina Katz,
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 1883053773‫־‬
i. Future life— History o f doctrines. 2. Sumerians— Religion.
3. Mythology, Sumerian. I. Title.
BL1616.F87K38 2003
299'.9295— dc21 2003043771
The cover design is by Duy-Khuong Van. The clay cone pictured on the dustjacket
is from the Yale Babylonian Collection and first published as Y O S 1 no. 14.
ISB N 1883053-773
Copyright 2003. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part,
in any form (beyond that copying permitted in Sections 107 and 108 o f the U .S. Copyright
Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the pub-
lisher, C D L Press, P.O . B o x 34454, Bethesda, M D, 20827.
T o Wilfred and Benjamin
T a ble of C o n ten ts
Pr efa c e . . . .................................................................................................................
I n t r o d u c t i o n .............................................................................................................
C h apters
i. T h e G e o g r a p h ic a l A s p e c t
THE LO CA TIO N OF TH E N ET H ER W O R LD
IN TER M S OF TH E POINTS OF TILE COMPASS
1.1. The Distance between the Netherworld

and the World of the Living 1
1.1.1. Adjectives: su d “distant,” b a d “far” 2
1.1.1.1. su d “distant” 2
1.1.1.2. bad— “far” 8
1.1.2. Netherworld versus Heaven: Bipolarity 12
1.1.3. The Netherworld in a Three-Dimensional Pattern 15
1.2. The Location of the Netherworld
in Terms of the Points of the Compass 16
1.2.1. The Road to the Netherworld 17
1.3. The Voyage to the Netherworld 32
1.3.1. Walking to the Netherworld 33
1.3.1.1. g e n /d u “go” 33
1.3.1.2. z é .r “slip” “slide” 34
1.3.2. Modes of Passage to the Netherworld 36
1.3.2.1. u s “ride” “set sail” 36
1.3.3. Coming Out, of the Netherworld 41
1.4. The Geographical Aspect: Summary and Conclusions 43
1.4.1. The Geographical Images of the Netherworld 43
1.4.2. Description Materials: The Terms for “Netherworld”
and the Mythologization of the Netherworld 56
vu
viii THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
2 . T h e T o p o g r a p h ic a l A s p e c t
THE LOCATION OF THE NETHERWORLD
IN RELATION TO THE SURFACE OF THE EARTH
2.1. Termsfor Parts of the Netherworld 65
2 .1.1. ku r-û r-ra “foot of the mountain,”
kur-bad-da “peak of the mountain” 65
2.1.2. kur-ùn-na “high mountain” 67
2.1.3. gaba-kur-ra “edge of the mountain” 68
2.1.4. d û r - k u r - r a “bottom of the Netherworld” 77
2.1.5. kur-sa-ga “in the midst of the mountain(s)” 78
2.1.6. ganzir (IGI.KUR.ZA), hilib (IGI.KUR)
“front of the netherworld” 85
2.1.6. i. General Overview 85
2.1.6.2. Textual Evidence 87
2.1.6.3. IGI.KUR(.ZA) at Mari 90
2.2. The Journey to the Netherworld:
A Horizontal or Vertical Movement?
2.2.1. e‫“ ״‬ascend” / “descend” 92
2.2.2. sub “fa ll” 98
2.2.3. è “come out” 98
2.2.4. z é .r “slip” “slide” 100
2.2.5. bal “libate,” dé “pour” 100
2.3. Topographical Aspects: Summary and Conclusions 102
2.3.1. Summary of the Sources 102
2.3.2. Why k u r? 105
2.3.2. i. How Does the Meaning “Netherworld”
Emerge from the Bipolar Concept
o/kur-kalam ? 107
2.3.3. Fluctuation of Topographical Images
of the Netherworld 109
TABLE OF CONTENTS IX
3. T h e S o c ie t a l A s p e c t
TH E SO CIO -PO LITICAL IMAGE OF TH E N ET H ER W O R LD 113
3.1. Human Spirits Partaking in

the Establishment of the Netherworld. 113
3.1.1. Gilgames 114
3.1.2. Etana 117
3.1.3. Urnamma 121
3.1.4. Priesthood 122
3.1.5. Human Spirits Partaking in the Establishment of
the Netherworld: Summary and Conclusions 124
3.2. Evil Spirits: Creatures that Are neither Humans nor Deities 126
3.2.1. gal5-la 127
3-2.1.1. Non-Literary Sources 127
3.2.1.2. Literary Texts 130
3.2.1.3. gal5-la, gal5-la-gal: Conclusions 149
3.2.2. li-b i-ir / nim gir “herald” 154
3.3. The Position of Deities in the Administration
‫׳‬ of the Netherworld 170
3.3.1. nin “queen” 171
3.3.2. lugal 172
3.3.3. gu-za-la “chair-bearer” 172
3.3.4. d u b-sar-m ah-a-ra-li “chief scribe ofarali” 174
3.3.5. 1-du8 “gatekeeper” 174
3.3.6. e n -g a l-a -ra -li “great lord of arnli” 175
3.3.7. sitart-k i-g a l-la “sita -priest of the netherworld” 175
3.3.8. su k k al-k i-gal-la-k u r-ra-k e4
“vizier of the big place of the netherworld” 176
3.4. Law and Norms in the Netherworld 177
3.4.1. m e-kur-ra “the m e of the netherworld” 177
3.4.2. â-âg -g â-k u r-ra 180
3.4.3. ka-as-ku r-ra / d i-ku r-ra 184
3.4.4. Laws and Norms: Summary and Conclusions 189
3.5. Architectural Aspects of the Netherworld 192
3.6. The Netherworld as a City-State:
Summary and Conclusions 194
X THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
4. Subsistence and the E cological C onditions

in the N etherw orld 197
4.1. Performance of Funerary Ritual 201
4.1.1. The Objective of the Rituals 207
4.1.2. Significance of the Texts 208
4.1.3. Conclusions 210
4.2. Means of Subsistence in the Netherworld 212
4.3. The Environment 223
4.3.1. The Darkness 223
4.3.2. The Dust 225
4.4. Subsistence in the Netherworld:
Summary and Conclusions 227
5. General Sum m ary and C onclusions 235

5.1. Subsistence and Ecological Conditions 236
5.2. Civic Aspects of the Netherworld 237
5.3. Geographical Location 238
5.4. Location of the Netherworld
in Relation to the Surface of Earth 241
5.5. Synthesis 242
APPENDICES
1. In anna ’s Descent to the N etherw orld 251
a. ID 4-13 251
b. ID 119-22, 162-64 258
c. ID 165—72 260
d. ID 191-94 262
e. ID 281-306 265
2. Dumuzi and Ge Stinanna 289

a. D G 1-9 290
b. D G 12-28 291
c. D G 47-52 294
TABLE OF CONTENTS XX
3. Du m uzi ’s Dream 301

a. D D 110-29 301
4. In the Desert b y the E a r ly Grass 309
a. S K 26 iii 4—19 311
b. S K 26 iv 1-9 316
c. 4R2 30, 2:11-35 + Sm. 2148 318
d. K 4954 0 . 2 - 6 ' 335
5. T he Death of U rnam m a 329

a. DUr 6 1-8 7 330
b. DUr 92-96 335
6. Incantations against E vil Spirits 337

a. Udughul 170-73 337
b. Udughul 250-52 338
c. Udughul 284—86 341
d. Udughul 468-71 342
e. Udughul 768-69 343
f. Udughul 841-54 343
7. D edication Inscriptions 347

a. Tu0‫ ׳‬Dedication Inscriptions of Sulgi
to the Esikil Temple in Esnunna 347
b. Two Foundation Inscriptions of Sulgi
to the Emeslam Temple in Kutha 349
c. Dedication Inscription of Lu’utu,
emsi ofUmma, to Ereskigal 352
8. T he L ists of N etherw orld G ods 357
a. “ The Death of Urnamma” (DUr) 357
b. “ The Death of Gilgames” (DGiî) 366
c. “ The First Elegy of the Pushkin Museum” 374
9. G ods of the N etherw orld 383
a. Erefkigal 385
b. Dumuzi 389
c. Namtar 390
d. Ningiszida 391
xii THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
e. Dimmeku 395
£ Ninazimua - Gestinanna 397
g. Bitu 401
h. Anunna 402
i. Nergal 404
j. Meslamtaea 420
k. Ninazu 428
B ib l io g r a p h y .....................................................................................443
In d e x .................................................................................................... 457
PREFACE
T his b o o k IS BASED on m y dissertation, which was written in Hebrew and

submitted to Tel Aviv University in the spring of 1993. The late Prof. Rafi
Kutscher was the initial supervisor o f this study, but within a year he fell ter-
minally ill, and in January 1989 he passed away at the very young age of fifty.
Eventually, and despite the complicated circumstances, Prof. J. Klein agreed
to take up the duties o f supervisor. His strict professional attitude, combined
with a deep feeling for Sumerian literature and an unusual generosity of
mind, were a great source of knowledge, inspiration, and encouragement,
for which I feel privileged and grateful. In view o f the premature death o f
Rafi Kutscher I did not have any inclination to deal with this subject any
longer. In 199$, however, I gave a copy o f my dissertation to Mark Geller.
Consequently, Mark urged me to publish an English version o f the study. If
not for M ark’s convincing arguments and insistence this book would have
never seen light.
At first it seemed a simple project, but before long I realized that I was
having great difficulty translating my own Hebrew wording into English.
Moreover, it is inconceivable to translate Sumerian poetry from Hebrew to
English, rather than from the original Sumerian text. This meant that the
texts had to be studied again. In the meantime Sumerology had not stood
still. Since the completion o f my dissertation (in December 1992), more
texts had been published and other texts republished, and a great deal of
work had been done by many scholars, which added to our understanding
of the Sumerian language and literature, as well as the history and the culture
of the Mesopotamian peoples. Therefore, I felt that a mere translation
would be insufficient. R ather than recycling the material, the textual evi-
de nee that forms the basis o f the study was expanded with new material, the
existing texts were re-examined, and the results were updated.
The revised English edition o f my dissertation is an opportunity to
express my gratitude to those who helped and supported me throughout the
years that I was engaged with the study o f the netherworld. First is Prof.
Ya’akov Klein, whose interest, support, and advice are a continuous source
of encouragement and inspiration. I am also grateful to Prof. Tzvi Abusch,
who, for many years, showed a keen interest in my work and used every
xiu
XlV THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
opportunity to promote it. O ur long discussions about issues concerning

the netherworld, and Mesopotamian religion in general, stimulated me ever
since I began the study and encouraged me to complete this book. Special
thanks are due to Dr. Bendt Alster for his friendliness and care, kindly offer-
ing me his advice and material. W hen I began my research, Bendt provided
me with his own unpublished editions o f Edina-usagake and “Ningiszida’s
Journey to the Netherworld.” Throughout the years he continually offered
me information about related texts and studies, and was always willing to
discuss issues and exchange ideas about Sumerian literature, particularly
concerning Dumuzi and Inanna. I am also grateful to Bram Jagersma for
reading and discussing with me the grammatically problematic passages. His
profound knowledge o f the Sumerian language was very inspiring and
instrumental for better understanding the texts. Last but not least, my hus-
band Wilfred van Soldt has always been there to discuss my ideas, with
m uch patience. His knowledge and critical thinking were invaluable during
the process o f formulating my views.
In t r o d u c t io n
“T h e IMAGE OF t h e NETHERWORLD in the Sumerian sources” is a some-

what ambiguous topic. “Sumerian” is an ethnic as well as a linguistic defi-
nition; in addition, the literary descriptions o f the netherworld yield various
images rather than one traditional vision. Since the study is focused on
perceptions o f the netherworld during the third millennium, the terms o f the
study require a more precise definition.
“Sumerian” defines a particular group o f people and their language, but
not entirely in symmetry. Therefore, whether “Sumerian sources” signifies
the one or the other entails a chronological difference. Already in the third
millennium the population o f Sumer was a mixture o f ethnic groups, with
diverse languages and cultural backgrounds, who used the Sumerian language
for writing. In addition, the Sumerian language survived longer than its
people; excluding archival texts, most o f the texts in the Sumerian language
date to the beginning of the second millennium, after Sinner ceased to exist
as a political, national, and cultural entity. M oreover, texts in Sumerian were
still composed during the Old Babylonian period and were copied until late
into the first millennium, expressing the current needs. Some o f the late
sources are based on, or also include, earlier traditions o f the third millen-
nium. However, we do not readily know to what extent later sources in the
Sumerian language reflect earlier traditions and whether it is possible to iden-
tify in them the authentic traditions of the Sumerian people. Consequently,
by “Sumerian sources” I mean texts written in the Sumerian language. Since
literary sources from the U r III period are so scarce, the majority o f our
sources date to the early Old Babylonian period. Most o f these sources indeed
contain older traditions. Later sources, such as bilinguals from the first millen-
nium, are used only if the composition exists also in an Old Babylonian
version to which it can be compared.
The linguistic definition comprises a chronological framework o f more
than two thousand years in which political, ethnic, cultural, and religious
circumstances changed. Such changes also occurred during the third millen-
nium. Therefore, it is expected that the study will uncover several different,
xv
xvi THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
even contradictory, images. In addition, the term “image” lends itself to

perceptions o f different nature: a concrete visual image, and a reflection of
emotional or evaluative attitude, which is abstract in essence. Since the liter-
ary expression o f emotions and their evaluation is entirely subjective, the first
depends on the aptitude o f the writer and the second on the personality o f
the recipient—it does not allow an objective description. Therefore, in this
study I focus on images of the concrete visual aspects o f the netherworld: loca-
tion, social organization, and “living” conditions.
The English term “netherworld” depicts, by definition, a subterranean
realm. It applies to the world of the dead and usually describes the territory
o f evil souls as opposed to heaven, the eternal resting place o f good souls. In
other words: hell as opposed to paradise. The idea of hell is non-existent in
the Sumerian texts; evil spirits were either procreated in the realm of the dead
or became evil when their funeral rites were not performed. These sources
indicate that all spirits dwelled in one and the same region; that the domain
o f the dead was separated from the world o f the living; and that it was reached
through the grave. Therefore, the literal meaning o f “netherworld” fits in
with the custom ofburying the dead under the ground. However, the Sume-
rian texts express conflicting images regarding the location o f the spirits in the
world of the dead, not only underground but also in the open air. In addition,
the dead were buried everywhere and the surface o f earth is immense. So, if
the world o f the dead is underground, how big was it and how was its orga-
nization visualized? W ere the realm of death and the dwelling o f the spirits
under the ground to its full extent? Was the residence of the spirits in a partie-
ular section of the territory of death? O r was it a confined area somewhere
in the vast regions outside the reach of the living? The standard Sumerian term
for the world o f the dead, k u r “mountain,” creates an additional dilemma.
Therefore, the literal meaning o f “netherworld” does not adequately reflect
the full range o f ideas about the afterlife in the Sumerian sources. Never-
theless, despite the literal meaning, “netherworld” is used here as a general
term for the realm of the dead, since it is devoid of specific geographical or
cultural connotations (compared to Hades, Inferno), and frequently used in
the secondary literature. From the Old Babylonian period onward the belief
that the world of the dead is subterranean predominates the texts and from
then on the term “netherworld” describes it accurately.
The complexity o f the subject is illustrated by the differences between the
Sumerian text of Inanna’s descent (henceforth ID) and the Akkadian text of
Istar’s descent (henceforth lID), both known from manuscripts of the second
millennium. Although the Akkadian text is based on materials o f the Sume-
rian narrative and it preserves the outlines o f the plot, the difference is not
merely in language but also thematic. The Sumerian narrative of ID centers
INTRODUCTION xvii
on the goddess Inanna, but the later Akkadian text o f IsD focuses on the
essence o f the netherworld. The differences demonstrate how an old tradition
was carried on: the outlines of the plot were kept but the emphasis was shifted
from the protagonists to the location o f the events. Thereby the story received
a new meaning that reflected the notions and interests o f the later periods.
Consequently, the first working hypothesis is that traces of old traditions,
earlier than the second millennium, may be found in more Old Babylonian
sources in Sumerian.
Prior to the U r III period the Sumerian population was politically frag-
mented into independent city-states and, therefore, perhaps some local
authentic Sumerian traditions existed simultaneously. Moreover, before and
during the third millennium, groups of peoples setded alongside the Sume-
rians in southern Mesopotamia. These people may have kept their own reli-
gious traditions alongside the local religious practices. It stands to reason that
the political, social, and ethnic developments left their imprint on the cultural
and religious life. Therefore, the second working hypothesis is that following
the historical developments in the social texture of Sumer, religious thought
was subject to changes as well, and that during the long transmission some
literary traditions were modified and updated accordingly.
An overview o f the Sumerian sources reveals that the essence o f death and
the world o f the dead occupy a marginal place in the texts, usually only
mentioned in passing. However, dozens of dedication inscriptions from the
third millennium, in which the supplicant pleads with a god for his life, indi-
cate that the people were well aware of their limited life span and o f the inev-
itability of death. The rich evidence for the hope to prolong life indirectly
proves that death was dreaded. Therefore, the ephemeral treatment o f the
netherworld in the Sumerian sources gives rise to the question of why the
essence of the afterlife did not find more detailed literary expression. Conse-
quently, the third working hypothesis is that the attitude toward afterlife
during the third millennium was expressed and transmitted orally and that the
origin o f some texts that we know from Old Babylonian copies is in these old
oral traditions. A fourth and related working hypothesis is that in given time
and space some features were commonly accepted and, therefore, only brief
relevant references or descriptions were combined in narratives.
Considering that the few detailed descriptions of the netherworld are not
earlier than the second millennium, the fifth working hypothesis is that some
events at the end o f the third millennium stirred the religious stability and
propelled an intellectual evolution that resulted in a greater concern in the
afterlife.
O ur information is embedded in limited references to various aspects of the
netherworld, scattered in texts o f different genres, functions, periods, and
xviii THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
places of origin. Therefore, the fragmentary, sometimes conflicting infor-

mation cannot add to a unified reliable picture. In order to delineate a coher-
ent, comprehensive, and trustworthy image o f the netherworld in the
Sumerian sources, we have to take into account variances in function or
purpose, topic, date, and places o f origin, as well as the mutual cultural influ-
ence o f the separate groups that inhabited the region. However, most of the
sources are known from school copies of the O ld Babylonian period, mainly
from Nippur, and their origin, in date and provenance, is usually obscure.
T he duration and mode o f transmission is also unknown. Neither do we
know if the copy is consistent w ith the original text or to what extent it was
elaborated and changed during transmission. This results in a methodological
problem: how to organize the individual references in a meaningful manner
and then combine them into a homogeneous description.
The ideal situation is when the references are dated and can be grouped
according to their date and theme. Thus, the information can harmonize and
delineate a coherent idea, synchronically as well as diachronically. Placing
the sources along a chronological axis would outline an evolution in the
image o f the netherworld and the historical circumstances of the time may
suggest an explanation for the changes. However, the situation o f the sources
is far from ideal. Only one text is datable with certainty, “The Death o f U r-
namma. ” Therefore, the m ethod has to prepare tools to reach a relative chro-
nology.
Rather than an attempt to harmonize the sources on the basis of the most
prevalent images, I have chosen the method of sectionalizing and classifying
the sources and, then, trying to reach a synthesis that would highlight the
differences and allow their evaluation. In principle, this treatment may result
in a synchronic as well as a diachronic order of the images. W hen related
images are grouped together and a change occurred in the course of time, this
m ethod should expose it and offer an explanation or delineate the develop-
m ent o f this image. The initial classification is general. I limited the discussion
to those aspects of the netherworld that can be defined with precision and
described in tangible historical terms. The textual sources are grouped and
treated in four aspects: two aspects of the physical geography apply to images
from horizontal and from vertical perspectives; the third aspect is the neth-
erworld as a city-state, dealing w ith the social structure and the governmental
systems; and the fourth aspect pertains to the physical conditions in the neth-
erworld. The descriptions are sometimes rather emotional, but the psycho-
logical aspect is purposely avoided because its evaluation is too subjective.
The images of the netherworld evolve from the experience o f the ancient
authors and their public. For them, the realm of the dead was as concrete as
Sumer. For the m odem reader, however, some images indeed reflect an
INTRODUCTION XIX
actual, historical reality, but others are mythological. An obvious example for
mythological reality is the image o f a subterranean city-state. The kind o f real-
ity we discern, whether mythological or actual, indicates the perspective o f
the author and his concept o f the netherworld. The complex nature o f the
texts suggests that each individual source should be studied separately, in its
own context, to avoid an interpretation biased by other texts or pre-existing
ideas. An extensive literary analysis o f the texts serves as a tool to capture the
particular meaning o f a given description, assisting the detection of later liter-
ary elaborations and the uncovering o f older traditions. The descriptions are
analyzed in the context o f a literary unit and, when possible, in relation to the
former and the following units. This may establish the function of the account
in the composition. Also, there is much weight to the language of the descrip-
tions, to the purpose and significance o f the terms chosen to designate the
netherworld and to depict it. The study o f the language includes the use of
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as well as literary devices such as metaphor,
synecdoche, parallelisms etc. The inclination to adhere to recurring motifs,
existing expressions, and formulae, to apply stock phrases and quotations
from elsewhere, is used to trace the development of the text during its trans-
mission. Occurrences o f intentional modifications of a text may signify
changes in religious thinking. W henever possible, I compared the informa-
tion with ,the relevant datable evidence o f archival documents concerning
cultic practice and historical inscriptions.
Following the detailed study, the sources that pertain to the same aspect
are grouped together. Thus, the various images of this given aspect, as well
as their distribution in the texts, become visible, allowing the fluctuation of
a given image in the texts to be evaluated quantitatively, synchronically (indi-
eating the literary genre), and diachronically (within a relative time scale).
Evaluation of the collected information in view of the historical conditions
may suggest the origins o f an image and a relative chronology that may help
to outline the development o f ideas. Hence, different or conflicting images
of a given aspect may appear to represent local parallel traditions or consec-
utive theological streams.
The texts are quoted throughout the discussion in transliteration and trans-
lation. Variants are marked according to the sigla given in the published
edition. Sources that depict more than one aspect are treated in each relevant
context. Therefore, this m ethod has the disadvantage that to a certain extent
it is repetitive. However, the m ethod of classifying and sectionalizing the
material has the advantage that the differences, as well as the common features
of a group of sources, are emphasized. Thus, whereas it may not solve all the
problems, it offers the highest possible degree of clarity on the issues.
THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
Most quoted passages are followed by “textual remarks,” in which some

textual problems are treated in detail. However, compositions from which I
quoted few passages are treated in the appendices. Appendices 1—7 each
center on a given text, and appendices 8 and 9 deal with gods of the neth-
erworld. The full text o f “The Death of Gilgames” (from T ell Haddad) surely
deserves a special treatment in an appendix. Since, however, it was published
after the layout of the book was ready, the pertinent passages and the impor-
tant information embedded in the composition are treated in the relevant
contexts.
CHAPTER I
T h e G e o g r a p h ic a l A sp e c t
TH E LO CA TIO N OF TH E N ETH ERW ORLD
IN TERMS OF TH E POINTS OF THE COMPASS
THE SUMERIAN’S p e r c e p t i o n o f a proper world order did not tolerate the

mingling o f life w ith death. The realm of the dead was, therefore, separated
and removed from the world of the living. W here was the domain o f the
dead? References to the netherworld from the perspective o f Sumer and
accounts about the passage address issues such as the position o f the nether-
world and its distance away, the route leading there, and the means of transit.
However, the Sumerian sources do not give one direct answer to this ques-
tion but express general notions about its location.
Since no Sumerian text is solely devoted to this issue, our sources are in
the form of excerpts. In this chapter, I shall present and discuss these sources
and try to glean indications about the location of the netherworld within the
framework of the geographical conception of the Sumerians. First, I shall
discuss the descriptions of the distance between the netherworld and the
sphere o f the living, then the accounts that allude to a specific geographic
location, and finally the means o f transit to the realm o f the dead.
1.1. The Distance between the Netherworld and the World of the Living
Distance is the extent of the space between two given points. Sumerian
sources relate the distance to the netherworld from the reference point of
their own geographical reality, which is here, in the cities o f Sumer. And
above them, in the visible heavens, was where the gods could be seen in their
astral aspect.
All references describe the distances in general terms. The relationship
between the netherworld and Sumer is defined by the adjectives su d and
bad, signifying “distant” or “far away.” The geographical relation o f the
netherworld to heaven is depicted in accounts ofmovements between them,
where heaven and the netherworld appear to be in a bipolar position, at the
two opposite extremes o f the cosmos.
1
2 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
1.1.1. Adjectives:s u d “distant,” b a d “far”

1.1.1.1. sud “distant”
The adjective sud “distant” is used to describe the location of the nether-
world in conjunction with kur. This pairing occurs twice, in a lament for
Damu and in a balbale-hymn to Ningiszida. W hen it appears in combination
with the term ki, in the expression k i- s u d - r a , it signifies a remote place/
land, not necessarily the netherworld.12
a. LAMENT FOR DAMU 2 ,6 - ^ f
The young god mourns his fate saying:
36. en-[me-e]n ra-ra-lf ki-sur-gurud-da-mu
37. gurus-me-en kur-re sud-râ-sè im-ma-ab-DU-nie-en
u4-m e-e-na-ni-g[in7?]
36. I am the lord, arali is the terrible place of my casting away,3
37. I am the lad, to the distant, the netherworld, I was going/lead.
Enough!4
1. See references inWilcke, 1969b, 90 with discussion on p. 130, and Römer, SKIZ,
88. Also the expression k u r k i- s u d - r â does not refer to the netherworld, see for
example in Lugalbanda 1, Wilcke, 1969b, 90. It seems that in Lugalbanda this
expression reflects the geographical reality of Sumer, a flat land bordered by
mountain ridges faraway to the northeast, and that perhaps it voices a mystical vision
of the distant, inaccessible mountains, the arena of epic and mythological events.
2. PBS 1/1, no. 5; B E 30/1, no. 2 obverse; transcription and translation by Langdon,
PBS io4, 286-88. The source dates to the Old Babylonian period.
3. Arali was originally the name of the steppe between Badtibira and Uruk, where
Dumuzi used to graze his sheep and there, in his sheepfold, Dumuzi met his death
(see Jacobsen, 1983, 195g). In the texts that describe Dumuzi’s life and death, the
name arali is used with this meaning (see D D 94). However, in the course of time
the place arali became so identified with Dumuzi’s death that it became a term for
the netherworld. From the Old Babylonian period onward, arali denotes the
netherworld, and it seems that its original meaning as a concrete geographical name
was forgotten.
The reading sur in k i-s ü r was suggested to me byj. Klein. As a description
of the arali I prefer the reading k i-s u r “terrible place” in DUr 62. The reading k i-
sa g -k i in the meaning “the place of cults” does not seem preferable in either
composition. Note that Flückiger-Hawker (1999, 112:62) left it untranslated, k i-
sur in “Lugalbanda and the Mountain Cave,” 155 (TkM NF 3, 10:150, and see
Wilcke, 1969b, p. 37) describes the cave where Lugalbanda was left ill. Note,
however, that the poetic language of Lugalbanda’s prayer to Utu is close to the
imagery of the lamentations.
4. u 4- m e - e - n a - n i- g in 7 is a guess, because ofits resemblance to u 4-m e - n a - g in 7,
THE GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECT 3
The lament narrates the event ofD am u’s death from the perspective of Sumer
and most probably from his main cult center. The location of the nether-
world, however, is marked only by the general term “distant.” The term is
employed to illustrate Damu’s separation from his loved ones and from the
world o f the living; it does not indicate how far away the netherworld is.
— Textual Remarks —
The appearance o f arali and kur in parallelism, on the one hand, and the
occurrence in the poem of the two deities Damu and Ningiszida, on the
other, call for comments on the tradition of the text.
arali and kur stand in parallelism, which may be either synonymy or
complementary. The related verbs, g u ru d “cast away” “throw” and
D U (read either d u / gen “go” or tu r n /d e 6 “lead”) may be two con-
secutive actions, although they are not constructed as such. In that case
a complementary parallelism would be possible, and arali would signi-
fy the place where Damu met his death, from where he was lead to the
netherworld. Yet, in this meaning, arali is connected with Dumuzi’s
name and, therefore, this possibility is rather weak. Subsequendy, a
synonymous parallelism in which arali appears as a name for the neth-
erworld as well as kur is more likely.5
This poem mentions not one but two young dying gods: Damu and
Ningiszida (11. 19—20). Since in line 27 Damu alone is mentioned and
line 29 mentions the name of his mother, Gestinluba (the Emesal-form
of Nintinuga), Damu may have been the subject of the original lament
and Ningiszida’s name is an interpolation. Yet, since Nintinuga is the
which literally means “until when,” expressing despair and exasperation. Therefore
it seems to fit the context as the cry of the mourner ( / - n i - / “his”). For a recent
treatment of u4- m e - n a - g in 7, see Römer, 2001, 246, ad. AIII4 with previous
literature.
5. The verb ini. 37 is ambiguous: we can read d u /g e n = aläku or tu m /d e 6 = abälu.
The aspect is ambiguous as well. If we were to render it in the hamtu gen or d e 6,
it would signify the past, and in that case we would have a synonymy parallelism:
the place in which he was cast away is the place to which he was going or led. If
we were to render the marû d u / 1u m it would signify the present, and in this case
we would have a complementary parallelism. Theoretically the marû suffix is - d u -
U N -m e -e n , but in the Old Babylonian text it may have been omitted. From the
point of the text tradition we stand on safer ground assuming that the verb is in the
hamtu, that the parallelism is synonymic, and that the arali is identical with the kur.
That is for two reasons: (1) the tradition about the death of the young god in the
arali is connected with Dumuzi and not with Damu; and (2) in the Old Babylonian
period the arali was already identified with the netherworld in texts that were not
connected with Dumuzi.
name of Ninisina in Nippur,6 and as a young dying god Damu is men-

tionedin some sources in connection with Girsu (Emesal m e -e r-s i),7
the lament raises a question as to the identity of Damu and his city. Was
it Isin or Girsu (and which Girsu)?. Landsberger maintained that m e-
e r- si in these texts cannot be identified as the Girsu near Lagas.8Kramer
suggested that according to this lament Damu’s city was Isin.9Based on
Edina-usagake, Jacobsen suggested that Damu’s city of origin is another
Girsu, on the bank of the Euphrates, different from the Girsu near Lagas.101
As yet we have no direct evidence for the existence of a second Girsu.
Nonetheless, since a variety of texts link Damu with a place named Girsu,
we cannot exclude the possibility that a second Girsu indeed existed.
M e -e r-s i gû 17b u r a n u n kl- P a is mentioned not only in two late
manuscripts of Edina-usagake but also in the Old Babylonian version SK
26 (see: appendix 4/a: ‫) ז ז‬." Orthographic differences between the Old
Babylonian copy S K 26 and the late manuscripts indicate that SK 26 was
not the source for the versions of the first millennium.12The conclusion
is, therefore, that Damu was finked with Girsu on the Euphrates in more
than one old manuscript of Edina-usagake. The fact that Damu is men-
tionëd in relation to Girsu in various texts, some of which are later than
both the tradition that connected him with Ninisina and our lament,
indicates that the tradition of his origin in Girsu was quite well estab-
fished.13
A related issue is the nature of Damu’s divinity, which may also point
to the date of the text. It is significant that when Damu is related to Nini-
sina’s circle (as her son) he is a healing-god. This property does not char-
acterize his divine role in the laments. It appears, therefore, that the
6. Bergmann, ZA 56 (1964): 31.

7. S K 26 iii 11 (Edina-usagake, see further and appendix 4/a); S K 8, iv:6‫ ; ׳‬PBS 10/2,
13 r.7.
8. Landsberger apud Kraus, JOS' 3 (1949): 81, n. 51.
9. Kramer, 1969, 158 n. 45.
10. Jacobsen, 1963, 476 no. 8. For Girsu the city ofDamu, see also idem,JCS 21 (1967):
100, n. 4. See also Krecher in Matous A VII, 45 and note 47.
11. A S K T 16, r. 3 (Sm 1366 and Z A 40 [1931]: 86, lines 3-4 [Rm 220]) and compare
with the Old Babylonian version S K 26 iii 11 [m e-er-si gu 17]b u ran u n ^ -k a.
12. For example, compare the correct form g ig -b i in the late R m 220:15-17 with gi-
b i in SK 26 iii 16, and the suffix / - a / i n a - u r i n - a i n S K 26 iv 5 with its late parallel
i- s i- is - n a in4R 2, 30,2:26, indicating that its source had the suffix/-na/ (i-SE§/
u rin -n a ).
13. See in detail Bergmann, op. cit. 36, 34.
nature of his divinity was altered. Since he is known from the Old Baby-
Ionian period onward in his role as a healing-god, his image as the young
dying god must be older. Presumably, Damu was associated with Nini-
sina and his divine properties changed during a process of syncretism in
which local incarnations of the young dying fertility-gods were assim-
dated with Dumuzi, around the beginning of the second millennium.14
The literary tradition preserved the evidence of his old characteristics in
the laments and mainly in the texts that connect him with Girsu.1516In
our lament, the name of his mother, Nintinluba, indicates that the
lament was composed after the inclusion of Damu in Ninisina’s circle
and, therefore, it is a relatively late composition. Her name suggests the
Old Babylonian period, which also fits my assumption that line 36
synonymously parallels line 37 and arali means “netherworld.”
b. HYMN TO NINGISZIDA I 10
i. [ur]-sag en-sà-tum-a-gàr ur-mah-kur-sud-[ra]
Warrior, lord of pasture and field, the lion of the fa[r] kur
14. Damu is not the only god whose divine role and main cult center were transformed.
A similar fate was shared by all the gods who were incarnated as the young dying
god, except Dumuzi, with whom they eventually assimilated. This happened to
Ningiszida, whose city Gisbanda was destroyed at the end of the U r III period and
later he himself became the chair-bearer of the netherworld, and also to Ninazu,
whose city Enegi was destroyed at the end of the U r III period (on Ninazu and
Ningiszida see Wiggermann, 1997). The circumstances that caused the trans-
formation in Damu’s divine role are not known. Maybe it occurred as a result of
some historical event that forced Damu’s priests and his circle (such as his sister
Gunura) to move from Girsu to Isin—maybe it was destroyed like Gisbanda and
Enegi. According to S R T 6 i 12—16 (see now Römer, 2001, i l l , with previous
literature), Damu is the god of Girsu, on the one hand, and the son ofNinisina, who
endows him with the properties of a healing god, on the other. This passage seems
to unite both traditions, the one in which his city of origin is Girsu and the other
that includes him in Ninisina’s circle; thereby it illustrates the change in his divine
properties.
15. In most of the laments, he is mentioned together with other gods who played the
role o f the young dying god. Thus we cannot always discern whether the lament
was originally composed for him, for another god, or was a compilation of different
traditions from the outset. If we accept Wiggermann’s suggestion that Ninazu and
Ningiszida were originally transtigridian as opposed to gods that originated in the
heartland of Sumer (op. tit.), it may mean that Edina-usagake was, indeed, a lament
for Damu, as well as some other laments that mention him together with other dying
young gods.
16. T C L 15, 25, PI. LXIII; vanDijk, i960, 81—107.
The expression k u r - s u d - r a appears in the first line ofthe hymn among the
epithets of the god. Since the hymn was composed in the Old Babylonian
period and Ningiszida was primarily a netherworld-god, it stands to reason
that kur here signifies “netherworld” and not “mountain.” He is mentioned
in the U r III composition DUr x18 as a netherworld-god and with the epithet
u r-s a g “warrior.”
The composition is a typical hymn to a god. The attributes of the god
portray him as manifold deity. At the core of his description are three
major aspects: the warrior, a god of fertility, and a leader in the neth-
erworld. Titles describing courage and bravery in war are quite com-
mon in hymns to gods, especially in hymns to netherworld deities. From
the Old Babylonian period onward Ningiszida was known only as the
gu-za-la-kur‫־‬ra-ke4 “the chair-bearer of the netherworld.”'7 There-
fore, it is only natural that this aspect of his divinity would find a clear
expression in the hymn.171819
The first line of the hymn crowns Ningiszida as the lord ofpasture and
field. Van Dijk suggested that this might refer to the fields of his temples
and, therefore, is not a definitive indication that Ningiszida was a god
of vegetation. In addition, since both terms used in the hymn, sà -tû m
and a - g à r, usually signify an arable plot o f land, perhaps they refer here
to the location of his temple. Ningiszida’s association with vegetation
is echoed in his name “Lord of the Good Tree. ” Lambert suggests iden-
tifying this epithet with the vine.'9Viticulture is not known in southern
17. See especially two Old Babylonian incantations: YOS 1 1 , 88:32 and O E C T 3,
19:30.
18. In line 2 Ningiszida’s epithet is m u s-m a h and u s u m g a l-a -d [a -ta b ‫ ־‬ba?]
(reconstruction by van Dijk). The symbolic value ofthe snake and the coiled-snakes
motifinMesopotamian glyptic hasbeendiscussedby vanBuren, 4 / 0 10 (1935), 53-
65 a'nd by Erlenmeyer, AfO 23 (1970), 52—62. Ningiszida’s image as a snake is
consistent with the relief on a steatite bowl, which was dedicated to him by Gudea
and represents entwined snakes between two swords held by two winged lions. See
H. Frankfort, Iraq 1 (1934), 10, fig. 1, and a photo in E. Strommenger, FünfJahr-
tausende Mesopotamien, 1962, Taf. 144. According to Krebemik, 1984, p. 296, Nin-
giszida’s link with snakes is already expressed in the god-lists from Fara, where he
appears in the circle o f Ninpes. For the latest comprehensive discussion about
chthonic snake-gods, including Ningiszida, see Wiggermann, 1997.
19. Lambert, 1990c, 297-300. Lambert points to his family relationship with Gestinanna
(“Vine of An/Heaven”) and Ninazimua—the component /- a - z i - / in her name
is interpreted by him as “water of life,” comparable to strong alcoholic spirit. Both
goddesses were identified by Gudea as his wife, see St. M ii 1-2, in Steible, 1991,
Mesopotamia, but the name of Ningiszida’s city, Gisbanda (“the young/

small tree”) implies that the city was associated with southern Meso-
potamian flora.20At the same time, it seems that the hymn demonstrates
Ningiszida’s connection with small cattle (11.13-14) and, to this end, line
17 says: “life and birth are with you.” In lamentation literature Ningis-
zida is a young god doomed to go to the netherworld; in some laments
he was identified with Damu. Thus these mythological laments preserve
his memory as a young dying fertility-god. The Sumerian lament “Nin-
giszida and Ninazimua” shows some similarity to Edina-usagake and
seems to divulge the circumstances of his death; unfortunately it is too
fragmentary.21 The myth “Ningiszida’s Journey to the Netherworld”
explains how Ningiszida was appointed chair-bearer of the netherworld
after his capture by the galla, that is to say, how his divine character was
transformed from a young dying god to a permanent official in the neth-
erworld. Myths of young dying gods are usually interpreted as reflect-
ing the seasonal cycle of decay and rebirth, thus the fertility and the
produce of the earth. If the name Ningiszida reflects and preserves his
original role in the Sumerian pantheon, whether the vine or another
tree, then his connection with small cattle reflects a later aspect that may
have emerged after the destruction of his city Gisbanda.22
vol. I, 230-31. The co-identity is also demonstrated in DUr 125-27, where

Ninazimua bears Gestinanna’s title “scribe of arali.” Further, the name of his city
was Gisbanda “the young tree.”
20. Since viticulture is unusual in this region, the assumption that Ningiszida was a vine-
god means that his cult, and also the cult of Gestinanna, did not originate in southern
Mesopotamia, but was imported from outside. However, it is hard to believe that
both the city and its god would signify a tree that does not exist in that particular
geographical reality. Therefore, unless Gisbanda was founded around and for the
cult ofNingiszida, the association with viniculture is problematic, especially in view
of the semantic proximity of the names Ningiszida, Gisbanda, and Gestinanna. The
possibility that Ningiszida was introduced into the pantheon of Gisbanda and then
the place was renamed in his honor is also remote; the typical practice was contrary
to that: the god took his name from his city or temple (for instance Ninisina,
Lugalgudua, or Meslamtaea). Also, in the case of an inverted relationship, such as
the writing E N . L1L*01for Nippur, the name of the god will occur in the writing but
not in the pronunciation. Since the site of Gisbanda has never been identified, we
actually have no idea when it was founded. Therefore, the possibility that it was
merely a cult center that was founded for Ningiszida (in the countryside) after he
was introduced into southern Mesopotamia and named in association with its
tutelary god is still valid. In that case the viticulture assumption cannot be rejected.
21. TuM NF 4, 4 and U E T 6/1, 27; Wilcke, 1988, 246-49.
22. That is because his image as a young dying fertility-god was still remembered in
general but not its exact nature.
1.1.1.2. bad— “far”

The adjective b ad qualifies the term ki in two laments, “For Him o f the Far-
O ff Land” (k1-bad-ra-ke4) and “The Messenger and the Maiden” (Kramer:
“The G I R S and the k i- s ik il”). In both compositions the expression k i-
b a d -r a indicates the whereabouts of the deceased and, therefore, points to
the netherworld. The main meaning o f the term ki is “place” or “earth” and,
as secondary meaning, “place” or “land” is a euphemism for the netherworld.
As an abstract and very general geographical term, “place” expresses the
Sumerian concept o f the netherworld better than does “earth,” which is too
concrete. “Earth” locates the netherworld right underfoot and does not leave
room for further speculation about the afterlife. From the second millennium
onward, and especially in bilingual texts, ki (ersetu) replaces kur as the standard
word for “netherworld.”
The expression k i- b a d - r a “far away” is not restricted to the description
o f the netherworld. It is a common literary expression,23 and as such was also
applied to the netherworld. The use of this expression to signify “nether-
world” indicates that the netherworld was visualized as a concrete geograph-
ical entity, but its location was defined generally, not in such exact geo-
graphical terms as to identify the place, its location, or to establish its nature.
It is noteworthy that in relation to the netherworld the adjective b a d does
not occur in our sources together with the term kur.
a. FOR HIM OF THE FAR-OFF LAND 1-424
1. ki-bad-ra-ke4 i-lu na-am-ir-ra
2. ma dus-m u-m u ki-bad-râ-ke4 i-lu na-âm-ir-ra
3. dda-mu-mu ki-bad-ra-ke4
4. gudu4-m u ki-bad-ra-ke4
1. For him of the far-off land I wail.
2. For my son of the far-offland I wail.
3. For my Damu, of the far-offland <1 wail>.
4. For my anointed one, of the far-offland <1 wail>.
23. See PSD B, 32, s.v. b ad A, 2.1.3.

24. An Old Babylonian lament for Damu: C T 15, 26:1-26 with a partial parallel in TRS
8. For translations and discussions see: Falkenstein, Z A 47 (1942) 197-200; idem,
SAHG, 185-86; idem, CRRyfllll (1953), 65;Jacobsen, PAPS 107 (1963), 477-78;
J. Klein andS. Shiphra, M O Z N A IM 59/3 (1985), 14 [Hebrew], Lines 1, 3 compare
with TC L 15, 8:64 (=1). k i- b i- d a - k e 4i- lu n a m -m ir-ra . 67 (=3). dd a -m u -
m u k i- b i- d a - k e 4 i-lu n a m -m ir-ra . A comprehensive edition, with previous
literature, was recently published in Römer, 2001, 189-229 (source B).
K i-bad -ra-ke4 “ of the far-offland” stands in apposition to the name and

the attributes of the dead god Darnu.
b. THE MESSENGER AND THE MAIDEN 4 6 25‫־‬
4. a-kas4a-kas4
5. kas4 mu-lu-ki-bad-ra-zu
6. kas4 a-sà-sud-râ kaskal-bar-ra-zu
4. O h messenger, oh messenger.26
5. Your messenger the man of the far-offland.
6. Your messenger in a remote field, in a foreign road.
Since “messenger” is the appellation o f the spirit of the dead, k i- b a d - r a
refers to the realm of the dead. Here, too, the reference is general, vague; it
indicates only that it is far away. However, it also describes the landscape and
the road. The idea of a road is a well-established element in the concept of
the netherworld— I shall return to it later. It is noteworthy that the adjective
chosen to describe the road is b a r rather than a standard geographical or phys-
ical image, such as “long” or “twisted.” The various related meanings of b ar
infuse the term with an additional message that may signify a personal or
emotional outlook on the nature of the road: it is “foreign,” outside Sumer;
“unknown,” “alien,” outside the world o f the living; and it is “desolate.”27
The image of the landscape, a remote field, is intriguing on two counts,
structural and thematic. In the m odern parlance o f photography, the partie-
ular structure o f the images in lines 5—6 “zooms in on” the location from a
distant, general area. Thematically, the image o f the field is unexpected since
a-sà refers to arable land, which befits a sedentary society, yet here it iden-
tifies the whereabouts o f the dead spirit.
25. An Old Babylonian lament and ritual for a dead young man. Kramer, 1977; Alster,
1986, 27-31.
26. The rendering “messenger for kas4 is very problematic. It is based on the chief
meaning of the word lasämu, from which derives lu -k a s4-e läsimu “express
messenger” or “courier” (Alster, 1986, 30), but it is not satisfactory. As for a possible
meaning “foreign” from ubäru, Kramer, 1977,13 92 maintains that this meaning does
not suit the syntax of the contexts in which kas4appears. In the meantime, I adhere
to Alster’s “messenger,” despite the defective form, because the sign kas4may have
a double meaning, such as an image o f a dead man who was sent away from home
as a messenger on duty in a foreign land and, as the representative o f the spirit in the
ritual, the icon of the dead is a “messenger.”
27. The different meanings of b a r are listed in PSD, B, 93—107. The dictionary lists our
text as the only example for kaskal + b ar (cf. p. 97, 2.2.4). AU the meanings of b ar
are concrete in nature, but in a figurative use their physical meaning lends itself to
a variety of connotations.
IO THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
T h e O ld Babylonian source narrates th e lam ent and funeral ritual that
is perform ed by a girl for the spirit o f the deceased. T h e object o f the
ritual is referred to as “messenger” and the wailing female “m aiden”;
b o th designations are rather general terms. These im personal appella-
tions strongly suggest that the purpose o f the text was to describe the cult
o f the dead in universal terms and in literary form .28
Thematically, the lam ent is divided into three parts: (1) (11. $ 9 ! ‫ ) ־‬the
narrator describes in rich m etaphors the fate o f the “ messenger” ; (2) (11.
20—37) the m aiden describes w hat she will do for him w hen he arrives;
and (3) (11. 38—48) is her account o f the rimai that she performed for his
spirit. The composition is set w ithin a literary framework. It opens w ith the
narrator’s prediction that the “messenger” is coming and calls upon the girl
to prepare herself for the performance o f the ritual (11. 1—4). T h e closing
o f the fram ework is after the com pletion o f the ritual: the maiden states
that the spirit has arrived and left, and she makes a dramatic assertion
about the fate o f the messenger (U. 48—49).
T h e ritual has a close parallel in a lam ent for D um uzi, T IM 9,15.29 O ne
com m on elem ent sets these tw o w orks apart from the rest o f the laments:
b o th designate th e target o f the ritual as k a s 4 “m essenger” and there is
an entire parallel stanza.30 W e cannot determ ine w h eth er T IM 9,15 is
one com plete lam ent for D um uzi or m erely excerpts from different
texts. T he beginning partially duplicates the ritual o f “T he Messenger
and the M aiden” ; it concludes w ith the beginning o f Edina-usagake; and
the upper part o f the tablet is broken. T h e ruler line, w hich separates the
parallels for “T h e M essenger and the M aiden” from lines 11 '—19', w hich
m ention D um uzi by nam e and w ith epithets, could indicate that T IM
9,15:1'—10' is a detached excerpt. O n the oth er hand, all the passages on
the tablet are thematically related, being parts o f laments for the young
28. Lines 1-4 form the opening part of the literary framework of the composition; the
narrator predicts the arrival of the envoy of the spirit for the ritual that the maiden
would perform and describe later. The quoted lines 5-6 begin a section in which
the narrator describes the dead person in rich metaphors. Thus, from the very first
line the composition revolves around the spirit of a dead man. For that reason we
may conclude that even if it is a lament and ritual for a person who was far away in
life and far away when he died, k i-b a d -ra here signifies the realm of the dead.
29. For both texts set line against line see Alster, 1986, 27-31.
30. The passage in TIM 9, 15:1'-6' and 9'—10' duplicates “The Messenger and the
Maiden” 38-40, 42, 45, 49. After the separation T IM 9, 15:1 T—19' is a lament for
Dumuzi; the reverse parallels the beginning of Edina-usagake (S K 26 i 8'-18'; 4R2,
27/1:3-7 (K. 4950).
THE GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECT II
dying god who became assimilated into the figure of Dumuzi. The
thematic relation between the different parts of the tablet could indicate
that it was meant to be one complete lament for Dumuzi.
What is, then, the relation between “The Messenger and the Maiden”
and TIMg, 15?The description ofthe funerary ritual in “The Messenger
and the Maiden” is more detailed than in TIMg, 15, which includes only
the offering of bread and water. Yet, the opening and closing lines are
identical in both texts (11. 38-40, 49=1'—3', 6'). The additional lines in
“The Messenger and the Maiden” could be considered a later inter-
polation. If so, the short version, TIM 9, 15, should be earlier and per-
haps a source for the “The Messenger and the Maiden.” Yet, Dumuzi
is not known as kas4, neither by title nor by role, but as a shepherd who
died in his sheepfold, that is, in a place that is both known and not far
away.31 Moreover, TIM 9,1 s 10/'9 —'7 -‫ '׳‬is an expansion with repetition
of the parallel passage in “The Messenger and the Maiden” and, there-
fore, these lines too could represent a later development. In that case,
it is T IM 9,15 that could be the later text. Also the eclectic character of
the tablet TIM 9,15 suggests a later date. The large number of ortho-
graphic variants and especially the Emesal-forms in TIM 9,15 indicate
that the one lament was not the source for the other. Rather, it seems that
both compositions are based on an earlier common tradition.
The anonymity of the protagonists in the “The Messenger and the
Maiden” that endows the lament with the character of an archetype on
the one hand, and the uniqueness of kas4 as a title of Dumuzi in TIM
9,15 on the other, leads to the possibility that the common source was
an early version of “The Messenger and the Maiden.” The content and
structure of the additional passage, TIM 9,15:7'—9 '/10 ', points to the
same conclusion. Its content is a direct continuation of line 6' (=“The
Messenger and the Maiden” 1. 49). In this passage, too, the deceased is
referred to only by epithets and titles, but not as “messenger” : line 7' has
i-b i lu m - lu m /g u n 5-g u n s, line 8' gurus u -m u -u n [ a - ra -li-
ke4?’] (“Ohlad, lord [ofthe a -ra -li? ]”) andlines 9'—io' gurus su8-b a
(“Oh lad, my shepherd”). Although the dead man is not yet mentioned
by name, these epithets identify him unequivocally as Dumuzi. As for
the structure, the last line in the additional passage, line 9 '/ io', is a repe-
tition ofline 6', which is identical to the last line of “The Messenger and
31. Since “The Messenger and the Maiden” does not mention the dead man by his
proper name, and it is inconceivable that a lament for a specific person would not
include his name or some other identifiable personal element, I cannot agree with
Kramer’s assumption that kas4 (GIR5) and k i-s ik il are epithets for Inanna and
Dumuzi. That TIMg, 15 adds Dumuzi’s name and epithets points to that end as well.
the Maiden” (1.49). Therefore, this additional passage is confined within

a literary framework and constitutes a closed unit. Yet the appellation
kas4 of fine 6' was replaced in line 9 '/ io ' by su8-b a “shepherd,” one
of Dumuzi’s epithets. Thus, this closed unit continues and expands the
wail that ended “The Messenger and the Maiden.” T IM 9,15 extends
the text by using epithets rather than a specific name. By means of these
epithets, a new element was integrated into the text: the identity o f the
“messenger,” who is Dumuzi. By concluding this additional passage in
a line identical to 49 but replacing the kas4 by one of Dumuzi’s specific
epithets, the passage was woven into the texture of a lament for Dumuzi
and harmonized with it. Since the ritual in “The Messenger and the
Maiden” is more detailed, and since its parallel in TIM 9,15 was modi-
fied, it indeed seems that an earlier version of “The Messenger and the
Maiden” was the source of TIM 9,15 (not any manuscript available to
us), and that the ritual was integrated into a lament for Dumuzi with the
intention of harmonizing them into one homogeneous composition.
1.1.2. Netherworld versus Heaven: Bipolarity

The opening lines o f ID contrast the netherworld to heaven, in an antithetical
pattern. These lines echo the more prevalent formula a n - k i, which locates
“earth” diametrically opposite heaven. Most o f the attestations o f the bipolar
formula an-ki do not point to the netherworld but to earth; the interpretation
rests in the context. Occasionally, by way ofmerismus, this bipolarity indi-
cates the total extent o f the cosmos, and in this sense it was paraphrased and
employed in ID.
a. ID i —332
1. [an-gal-ta ki-gal-sè g]estu-ga-ni na-an-gu[b]
2. dingir ,an-gaf-ta rki-gal-sè3 gestu-ga-ni na-an-[gub]
3. dinanna an-gal-[ta ki-gal-sè] gestu-ga-ni na-an-[gub]
1. From the great heaven to the great “earth” she set her mind.
2. The goddess, from the great heaven to the great “earth” set her
mind.
3. Inanna, from the great heaven to the great “earth” set her mind.*S
32. The first full scientific edition ofIDis Sladek, 1974. For previous publications of the
text and its sources see there. In 1980 Kramer published in PAPS 124 a new fragment
from Ur thatjoins UET6/1, 10 and thus forms the lower part of Sladek’s manuscript
S (see Kramer, 1980a).
The opening lines of the myth point to Inanna’s motivation, her wish to gain
control over the netherworld as well as heaven. The bipolarity here has
double geographical meaning: in space it signifies the whole extent of the
cosmos but the relative positions ofheaven and the netherworld seem to indi-
cate a vertical order of locations.33
b. ID 191—92 (see Appendix 1/d)

191. [dumu-mu] an-gal al bl—ain-dug4a bki-galb al bi-in-dug4
192. [‘3inanna] an-gal al bi-in-dug4 aki-gala al bi-in dug4
(191) a— a: So O. E omits these signs; b— b: So E. O: ki-gal-l[a], (192) a— a:
So E. O: ki-gal-l[a].
191. [My daughter] coveted the great heaven, coveted the great
“earth.”
192. [Inanna] coveted the great heaven, coveted the great “earth.”
Enlil answers Ninsubur’s appeal to rescue Inanna from the netherworld with
a paraphrase of the narrator’s introduction to the myth, communicating the
same idea.34
In /D th e designation kigal for “netherworld” is attested only in the bipolar
pattern, elsewhere the narrative uses the term kur. The isolated attestation is
odd, if one assumes that kigal was an ordinary name for the netherworld,
equal to kur. The objective o f the introductory lines o f ID is to express
Inanna’s desire to control the whole universe and for that purpose the bipolar
formula an-ki is an appropriate device, since an-ki evokes a strong association
with the totality o f the cosmos. Since, however, it was paraphrased and modi-
fied by the additional / - g a l / , it seems that the formula an-ki did not auto-
matically include the netherworld.35 Some Sumerian cosmogenic accounts
indeed make a distinction between ki and kur. ki signifies “earth” as opposed
to “heaven,” and kur is “netherworld” as against “earth.”36 The very same
33. The rendition “earth” is conditioned by the bipolar formula and its applications
elsewhere. It is actually “the big place” meaning “netherworld.” The relative verti-
cal relationship ofheaven and the netherworld is not only inherent to the formula,
but in view o f Inanna’s divinity, as heavenly goddess and heavenly body—the
evening-star—her course is from the sky downward.
34. The literary reasons, thematic and structural, for employing the formula o f the
introduction are quite obvious.
35. Compare with Lugalbanda 119 (Wilcke, 1969b. 102), where Lugalbanda appeals to
Anzu through flattery.
36. See, for example, G E N 11—13, and also the description o f the embryonic, pre-
civilized world in the Nippur fragment NBC m o 81ine 1 (vanDijk, 1976,128—29).
This line is interesting because it describes the situation with art and ki in positive
distinction is also made in ID 5. ki rarely signifies “netherworld”— it does so

mainly in sources from the Old Babylonian period onward and, in particular,
in later bilinguals. Kigal, on the other hand, is a component of the name
Ereskigal.37 Subsequently, I infer that the bipolar formation a n -g a l versus
k i-g a l is based on the prevalent formula an-ki, which evokes an immediate
cosmological connotation. A slight modification of the original formula
adjusted it to the needs of the m yth‫׳‬, ki was modified to k i-g a l to signify
“netherworld” and then an became a n -g a l to create parallelism.
The first line of ID is quoted in the introduction of an incantation of the
Udughul-senes, which is based on a theme from the myth.38 Enki, who
brought about Inanna’s rescue from the netherworld in ID, w ent himself
from heaven to the netherworld. He identifies different sorts o f dead spirits
that could come out of the netherworld like Inanna, and adjures them not to
pester the living. In this incantation the bipolar pattern is clearly used to
contrast the ends of the cosmos and not to indicate its extent.
c. G E N 302-339
302. lû-izi-lâ igi bî-du8-àm igi "nu-m u-rn f - rdu83-à|m]a
303. i-izi-ni an-na ba-a-e, ,-am gidim-a-ni ki-a nu-ub-tus.
Additional Mss. U rj= U E T 6 , 58; Ur2 = U E T 6 , 59; V = HS 2502+2612 joins
j (Wilcke, Kollationen, p. 19). (302) a—a: So UrTV: nu-un-ni-du8-àm: ; H: nu-
mu-ne-du8-[àm]. (303) So UrTH: gidim-a-ni nu-gal i-izi-ni an-na ba-e-e‫״‬
“ his spirit does not exist, his smoke went up [and is in] the sky.”
302. “Did you see the man who was set on fire?” “I did not see him,
303. His smoke went up (and is in) the sky, his spirit does not live in
the netherworld.”
The bipolar relation of heaven and the netherworld is portrayed by the
destiny of the man who was burned to death. The bipolarity is expressed here
terms of reality, but with regard to the kur it comments that it is invisible (or non-
existent). This style of account leads to the conclusion that the cosmos was con-
figurated from the eyesight of the beholder, which is from earth, above and around
him. Therefore, for the onlooker an-ki is indeed the whole cosmos, and the kar
was either invisible or did not yet exist.
37. However, it is by no means a common name for the netherworld.
38. Geller, 1985,11. 299-301 and discussion on p. 100 on the relation to ID. Note that
in this incantation the decision on the fate of the patient is with Ereskigal, which
brings us back to ID, where Enki tricked Ereskigal into letting Inanna be revived
and leave the netherworld.
39. Shaffer, 1963. The quotation from ms. Ur,: U E T 6, 58: r. 4-5 (sigla following
Shaffer’s edition).
by two means: (1) the verb eII‫ ־‬which signifies a vertical motion in contrast
to the verb tus “sit” “reside,” which is intrinsically motionless; and (2) the
formula of bipolarity an-ki. Considering that the composition is relatively
late, the use of ki for “netherworld” is not surprising.40 Whereas G E N differs
from ID in using an-ki rather than a n -g a l : k i-g a l,itis s im ila rto /D in th a t
ki is attested here only in the bip olar formula whereas in the rest of the comp o-
sition kiAr is used.4142The use of ki in both compositions indicates that this bipo-
lar pattern is, indeed, based on the an-ki model.
1.1.3. The Netherworld in a Three-Dimensional Pattern

The three-dimensional pattern emerges from a passage that expresses bipo-
larity in relation to the opposite points of the compass, east and west. Since,
however, the incantation is recited from the perspective of the priest who is
in Sumer, this combination indicates horizontal as well as vertical perspec-
fives. East and west depict the width of the cosmos, and at the same time the
destination of the spirit relates to the actual burial custom, which indicates a
vertical bipolarity of earth and netherworld.
a. UDUGHUL 846—54'1'‫( ׳‬for the text, see Appendix 6/f).
846. Your place is not in the east,
847. Your place is not in the west.
848. Y our food is the food o f the spirits,
849. Your drinking water is the drinking water of the spirits.
854. Go to your darkness, at the base o f the netherworld (ktir).

This incantation refers to the netherworld, the habitat o f the evil spirits, in
relation to the opposition of east and the west— the beginning and the end
of Samas’s path in the sky. These points mark the opposite edges of heaven
as well as the world of the living, the extent of the cosmos above the surface
40. In the Old Babylonian period kigal became a more common term to signify “base”
and ki for “netherworld.” In some passages GEN shows a dependence on ID (see,
for instance, note in 1.2.1/i below, about the appeal to rescue Enkidu. See also
2. i.6.2 about ganzir). The dependence indicates that GEN is a later text. Since all
the sources for ID date also to the Old Babylonian period, the modified form an-
gal : k i-g a l may be a much older literal tradition (perhaps of old oral origin).
41. This suggests another possible reason for the use of the formula an-ki unmodified.
GEN was less elaborated literarily and consequently the author did not modify the
formula.
42. An incantation against evil spirits that asserts that their home is not in the world of
the living, but at the bottom of the realm of the dead (Geller, 1985).
o f the earth. In addition, line 854 underscores that the netherworld is under
the surface of the earth. The significance of these indications is that the neth-
erworld is outside and below the upper regions. The incantation reflects a
concept that visualized the world of the living as the region between the east-
ern and western horizons, whereas the netherworld extended in parallel but
under the earth as the lower part of the cosmos, that is to say, a vertical myth-
ological concept of the universe. By assigning the evil spirits to the base of
the netherworld, the incantation implies different levels o f depth under the
ground, of which the world of the dead is the lowest level. This signifies,
perhaps, an instinctive differentiation between the netherworld and the
grave, both below but at different depths. A further implication is that the
incantation seems to retreat from the notion that the netherworld is in the
west, and that it reaches to the place o f sunrise.
1.2. The Location of the Netherworld in Terms of the Points of the Compass
Some compositions describe journeys to the netherworld and attempts to
reach it. The direction o f the movement toward the netherworld reflects the
concept of its location in geographical reality, and its distance from the start-
ing point in Sumer. A prevalent example o f the itinerary is the introduction
to ID.
a. ID 4-13 (Appendix 1/a).

3. Inanna, from the great heaven to the great “earth” set her mind.
4. My lady relinquished heaven relinquished earth, she descended in
the kur.
5. Inanna relinquished heaven relinquished earth, she descended in
the kur.
6. She relinquished the en- office, she relinquished the lagar-office,
she descended in the kur.
7. In Uruk she relinquished Eanna, she descended in the kur.
8. In Badtibira she relinquished Emuskalama, she descended in the
kur.
9. In Zabalam she relinquished Giguna, she descended in the kur.
10. In Adab she relinquished Esara, she descended in the kur.
11. In Nippur she relinquished Baradurgara, she descended in the kur.
12. In Kis she relinquished Hursagkalama, she descended in the kur.
13. In Agade she relinquished Eulmas, she descended in the kur.
The list o f temples at the beginning o f ID is frequently explained as being the
temples that Inanna left on her way to the netherworld. The list names known
Sumerian cities and, therefore, it usually serves as an example o f the route to
the netherworld.43 However, the content of the list and its place in the narra-
tive raises doubts about its function as a description o f the route to the neth-
erworld. First, the plot develops in a linear sequence and, therefore, the
itinerary should follow the account of Inanna’s preparations for the journey.
However, the list o f temples appears before it and, therefore, is not integrated
into the sequence o f events and does not seem to form a part o f the plot.44
Moreover, the number o f temples and their order differ from one manuscript
to the other. Only one ofthem (S R T 53, N i 368) names seven temples, which
Kramer reconstructed in geographical order from southeast to northwest.45
Yet, the unequivocal statement that Inanna went to the netherworld appears
in this very manuscript in line 25: din a n n a k u r -s è i- im - g e n “Inanna
went to the kur.” This is not before or after the list o f temples, but following
the description o f Inanna donning her attire and divine symbols, where it fits
nicely into the sequence ofevents. Hence, accordingto the version ofN i 368,
there is no connection between the list o f temples and the route to the neth-
erworld. Last, the list o f temples is just a part o f a larger list that counts the
things that Inanna left behind as a result o f her journey to the netherworld.
The larger listincludes not only temples but also heaven and earth and priestly
offices. Structured as a fixed repetitive formula, the full list generates a com-
pact, identifiable, and undivided literary unit. Its different components testify
against the view that its function was to outline Inanna’s route to the neth-
erworld; its content and place in the text suggest that the list belongs to the
introductory speech of the narrator. In his introduction, the narrator states
Inanna’s objective and predicts future events. But rather than stating that she
would die— and so fail to evoke interest in the plot—-he enumerates the
things that she would lose as a result o f her journey to the netherworld,
thereby stimulating the plot (see a detailed discussion in Appendix 1/a).
1.2. i. The Road to the Netherworld

Some laments of the mourning mothers over the death o f their sons offer a
more specific idea about the direction to the netherworld. The prevalent
motif of these laments describes the mother searching for her son, and walking
behind him to the netherworld. Some of these laments refer to the landscape
43. See, for example, Buccellati, 1982.

44. As a rule, a plot does not necessarily have to be linear, but the plot of ID is.
45. The state of its preservation today does not allow a reconstruction of the first four
temples either in Chiera’s or in Langdon’s copy (BE 31, 33). But Kramer may have
had a chance to check the text when it was in better condition. For his collations,
see R A 36 (! 939).'76■
on the mother’s route from Sumer to the netherworld and, thus, offer a
concrete geographical idea about its location.
a. LISIN’S LAMENT 34-39 (BM 29Ö33)46
34. dirig-mèn dum u-m u dirig-mèn nam-ba-an-si-si-ge
35. dum u-dli9-si4-m u dirig-mèn nam-ba-an-si-si-ig-ge
36. nibruki-a nam-m u-un-nigin-ne u4-da hu-mu-un-na-ab-[x]
37. bu‫־‬m u-un-na-ab-dug4 hul-NE-NE-a-ka hul ba-[x-x]
38. ambar-ra sà kin-kin-m a-ni-ib dum u-m u ba-gar [x-x-x]
39. i7-da sà-sù-ud gâl-su-mu-un-na-ab dum u-m u [x-x]
34. You who sail downstream do not hurt my son, you w ho sail down-
stream.
35. You who sail downstream, do not hurt my son of Lisin.
36. Do not go around him in Nippur, w hen...
37. He will say to him(?) o f their joy(?), jo y ...
38. Seek him for me in the marsh, rhy son...
39., In the river, the deep, find h im .. .my son47. ..
Lisin, the mother o f the dead young god, is looking for her son. In her search
for him she asks the boatman w ho sails down the river to look for him on his
46. Kramer, 1982b. The text is dated to the Old Babylonian period. Some characteristic
terms and motifs associate this composition with the group of laments for the young
dying fertility-god. First and foremost is its central theme: the search for the son/
brother (1. 10, “she is searching for him in the river”). Terms such as am a-gan
“birth-giving mother” (11. 1-2, 25, 40) and gurus “lad” (1. 17) appear in most of
these laments. In content, Lisin’s lament is close to the, ersemma of Ninhursaga,
which also centers on the son who drifted downriver and drowned. Interestingly,
the last two lines of Lisin’s lament, 44-45, form a parallelism that implies that the
mother is actually Ninhursaga, who is also mentioned in 1. 18. The genealogical
relation between Lisin and Ninhursaga is rather complex. According to U E T 6,
144:30 Lisin is Ninhursaga’s daughter. SJC198 suggests that they might be identified
with one another. It is not impossible that in the Old Babylonian period Lisin was
identified with Ninhursaga in her aspect as mother of the dying god. The zà-m i
hymns of Abu-Salabikh confirm that in the Early Dynastic period she was, indeed,
a mother-goddess. See M. Cohen, J C S 28 (1976), 91—92; Michalovski, KIA 7, 32-
33 s.v. Lisin with previous bibliography; and Cavigneaux, AI-Rawi, Z A 85 (1993)
202.
47. Line 37 is obscure. Grammatically, Unes 37-38 are very difficult. In lines 38-39 the
translation is tentative. “In the marsh” should be a m b a r-ra sà-bi. The same
construction is expected at the beginning of line 39. Since the phrases in lines 38-
39 are said by the mother to the sailor, the verbal form of both lines seems to be
contrary to the expected meaning.
way and in the marshes along the banks o f the river. This lament seems to
reflect a tradition that attributes the death o f the young god to the current o f
the river and the search for him follows the river’s course, that is to say, east-
ward.
b. ERSEM M A OF N IN H U R SA G A 1-12 (BM 9839Ö)48

1. râb1-a[mar?-sè] âb amar-sè / [amar?]-as-tar-ra-sè
2. âb amar-bi u-gu m u-da-an-dé
3. ama-gan-ra èm-sa6-ga-ni u-gu mu-da-an-dé
4. èm-hi-li-a a-e mu-da-an-dé
5. ama-gan-ra as-tar-tar ki-kin-kin kur-ur-ra ba-te
6. as-tar-tar-re ki-kin-kin-e kur-ur-ra ba-te
7. u8-sila4-kud-da-gin7 na-an-gul-e
8. ùz-mâs-kud-da-gin7 na-an-gul-e
9. kur-ur-ra ba-te kur-bàd-da ba-te
10. e-ne igi-ni-ta “nümun àm-fl-e / ‫ ״‬su-mu-<un> àm-il-e
11. ama-gurus-a-ke4 gi-su-su-a àm-il-ü-e
12. ama-ù-mu-un-na gi-ur! gi-ur!-ra / îr àm-ma-ab-zé-èm-e
1. rThe cow1 [to] the c[alf(?)], the cow to the calf / to search for [the
calf(?)]
2. The cow, her calf was lost (to her).
3. As for the birth-giving mother, her beautiful one was lost (to her).
4. ; The water carried off the delightful one.
5. As for the birth-giving mother, inquiring and searching the foot
of the mountain ( kur) gets closer,
6. Inquiring and searching the foot of the mountain (kiAr) gets closer,
7. Like a ewe whose lamb was torn away she would not be detained.
8. Like a (she) goat whose kid was torn away she would not be
detained.
9. The foot o f the mountain gets closer; the peak o f the mountain gets
closer.
10. And she, she lifts /7‫׳‬i#m#7-rushes in front of her, she lifts sumum-
rushes,
11. The m other of the lad lifts sitsit-reeds.
12. The m other of the lord shed tears in the reed thicket.
The ersemma describes Ninhursaga, the mother of the young dying god,
looking for her! son who was swept away by the river’s current and disap-
48. Kramer, 1982a. Copy: C T 58, 5, pis. 4—5. The source dates to the Old Babylonian
period. Akkadian glosses: 1. 2: ih-ta-li-iq; 1. 4: sa ih-hu-û and it-ba-lu; 1. 8: û-ul i-ka-al.
peared. She follows him through the marshes toward the kur, which is
portrayed by a recurrent literary expression as an actual mountain.4950Even-
tually, her son calls her, saying that the officials, the é n s i and the “lord o f the
KA,” will not allow him to go to her and so he asks her to join him (11.27—31).
Since Ninhursaga trails her son in the direction of the netherworld this
description implies that the kur here signifies both “m ountain” and “neth-
erworld.” The description of the landscape on her way, marshes overgrown
with reeds and the kur rising beyond it, is reminiscent of the actual general
view from southern Sumer looking eastward. s° Therefore, more than in
Lisin’s lament, the detailed description of Ninliursaga’s search points to the
east-northeast as the general direction from Sumer to the netherworld.
The description of a mother looking for her lost son and following in
his footsteps to die netherworld is a Leitmotifin the corpus of the laments
for the young dying god. This motif is at the center of our ersemma as
well. The ersemma is known from one manuscript only, though some
o f its passages have parallels in Edina-usagake.5152*The relation between the
ersemma and the Old Babylonian version of Edina-usagake is intriguing
because at first sight their common passage seems original to each of the
laments (C T 58, 5:25—29=S K 26 iii 4—8). However, the first two lines
of the common passage, which call the mother metaphorically “cow”
and the son “calf,” better fit the context of the ersemmall. 1—2, andseem
unusual in the direct context of Edina-usagake.52, Furthermore, in Edina-
usagake a third official, libir, is added to the two officials already men-
49. The antithetical parallelism k u r - û r - r a k u r-b à d -d a occurs also in B E 31, 24 r.

ii 10-11 (Sulgi F) and Lugalbanda 342 (Wilcke, 1969b, 151 for lines 48—49). That
this is an existing literary expression calls for cautious interpretation; In this context
I find no reason to assume that the ersemma intended to describe something other
than a mountain or “mountains.”
50. In light of the use of this literary expression in the texts and the geographical setting
of southern Sumer, it can point only to the mountain ranges outside the heartland
of Sumer.
51. See the parallel passage in Appendix 4 /a: lines 25—29 = S K 26 iii 4—8 (ms. A, Old
Babylonian); parallels in the bilinguals (the manuscripts follow the sigla given by
Cohen, 1988,668): lines n -1 3 = L K U 1 1, r. 2-7 (ms. O); lines 11-17,25-30 = TC L
6, 54 r. 1-9, 10-22 (ms. M); lines 17, 25—29 = BA V, 681, 34:5-10 (ms. N); lines
25-30 = K. 4950 + A.SKT 16 : 1—12 (ms. I). The passages between fines 1-11 and 19-
25 have no parallels.
52. Although cow and calf are rather common metaphors for the mother-son rela-
tionship.
tioned in the ersem m a (C T 58, 5:28—29 = S K 26 iii 6—8). For these

reasons it seems likely that the ersem m a represents one o f the local tradi-
tions that was integrated in to the com prehensive lam entation Edina-
usagake,53 and at the same tim e persisted independently. Y et, it is unlike-
ly that this particular tablet was a source for S K 26.
T he laments for the you n g dying god originally w ere dedicated to
different deities in the local pantheons and probably constituted a part
o f the cult o f these gods. T herefore, ,the geographical setting o f every
lam ent m ay w ell be anchored in the geographical reality o f the cultic
center o f th e g od it m ourns.54
Considering the Leitmotif o f Edina-usagake and other m ythological
narratives in w h ich the m o urning m o th er follows h er son to the n eth -
erworld, so too w e expect th e netherw orld to be the destination o f N in -
hursaga in o u r ersemma.
N inhursaga’s pursuit o f h er drow ned son through the reed thicket and
Lisin’s quest along th e banks o f th e river w here h er son drifted dow n-
stream are described in a poetic style that conveys their em otional state.
A t the focus o f the description o f N inhursaga’s search is the kur (11. 5, 6,
9) ; as she continues her search in the reed thicket she approaches the kur.
T he geographical setting beh in d the literary configuration o f the m yth-
ological scenes is similar to th e geographical reality o f southern Sumer.
T he rivers flow ing through th e alluvial plain o f southern Sum er create
a w ide region o f marshes w ith abundant reeds and rushes, and beyond
them rise the m ountains. T h e kur, therefore, m ust have been at the h o ri-
zon, beyond the marshes dow n by the river, and Ninhursaga m ust have
gone in the direction o f the river that flowed generally eastward.
T h e idea that kur signifies a geographical and semantic unity and that
the netherw orld is in the mountains beyond the eastern frontier o f Sumer
seems contradictory to the concept that the netherw orld is subterranean
and its entrance is at the place o f sunset. Since the latter concept became
dom inant in sources from th e second m illennium onward, I assume that
the ersemma is based o n a different and earlier tradition.55 A lthough the
S3• The eclectic nature of Edina-usagake also supports this conclusion.

S4. The literary form of the narrated mythological event should not lead the reader to
conclude that the geographical setting is completely imaginary, but rather that the
local surroundings have been treated with literary tools. If mythological narratives
aim at explaining given phenomenon, I would even assume that when the mytho-
logical scene is disengaged from its setting in reality, it might miss its objectives.
SS- See for example Bottéro, 1980, 31. The origin of the description of the entrance in
the west is surely much earlier, rooted in the speculation that heavenly bodies,
which disappear for a period o f time, pass through the netherworld, as in the myth
laments for young dying gods are kn o w n from manuscripts that are not
earlier than the O ld Babylonian period, it is generally assumed that they
preserve earlier traditions that w ere transm itted orally until then. This
assumption is based on criteria such as changes in the rank and function
o f the deities in the Sum erian p antheon,56 the w orldview reflected in
the laments, and practical literary considerations relating to the trans-
mission o f traditions until they w ere set dow n in w ritten form. Jacobsen,
for instance, maintains that the laments originated early in the fourth
m illennium .57 T h e geographical unity o f the mountains and the neth-
erworld, em bodied in the term kur, indeed points to an early date for
this tradition. It reflects a perception o f the cosmos as a horizontal plane,
a notion that was abandoned by the m iddle o f the third m illennium and
replaced by the vertical concept that positioned the netherw orld under
the surface o f the earth. T he official u m u n - K A - k e 4 m entioned in the
ersemma C T 58, 5:28 and in its O ld Babylonian parallel S K 26 iii 8 may
be an indication that the lam ent should be dated no later than the Pre-
Sargonic period.5859
c. S K 45 8 - 1 15s)
8. [gur]us k i-k u r-u r-ra -k a ir im -rn a -n i-[in -se8]60
9. [li-b ]i!-ir-ù -m u -u n -s[u x-di] k i-k u r-û r-ra -k [a] îr im -m a -n i-in -[se 8]61
“Inanna’s Descent.” Quite possibly, however, this reference should be treated as a

metaphor.
56. For example, the laments for Damu, who was known by the Old Babylonian period
as a healing-god in Isin, not as a young dying fertility-god in Girsu on the Euphrates;
or Ningiszida, who became the chair-bearer of the netherworld during the Old
Babylonian period.
57. Jacobsen, 1976, 32-73, where he cites large passages from the lamentations.
58. This office is not mentioned anywhere else, including lexical lists. See discussion in
Appendix 4/a, commentary to lines 6—8.
59. Jacobsen, 1987, 84:382'—85'. The source dates to the Old Babylonian period and has
no parallel. The theme and the terminology associate this source with the laments
for the young dying gods, and especially with Edina-usagake. Note, however, that
this source was not included in Cohen, 1988. The different designations of the dead
man: gurus, Umunsudi the herald, and Mulusiranna demonstrate that the text is
an Old Babylonian elaboration o f an older literary tradition. This compilation of
names represents different local incarnations of the young dying god that were
identified with one another in the Old Babylonian period.
60. k u r - u r - r a is an inverted genitive construction, see examples in Wilcke, 1969b,
213, 1. 342, and Falkenstein AnOr 28, 58.
61. The reconstruction l i - b i - i r is based on late manuscripts of Edina-usagake: 4R2 30,
10. [gurus] ki-kaskal-la-ka àm-da-til-til-le-e[s-àm]

11. m u-lu-sîr-an-na-mu ki-kaskal-la-ka àm-[da-]til-til-le-e-es-àm
8. [The la]d fwejeps at the place o f the foot of the mountain.
9. [The herjald Umunsfudi] [we]eps at the place o[f] the foot of the
mountain.
10. [The lad] at the place of the road where they finished him off.
11. M y Mulusiranna at the place o f the road where they finished him off.
By the end of his journey to the netherworld the dead young god was stand-
ing at the foot of the mountain weeping. W ith regard to the geographical
image of the netherworld this text is interesting for several reasons. First, the
death of the lad is linked to a certain road that seems to be in the realm of the
dead. Second, the end of this particular road is at “the foot of the mountain”
(kur). Third, k u r - u r - r a “the foot of the mountain” is the same expression
used to indicate the destination of Ninhursaga in the ersemma discussed
above. Since the young god is already dead, the passage describes his last jour-
ney, and the “foot o f the m ountain” must refer to the netherworld. Hence,
here too the netherworld is visualized as an actual mountain.
Both the road kaskal and the kur qualify the term ki. The genitive
construction implies that ki means “place,” but its construction with kaskal
and kur is artificial. I suggest that ki is a later addition to affirm the meaning
“netherworld” because in the Old Babylonian period the netherworld was
commonly conceived as subterranean and, therefore, the image of a real
mountain was probably confusing and called for adjustment. The additional
ki that also meant “netherworld” mitigates the original straightforward
expression k u r - u r - r a . Subsequently ki was also added to kaskal to harmo-
nize with the previous line.
The idea that a special road in the realm o f the dead leads to the nether-
world at “ the foot of a m ountain” appears in Edina-usagake (S K 26), in a
passage describing the mother looking for her son and following him to the
netherworld.2
2 o. 17, r. 5 (ms. E); ibid. 27,1:8 (ms. F) SBH 37, o. 16 (L). See also R1A 7, 152. The
libir (herald) Umunsudi here cannot be the same libir who is mentioned elsewhere
in the lament as the official who holds the body of the dead young god.
d. S K 26 iv 1—9 (Appendix 4/b and 4 / c)62

1. “Ifwished, let me walk with you, you lad, the road o f no return.”63
2. “O h lad, lad, [my Da]mu.”
3. She goes, she goes toward the edge o f the mountain (kur).64
4. The day is ebbing, the day is ebbing, toward the dark/frightening
kur.
5. To the lord, who lies cast in water and blood,
6. To him who knows no purification and healing water.
7. To the road that finishes off the one who walks it,
8. To the. ..of the surrounded lord,65
9. To the residence o f the anointed ones.
The mourning mother offers to walk “the road o f no return,” the road to the
netherworld, with her son.66The road is further characterized metaphorically
as “the road that finishes off the one who walks it” (1. 7), using the same words
as the previous passage (SK 45:10—11). Following the path o f her son the
62. Cohen, 1988, 673, C+66-C+74. Translation: Jacobsen, 1987, 71. For the text and
the commentary of the Old Babylonian source, see Appendix 4/b and for the Neo-
Assyrian bilingual, see Appendix 4/c. The provenance o f the Old Babylonian
source is unknown; presumably it comes from northern Sumer.
63. The translation “wished” is based on the assumption that a l-d i is the participle of
al d u I: (compare ID 191-94, Appendix 1/d). However, / - d i / can also be the
Emesal-form of g e n and the prefix /a 1- / the mark of the Stative or intransitive form
of the verb.
64. gaba is literally “breast,” which indicates that originally g a b a -k u r-ra wasameta-
phor. However, since gaba appears to qualify more geographical features with the
meaning “edge,” I assume that it was a standard expression to signify the edge of
a geographical feature, in front of the onlooker.
65. s ir-d a appears in Akkadian as a Sumerian loanword designating the pole of a
chariot or a sedan chair. See C AD S, 312 s.v. sirdû. This meaning does not fit the
context. Cohen suggests the reading kés (but no translation). A possible meaning
of his reading “to bind” can be associated with the current motif in the laments for
the young dying god that describes him with his arms tied. The translation “the
surrounded lord” is tentative and assumes that after ni gin the elem e n t/-n a / was
omitted. In the literature we find a description ofDumuzi being surrounded by the
galla who killed him (see DD 156 and “The Death ofD um uzi” 44-45, Kramer
1980b). This description appears before the one describing the binding of his arms.
66. Line 2 mentions only the name of Damu, whereas the Neo-Assyrian bilingual
version of the text lists no less than nine names of different deities (see discussion
in Appendix 4/b and 4/c). Presumably, therefore, this part of the lament was
originally composed for Damu.
mother’s destination is the netherworld, this time described as g a b a -k u r -

ra. In analogy to the expressions g a b a -a and g a b a -a -a b -b a , g a b a -k u r -
ra is the exterior edge of the mountain that meets the level ground, namely
the foot of the mountain. Thus, g a b a - k u r - r a seems to describe the same
place as k u r - û r - r a in S K 45:8—9, and the two passages share a similar,
though not identical, image o f the netherworld: an actual mountain. The
notion of an actual mountain is further accentuated by k u r -m u d !- s [è ]
“toward the dark/frightening kur” in the next line (1. 4).
Since this road is one-way, it is exclusively for the dead and, therefore, it
is inside the realm o f the dead. The verb g e n “walk” (1.1) illustrates a distance
inside the realm o f the dead from the location of the netherworld itself. The
geographical implication so far is that the realm of the dead is rather spacious,
but that the netherworld is a specific site somewhere within it. If the m oun-
tain range was thought to be dangerous and frightening, perhaps it reflects
an image of the netherworld as a specific location w ithin this vast m oun-
tainous area.
Contrary to the metaphors that personify the road, the images o f the neth-
erworld are descriptive but use precise geographical terms: k u r - u r - r a “the
foot of the mountain” and g a b a - k u r - r a “the edge o f the mountain.” The
difference in the nature of the images and the application o f actual geograph-
ical terms to the netherworld suggest that its location was known. Since the
general location is known to be in the mountain area, one could depict it in
concrete geographical terms. Since, however, the precise site o f the neth-
erworld within the vast mountain region is unknown, the actual course and
length of the road inside the realm o f the dead remains unknown as well and
so it cannot be described in geographical terms.67 The implication is that, in
addition to obvious literary reasons and for practical ones as well, the best way
to describe the obscure road was in poetic terms that would convey whatever
is known about it: that it is one-way and that it means death.
67. The description of the ersemma of Ninbursaga is different because the geograph-
ical setting is different. It does not describe the road inside the mountain range or
the realm of the dead, but how she was walking in the reed thickets of southern
Sumer in the direction of the kur while still searching.
e. DUr 70-7568 (Appendix 5/a)

70. The king was sitting on his(?) [donkey(?)], the donkey was buried
with him,
71. Ur[namma] was <sitting> on his donkey, <the donkey was buried
with him>.69
72. T h e... of the land was turned with him, the dignity of the land was
changed.
73. The road o f the kur is a desolate path.
74. W ith the king the chariot was covered, the road twists he cannot
advance.
7‫ • צ‬W ith Umamma the chariot was covered, the road twists he cannot
advance.
The lament for Umamma and the protest against his untimely death is the
only description o f a journey to the netherworld that is based on a historical
event, in contrast to the rest o f our sources that relate the death o f deities, and
thus describe entirely mythological events. Although myths reflect terrestrial
norms and customs, journeys of deities to the netherworld do not involve
burial and, therefore, they do not establish a point o f reference in historical
reality. DUr , on the other hand, deals with the death of a man and, by impli-
cation, it mirrors the concept of the netherworld in relation to human beings.
It is also the only datable text we have originating in the U r III period.
Urnamma, the dead king of Ur, went on his way to the kur with a chariot
and donkeys. The genitive construction “the road of the kur” signifies that
the road belongs to the netherworld and that it is exclusively for the dead. The
description also implies that the journey takes place in the realm of the dead
before the spirit reached the netherworld, which was portrayed in the polit-
ical terms of a kingdom. The adjectives that characterize the road, “desolate”
and “twisted,” convey an image of actual travelling but do not tell us about
its direction or distance. Yet, the thematic structure of the passage, the
combination oflines 70-71 and 73—75, suggests that thejourney begins in the
grave right after interment. The burial with chariot and donkey implies that
the dead king was entitled to a means of transportation, and this too indicates
that the entrance to the road in the grave was far from the netherworld. In
addition to the image of the netherworld as a kingdom inside the much bigger
world o f death, the text implies that gaining entrance to the world of the dead
68. Fliickiger-Hawker, 1999, (DUr); Kramer, 1967 and 1991. The copies date to the
Old Babylonian period, but the composition originated in the Ur III period.
69. Susa: [...] the road of the kur [the donkey] reached with him.
is possible from any given spot on earth. (I shall return to this passage when
I discuss the modes of travelling to the netherworld below.)
£ UDUGHUL 284—867° (Appendix 6/c).

284. W ithout Ningestinna, the gre[at scjribe of the arali,
285. H e does not enter the road o f the kar.70
71
286. H e will not cross the path o f the netherworld.
Gestinanna, the scribe o f the netherworld, holds the books in which the
names of the dead are written and, therefore, she is the guardian ofthe borders
of the realm of the dead. W ithout her consent the victim o f the evil spirits
cannot die and consequently will not be buried. Thus, the evil spirits would
fail to kill their victim. Since the man would not die and be buried he would
not walk the road to the netherworld.
The meaning of this passage corresponds with the notion that was
expressed in DUr, that the road to the netherworld begins in the grave and
stretches inside the realm ofthe dead all the way to the netherworld. That the
grave is the beginning of the road to the netherworld is demonstrated by the
verb k u 4 “enter,” whereas movement along the road, expressed by bal
“cross,” visualizes the length ofthe road, the distance between the grave and
the netherworld.
The first part o f the same incantation describes the opposite situation,
namely the route taken by the evil spirits from the netherworld out to the
world of the living.
g. UDUGHUL 250-52 (Appendix 6/b).72

250. In the arali the path is laid out for them,
251. In the grave the gate is open for them.
252. They leave toward the gate of sunset.
A path is laid for the evil spirits to leave the netherworld in order to snatch
a man and bring him back with them. N ot surprisingly, this passage reflects
the same geographical notion as the previously cited passage, including the
term g iri to designate the road. The length ofthe road is not specified but
the gradual depiction conveys a sense of distance between the destination of
70. Geller, 1985. The incantation dates to the Old Babylonian period.
71. g ir i- k u r - r a rather than “the foot ofthe kur,” here is g iri “road” “path.” Literary
considerations also point to “road,” in harmony with line 250 of the same
incantation (below).
72. I prefer to present the passages in inverted order because lines 284—86 make clear
that the victim did not die and, therefore, was not buried.
the evil spirits and their point o f departure. In addition, this passage makes
clear that u ru g a l (1.251) is on the border o f the world o f the living but inside
the realm o f the deadand, therefore, itsignifies “grave.”73 N ote that the N eo-
Assyrian translation o f this passage, L K A 82:11—12, equates the grave (qabru)
with the netherworld (arallû). Thus it suggests that between the Old Baby-
Ionian and the Neo-Assyrian periods a change occurred in the perception of
the netherworld and its relation to the grave.
T he gate, that is the grave, is metaphorically called “the gate of sunset” (1.
252).74 This image originated from the idea that Utu/Samas sets in the neth-
erworld in the evening. Contrary to deities, however, human beings could
reach the netherworld only by dying, so that their entrance to the road lead-
ing to the netherworld was solely through their graves. Since in actual reality
graves were dug whenever and wherever it was necessary, it is inconceivable
that the Sumerians believed that the road leading to the netherworld was
entered only at the western edge o f the cosmos, or even that there was one
single entrance. Since the textual evidence indicates a belief in a road to the
netherworld inside the realm of the dead, and since even Utu/Samas did not
remain in ■the west, I Conclude that the netherworld was not in the wést, but
that the west was regarded as the gate to the realm of the dead for heavenly
bodies. Consequently, “the gate of sunset” (or “western gate”) should not be
interpreted literally but rather is a metaphor, for deities by way o f metonymy
and in reference to human spirits as a euphemism for “grave.”
From the Old Babylonian period onward, Utu/Samas appears as the judge
of the dead and his official fink with the netherworld is firmly established. At
73. u ru g a l “big city” implies “netherworld,” but in the lexical texts we find also
“grave” (see in detail Appendix 6/b to 1. 251). The exact meaning depends on the
context. Geller translates “Hades,” but the same term in line 303 he renders “grave.”
My translation “grave” here is based on the assumption that the passage forms a
complementary parallelism (not a synonymous one) in which the exit of the evil
spirits is described in two consecutive stages: a path from the netherworld to the
grave, and then from the grave to the world of the living. The concept that the grave
is the gate to the road to the netherworld is reflected by the previous passage of the
same incantation and by DUr 71-75.
74. In secondary literature I frequently find the statement that the Sumerians believed
that the entrance to the netherworld was in the west. Heavenly bodies indeed
disappeared behind the horizon in the west, and mythological texts indeed convey
the idea that they pass through the netherworld. However, sources such as this
incantation make clear that the spirits of the dead travelled through graves. Since
both deities and spirits travelled on a road to the same place but entered through a
different gate, we will be on safer ground in assuming that “the place of sunset” is
a euphemism and refraining from literal interpretation.
the same time, the dominant vision o f the cosmos was along a vertical axis:
the netherworld was situated deep under the ground. Some later sources seem
to place Samas’ judgm ent in the western subterranean part o f the cosmos,
which may imply that the road of the spirits from the grave lead westward.
h. G E N 164-6875
164. glsc!lag-aa-ni;1 ù bg%.KID-ma-n1b cdûr-kur-ra-sècdba-da-an-subd
165. su-ni am u-ni-in-dunabsa nu-m u-un-da-dug4b
166. giri-ni “m u-ni-in-du!/hsa nu-m u-un-da-dug4b
167. “abul-ganzir-igi-kur-ra-ka‫ ״‬dûr bim-ma-ni-in-garb
168. dgilgames ir aim-ma-an-pàabsig7-sig7bci-gâ-gâc
(nts. r = UET 6/1, ,j6. ms. t = UET 6/1, 57). (164) a— a: r omits?; b— b: r:
glsE.KID-ma-m; t: ® 8KID-me-e-mu; c— c: r: dur-gu-la-as; d— d: P: ba-an-sub.
(165) a— a: So P; r: mu-ni-in-du; t: mu-ri-in-du; b— b: P: sa nu-mu-un-da-
du; r: sa nu-ub-dug ; t: su nu-mu-dè-in-tag. (166) a—a: So P; 1‫״‬. mu-ni-in-du;
t: mu-n-1n-du; b— b: P: si nu-mu-un-da-du; r: si nu-ub-d.ug4; t: giri nu-mu-
dè-in-tag. (167) a— a: r: abul-dIGI.KUR-igi-kur-ra-ke4; b— b: P: im-ma-ni-
gar. (168) a— a: r: im-ma-an-sub; b— b: So P; r: sig7-igi; c— c: r: im -gi-gi.
164. His hoop and his stick76fell into the bottom 77 of the netherworld.
165. He used his hand but he could not reach it.
166. H e used his foot but he could not reach it.
167. At the gate of gcm zir, the front of the netherworld, he sat down.78
168. Gilgames shed tears and turned pale.79
75. Shaffer, 1963.

76. For the different interpretations of the pukku and mekkû, compare: C A D M /2, 7,
s.v. mekkû; AH w 878; B. Groneberg, R A 81 (1987) 121-23; A. Kilmer in van Driel
etal., 1982, 129-30.
77■ The reading d u r - k u r - r a seems preferable to Shaffer’s tu s -k u r-ra first because
dur = “basis” “bottom” (M SL 14, 140:7-15) signifies a certain location and,
therefore, the genitive construction is justifiable, whereas tus = “sit” is a verb and,
consequently, a genitive construction is less likely. Second, the substantive “seat”
would be k i-tu s. In view of the cosmic geography, this interpretation also har-
monizes with the speculations that the subterranean part of the cosmos has more
than one level, and that the netherworld is at the very bottom level, below the ab zu,
at the end of the road that leads from the grave through the realm of the dead.
78. The verb d u r-g a r = “to take a seat” etc. usually refers to people not to objects.
In addition, it is constructed with the third-person singular pronoun /- n - / (not the
plural with / -b-/). Therefore, the subject of the verb is Gilgames and not the hoop
and the stick.
79• Compare DD 152 and ID 368.
The distance of the netherworld from the world of the living can be visualized
in the description of Gilgames’s failure to retrieve the pukku and the mekkû
from the kur with his hand or foot. The circumstances concerning the fall of
the hoop and the stick into the netherworld are not clear. All we know from
the account in lines 15 8—64 is that Gilgames marked their place in the evening
and that from that place they fell at dawn. His ineffectual attempt to reach the
objects using his hand and his foot informs us that the hole or cleft that opened
up mysteriously in the ground where they dropped was deeper than the reach
of a hand or a foot. Thus, we get a notion of the distance that separated the
netherworld from the surface of the earth.
It is commonly assumed that line 167 refers to the hoop and stick and
signifies that the two objects remained at the gate ganzir , which is the
front of the netherworld. However, the verb d u r-g a r (1. 167) and the
common expression “to sit and cry” (1. 168) imply that the subject of
lines 167—68 is actually Gilgames, and that it was he who was sitting at
the gate ganzir weeping. Analogous to the description of ID , on which
this text depends, the gate ganzir was a point from where Inanna could
not return and had to walk further to reach the netherworld, the seat
of Ereskigal. Therefore, the gate ganzir is a gate between the world of
the living and the realm of the dead, facing both realms. Since all our
sources agree on a distance between the surface o f the earth and the
netherworld, the place where the two objects remained cannot be iden-
tical with the gate ganzir, even if line 164 may mean “seat of the neth-
erworld” rather than “(they) fell into the bottom of the netherworld.”
(ganzir should be the name of the crossing from the world of the living
to the realm of the dead; an opening on the border between the two
worlds, facing both; in G E N it designates the spot where the objects
dropped and Gilgames was sitting. This conclusion does not seem
farfetched. According to ID 73—75, Inanna stood in front of the palace
ganzir before she was ushered into the netherworld, while the gate-
keeper of Ereskigal stood on the other side, and at that point she could
still return. Considering that ID and G E N are the only literary texts that
integrate ganzir into their plots, it seems likely that the vision of the
distance between d u r -k u r -r a and ganzir was taken from ID as the dis-
tance between the first gate of ganzir until she reached Ereskigal’s seat.
i. G E N 242-43
242. ab-làl akur-raa gâl bim-ma-an-tag4b
(83). lu-man tak-ka-ap KIft ip-te-e-ma
243. si-si-ig-ni-ta asubur-a-ni kur-ta bm u-ni-in-eI^-dèb

(84). u-tuk-ku sa dEN.KI.DÙ ki-i za-qi-qi ul-tu Kl(t it-tas-sa-a
(242) So H; a—a: BB: kur-re; b—b: BB: mu-na-ab-tagt. (243) a: Ni 4585
(IS E T l , 149): AN[...]; b—b: BB: mu-ni-in-e‫ ; ״‬H: [...]-da-ra-ab-e^-dè.
242. He opened a hole in the kur.
243. As a dream (or: as his spirit80) his servant came up from the kur.
Enkidu volunteered to go to the netherworld and retrieve the two objects.
However, he neglected to follow Gilgames’s instructions about correct
behavior in the realm of the dead and so was trapped there as well. Enki
accepted Gilgames’s appeal8182 to rescue Enkidu and commissioned U tu
(Nergal in the Akkadian version) to open a hole in the kur from which the
ghost of Enkidu could exit. Consequently, a hole magically opened in the
ground. It was neither an existing hole nor accidental, nor was it called
ganzir.*2 According to this passage, there was no specific existing gate to the
netherworld in a given place and not every hole in the ground could be used
80. In s i- s i- g a - n i- ta we probably have the possessive third-person singular and the

ablative, which apart from direction denotes “by means of.” Sisig is also the name
of the (dream-god. That Enkidu as s i-s i-ig came out through a hole that was
opened by U tu is strongly reminiscent of D G il 180, about Sisig son o f Utu the
dream-god. Therefore, it is also possible that Enkidu appeared to Gilgames in a
dream, which explains why he came out of a hole made by Utu, rather than garnir
(as he had entered the netherworld), and surely why he appears as s i-s i-ig rather
than g id im as we might have expected. It also makes understandable the role of
Utu, rather than Nergal, as in the later Akkadian version. IfEnkidu came out as Sisig,
the dream, it explains the phrase in D G il 180 according to which he would light dark
places. Enkidu’s optimistic description of existence in the netherworld was meant
to encourage Gilgames and brighten the prospects after life.
81. Compare G E N 222-38 to ID 183-217, where Ninsubur appeals to the gods on
behalf of Inanna. The striking similarity o f these episodes is one of the indications
of the dependence of G E N on ID.
82. I have no satisfactory explanation as to why it was not called garnir. It may have
been incidental or may imply that ganzir was perceived as a one-way gateway to
the netherworld, as in ID. It may also point to a case of mechanical inter-textuality,
namely, that the mention of garnir was taken over from ID and as the myth does
not say that Inanna came out of ganzir, so it is in GEN. Evidendy, the plot of G E N
depends on ID in more than the mention of ganzir, the appeals for the rescue of
Enkidu, the role of Enki, and the parallel passages of the mourning Ereskigal. The
general outiines of the plot also follow those of ID: the voluntary descent to the
nedierworld, the carelessness of the protagonists on their way, their capture in the
netherworld, and their deadt as a result. This issue is even more complicated because
Enkidu was a mortal and, therefore, this may be the reason Enkidu came as a dream
(see above).
as a passageway to enter the road to the netherworld. These lines reflect the
concept that the realm o f the dead was sealed by the face o f the earth and that
a passage through was opened w hen necessary. In actual reality this concept
finds its practical expression in burial: a grave is dug whenever and wherever
it is necessary to allow the dead to proceed to the netherworld; the grave frac-
tures the partition between the realm o f the dead and the world o f the living.
N ote that the Sumerian term for “netherworld” throughout the text is the
standard kur, but, contrary to Edina-usagake and the ersemma o f Ninhursaga,
the netherworld is not envisioned as a mountain, but as a subterranean
world.83 It imphes that when G E N was composed the perception o f the
cosmos was along a vertical axis.
1.3. The Voyage to the Netherworld

The means by which journeys to the netherworld were accomplished pro-
vides additional evidence for the perception of the length and nature o f the
road that led there from Sumer. The modes of travel to the netherworld are
indicated by the verbs that are used in the texts and by the means o f transport.
The verbs denote walking, sailing, and riding, in accordance with the
prevalent local modes of transport, which include donkey, chariot, and boat.
The most common verb used to describe the movement between the neth-
erworld and the land of the living ise‫“ ״‬go up/down, ” which, unfortunately,
is uninformative with regard to the means o f travel.
All the descriptions of the journey (with the exception o f DUr) concern
deities, mostly the young dying god or his mourning mother. Recently G.
Selz presented some evidence suggesting the payment o f a toll in association
with burial.8485On the basis of the occurrence of the term a d d ir in the seman-
tic field of “fare” or “wages,” usually for transportation by boat made at the
city gate, Selz argues that the sources that relate to burial suggest a boat trip
to the netherworld. However, to date, there are not enough references that
concern burial that also utilize the term a d d ir to verify Selz’s interpretation.
Considering how limited the Sumerian focus on the netherworld is8s we
83. In addition to the descriptions concerning the two objects, the instructions of
Gilgames to Enkidu portray some features of the inhabitants of the netherworld as
those of interred bodies, suggesting that the author had the image of a grave in mind.
84. Selz, 1995b, especially pp. 202ff.
85. The whole corpus of Sumerian literature so far includes only two sources for
funerary rituals (“Lulil and His Sister” and “The Messenger and the Maiden”) and
only one narrative that focuses on the netherworld (GEN). The rest of the sources,
a few laments and myths, center not on the netherworld but on the characters
involved. A reason for this situation is suggested in chapter 5.
should not be surprised if the Sumerians indeed had a conventional symbolic

gesture to exemplify the trip o f the spirit to the netherworld; and paying the
toll at the exit o f the city gate, like any other traveller leaving the city is an
obvious possibility. However, the Sumerians did not universally believe that
it was necessarily to take a boat to the netherworld since, for example,
Umamma, king of U r, did not sail to the netherworld but rode a donkey and
a chariot.
1.3.1. Walking to the Netherworld

1.3.1.1, g e n / d u “go”
gen is the most common verb used to describe the movement to the neth-
erworld. It occurs without restriction to genre or period. T he verb g e n
suggests an overland journey to the netherworld, although not necessarily on
foot. The following are a few examples taken from Sumerian literature:
a. ID 227
In order to rescue Inanna, Enki dispatches to the netherworld two creatures
that he created for the purpose, the k u r - g a r - r a and the g a la - tu r -r a .
227. gen-ne-an-ze-en giri kur-sè nâ-ba-an-zé-en
227. Go, set your foot toward the kur.
b. S K 26 iv 3 (Appendix 4/b)
The description of the mourning m other in search for her son, trailing him
to the netherworld:
3 . i-in-di i-in-di gaba-kur-ra-[sè]
3. She goes,80 she goes toward the edge of the mountain {kur).
C. UDUGHUL 854 (Appendix 6/f)
In ah incantation of the Udughul-series, the evil spirits are ordered to return
to the netherworld:
854. ki-ùr kur-ra-ke4 / kukku-zu gen-ba
854. Go to your darkness, at the base o f the netherworld {kur)}18
67
86. di is the Emesal-form of gen.

87. Compare with G E N 164. Although expressed in different terms, the idea seems
comparable, that the subterranean part of the cosmos has more than one level and
that the netherworld, the seat of the spirits, is in its lowest section.
34 THE IMAGE OP THE NETHERWORLD
i . 3.i .2. z é .r “slip” “slide”

a. THE DEATH OF DUMUZI 40-4188
After a detailed description o f the m ourning of his sister Gestinanna, Dumuzi
describes his situation:
40. kur ki-in-dar-ra-gâ giri-gâ ba-an-zé-er ur5 nu-m u-un-da-reII1
41. urugal ig-gal-am igi-ga ba-an-gub ur5 nu-m u-un-da-reII1
88. C T 58, 42:40-41; text and translation: Kramer, 1980b. The composition is known
from a single copy from the Old Babylonian period. The text combines the
traditions about the death of Dumuzi in the sheepfold (D D and ersemma no. 97 of
Inanna and Dumuzi: Alster 1972 and Cohen 1981:73fr. resp.) with the tradition of
ID, according to which he was handed over to the galla by Inanna. Apparently, the
fact that these traditions were contradictory did not disturb the author: Unes 12—13
and 32—33 relate the mourning of Inanna, whereas lines 51—52 assert that she did not
save his life but handed him over to the galla. The text depends on different Dumuzi
myths: DD, ID, and ersemma no. 97 (S K 2). Compare lines 44—45 = DD 156; line
50 = DD 255; lines 3-4 = S K 2, ii 8-9 (ersemma); line 47 = S K 2, iii 21 = ID 293-
94; line 49 = ID 349-50; line 83 = C T 18, 15:39. The version of lines 51-52,
concerning Inanna’s handing Dumuzi over to the galla as her substitute, is closer
to the version of “Dumuzi and Gestinanna” line 21 (k i-b i gar—sum) than to ID
410 (sag-bi-sum ). In addition, the composition contains allusions to incantations
against evil spirits. The framework of the story is reminiscent of DD. Dumuzi’s fate
is first announced in detail and then materializes, but it is not clear that it is an
interpretation of a dream. The eclectic literary nature o f the text indicates that it is
late and that it was composed during the Old Babylonian period.
The first part o f the text is a poetic prediction o f Dum uzi’s fate in the Emesal-
dialect (11. 1—19) and its repetition as D um uzi’s lament is in em eg ir (11. 22—39).
From the point o f literary concepts and tradition, this part is reminiscent o f the
first part of D D , especially the narration o f the dream and its solution. The
devastation o f the sheepfold in lines 3—4 is close to ersemma no. 97 (S K 2, ii 8-
9). In tines 40-41 Dumuzi describes his burial in e m e g ir and tines 42—43, in
the Emesal-dialect describe the lad lying in the storm, which resembles S K 26
iv 12 (Edina-usagake). In tines 44—50 the narrator describes the capture ofDumuzi
by the galla in phrases that w e know from D D , the ersemma no. 97, and front
ID. Lines 51—59 are again in Emesal, lines 51—52 shift to the tradition o f ID,
asserting that Inanna handed Dum uzi to the galla. The rest is a metaphoric
description o f the netherworld that is unknown from other sources. Lines 60-
71 form a unique description o f the sorcerers o f the netherworld and their
witchcraft. Stylistically, however, it is similar to descriptions o f the galla in the
incantations against evil spirits. Perhaps they are the evil spirits. The meaning
o f tines 73—83 is obscure, probably a description o f a ritual in the steppe, which
is associated with witchcraft. Lines 84—87 are the epilogue; they connect to the
beginning and form a framework for the composition. The traces o f the colo-
phon classify the text as an ersemma ofD um uzi. However, the eclectic nature
40. The k14r is my “crack”; my foot has slipped; it (the kur) does not
let me Ascend1 (from there).*89
41. The tomb90 is a big door; it stands in front of me, it (the tomb)
does not let me 1-ascend1 (from there).
In the incantations, k i - i n - d a r signifies the habitat of the evil spirits,91which
may explain why Dumuzi emphasizes that the “crack” in question is his own.
Against the background of the incantations, k i - i n - d a r corresponds to the
netherworld and, therefore, k i - i n - d a r stands in apposition to kur.92 This
of the composition, the variety of styles, topics, traditions, and quotations from
other texts do not permit a generic definition. The reference to sorcery and the
impression o f a ritualistic practice suggest that the text was performed. The
alternating use of the Emesal- and Emegir-dialects suggests a dramatic character
and the participation o f w om en in the performance. The location in the steppe
harmonizes w ith the tradition o f D um uzi’s death in the sheepfold and may be
associated also with rituals for spirits. Compare w ith “Inanna and Bilulu”
(Jacobsen 1953:106-30). The text may be connected with the cult o f Dumuzi,
but it has no parallels. There is no doubt that the cult existed and that it was
practiced by women, but references to it are few, vague, and mosdy late Old
Babylonian or later. An explicit reference to the cult in an Old Babylonian text
is YOS,427:12 ,12‫׳‬, which records the delivery o f groats for ki-mi-il ddumu-
zi “the day ofcapturingD um uzi.” T h e text dates to the 6th day o f the fifth m onth
ofSamsuiluna’s 23 rdyear. A M ariletter (AO 1146) that refers to theyearly killing
ofD um uzi is an indirect evidence for the ritual (see Marello, 1991). A ritual for
Dum uzi in connection w ith the harvest is strongly suggested by the fragmentary
text C T 58, 21:32'-35‫( ׳‬the textis treated in chapter 3, section 3.2.2/c). For a
comprehensive discussion o f the cult ofD um uzi, see Kutscher, 1990.
89. In the translation I took the liberty of trying to adjust the two lines as a couplet.
90. urug al means both “grave” and “netherworld” (compare Appendix 6/b com-
mentary to line 251). The image ofa door points to the meaning “grave” rather than
netherworld.
91. ' For references, see CAD N /2, 214, s.v. nigissu. Note also the description of the
frightened Anunna-gods, crawling like ants into k i- in - d a r - r a in Lugalbanda:82-
83 (Wilcke, 1969b, 100).
92. Kramer, op. cit., seems to understand the couplet as a synonymy parallelism and
translates “my excavated grave,” perhaps because of “my foot slipped into,” or
because of the image of u ru g a l inline 41. However metaphorical this phrase may
be, and although u ru g a l was used for “grave” more frequently than as a term for
the netherworld, kur can hardly signify “grave,” whereas with the meaning
“netherworld” it is associated with k i- in - d a r , at least with regard to evil spirits.
At the same time I admit that k i- in - d a r is a rather unique image of the nether-
world, one that does not quite harmonize with the belief that the netherworld was
spacious. Since the image of u ru g a l in line 41 indicates a meaning “grave,” the
couplet probably forms a complementary rather than synonymy parallelism.
interprétât! on implies that in line 40 Dumuzi states that he resides in the neth-
erworld because he is dead. In line 41, which refers to the grave, u ru g al,
Dumuzi complains that the tomb is a massive barrier that in any event would
entrap him forever in the netherworld.93
The expression “my foot has slipped into” is a unique metaphor for depar-
ture on foot to the netherworld. The choice of the verb z é . r, rather than the
more common gen, instills Dum uzi’s death with a sense of a sudden accident
rather than of a deliberate journey.
1.3.2. Modes of Passage to the Netherworld

1.3.2.i. u 5 “ride” “set sail”
Rivers and canals served as the main routes of transportation in southern
Mesopotamia, as noted in literary and economic texts that describe journeys
by boat. In fact, models of boats have been found in graves.94
a. NINGlSZIDA’S JOURNEY TO THE NETHERWORLD 2 6 -3 0 95
The sisters want to j oin the young god on board and sail with him. Ningiszida
warns them that he is sailing with the galla, which means that they are head-
ing for the netherworld.
26. m u-dè-u5 m u-dè-us za-e ta u5-dè
27. m n9‫־‬mu gals-la-mu m u-dè-u5 za-e ta u5-dè
28. lû-nig-ra-ra-mu m u-dè-us za-e ta us-dè
93. N ote the image o f Anzu blocking the entrance to the mountains inLugalbanda
1. 102: k u r - r a 8“ig -g a l-g irn ig i-b a b i- in - ta b - e n . A door as a metaphor is
quite appropriate in both texts and, therefore, there is not necessarily a con-
nection betw een or influence o f one on the other.
94. See also Selz, 1995b.
95. An edition o f the myth has n ow been published in Jacobsen and Alster, 2000,
315—44. The texts date to the O ld Babylonian period. The m yth tells o f the
arrest o f the young dying god by the galla, and their sailing to the netherworld,
where Ningiszida was appointed g u - z a - la - k u r- r a - k e 4 “the chair-bearer of
the netherworld.” T he composition includes elements that we find in different
laments for the young dying god. T he role o f the sisters creates the impression
that the myth is relating a journey o f Damu. However, the climax o f the text
is in the appointment o f the young god to g u - z a - la - k u r- r a - k e 4, which was
exclusively Ningiszida’s role since the O ld Babylonian period. Furthermore,
the only sister m entioned by name is Amasilama, the sister o f Ningiszida. T hese
details suggest that the purpose o f this m yth was to explain how Ningiszida, who
was originally a young dying god, became the g u - z a - la - k u r- r a - k e 4 and it
dates the text to the O ld Babylonian period.
29. lu-su-dù-a-m u m u-dc-u, za-e ta u3-dè

30. lu-â-lâ-m u m u-dè-us za-e ta us-dè
26. “He is sailing with me, he is sailing with me, should you sail?”96
27. “My sister, my g alla is sailing with me, should you sail?”
28. “The man who threw something at me is sailing with me, should
you sail?”
29. “The man who bound my hand97 is sailing with me, should you
sail?”
30. “The man who tied my arms is sailing with me, should you sail?
b. NINGISZIDA’S JOURNEY TO THE NETHERWORLD 57-58

Amasilama, the sister of Ningiszida, joins him on board the boat:98
57. dama-silama ®lsma-gur8!-ra us-da-a-ni
58. gù an-na ba-te gu ki-ta ba-te
57. As Amasilama was going on board the boat,
58. The cry approached heaven, the cry approached earth.
This is the only description of the young god sailing to the netherworld.
8“m a-gurg is a deep-water vessel and, therefore, perhaps it signifies that
Ningiszida sailed downstream, south, toward the sea.
C. ENLIL AND NINLIL99
This myth tells o f the conception o f Sin, Nergal, Ninazu, andEnbilulu by
Enlil and Ninlil. According to the tale, Enlil was banished from N ippur as a
punishment for impregnating Ninlil w ith the moon-god Sin, and, along the
way, he impregnated Ninlil with the other three gods. The narrative is rather
compact in as much as it focuses solely on the conception of the four deities;
it does not elaborate onEnlil’s destination. Y et, it is commonly accepted that
he went to the netherworld. Tw o factors strongly suggest that the last three
gods were conceived when Enlil and Ninlil were actually inside the realm of
the dead. First, the recurrent formula by which the disguised Enlil answered
Ninlil that Enlil’s sperm that will produce Sin will ascend to heaven, whereas
his “ow n” sperm (that is, that which will produce Nergal, Ninazu, andEnbi-
96. ta U j-ed-e(n); see commentary injacobsen and Alster, 2000, 327.

97. A version of the binding-of-hands motif, which is current in the laments for the
young dying god. Compare: DD 160-63, B E 30/1, 1 ii 12-13, B IN 2 26 o. 9-10,
ersemma no. 88:28—29 (Cohen, 1981, 84).
98. The name of the sister indicates that the text pertains to Ningiszida alone.
99. Behrens, 1978 and critical review: Cooper, 1980.
lulu) will go down to the netherworld. Considering the chthonic nature of

Nergal and Ninazu, the formulaic answer hints that copulation occurred in
the realm of the dead, and explains the escape of Enlil, Ninlil, and Sin in
exchange for the three deities who were conceived there. The second factor
is the name of the river they had to cross: i7- k u r - r a iy- 1û - g u7- g uy“ the river
of the kur, the river that eats m en” (11. 98-99, 113). The journey itself is not
of primary importance to the narrative, only the results of the encounters
between Ninlil and Enlil along the way.
The tale would seem to have a problem, for Enlil was banished from
Nippur, not sentenced to death. A possible resolution to this seeming incon-
sistency is found in the cosmic-mythological value of the geographical
setting. In mythology, Nippur is not merely the abode o f Enlil; the main cult
center of Sumer symbolizes the seat of the pantheon o f the gods of heaven.
Therefore, Enlil was expelled, in fact, from the circle o f the gods of heaven
and consequently the only place left for him in the cosmos was the nether-
world. That Nergal was conceived at the gate suggests that from a cosmo-
logical perspective the gate of Nippur marked the boundary that partitioned
heaven from the realm of the dead.100
W ith regard to the way to the netherworld, the account implies that Enlil
entered the realm of the dead at the gate of Nippur. In view o f the extant
evidence, textual and archaeological, it supports the contention that there
was more than one gate to the realm o f the dead, and that entrance was possi-
ble from any necessary location. Presumably, all the journeys o f gods to the
netherworld began at the gate o f their cult centers. And since mythological
events were described in temis o f the author’s real world, the few descriptions
we have o f the route itself are based upon the geography of Sumer .1011doubt,
however, that the actual gate o f N ippur also symbolized the gate to the realm
of the dead. Because o f N ippur’s special religious status and the theological
intent of the composition, the scene at the gate probably occurred in a
cosmic-mythological sphere and we have to imagine a passage within the
realm o f the gods as opposed to the terrestrial route that other deities took.102
From the city gate where Nergal was conceived, Enlil and Ninlil had to
walk further and cross the river. This section clearly highlights the distinction
and distance between the gateway to the world o f the dead and the actual
netherworld (as the dwelling place o f its inhabitants). The encounter with the
100. Similar conclusion but for different reasons in Selz, 1995b.

101. Lisin’s lament, the ersemma of Ninhursaga and Edina-usagake, (1.2.1/a, b, d resp.).
102. A later text, “Nergal and Ereskigal,” which was greatly influenced by “Istar’s
Descent” and ID, expresses this concept in plain words.
man of “the river of the kur, the river that eats m en” and with the ferryman
l û - glsm â - a d d ir (II. 125-24) suggests that the netherworld was located
beyond this river. The name of the river endows it with a mythological char-
acter. However, the name could be applied metaphorically to any real river
that either flowed in the supposed direction of the netherworld or crossed the
path leading there. Therefore, crossing a river to reach the netherworld prob-
ably reflects the concrete geographical reality of Sumer, with its network of
rivers and canals. W hether the author of this account had a mythological or
actual river in mind is impossible to determine, since the text does not refer
to the landscape along Enlil’s route or to the direction he took. Since Nippur
was situated between the Euphrates and the Tigris, in a mixture of mytho-
logical and actual realities, a mere vision of a river can refer to any waterway
overland or to a subterranean mythological river.
d. G E N T4—t6, 2 t—26
Enki sets sail to the netherworld:
14. ba-u5-a-ba ba-u5-a-ba
15. a-a kur-sè ba-u,-a-ba
16. aden-kia kur-sè ba-u5-a-ba
(16) a—a: So A, B, I; g: den-lil.
14. W hen he set sail, when he set sail,
15. W hen the father set sail for the kur,
16. W hen Enki set sail for the kur,
21. aûr- gisma-TUR-rea- den-ki-ga-ke4
22. nig-bûn-na du7-àm a1-sû-sûa
23. lugal-ra a-aglSïmâ-sag-gâ-ke4
24. ur-bar-ra-gim tés amu-11a-agu7-e
25. den-ki-ra a-agiSamâ-egir-ra-ke4
26. ur-mah-gim sag gis im-ra-ra
(21) a—a: So A, B, H; g:û1‫׳‬-mâ-TUR-ra; I:rûr- ^ ,mâ-TUR-e. (22)
a— a: So A, B; g: mi-s[û ]; I: mi-sû-sü. (23) a— a: So A, B, I; g omits.
(24) a— a: So A, B, C, I; g: mu~un~rnaV (25) a— a: so A, B, I, C; g:
omit gis.
21. O n the keel of Enki’s boat,
22. They (the stones) pour down like a goring turtle.
23. Against the king, the water at the bow of the boat
24. Devours everything103 like a wolf.
103. tés gu7 “eat everything” (cf. Klein, 1981, 196-97, line 64, and commentary onp.
213 [Sulgi A]).
25. Against Enki, the water at the stern o f the boat

26. Smites like a lion.
The description ofEnki’sjourney by boat to the netherworld, his crossing
the turbulent water, is part o f the cosmological introduction to the text. Its
purpose seems to date the event with the Jiuluppu-tree to very ancient times,
but the mythological context o f this particular trip is unknown. The account
supports the view that such ajourney involved sailing. The allusion to stormy
waters, however, best describes travel by sea, rather than sailing on a river 01
canal. I assume, therefore, that the description is influenced by the properties
o f Enki’s divinity, his residence in the abzu, rather than any geographical
concept of the way to the netherworld.
e. THE WILD BULL 25104

From the lament of Inanna over Dumuzi:
25. [mu-l]u-zu alim-e kur-sè ba-u5
25. The bison has taken your man to the kur.IOS
In a unique metaphor, Dumuzi, on his journey to the netherworld, is por-
trayed as riding or being carried by a bison. This metaphor is probably based
upon actual reality, the mountains being the habitat o f the bison and so the
mythological qualities of the mountains endowed the bison with its myth-
ological aspect. Thus the bison that roams in the inaccessible mountains is
linked with Utu, who travels there from west to east,106 and is also suited for
and capable of delivering the shepherd Dumuzi from Sumer to the nether-
world.
f. DUr 70-71, 74-75 (Appendix 5/a)
70. The king was sitting on his(?) [donkey(?)], the donkey was buried
with him,
71. Urfnamma] was <sitting> on his donkey, <the donkey was buried
with him>.
74. W ith the king the chariot was covered, the road twists, he cannot
advance.
104. C T 15,18. A recent English translation: Jacobsen, 1976, 53—54. Edition: Zimmern,
Tamûzlieâcr (1907) 226-30.
105. K u r was correctly translated by others as “mountains.” At the same time, in the
context of this lament, it clearly points to the netherworld, implying that the
netherworld is in the mountains.
106. See the discussion of the mythological bison in Wiggermann, 1992, 174ff
7 $■W ith Urnamma the chariot was covered, the road twists, he cannot
advance.
The account o f Urnamma’s journey to the netherworld implies that he was
riding a donkey and a chariot. But the allusion is obscure, for it is unclear
whether Urnamma was sitting on the back of the donkey, the donkey was
harnessed to the chariot, or the animal was just following the king. The frag-
mentary version from Susa suggests that donkeys followed Urnamma (pro-
vided that the lines in question are indeed the parallel o f lines 70-71 '07). N ote
that Urnamma presents Ningiszida with donkeys and a chariot. Because don-
keys are mentioned in both accounts, perhaps the description o f the journey
begins in line 73 ; lines 70-71 describe the burial; the donkeys were not buried
for him to use but as gifts for Urnamma to present; and only the chariot was
used for the crossing (as can be inferred from lines 74-75).
1.3.3. Coming Out of the Netherworld

The road to the netherworld is known as a one-way road. In ID 84 the gate-
keeper asks Inanna why she would want the road whose traveller has no
return (11ar-ra-an/KASKAL lu -d u -bé nu-gi4-g i4). In Bdina-usagake the
mourning mother of the young god wishes to follow her son on “ the road
of no return” (1.2.1/dline 1 and Appendix 4/c).10 7108Except for a few divinities
who managed to leave the netherworld in exchange for a substitute as ransom,
only evil spirits could leave the realm of the dead and move freely back and
forth. T he exception to the rule indicates that there is a way out, but that one
does not come out of the netherworld alive.
How human beings came out of the netherworld is demonstrated in G E N
with the description of the events that lead to Gilgames’s encounter with
Enkidu, who did not belong to the category o f evil spirits that could go freely
back and forth. Enkidu volunteers to retrieve the pukku and the mekkû from
the netherworld and is trapped there. Although he is human, and thus oper-
ating in actual reality, the text does not relate how and where Enkidu entered
the netherworld, nor does it state explicitly that he died beforehand— his
death eventually came to be as a result of his negligence.109 W ith the inter-
107. Flückiger-Hawker, 1999, 156-57:50'-$ 1'. The signs for anse were not preserved
in this copy.
108. N ote also the description of the ill person in the incantation against evil spirits
Udugfyul 178, “Gibil w ent before him to the place from which there is no return
( k i-n u -g i4).”
109. The silence of the text about these details, could well be attributed to a lack of
interest, because it is, indeed, outside the main purpose o f the narrative. At the same
vention ofEnki, he emerges from the netherworld, either as a ghost, or more

likely in a dream (see in 1.2.1/i). In the encounter w ith Gilgames, Enkidu is
portrayed in anthropomorphic terms (which suggests that it was most likely
a dream).110*The example ofEnkidu, who emerges as a result ofEnki’s inter-
vention, points to necrom ancy."1 Thus, necromancy was a means to raise
spirits from the netherworld.
The evidence for the emergence o f the spirits for the festivals of the dead
seems inconclusive. O n the one hand, the name of the festival a b - è suggests
that the dead ancestors, indeed, come out o f the netherworld for special festi-
vais. O n the other hand, the evidence for the actual performance o f the ritual
indicates that the drinking water is poured into libation pipes or into the
ground; also, the ritual was conducted with a figurine that represented the
dead. This suggests that the spirit did not inhabit the figurine but stayed down
below, in the netherworld, where it received the water, and that the figurine,
an icon o f the dead, was merely a substitute for his spirit. In addition, the refer-
ences to the food o f the dead are unanimous that it is bad or inedible. The
exception is the description in G E N o f the spirits eating normal food in the
netherworld. Since the offerings for the dead consisted of standard food, the
bad quality can be explained only if we assume that it spoiled under the
ground (the ritual and the food o f the spirits are discussed in Chapter 4). One
may argue also that the idea o f a periodic emergence o f all the spirits contra-
diets the assertion that there is no return from the netherworld; moreover,
on such occasions the dead would outnumber the living. Therefore, we
cannot say with certainty that the spirits themselves came up to celebrate the
periodic festivals for the dead.
As for the evil spirits, they usually appear in the sources as a group of seven
ghosts, portrayed as anthropomorphic beings, but neither human nor
time, this sequence of events is comparable to those of ID (as well as the other
comparable elements that were treated above) and follows the general oudine ofits
plot. In both stories the protagonists went voluntarily to the netherworld, behaved
carelessly, were trapped, and consequently died. I have already noted the similarity
in the passages that describe the appeals to release them, and that, in both, Enki was
instrumental. It is also interesting because other tales about Gilgames relate different
circumstances surrounding the death of Enkidu. Yet, whatever the cause, it was
always for the sake of Gilgames. Perhaps pukku and mekkû is just a metaphor.
. no. The description in GEN 303 of the man who went up in flames implies that the
existence of the spirit depends on the preservation of the corpse. His state as shapeless
smoke, as opposed to the state of a spirit, may indicate that spirits were visualized
in human form, though of ethereal composition.
i n . This would explain why there is no mention of a grave.
divine.112Naturally, most o f the references relate their malevolent activity on

earth, but according to the one incantation, which describes their way out of
the netherworld ( Udughul 250—51), they emerged from the grave. It stands to
reason that the usual exit o f the spirit was made through the grave, and that
only in the case of necromancy could it appear elsewhere. However, we
cannot be certain to what extent this was the common view or whether the
Sumerians believed that evil spirits could emerge from cracks in the ground.
1.4. The Geographical Aspect: Summary and Conclusions

1.4.1. The Geographical Images of the Netherworld
A study o f the geographical aspect of the sources indicates that the nether-
world was visualized as a specific and actual place at a distance from the world
of the living. A road bridged the distance between the two worlds, but no
description provides its length in measurable terms of distance or time.
The position of the netherworld in general is indicated by either adjectives
that qualify the netherworld as far away (from Sumer), or by the bipolar
pattern that defines its location in relation to heaven by merismus. Whereas
the adjectives are applicable to any site that is far from Sumer, the bipolar
pattern sets the netherworld against heaven and marks the opposite bound-
aries of the cosmos on a vertical axis. This pattern implies that the netherworld
constituted the subterranean level of the cosmos. However, it is too general
in the sense that the realm of the dead may have spread under the entire extent
of die earth. It does not point to a certain distance between the netherworld
and Sumer, the land o f the theologians and scribes w ho conceived it. Since
our sources reveal different ideas, the date o f the bipolar pattern concept is
rather important. It may be significant that this pattern employs only the term
ki and never the standard term kur, that it is used also in contexts other than
the binary opposition heaven : netherworld, and that some earlier Sumerian
sources reflect a horizontal perspective o f the netherworld. Therefore, it may
have been developed from an earlier formula that posited heaven against the
surface o f earth (ki), and, if so, the bipolar pattern was forged relatively late,
perhaps toward the end of the third millennium, crystallizing during the Old
Babylonian period.
Some ideas about the distance of the netherworld from Sumer andits posi-
tion in terms of the points o f the compass emerge from descriptions of the
route taken in journeys to the netherworld. Few accounts describe the
features of the landscape on the way as real geographical elements and thereby
112. The formula that describes the galla in ID was used in the incantation to describe
the entire group of evil spirits.
allow an attempt to detect the location o f the netherworld in concrete geo-

graphical terms.
Journeys to the netherworld are narrated in myths and laments, and relate
to a few divinities: the young dying fertility-god and his m ourning mother,
sister, or wife (Damu, Ningiszida, Ninhursaga, Amasilama, and Ninazimua),
and Inanna, Enki, Enlil, and Ninlil. Some o f these gods certainly departed
from Sumerian cities: Inanna from Uruk, Enlil and Ninlil from Nippur, and
Damu and his mother from Girsu (on the bank o f the Euphrates). Since these
j ourneys formed a part o f their cult, the young god and his mourning mother
or sister must also have departed from their temples in Sumerian cities. In
addition, we have an account o f a journey made by two human beings:
Urnamma and Enkidu. A departure from the netherworld to the world o f the
living is attributed to the evil spirits and described in an incantation o f the
Udughul-senes.
In principle, the road to the netherworld was laid out for the spirits o f the
dead. Accordingly, Edina-usagake (1.2.1/d) and ID 84, which refer to “living”
goddesses, depict it as a one-way road, from which there is no return. Thus,
except for the gods, the road began at the grave.113This is, indeed, the concept
behind the words o f the incantation against evil spirits who fail to kill their
victim: “He does not enter the road o f the kur, he will not cross the path of
the netherworld” (Udughul 28 5—86; 1.2.1/f). T he account o f the ghosts’ route
out o f the netherworld to the world o f the living bears out the same meaning:
“In the arali the path is laid out for them. In the grave the gate is open for
them. They leave toward the gate of sunset” (Udughul 250-52; 1.2.1/g). The
same view is attested in “The Death o f Dumuzi” (1.3.1.2/a): Dumuzi
complains that he cannot come out o f the netherworld because the grave
blocks his way like a big door. The short description o f the road in DUr 73-
75 (1.2.1/e) also intimates that it starts in the grave, while the description of
a twisting road creates a sense o f length and movement.
In conclusion, these texts delineate a road stretching between the grave
and the netherworld. The geographical significance o f these descriptions is
that the whole road extends inside the realm o f the dead, but the netherworld,
as the dwelling place o f the spirits, is intrinsically a specific location situated
113. The gods acted within the geographical boundaries and cult centers of Sumer, but
presumably in a combination o f actual geographic and cosmic-mythological reali-
ties. The mourning mothers, the wife, and the sister o f the dying god did not enter
the road through an actual grave, but through the gate of the temple precinct or the
city, comparable to the journey o f Enlil and Ninlil. It is possible, that for cultic
purposes, the actual gate symbolized the beginning of the road to the netherworld,
maybe also in the cult of the dying young god.
at its very end. In other words, the netherworld is a part o f the realm of the
dead; thus, they are not the same dimension. Geographically, it is analogous
to a county within a country. Thus, within our references to the netherworld,
we have to make a distinction between the netherworld as the realm o f the
dead in general and the netherworld as the actual dwelling place o f the spirits.
The grave was the entrance to the road leading to the netherworld. Since
graves were dug everywhere, departure for the netherworld was possible
from any place on earth (Sumer). Hence, not one but many roads lead to the
netherworld. The account in G E N supports this conclusion— the pukku and
the mekkû fall into the netherworld through a hole that was magically opened
in the earth (1.2.1/h). Similarly, the visage o f Enkidu exits through a hole that
was opened magically for that purpose (1.2.1/i). According to G EN , the
surface o f the earth sealed off the realm o f the dead, but when and where
necessary a passage could be opened. N ot every crack or hole in the earth’s
surface could serve as an entrance.
Gilgames’s failure to reach the objects with his hand and foot demonstrates
the distance between the gate at the surface o f the earth and the netherworld
itself. Moreover, it suggests that the netherworld was situated at the very end
of the realm of the dead, at the lowest level o f the subterranean part o f the
cosmos. The notion o f distance is also evidenced by Inanna’s admittance
through seven gates, from the gate ganzir to Ereskigal’s seat.
The description of Gilgames sitting and crying at the gate ganzir (1.2.1/
h) calls for further analysis. The narrative places the gate ganzir in Uruk,
where the event took place, on the fringe between the worlds o f the living
and the dead, facing both.11415(ganzir was also Inanna’s gate to the netherworld
(ID 72-7 5). However, although Inanna was the tutelary goddess o f Uruk, we
cannot simply conclude that ganzir was in Uruk, since G E N depends on ID,
and the two are the only Sumerian literary texts that mention ganzir.‫ ״‬s
Perhaps analogous to the city gate in “Enlil and Ninlil, ” ganzir may have been
114. The two sides of the gate ganzir bring to mind the plot of “Enlil and Ninlil,” which
relates that Nergal was conceived at the city gate of Nippur, implying that the gate
symbolized the dividing line between the Nippur of the living and the realm of the
dead. Though “Enlil and Ninlil” does not name the city-gate ganzir , it provides
a functional parallel.
115. The literary relationship of GEN and ID is apparent in three instances and in the
general outline of the plot. The first instance is the description of the gate ganzir
mentioned above. The second is Ereskigal’s description as a mourning mother
(compare G E N 200-5 with ID 230-35). The third instance is Gilgames’s appeal to
rescue Enkidu from the netherworld and Ninsubur’s appeal to rescue Inanna.
Gilgames and Ninsubur went first to Enlil and were rebuffed. Their appeal was
granted eventually by Enki, who rescued both Enkidu and Inanna magically
the name of a certain gate in U ruk through which funerals passed on the way
to the cemetery. However, since there is no further evidence, we cannot
conclude whether g a n z i r was a fictional literary feature or was, in fact, an
actual architectonic feature in Uruk. For the time being we would be on a
safer ground to assume that the reference to g a n z i r in G E N depends on the
plot of I D and that, in principle, g a n z i r designated a passage that was
constructed for the purpose o f transit to the netherworld.
O ur sources recount journeys to the netherworld overland by foot or
chariot and over water by boat. The textual evidence is supported by archae-
ological finds from graves, which include carcasses of donkeys or oxen and
models o f boats.116 These objects were probably intended as symbolic means
o f transportation to the netherworld for the deceased, and they demonstrate
the belief in its distance from the grave. The relative scarcity o f such finds
implies that these means o f transportation were the privilege o f the few,
presumably the wealthy.
Most o f the sources refer to journeys by foot. Only DUrmentions a jour-
ney with a donkey and a chariot— in analogy to finds in other royal tombs,
the dead king o f U r was probably interred with them. Journeys by foot, char-
iot, or riding a donkey suggest an overland route to the netherworld. Two
myths refer to crossing a river: (1)“Ningiszida’sJourney to the Netherworld”
begins with setting out upon the river (1.3.2.1/a and b); and (2) in “Enlil and
Ninlil” the second stop on the way from N ippur is the river o f the nether-
through a mediator. In the first two instances the narratives employ common
phrasing, in the third instance it is the theme and the structure that G E N and ID
share. More interesting, however, is the similarity in the general outline of the
stories: the protagonists (both Inanna and Enkidu) went to the netherworld volun-
tarily, they behaved carelessly and were trapped there, someone close to them went
from one god to the other appealing for their release, and both were rescued by
Enki. In light of the popularity of ID in the school curriculum and its serving as the
source for “Istar’s Descent,” which, like G EN , aimed at describing the netherworld,
I assume that G E N was greatly inspired by ID.
116. Two donkeys were found harnessed to a chariot and five grooms were also found
in Puabi’s tomb (PG 800) (see UE II, 73-91 and pi. 36). In PG 1232, there were
individual donkeys and donkeys harnessed to a chariot (see ibid. 108-9 and fig. 18).
Two chariots and six harnessed oxen were found in PG 789. Next to the carcasses
the grooms were found (see ibid. 64). In the same tomb, two models of boats were
found, one of silver and the other of copper (see ibid. p. 71 and pis. 29,169). Models,
usually of bitumen were found in different graves. In PG 721 was a model of 2.45
m long (see ibid. p. 154, fig. 34 and pi. 20). In PG 1847 a model of 1.55 m long was
£ound(ibid.p. 194, fig. 60 and pi. 84). For models of boats, see ibid. p. 145 (ageneral
survey), p. 182, fig. 56 and pis. 16, 19, 86.
world; the encounter with the ferryman is the third stop. That these encoun-
ters in “Enlil and Ninlil” engendered netherworld deities implies that the
river was inside the realm of the dead. Sailing as a means of transportation is
characteristic o f the geographical features of the region. The textual evidence
and the finds of boat models in graves demonstrate that the idea also applied
to the mythological route to the netherworld. Interestingly, in PG 789 two
models of boats and two chariots were found. The combination o f two sorts
ofvehicles hints, perhaps, at the concept of a route both overland and by river,
like the journey of Enlil and Ninlil to the netherworld. The reason for differ-
ent means ofpassage remains obscure; it may point to different notions about
the location of the netherworld and about the route leading there. Y et, when
we bear in mind that the road begins at the grave, and that graves are dug
everywhere, it could also suggest local traditions from different parts of the
region.
The netherworld, then, was at a certain distance from Sumer, and it was
reached through a road of unknown length that began at any convenient spot
in Sumer. But in which direction did the road lead? The sources are far less
clear on this issue. Three features are clear: (1) the road was inside the realm
of the dead since there was no return; (2) the entrance to the road through
the grave signifies that at least its beginning was subterranean; and (3) the end
of the road‫ ׳‬was at a certain distance, which means that the netherworld, as
the permanent dwelling place o f the spirits, was a confined location some-
where in the realm of the dead. T he divers sources give rise to several options:
the realm of the dead was (1) directly under the ground to its full extent, as
implied by the bipolar pattern; (2) deeply underground, as suggested by G E N ;
(3) somewhere in the west where Samas descends or on the route eastward;
and (4) maybe in the northeastern Zagros mountains, as suggested both by the
term k u r and the description o f the netherwodd as a mountain (see chapter
2). The last two possibilities are not completely contradictory.
In E d in a - u s a g a k e the dead young god stood at the foot o f a mountain when
he arrived in the netherworld (1.2.1 /c), and the mourning mother-goddess
who followed her son to the netherworld was clearly walking toward a
mountain (1.2.1/d). M ore illustrative is the ersemma of Ninhursaga (1.2.1/
b). The description ofNinhursaga searching in the reed thicket and the einer-
gence of the k u r on the horizon remind us of the geographical reality o f south-
em Sumer: the marshes o f the alluvial plain and the mountains in the distance,
beyond its borders. The likeness to the landscape of southern Sumer suggests
that the author set the mythological scene of the ersemma in familiar
surroundings; he visualized the location o f the netherworld in concrete
geographical terms, placing the k u r in the actual mountain ridge; and
Ninhursaga followed her son to the netherworld heading northeast.
The description of the young dying god and the journey o f his mother in
suggest that when the spirit of the dead reached the end of the
E d in a - u s a g a k e
road, it remained at the foot o f a mountain in a wide open space (see 1.2.1/
c, d). W hen compared with descriptions o f the netherworld that employ the
political terms o f the city-state, this image seems to be the product of a rural,
pre-urban society. This is an indication that E d in a - u s a g a k e reflects the earliest
recollection of the Sumerian perception o f the netherworld.117 The location
of the netherworld in the mountains, outside the heartland o f Sumer, harmo-
nizes with the geo-political concept o f the antithesis k u r - k a l a m , which was
also applied to mythological circumstances.118 The binary opposition k u r -
k a l a m became invalid following the expansion o f the political and geo-
graphical horizons o f the Sumerians around the middle o f the third millen-
nium. Consequently, its mythological sense, the netherworld, could no
longer be applied to the mountains.119120The scarcity of images o f the neth-
erworld as a mountain may be due to the prolonged transmission, and the
adaptation of texts to new theological notions, which followed the social and
political developments o f the third millennium.1“
117. The nameEreskigal suggests an image ofa hierarchical society that is typical of urban
community. But the component kigal indicates merely “big place” and lacks any
specific characteristics. By contrast, the spelling of the name Nergal from the Old
Akkadian period can be interpreted as “Lord ofthe big city,” which implies that the
netherworld was conceived in urban terms. One may assume that the “rural” image
of the netherworld originated in the Sumerians’ appreciation o f their own civil-
ization as opposed to their view of the mountain region as a wilderness and the
habitat of uncivilized peoples. If, however, Nergal’s name points to a concept of the
netherworld as a city already in the Early Dynastic period, then either its image in
terms of the antithesis of civilization versus wilderness and savagery became invalid
as early as the middle of the third millennium, or Nergal was not originahy a nether-
world god but principally a god of war.
118. The Sumerian scribe could choose the neutral term h u r-sa g to simply signify
“mountain.” The concept of k u r - k a la m is discussed in detail in the general
conclusions of chapter 2, see section 2.3.2: Why kur?
119. At that time urbanization was in full swing, so it is likely that the netherworld would
lose the image of the wilderness and begin to acquire the characteristics of an urban
community.
120. I wonder, however, whether this concept is not reflected by the much later (Middle
and Neo-Assyrian) euphemistic expression fadâ(su) emîdu/elû “disappear.” Con-
ceptual changes in the inrage o f the netherworld do not allow a reconstruction of
a direct link with an image that was abandoned in the third millennium. However,
transmitted Sumerian traditions in which the netherworld is called kur may have
evoked the Akkadian metaphor. For the latest discussion of sadâ(su) emêdu, seej.
Goodnick-Westenholz, 1997, 300:4-5.
Two sources that place Ereskigal in the “place o f sunrise,” reveal a belief
that the netherworld corresponded to the east, and thereby support the image
of the netherworld being at the foot of a real mountain in E d in a - u s a g a k e and
the ersemma o f Ninhursaga. The Old Akkadian dedication inscription of
Lu’utu, e n s i o f Umma, states that he built a temple to Ereskigal “lady of the
place of sunset” in “the place of sunrise, the place where fates are determined”
(see Appendix 7 /c). An Old Babylonian hymn to Nungal asserts that Ereski-
gal gave her m e to Nungal, who then erected her shrine in “the mountain
where the sunrises.”121 Thus, the hymn indicates that formerly Ereskigal had
authority over the river ordeal, implying that she took part in deciding fates
at the mountain of sunrise. Geographically, “sunset” and “sunrise” mark the
opposite ends o f the cosmos, and mythologically they are the arenas of
contrasting existential functions. Hence, these texts exhibit a belief that func-
tionally binds these contrasting ends within the divine properties ofEreskigal,
and at least Lu’utu’s inscription also binds them geographically. The import
of these sources is twofold. First, they indicate a horizontal cosmological
concept and, consequently, they suggest that the netherworld was not con-
sidered subterranean. Second, since mythological reality was perceived as
actual, they indicate that the netherworld was located beyond the mountains,
outside the heartland of Sumer. It is noteworthy, however, that in describing
the transfer of the m e from Ereskigal to Nungal, the Nungal hymn testifies
that by the Old Babylonian period this cosmological and mythological
concept had already been abandoned, offering the theological explanation or
justification for the change.122 The hymn attests to a conversion from one
belief to another, but the inscription of Lu’utu represents a phase in which
121. Sjöberg, 1973,11. 67-68. Fliickiger-Hawker, 1999, 15 and 73 discuss the similarities
of the Nungal-hymn to Urnamma C and raise the possibility that it was composed
during Urnamma’s time. Considering the reference to Ereskigal, a date early in the
U r III period seems more likely than the Old Babylonian period.
122. If the Nungal-hymn was composed during the reign of Urnamma, we may deduce
that the change occurred earlier in the third millennium. The explanation that
Nungal received the m e for the river ordeal from Ereskigal indirectly demonstrates
an older tradition that attributed to Ereskigal the power to decree life. It is not
completely illogical that the ruler o f the netherworld would decide who should die
and by implication who should remain alive. This belief is also reflected in Udughul
352—57. It seems that after Nergal became the spouse o f Ereskigal, he and his
entourage are more instrumental in bringing about death than Ereskigal, who now
seems to be a passive deity. Perhaps the change in her divinity marked by the Nungal
hymn is related to it. But see J. Goodnick Westenholz, “Great Goddesses in
Mesopotamia: The Female Aspect ofDivinity,” BCSMS (2002), 20, on the decline
of female deities in the second millennium.
the two were linked. Therefore, these texts stand at the focal point betwe
two contrasting concepts o f location.
T he prevailing concept o f the netherworld linked it with the weste
point o f the compass, to the extent that the “the gate of sunset” became fig
rative language for the grave.123 This reflects the belief that the sun-god Uti
Samas descended to the netherworld each night.124 His role as a judge in t
netherworld is amply attested in texts from the Old Babylonian peri!
onward. However, in the extant Sumerian sources of the third millenniut
the relation o f the netherworld to the “place ofsunset” is far less document‫׳‬
and there is no evidence that Utu was the judge o f the dead or fulfilled a!
other duty in the netherworld.125 In fact, most texts disclose a belief that
night U tu returned home to rest.126 Apparently, the Sumerian sources sho
123. Udugljul 252, 302, and p. 143:107' (against Geller’s reading 1u ru g a P 8“1).
124. The same notion applies to other divinities who were identified with astral bod
that set in the western sky like Inanna. That only Utu/Samas became firmly relat
to the netherworld and later became the judge of the dead is probably because,
' addition to his strong light, his daily cycle made him a frequent visitor unlike otl
astral bodies that disappear in the west for longer or at irregular intervals. In the fi
elegy of the Pushkin Museum, Nannais also called upon to grant a favor to thefatl
of Ludingira.
125. In the most detailed description o f the netherworld, DUr, the function of judge
assigned to Urnamma and Gilgames, probably as a reflection of their role as kit
when alive. Since Utu is not mentioned at all, the belief in U tu’s role as the jud
in the netherworld must be later than U r III times.
126. See Wilcke, 1969b, 7 8 , 1. 139 and 82, 11. 234—36 (Lugalbanda); Sjöberg, 1969, T<
III, Temple Hymn no. 38, 11. 482-83. In “Gilgames and Huwawa” line 79 we re
that he went to the lap o f his mother Ningal (see Edzard, Z A 81 [1991]: 193). F
further sources see Heimpel, 1986, 127—51, especially 128-29. The sources tl
Heimpel collects express two contradictory ideas about U tu’s activity during t
nigirt. The notion that Utu spent the night resting agrees with the absence of a
third-millennium evidence for the belief that he had a role in the netherworld ar
moreover, the only reference to judgment o f the dead in DUr does not involve U1
but Ereskigal and then Urnamma himselfand Gilgames. H eimpel correcdy obsen
that the idea that Utu rests at night is a fully anthropomorphic concept o f the si
and the concept of an active, restless U tu stems from the rationalization of the f
that the sun must move from west to east during the night. Unlike Heimpel, I thi;
these notions cannot and should not be harmonized, but should be regarded as t\
religious traditions. The notion that U tu rests at night evidently gave way to t
belief that he moved at night from the west through the netherworld to the ea
Therefore, it may have been an earlier belief that remained transmitted in writi:
while religious thought proceeded to question the validity of this notion, becau
Utu rises from the other end of the cosmos. The two may have also be conter
poraneous but originate in different groups of the population. In light of the exta
less interest in his descent than in his rising, which brings light back to the
world and enables revitalization and justice for all living things. Accordingly,
the current belief was that destinies were decided in the place of sunrise,
which, by definition, diminished the mythological significance of the sun-
set.117 Nonetheless, Lu’utu’s inscription indicates that, in Umma of the Old
Akkadian period, the “place of sunset” described the realm of the dead.127128
Since, however, he built EreskigaFs dwelling in the “place o f sunrise”
(although metaphorically129), his inscription geographically bridges in her
divine function the opposite ends of the cosmos. In other words, it combines
two different theological attitudes to the netherworld, the one reflected in
southern Sumerian texts that point to the east, and the other prevalent in Old
Babylonian sources that point to the west. Assuming that this combination
is not impulsive but rather the product of rational speculation, a single
element in the Sumerian concept o f the netherworld can make it possible: the
road to the netherworld. The well-attested belief that the netherworld was
at the end o f a road that began at the entrance to the realm of the dead links
the east with the west. It is also instrumental for reconciling the different
notions about U tu ’s nightly movements— he sets in the realm o f the dead but
does not necessarily enter into the netherworld.130
evidence, one may wonder whether it is a coincidence that the oldest text about Utu
is of Semitic origin. Cf. A R E T 5, 6 and O IPçç, no. 326. W . G. Lambert, “Notes
on a Work o f the Most Ancient Semitic Literature, ” J C S 41/1 (1989): 1-32 with
a translation ofj. Cooper on p . 33; idem, “The Language of A R E T Y , 6 and 7” in
F. Fronzaroli 1992, 41—63; M. Krebernik, “Mesopotamian Myths at Ebla: A R E T
5,6 and A R E T 5,7” in Fronzaroli, 1992, 63-149.
127. By definition, because the place of sunrise is where the future is detennined, other
locations are o f lesser importance. That the decision on destinies lay with more gods
than just Utu suggests that he was mainly instrumental in shedding light, which
enabled fate-decreeing gods to see everything and reach the right decision. This is
demonstrated by the two hymns to his temples in Larsa and in Sippar (Temple
Hymn no. r3 and 38, Sjöberg, 1969, 27 and 45-46 resp.). Both hymns emphasize
his power to shed light. Since Sippar is in northern Sumer, it may be of significance
that only the hymn to his Sippar temple praises Utu as judge (still, however, in the
place of sunrise 1. 489). The place of sunset or a nightly occupation is not mentioned
in the hymns and even the Sippar hymn implies that Utu rests at night (11. 482-83).
128. Wiggermann (1999, 219) reads a reference to the West in the ED III zà-m i-hym n
to Nergal (L4S, 48:65-69) “big dwelling (dag-gal) whose shadow (gissu) spreads
in the West (SIG).” Lambert, (1990a, 44) however, translates SIG “pleasant.”
129. “The place ofsunrise” where Lu’utu built EreskigaFs temple is figurative language.
In practice it was probably a certain area on the eastern side of the sacred precinct.
See Textual remarks to Appendix 7/c.
130. In this context one may think of the description ofGilgames walking in the inoun-
The belief in the road o f the netherworld offers the means to rationalize
the link between the places o f sunrise and sunset in terms o f actual reality. If,
however, the link o f the east with the west was rooted in the speculation of
the Sumerians, it should be found in more sources. Therefore, the fact that
Sumerian sources overlook U tu’s role as judge in the netherworld, that the
U r Ill-period D U r does not retain even a trace ofit, and that so far it is stated
only in the inscription ofL u’utu and reflected by the Nungal hymn suggests
that this cosmological view is a synthesis of two different religious inclina-
tions. Its presence in Umma but absence from other southern Sumerian
centers suggests that the one was o f southern Sumerian origin and the other
northern or Semitic.
Two different religious speculations about the netherworld are also
discernible in the cycle o f temple hymns that are attributed to Enheduanna,
the daughter ofSargon o f Akkad, the ^-priestess to N annain Ur. The hymns
to the temples Emeslam and Egida suggest that, in the third millennium,
Sumer was divided into the north and south on the concept of the nether-
world: in the north the cult o f the dead centered in Kutha around Meslamtaea
or Nergal, and in the south around Ereskigal and Ninazu in Enegi. The two
religious streams merged into one only in the second millennium, but it
seems that the constituents o f the northern pantheon became more pro-
nounced. Although Ereskigal remained the queen o f the netherworld and
Namtar her vizier, the southern netherworld pantheon changed, and its
memory remained only in god-lists and in rigid literary traditions. Enegi was
deserted and forgotten;131its tutelary god Ninazu became a minor deity unre-
lated to the netherworld; Ereskigal officially remained queen, but shared her
office with Nergal;132 Ningiszida retained a relatively active position but
changed from a young hero to the chair-bearer; and other Sumerian chthonic
gods were identified with Nergal and became aspects o f him. O n the other
tain mirai, in Gilg. IX. The image is of a dark tunnel connecting the west to the east
and Gilgames heading eastward before he reached the water of death.
131. That the Old Babylonian copies of the hymn to the temple Egida describe Enegi
as “Kutha ofSumer” is probably a contemporary explanatory addition to the earlier
version of the hymn, which indicates that in the Old Babylonian period, when
Enegi already had been deserted, its cultic function was indeed forgotten. During
the U r III period, the cult of Ninazu was still celebrated in Enegi, it was deserted,
at the end of the U r III period, and only then it became necessary to explain its cultic
function.
132. There is no evidence that she actually had a cult, but, since we have no offering lists
from the second millennium as do for the third, it may have gone undocumented.
hand, Kutha became the only center of the cult of the dead;133 Nergal became
the active power in the netherworld; his status, as reflected in the cult and the
late god-lists, surpassed Ereskigal’s; and his entourage became instrumental in
bringing about death. In addition, from the second millennium onward,
Samas is the judge over the dead and the netherworld is commonly associated
with the mythological “sunset.” This theological development is illustrated
in the Nungal hymn by the shift of m e from Ereskigal to Nungal.
These developments in the concept of the netherworld become discern-
ible after the Sumerians were overpowered by Semitic peoples and ceased to
exist as a national entity. Since a comprehensive change in religious dogma
can hardly happen at once, it stands to reason that the northern concept of
the netherworld was upheld and influenced by the Semitic population of
Sumer. It penetrated the southern Sumerian cult only when and where the
Semites’ power within the local population increased considerably. Since
most of our written sources originate in the religious centers of southern
Sumer, the northern cult received very little literary expression.134 The
exception is Um m a’s neighborhood, with a relatively high concentration of
Semitic inhabitants from the Old Akkadian period. Is it a coincidence that the
earliest link o f the netherworld to the “sunset” and, therefore, to Utu/Samas,
is in the Inscription ofL u’utu e n s i Umma? Perhaps it was of Semitic origin,
and Lu’iitu added it to the convention o f the southern cult of the dead in the
divinity of Ereskigal.
Observing the path of the sun, the Sumerians view east and west as demar-
eating the width o f the cosmos and conceived the bipolar pattern a n - k i to
define its highest and lowest limits. That a n - k i is employed more often to
compare heaven and earth— not the netherworld— and that a formula a n -
k u r is non-existent suggests that the cosmos consisted o f the upper region
only. Likewise, the idea that the netherworld is somewhere in the m oun-
tains, and that Ereskigal was also linked with the place of sunrise indicates a
horizontal perspective o f the netherworld-Sumer relationship. A dramatic
change emerged in Old Babylonian sources: die Nungal hymn signifies the
133. ThatEnegiis described in terms of Kutha, “Kutha of Sumer,” and not the other way
around suggests that Kutha was the recognized center for the cult o f the dead.
134. This point is demonstrated by the offerings lists of the U r III period, which show
that the cult was mainly concerned with southern Sumerian deities, that Nergal is
poorly represented compared to Ninazu and Ningiszida, and that the traditional god
ofKutha is Meslamtaea, not Nergal, who resided in theEmeslam already in the Old
Akkadian period. The interest in Meslamtaea rather than in Nergal, who also is
Sumerian, shows that even when a southerner revered a northern deity he adhered
to his own local tradition.
transfer of authorities and subsequently the functional dissociation of the east

from the west. An OldBabylonian incantation against evil spirits goes further,
in also demonstrating a change in the perspective from the horizontal to the
vertical. The ghost is told that its place is neither in the east nor in the west,
but at the dark bottom of the netherworld (1.1.3 /a). Thus, the netherworld
as the dwelling of the spirits shifted from behind the mountains on the hori-
zon to the deepest level under the surface of the earth.
As dramatic as the transformation o f perception from the horizontal to the
vertical may be, assuredly it was not the outcome of a sudden inspiration of
a Sumerian theologian. O ur survey in chapter 4 of the extant sources detailing
the living conditions in the netherworld reveals that the Sumerians imagined
it to be barren, and were mostly concerned with the availability o f food and
drink. Clay, dust, and darkness, which constitute the main environmental
elements of a subterranean region, are rarely mentioned and only in texts that
can safely be dated to the Old Babylonian period. Therefore, I assume that
the vertical perception of the cosmos is not Sumerian in origin and that it was
superimposed upon the Sumerian horizontal perception, which ultimately
became obsolete. Accordingly, I propose that the vertical perception o f the
cosmos is connected with the belief that the sun descends to the netherworld
at night to judge the dead. In other words, the written sources suggest that
the original Sumerian concept positioned the netherworld somewhere be-
hind the mountains, on the level of the horizon. Therefore, I would trace the
origin of the Sumerian’s concept in the contrast between their civilized
cultural world and the wild embryonic nature of the netherworld and the rise
of divine astral bodies behind the mountains in the east, rather than in the
divine properties and functions of Utu.
Since the vertical perception of the cosmos became obvious only in the
Old Babylonian period, it can be attributed to the hegemony o f the Semites
in southern Mesopotamia. However, it stands to reason that during the third
millennium the vertical perception co-existed with the horizontal; that the
shift was the product of a gradual transformation in which Sumerians and
Semites nourished each other’s religious experience; and that Sumerian ideas
permeated the Semites’ speculations about the netherworld. Sumerian influ-
ence can be traced in the description of the sun’s dark path in the mountain
m a s u in the Akkadian epic of Gilgames.135 Since it seems to reveal a blend of
two different concepts, it deserves further consideration, although its compo-
sition is late. The general outlines of the mountain follow the vertical percep-
135. Gilgames IX, cols, iii—v, because it was not in the netherworld and yet in the
mountain range.
tion o f the bipolar pattern c w - k i: the peak of the mountain is in heaven and
its base reaches a r a l i (the netherworld). Samas enters this mountain at night
and exits in the morning. From a geographical viewpoint, this description
implies that the sun sets and rises behind a large mythological mountain ridge
that links heaven and netherworld vertically, and horizontally from east to
west. Since Gilgames lived in U ruk and southern Mesopotamia is a level
terrain, the very image of the mythological mountain puts it outside the
northeastern borders of Sumer, indicating Sumerian origin. And since
Gilgames passed it on the way to Utanapistim, before he reached the water
of death and came out alive, the vision o f Samas’ path in the mountain m a s û
could not have been through the netherworld. Samas’ role as ajudge derived
from his ability to shed strong light and thus see everything.136 However, the
thick darkness along the path suggests that the sun did not shine at night.137
Thereby it implies the notion that at night he was extinguished and did not
pronounce judgment. The implication of the Akkadian description of GÜ-
games in the mountain m a s û essentially conforms to the notion expressed by
the Sumerian texts, that U tu rests at night, and explains the absence of refer-
ences to his role in the netherworld—whatever Sumerian theologians spec-
ulated about U tu’s nightly journey from west to east, they did not put it in
writing for us to understand. The ample sources from the second and first
millennia' about the role ofUtu/Sam as as judge o f the dead138 are inconsistent
with the implications of the description of his path in the mountain m a sû .
Therefore, I propose that it integrates, or is even based upon, an earlier, prob-
ably third-millennium Sumerian tradition. The portrayal of the mountain
m a fû suggests a vision of the mythological superhuman world in the moun-
tainous area.
136. It is needless to quote the many Sumerian descriptions of his performance as judge
and source of help during the day.
137. AlreadypointedoutinHeimpel, 1986 , 141-42. Against the argument that Gilgames
travelled through the day when the sun shines on earth, Meissner fragment, i 13-
15 expresses a belief in eternal darkness. Also, the Akkadian topos that portrays the
netherworld as a dark house whose inhabitants never see light implies that neither
the sun nor the moon shine in the netherworld (IsD: C T 15,45:4—11, esp. 7,9; Gilg.
VII, iv 33-38, esp. 36, 39; Nergal and Ereskigal, S T T l, 28 iii 2-5).
138. See especially the Old Babylonian first elegy of the Pushkin Museum (Kramer,
1960a, 54, 11. 88—89) and the incantation to Utu (Alster, 1991).
1.4.2. D e s c r ip tio n M a te r ia ls : T h e T e r m s f o r “N e t h e r w o r l d ” a n d th e M y t h o l o g i z a -
tio n o f th e N e th e r w o r ld
Intrinsically the netherworld is a mythological region, and its existence is

embedded in mythological reality. However, the Sumerians seem to have
perceived mythological reality as historically actual. Therefore, from a liter-
ary point of view, the difference between various descriptions of the neth-
erworld is not in the sort of reality that the author aspired to portray (this is
a constant), but in the material that he used to that end. In some o f the descrip-
dons, the material is purely concrete historical, and in some the material is
fictional.139This point canbe illustrated by the use of the term k u r to designate
“netherworld.” W hen the k u r is portrayed as a mountain, morphologically
it conforms to the original and basic meaning of the word and is clearly a
material of concrete geographical reality. W hen, on the other hand, the k u r
is described as a subterranean kingdom, it is obviously fictional on two
counts: first, the term k u r loses its basic geographical meaning “mountain”
and becomes merely an appellation; and second, the image o f a kingdom
imitates the familiar his torical reality, but w hen it is situated underground , the
material becomes essentially fictional-mythological. The k u r is also a myth-
ological place as the habitat o f monstrous evil spirits since these are myth-
ological creatures.
139. Since the netherworld is a mythological entity, its descriptions always represent
mythological reality. This reality is fictional by definition. However, our literary
descriptions are based on the authors’ cognition and, as much as they are imagi-
native, the materials that he used were always taken from historical reality. For us
it makes a difference whether the author left the material as it was or adapted it for
the purpose of the description. Ifthe materials of the story remained untouched, the
mythological reality is merely a replica of the historical reality, and despite being
mythology, the description is historical because of its material. Yet, sometimes the
materials for the story were taken from the historical reality and worked by the
author in a way that created a fictional description. The adaptation of the material
changed its nature from concrete historical material into fictional material and,
therefore, the description is mythological because the material of the story is fic-
tional. Subsequently, ,we can characterize the reality of descriptions of the nether-
world according to their material and distinguish between the mythological reality
described by historical materials and those that were described by mythological
material. I shall illustrate this complicated observation by examples. Gods are
mythological figures, but they look and behave like human beings, acting in Sumer,
usually in the areas of their cult centers. Therefore, stories about the gods and their
activities usually reflect the historical reality of Sumer, although they take place in
a mythological reality. Also the galla, whose role was to lead the young dying god
to the netherworld, are mythological figures. Y et, the material of their descriptions
is mythological. The formula by which they are described, “They are not...,”
W ith this observation in mind we can evaluate our sources by using two
criteria:
a. The character of the description materials: Does the netherworld
emerge as a mythological or as a concrete geographical region?
b. The relation between the character of the description, whether
mythological or historical, and the terms for netherworld.
Keeping in mind the incidental availability of our sources,140we can divide
the descriptions of the netherworld into two groups. One group constitutes
descriptions in terms of concrete geographical reality, and relates to divinities
portrayed as human beings. The second group depicts the netherworld as a
mythological place, usually related to mythological creatures (evil spirits).
This division also shows in a correlation of the character of the descriptions
and the two groups o f texts. One group includes the laments for the young
dying fertility-god. These texts are anchored in the actual geographical reality
of Sumer and the netherworld is conceived in terms o f the actual geographical
reality. The second group is typified by incantations. These texts link the
demonstrates a method for transforming historical material into mythological: the

details are based on common social and emotional conventions but are modified by
negative constructions to produce a terrifying image. In other words, since concrete
historical concepts were not enough to express the terrifying image of the galla,
concrete historical images were invalidated through the negative form and, thereby
a different reality was created, a mythological reality. A similar method for trans-
forming historical reality into the mythological is found in the description of the
netherworld in “Ningiszida’sJourney to the Netherworld.” In order to express an
image o f total nothingness, the author selected the three basic necessities for survi-
val, drink, food and clothes, exemplified by their self-evident sources, but presented
in a negative construction; thereby he reversed their characteristics and endowed
them with a fictional essence: the river of the netherworld does not carry water, its
field does not yield grain, and its sheep carry no wool. Thus emerges a mythological
reality, defined in terms of an historical reality. Needless to emphasize that this
method sparks the imagination of contemporary audiences and at the same time
keeps the mythological reality within the limits of human comprehension.
140. Not all the texts come from legal excavations and, therefore, in many cases the
provenance cannot be safely established. Most ofthe excavated material comes from
southern Sumer and, therefore, the north is probably not equally represented. In
addition, there is the question ofpreservation: What was written down as opposed
to transmitted orally, and was it the result of an arbitrary selection of literary tradi-
tions or mere chance, and, finally, what physically survived the ravages o f time?
Thus, the available sources may be but a fragment of an abundant and more
diversified cultural activity and we cannot statistically evaluate to what extent they
represent the whole.
netherworld with the grave, depict it as subterranean region and thus

conceive it in terms of mythological reality.
The distribution of the terms for the netherworld seems to follow roughly
the lines o f this division as well, k u r , the standard term for netherworld in
Sumerian,141 is attested in all the texts that depict the netherworld as a con-
crete geographical place, but never in the bipolar pattern a n - k i . O n the other
hand, the terms k i and a r a l i appear exclusively in descriptions that charac-
terize the netherworld as a mythological place. I assume that the character of
the material reflects the type of geographical perception of the netherworld.
Therefore, the relation between the distribution of the terms for netherworld
and the type of material may indicate whether the relation between the myth-
ological and the historical geographical concepts is synchronic or diachronic.
The change in the meaning of the name a r a l i in relation to its distribution
illustrates the development of the geographical characterization of the neth-
erworld. Originally, a r a l i designated a concrete geographical region. It was
the name of the steppe between Badtibira and Uruk, where Dumuzi brought
his flock to pasture and where he died.142The tradition about his death in the
desert was later interpreted as an event that occurred in the netherworld,143
and in the Old Babylonian period the place where Dumuzi died, a r a l i , was
identified with the netherworld itself.144 Thereafter, a r a l i is a name for the
141. The distribution of kur in the literature is far greater than any other name for the
netherworld and, subsequently, I conclude that this indeed was the standard term.
A comparative analysis of the distribution of the names indicates that names and
terms other than kur occur in greater frequency in texts that were composed during
and after the Old Babylonian period. The numerical ratio between them and kur
implies that even when we can date their emergence to the third millennium, they
are not earlier than kur. Since our earliest sources are of the U r III period, and those
use kur exclusively, it is not known which terms were in use besides kur up to that
period and in what frequency. The name Ereskigal indicates that kigal was an old
appellation for the netherworld, but apart from her name, kigal is not attested in
texts that can be traced to third-millennium sources. The earliest mention of
Ereskigal is in a text from Pre-Sargonic Lagas (DP 51 iii 5, UruKAgina year 2). K i-
gal is more common as a term designating “base,” and I suggest that this meaning
derived from the meaning “netherworld” and replaced it (see more in chapter 5).
142. See Jacobsen, 1983, 195g.
143. N ot surprisingly, since the desert was outside the inhabited area and the civilized
world, it was regarded as being dangerous. It was thought to be haunted by evil
spirits and thus related to the netherworld as part of the realm of the dead.
144. An episode of Edina-usagake demonstrates such a development, the transformation
of the scene from the terrestrial world of Sumer to the netherworld. The Old
netherworld (alongside the original tradition, which survived in some earlier

mythological stories about Dumuzi the shepherd). In its newly acquired
meaning, a r a l i was not characterized as a grassland, but as the habitat o f the
dead and, in particular, of mythological creatures. W ith that meaning it
appears in incantations and prayers. Tw o passages from a single U d u g h u l-
incantation illustrate the different semantic fields of a r a l i and k a r . a r a l i is the
name of the netherworld when the incantation describes the way o f the ghosts
as they exit to the world of the living, but, in the same text, it is k a r w hen
referring to their hum an victim if he were to die and pass on to the neth-
erworld (1.2.1/g and Appendix 6/b, 1. 250; 1.2.1/fa n d Appendix 6/c, 1. 285
respectively), a r a l i is more common in relation to evil spirits and k a r in rela-
tion to human beings. Gestinanna’s epithet “scribe o f a r a l i ” probably relates
to her primary mythological role as the sister of Dumuzi and to the events
surrounding his death (see D D 21, where Dumuzi asks for her to interpret his
dream).145The tide was applied also to Ninazimua ( D U r 127).146 In Akkadian
texts a r a l i appears in the bipolar pattern as being opposite heaven, to indicate
the deepest place o f the cosmos.147 Apparendy, a r a l i was and remained a
specific geographical name, but had lost its original concrete geographical
quality and attained a different, mythological geographical sense. It is sign if-
icant that, unlike k a r , a r a l i lacks any geographical or topographical marks,
neither distinguishable nor hidden. It is a neutral term and, as such, harmo-
nious with the concept of a subterranean netherworld.
Regarding its distribution, a r a l i became a common name for the neth-
erworld in sources from the Old Babylonian period and, therefore, in that
sense it is later than k a r . The increase in its distribution, including in Akkadian
texts, suggests that in later periods specific geographical names were more in
favor than terms such as k a r , which have distinct topographical and
geographical properties. Thus, the transformation in the application of the
name a r a l i from a historical to a mythological place, the increase in its distri-
Babylonian Sumerian version describes the mother looking for her son in the desert
and following him overland to the netherworld (see Appendix 4/b). According to
the later interpretation in the Akkadian version of the Neo-Assyrian bilingual text,
the subject of the same passage is not the mourningmother but the dead son himself,
and the scene occurs inside the netherworld (Appendix 4/c).
145. Therefore this title draws oil the original concrete geographical meaning of arali
rather than its later interpretation as a name of the netherworld.
146. Ninazimua was identified with Gestinanna by Gudea (see Statue M, ii 1—4, Steible,
1991,230‫ ־‬31).
147. See examples CAD A/2, 226-27, s-p■ Note that the bipolar pattem is com-
mon to arali and ki but was not applied to kar.
bution, and the preference of a geographically neutral name points to a diach-

ronic development.
A comparison of kur and ki leads to the same conclusion. Ki is a general
geographical term meaning “place.” Similar to kur, ki is not a specific name.
But unlike k14r and similar to arati it has no definite geographical or morpho-
logical properties. W ith its meaning “place,” ki was used also as a euphemism
or metaphor for the netherworld already in the third millennium, but more
frequently from the Old Babylonian period onward in incantations, prayers,
bipolar patterns, and in the Akkadian versions of bilingual texts (with the
reading ersetu ). In addition to the lack of geographical or morphological prop-
erties, the distribution of ki is also comparable to that of arali. In the meaning
“netherworld” ki is more prevalent in texts from the second millennium. The
increase in its attestations suggests a preference for neutral names as opposed
to terms of concrete geographical meaning. W ith no discernible morpho-
logical or geographical properties, ki befits any sort o f geographical concept
o f the netherworld, concrete or mythological.
Most striking is that the preference for neutral names, over a term charged
with concrete geographical or morphological properties, emerges also in the
usage of the term kur itself. Sumerian sources describe journeys overland to
the kur portrayed as a mountain, and a subterranean kur, certainly not a
mountain. One group o f descriptions, typified by E d in a - u s a g a k e and the
ersemma o f Ninhursaga, employs materials o f concrete geographical reality,
whereas the other, such as G E N and the incantations, applies materials of
mythological reality. E d in a - u s a g a k e and the ersemma o f Ninhursaga are
known from Old Babylonian copies, but reflect social and religious circum-
stances of much earlier periods, probably around mid-third millennium or
before. The earliest dated text that visualizes the kur as a subterranean city-
state and uses mythologized materials o f historical reality is D U r . Later on,
from the Old Babylonian period, this became the general tendency, as
demonstrated by G E N and U d u g h u l. The fact that in the bilingual texts of the
first millennium, the Akkadian version usually transposed kur with ki (ersetu ),
whereas when meaning “mountain” it was translated s a d u indicates a clear
distinction between the geographical import o f the various meanings o f kur.
the one is a name and the other a topographical feature. Thus, it appears that
the distribution of kur as a neutral, abstract place name, dismantled of its
geographical and morphological properties, conforms to the distribution of
ki and arali. Though we have no means to determine the absolute chro-
nology of the texts, the descriptions of the kur “netherworld” in concrete
geographical terms may be earlier than descriptions o f it as a subterranean
city-state with materials of mythological reality.
The transformation from concrete geographical terms to neutral geo-

graphical names signifies a tendency to mythologize the netherworld. It also
demonstrates an ability for abstraction and, thus, points to an intellectual
development. The emergence o f an abstract idea demonstrates an advanced
developmental stage that is later in time than the adherence to tangible
matters. Therefore, the relation between the descriptions that reflect concrete
historical reality and those that reflect mythological reality is diachronic.
W hen mythologization first appeared in thought and in the descriptions
of the netherworld is not certain. DL/rportrays the k u r as a subterranean king-
dom entered through the grave and, therefore, in the U r III period the k u r
was probably a name of a mythological place, since it had lost its concrete
geographical characteristics. In I D the netherworld appears as a kingdom,
indicating that it had acquired some characteristics o f urban society, such as
the institution of kingship. However, since the myth does not focus on the
netherworld, the text appears ambiguous in respect to a location and we
cannot determine whether it was subterranean or a kingdom in the m oun-
tainous area. I assume that Inanna descended as the planet Venus from heaven
behind the mountain peak downward to its foot. Therefore, the k u r w a s not
subterranean, but at the foot o f the mountain, as is portrayed in the laments.
Presumably, a crucial point in the development toward complete mythol-
ogization occurred during the Old Akkadian period, following the emer-
gence o f the Akkadian empire and the expansion o f the political and geo-
graphical horizons of the Sumerians into the mountainous area beyond their
eastern borders. After the mountain regions became accessible to the civilized
world of the Sumerians, the kur was no longer a fearful, foreboding territory.
Thus, the netherworld could no longer be identified with and located in the
mountainous area. Therefore, the concept of the kur had to change and
become separate from mountains. Kur remained the standard Sumerian word
for “netherworld,” but in that meaning it began to change from a geograph-
ical term to a toponym. In the process, the netherworld lost its corporeal
nature and became entirely mythological.148
148. It follows that the laments for the young dying fertility gods that describe the kur
in terms of concrete geographical reality are based on traditions earlier than the
mythologization. It is, however, impossible to determine their date with precision
because they are known from Old Babylonian sources. It is not impossible that they
were known already by the beginning of the third millennium or the end of the
fourth.
CHAPTER. 2
T he T o p o g r a p h ic a l A spec t
THE LOCATION OF THE NETH ERW ORLD
IN RELATION T O THE SURFACE OF THE EARTH
IF ASKED A BO U T TH E LO CA TIO N o f the realm o f the dead, the modern

believer would spontaneously point to heaven or earth. The inhabitant of
ancient Mesopotamia would just point down to earth; heaven was the
domain of the gods. W hen reading Sumerian sources the question seems
inescapable. The reason is that the most common Sumerian word for “neth-
erworld” is written with the sign k u r , which also means “mountain” and
“foreign country.” The diversity of meanings is confusing as well as intrigu-
ing: W hy would one sign express three different ideas? Since Sumerian script
is basically pictographic and the sign k u r resembles a mountain, one could
speculate that the three meanings originated and derived from one common
geographical concept. The implication of this hypothesis is rather uncon-
ventional: it means that this concept is original to the Sumerians, and their
netherworld was neither in heaven nor deep in the earth but was a mountain
or in the mountain range beyond the northeastern border o f Sumer. This
hypothesis evolves from and is substantiated by the graphic form o f the sign
k u r and its semantic field. But k u r is not the only word in Sumerian to desig-
nate “netherworld” ; relatively common names are also k i and a r a t i . M ore-
over, most o f the extant sources express the notion that the realm o f the dead
was subterranean, although these are mainly later Akkadian texts. At that
point it is legitimate, even necessary, to ask whether k u r w a s usedwithatrans-
ferred meaning or as an actual geographic term. Since some o f the texts seem
to depict the place o f the dead as a real mountain, the issue calls for an exam-
ination o f the descriptions that convey a morphological image o f the neth-
erworld. First, the attestations o f k u r must be analyzed in order to assess
whether the meanings “land of the dead” and “mountain” are interchange-
able and, thereby, establish whether k u r was employed for its real geograph-
ical value or in a transferred meaning. Then the texts should be grouped
according to the morphological and topographic images of the netherworld
in a meaningful manner.
The physical shape o f the netherworld does not occupy a central place in
Sumerian texts. W e learn about it indirectly, piecing together information
63
from descriptions that mention parts of the netherworld in actual geograph-

ical terms, and from verbs that define the physical relation between the subject
and the netherworld. The majority of the descriptions employ the term k u r
to signify “netherworld.” N ot surprisingly, however, they reflect contradic-
tory images of the netherworld, of which a subterranean community is prev-
aient, while in some accounts the place of the dead appears as a mountain.
The image of the netherworld as a mountain occurs in a number oflaments
over the young dying fertility-god. Descriptions of the mother following her
dead son to the k u r depict it as a bulky, protruding geographical object. These
laments are based on local traditions o f mythological scenes about divine
figures from regional pantheons, such as Dumuzi of Badtibira, Damu of
Girsu,1 Istaran of Der, and Ningiszida of Gisbanda. These divinities are
portrayed as human figures, acting in the actual geographical area of their cult
centers. Actual geographical terms describe the setting of the mythological
events as if in historical reality. Similarly, the k u r appears as a real mountain,
according to its basic literal definition. In these laments, the description of the
k u r rising in the distance is suggestive of the southern Mesopotamian land-
scape. M ore texts, however, represent the k u r as a subterranean community,
in social or political terms borrowed from the historical reality. The idea that
the netherworld is subterranean must have been generated by burial customs,
namely by adapting the geographical conception of the netherworld to the
human experience in historical reality. However, thereby the nature o f the
descriptive materials transforms. By describing a subterranean world the
materials lose their intrinsic historical quality and become mythological. In
other words, the location of the k u r under the surface o f the earth defines it
as a mythological place even when the description was based on terms of
concrete geographical or social reality.2
Consequently, the two types of descriptions are inconsistent w ith one
another, harboring inner contradictions. The description of the netherworld
as a mountain befits the basic meaning o f the term k u r b u t overlooks the actual
burial practice. Therefore, the mythological reality is inconsistent w ith the
1. Girsu is mentioned in Edina-usagake, see Appendix 4/a line 11. For discussion see
under the lament for Damu in chapter 1, section. 1.1.1.1/a.
2. The concept of an actual mountain addresses its physical shape as it appears to the
eye. The idea that the lower part or bottom of the mountain rests in the interior of
the earth and, thus, is invisible to the human eye reflects a mythological concept of
the dimensions of a mountain. For example, the description of the masû mountain
in Gilgames IX, ii 5 with its foot resting in the netherworld and its peak touching
heaven demonstrates a mythological mountain.
THE TOPOGRAPHICAL ASPECT 65
historical reality. O n the other hand, the image o f the netherworld as a subter-
ranean world corresponds to the burial practice but rejects the meaning of the
term k u r . Thus the mythological reality conforms to the actual reality but
conflicts w ith the concrete geographical significance of k u r .
The different morphological perceptions of the netherworld in general,
and under the appellation k u r in particular, raise three questions:
a. H ow did the geographical term kur become a standard word for
netherworld in Sumerian?
b. D o the different descriptions reflect contemporary or successive
conceptions that were transmitted conservatively side by side? If our
sources were based on literary traditions of different periods or
places, then the differences can be explained through the historical
background, and, rather than possessing inner contradictions, the
different images may represent theological evolution or preserved
local traditions.
c. Can we differentiate between the texts that depict the k u r as a real
mountain and those that depict it as a subterranean site in a mean-
ingful manner? If the texts can be grouped according to genre,
subject matter, or date, then the origin of their underlying concepts
could be traced.
In this chapter I shall first present, analyze, and discuss each source that
points to a morphological image of the netherworld. An evaluation of the
import of the sources with regards to their distribution in genre, subject
matter, location, and time will follow.
2.1. T e r m s fo r P a r ts o f th e N e th e r w o r ld
The morphological image of the netherworld is vividly illustrated in the texts

that point to its physical parts. These parts are details of the contours of the
k u r , such as foothill, peak, edge, or front.
2.1.1. k u r - u r - r a “f o o t o f th e m o u n t a i n ,’‫׳‬ k u r-b à d -d a “p e a k o f

th e m o u n ta i n ”
k u r - u r - r a appears in a variety o f texts. Its structure and uses indicate that

it was an existing expression designating the foot o f a mountain. The word
ü r “base” “foundation” “bottom ” “root” in the inverted genitive limits the
term k u r to its literal meaning “mountain.” The bottom o f the mountain is
the lower part that is visible to the eye. Together w ith k u r -b à d - d a , “peak
of the mountain,” it is a poetic expression used to describe the mountain in
its full size. In Lugalbanda, for instance, the pair is attested in the description
of the mountainous route between U ruk and Aratta.3 Although the pair
delineates an actual mountain, the attestations in the literary texts suggest that
the termkMrin k u r - u r - r a as opposed to h u r -s a g endows the context with
a supernatural or even mythological sense. N ote Um amm a B 45: m u -z u
a n -z à -s è k u r - u r - s è h é -g â l “May your name extend (from as far as) the
horizon (to) the foot ofthe mountains,” and compare this with “The Message
ofLudingirato His M other” line 22, where the contrasting term is h u r-s a g :
a tn a -in u s ù - d u - â g - g in x a n - u r - r a lu - lim - h u r - s a g - g a “My mother
is like a bright light on the horizon, a doe in the mountains.”4 In two laments
over the dead, young fertility-god, k u r - u r - r a describes the end of his road
to the netherworld, and the destination o f his mother who was looking for
him.
a. SK 45 8-1 15
The dead lad stands at the foot of the mountain, crying at the end o f his jour-
ney to the netherworld (see also 1.2.1/c).
8. [gurjus ki-kur-ur-ra-ka ir im-ma-ni-[in-se8]
9. [li-b]i!-ir-ù-mu-un-s[ux-di ki-kur-ur ra-k[a] fr im-ma-ni-in-[se8]
10. [gurus] ki-kaskal-la-ka àm-da-til-til-le-e[s-àm]
11. m u-lu-sir-an-na-mu ki-kaskal-la-ka àm-[da-]til-til-le-es-àm
8. [The la]d [wejeps at the place of the foot of the mountain
9. [The her Iaid Umunsfudi] [wejeps at the place off] the foot of the
mountain.
10. [The lad] at the place o f the road where they finished him off.
11. M yM ulusirannaattheplace ofthe road where they finished him off.
Lines 8-9 form a complementary parallelism with lines 10-11, and “the foot
of the m ountain” is the location of “the road where they finished him off.”
Thus, “the foot of the m ountain” designates the netherworld, k u r - u r - r a
here signifies a concrete topographical reality and points to the image of the
netherworld as a concrete mountain.
3. Lugalbanda, 122:342. For more attestation see PSD B, 44 s.v. bàd B, 3.

4. Civil, JN E S 23 (1964): 3.
5. OldBabylonian source probably of Edina-usagake. Jacobsen, 1987, 84:382'—85'. The
text was not included in Cohen, 1988.
b. ERSEMMA OF NINHURSAGA 5 -6 and 96

The mother approaches the k u r in her search for her dead son (for the whole
passage and textual remarks see chapter 1, section 1.2.1/b).
5. ama-gan-ra as-tar-tar ki-kin-kin kur-ur-ra ba-te
6. as-tar-tar-re ki-kin-kin-e kur-ur-ra ba-te
9. kur-ûr-ra ba-te kur-bàd-da ba-te
5■ As for the birth-giving mother, inquiring and searching the foot
o f the mountain (k u r ) gets closer,
6. Inquiring and searching the foot of the mountain gets closer.
9. The foot ofthe mountain gets closer; the peak of the mountain gets
closer.
This passage, more than the previous one, leaves no room for doubt that the
k u r is a real mountain, because o f the parallel between the foot of the moun-
tain and its peak (1.9), and their relation to the verb. Like the previous passage,
the mountain toward which Ninhursaga moves is the place o f her dead son
and, therefore, the k u r is the netherworld.
The lad who mourns his fate at the foot o f the mountain and Ninhursaga,
searching for her son and walking toward the foot o f the mountain, act and
express their emotions as living human beings. The netherworld is portrayed
by the use of a topographical term as an actual geographical feature, the foot
of the mountain. However, the netherworld is not a mere mountain but a
mythological place and the protagonists are divine mythological figures.
Thus, both texts describe the mythological scenes in a realistic style as a replica
of life and create an illusion of historical reality.
2.1.2. k u r - ù n - n a “ h ig h m o u n ta i n ”
In the Sumerian version of the Neo-Assyrian bilingual edition of E d i n a -

u sa g a k e the expression kur-B À D -na occurs (see appendix4/c, 1. 24). Judging
by the phonetic complement, it seems reasonable that the reading should be
k u r -ù n - n a , meaning “high m ountain.” This expression describes the desti-
nation of the mother who follows her son to the netherworld, hence, “the
high m ountain” is the netherworld. It is noteworthy that the meaning “neth-
erworld” was actually recognized by the late scribe, w ho rendered it by Akka-
dian erset m i t ü t ï “land of the dead.”
O ur Old Babylonian version o f this passage— which is not the source for
the Neo-Assyrian Sumerian version— probably reads k u r -m u d !- s è . This
source has been corrupted and we have no means of verifying whether it has
6. Kramer, 1982a, Copy: C T 58, 5, pis. 4-5.

68 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHER'WORLD
kept the original phrasing of this line. Nevertheless, this phrasing, too, imparts
the image o f the netherworld as a mountain. In view o f more attestations of
ù n “high,”7 and since there are more Sumerian descriptions o f the nether-
world as a real mountain, it is not impossible that the bilingual version
preserved the original phrasing o f the passage despite its late date and cor-
rupted Sumerian (see discussion Appendix 4/b to 1. 4 and 4 / c to 11. 24—25).
If the original Sumerian version was indeed k u r - ù n - n a , it is no wonder that
the later Assyrian scribe ignored the phonetic complement / - n a / and preferred
to read the BÀD with the meaning u g s, which he could render e rse t m it ü t i
“land o f the dead.” In the Neo-Assyrian period it was inconceivable to de-
scribe the netherworld, a subterranean kingdom, as a high mountain. By
applying the reading u gs, the scribe adapted the Sumerian text to the contem-
porary concept without interfering too m uch with the original phrasing.
2.1.3. g a b a -k u r-1 ‫־‬a “e d g e o f th e m o u n ta i n ”
The word gaba “breast” is used in a transferred meaning in a geographical

sense to signify the front edge of the feature it qualifies. In analogy to g a b a -
h u r -s a g -g a “edge of the hills,”8 g a b a -a “waterfront” o r g a b a - a - a b - b a
“ edge of the sea,” g a b a - k u r - r a signifies “edge o f the mountain.”9 In E d i n a -
u s a g a k e it describes the destination of the m ourning mother, the netherworld,
as a synecdoche (see Appendix 4/b). The same expression appears in two
more texts in an ambiguous context that can also be rendered “netherworld,”
“The Instructions of Suruppak” and U r u - a m ir a b i, a lament over the destruc-
tion of a temple of Istar.
a. S K 26 iv i —310 (Appendix 4/b)

An Old Babylonian version of E d in a - u s a g a k e describes the m other walking to
the netherworld, following her dead son:
7. M SL 16, 227:145-50; Sjöberg, 1969, 57:30; van Dijk, i960, 105.

8. “The Second U r Lament” line 36 and “Lugalbanda in the Mountain Cave” fine 44
(Michalowski, 1989, 115:36 [ms. U] and Wilcke, 1969b, 34 and 35 resp.). The
reference from Lugalbanda is particularly interesting because it appears as the second
member of a synonymy parallelism of which the first member might be recon-
structed as [x g a b a -k u ]r-ra -k e 4. Unfortunately this reconstruction cannot be
verified, otherwise it could prove the validity of this expression as a term of actual
geographic reality, interchangeable with h u r-s a g “hill” “mountain.”
9. To be exact, it probably signifies the slope, in front of the beholder.
10. For the Neo-Assyrian bilingual version, see Appendix 4/c, and see also chapter 1,
section 1.2.1/d.
1. [al-di ga-da-an-gen gurus-m e-en/ ha-1‫־‬a-n]a nu-g[i4- g ij

2. a ,gurus1 gurus-da-[m u-m uj
3. i-in-di i-in-di gaba-kur-ra-[sè]
1. “If wished, let me walk with you, you lad, the road o f no return,
2. O h lad, lad, [my Da]mu.”
3. She goes she goes toward the edge of the mountain.
The expression g a b a - k u r - r a indicates the destination of the mother, the
place where her son is. Therefore, in this context it describes the netherworld.
Considering that gaba was used to qualify more geographical features in
non-mythical reality, in contexts of actual geographical intent, the k u r in
g a b a -k u r -r a means “m ountain”; “edge of the mountain” is where the
mountain meets the level land. In this expression k u r is not readily inter-
changeable with “netherworld.” However, its use in this context implies that
the netherworld was viewed as a real mountain and suggests that it is synec-
do ehe.
We already read in S K 45 8,10 (2.1.1/a above) the description of the lad
at the end ofhis road to the netherworld: “ [The la]d [we]eps at the place of
the foot o f the mountain (k u r-u r-ra )...[T h e lad] at the place of the road
where they finished him off.” It seems that both g a b a - k u r - r a and k u r -
û r -r a signify the lower part o f the mountain and are interchangeable. These
descriptions, then, are based on identical geographical concepts o f the neth-
erworld: a place situated at the foot of a real, non-mythological mountain.
The Sumerian version of the Neo-Assyrian bilingual edition from N ine-
veh agrees with the Old Babylonian version cited above (compare with
Appendix 4/c 11. 22—23). The Akkadian version, however, renders g a b a -
ku r - r a literally by ir a t e rseti, in agreement w ith the conventional Akkadian
rendering of fair w hen it denotes “netherworld,” and w ith g ab a when it
qualifies a geographical feature.11 The distinction between k u r: e rse tu and
11. In the bilinguals top'is usually rendered ersetu, written with the logogram KI. The
use of KI is also prevalent in texts which were originally composed in Akkadian.
In contexts where kur was understood as a real mountain, even in a mythological
cosmic reality, kur was translated sadû. The most striking example is the rendering
of gab a- k u r-ra with irat sadî (KUR-1) in the bilingual version of Uni amirabi (see
below section 2.1.3 /c). Other than in ga b a -k u r - ra see also Appendix 6/e line 769
and compare widi the cited passage of Samas hymn sR 50:3-4. The Sumerian use
of gaba to qualify a geographical feature finds its counterpart in Akkadian.
Examples with irtu (including from bilinguals with gaba) are quoted in C AD I-J,
186—87. Note that in Akkadian texts irtu was used in combination with other names
of the netherworld, either to illustrate the depth and firmness of foundations or in
a bipolar pattern as opposed to heaven to signify ultimate dimensions.
k u r : s a d û in Akkadian translations indicates that the intentions and the mean-

ings of the Sumerian context were forethought. The Akkadian version o f our
source preserved the intention “netherworld,” but abandoned the topo-
graphical meaning o f the original Sumerian image of the netherworld: k u r was
not perceived as a mountain but as a toponym. The use o ï i r t u in combination
with k ig a llu also points to that effect. However, in these applications irtu does
not signify “front edge.” A modified form o f the expression in Gilg. IX, ii 5:
s a p lis a ra llê ira tsu n u k a s d a t implies that in combination with a name o f the neth-
erworld irtu signifies the bottom edge. The relatively many attestations in
Akkadian sources o f irtu + a name of the netherworld suggest that gab a-
k u r - r a was appropriated from the Sumerian, because it was thought to
signify metaphorically the deepest part o f the universe.12 The translation is
literal but its import is different. Both sources indicate the netherworld, but
the Sumerian perspective was horizontal and, thus, the expression describes
an actual mountain even though it exists in a mythological reality. O n the
other hand, the Akkadian perspective o f the netherworld was vertical and,
therefore, the expression signifies a mythological location even when it de-
scribes the foundations o f an actual temple. The Akkadian version of the
lament, indeed, differs from the Sumerian version in the reality o f the geo-
graphical setting of the event. The subject o f the Akkadian version is the
descent of the dead young god to the netherworld and the scene occurs in a
subterranean, purely mythological world. The Sumerian version, on the
other hand, describes the m ourning m other as she followed her son to the
netherworld in actual geographical reality. She walks on the plain toward the
k u r , where her son is. Thus, the k u r was characterized by its topographical
properties as a real mountain, rising openly in the distance.
12. The combination of gaba with geographical features is a coined figure ofspeech,
or rather a dead metaphor like “the back of the hand,” “at the head o f...,” “the heart
of the matter,” etc. Prepositional uses o f irtu indicate that in principle the literal
translation of Sumerian gaba retains its meaning, but this may vary according to
the perspective of the beholder.
b. THE INSTRUCTIONS OF SURUPPAK 270-7213

The different meanings of/cMrgive rise to more than one interpretation of this
passage.14 One possibility is that it refers to the netherworld.
270. B: kaskal nu-zu gaba-kur-r[a-ka
Cp [ gab]a-kur-ra-[k]a
271. B: dingir-kur-1‫־‬a lu-gu7-[gu7-me-es]
C 3: [ ]-gu7-gu7- ru '- rm e1-es
272. B: T 1 lû-gin7 nu-dù uru lû-[gin7 nu-dù]
C 3: [ ■-gi]n7 nu-dù uru lû-gin7 nu-dù
C, = CBS 8001 rev. s'~ 7' Alster, 1974, pi. X; B = 3N-T 918, 422 rev. 3-6
Alster, 1985, p. 134.
270. An unknown road at the edge of the mountain,
271 . The gods o f the k u r are man-eaters.
272. A house, like (that of) men, is not built (there), a city, like (that
of) men, is not built (there).
13. Alster, 1075, 137—39. “The Instructions ofSuruppak” is the oldest collection of
proverbs and sayings. Its earliest source, from Abu-Salabikh (OIP 99, no. 256), is
dated approximately to the twenty-fifth century BCE. A shghtly later source was
found in Adab (OIP 14, nos. 55—56). The most complete collection is dated to the
Old Babylonian period. In addition, there is an Akkadian version from the time of
Tiglath Pileser I. An edition of the text was first published by Alster (1974b). Two
additional fragments, including the above cited, were published by him a year later
as an Appendix to his study of Sumerian proverbs. For additional sources published
since see: Wilcke, Z A 68 (1978): 196-230; Civil, JN E S 43 (1984): 281-98; Alster,
AuOr 5 (1987): 199-206; Civil, AuOi'S (1987): 207—10; Alster, Z A 80 (1990): 15-19.
14. Alster includes line 273 in this passage. Wilcke’s translation, on the other hand,
suggests that diese lines are part ofa larger proverb unit consisting oflines 269—75.
He offers no explanations. He may have included 269 because lines 269-70 appear
in “Lugalbanda in the Moûntain Cave” as lines 15 8-59 (Wilcke, 1969b, p. 79). Lines
273-75 are too fragmentary. I have doubts about fine 269. One of the common
means o f arranging proverb collections was according to the first sign. Such an
arrangement did not call for a thematic relation between the proverbs. The begin -
ningofline 269 u r n u - z u matches the beginning ofline 270 kaskal n u - z u but
the two lines do not seem related thematically. Therefore line 269 might be a
complete and independent saying. The parallel to line 269 in Lugalbanda 58 ‫ ך‬links
direcdy with line 160, which plays on the words of 158 (and both refer to a “lost
man”) but line 160 is not a part of die saying. Therefore, it is more likely that lines
158-59 were taken from a proverb collection as one, and then integrated into the
narrative by means ofline 160. So also Hallo, in Abusch ct al. (eds.), 1990, 214.
— T e x tu a l R e m a r k s —
Alster translates g a b a -k u r-ra “in the front of the foreign

L in e 2 7 0 .
country.” However, k u r m the meaning “foreign country” is a term of
political geography whereas g a b a -k u r-ra is an expression o f physical
geography. Therefore, whenkwris qualified by g ab a in a prepositional
sense, it should mean “mountain” rather than “foreign country.”
At face value, line 270 describes a feature of actual geographic reality:
a mountainous road. But upon closer reading, the phrase echoes E d in a -
u sagake, S K 2 6 iv 3—7 (see Appendix 4/b) on the mourning mother who
followed her son to the netherworld “toward the edge of the moun-
tain,” “to the road that finishes the one who walks it.” Line 270 seems
to be a condensed form of this passage, suggesting a secondary myth-
ological layer of allusions to the netherworld.
Considering the religious importance of E d in a -u sa g a k e , it is not im-
possible that the lament lent its specific meaning to g a b a -k u r-ra , as
reflected by the Akkadian expression tra t e r s e ti/k ig a lli and that the mean-
ing is double: actual and mythological
kaskal n u -z u is comparable to ki n u -z u , which expresses animage
of remote or desolate places, usually in conjunction with trouble and
destruction. An occurrence of the expression kaskal n u -z u in a con-
text laden with allusions to the netherworld is in the ersemma of Gula,
no. r71, line 75: kaskal n u -z u -g â g a -g e n e d e n -sè g a -b a -'ri1-
d a-g en “A road I do not know I shall go, to the steppe I shall go away
fromyou.”15When kaskal n u -z u relates to g a b a -k u r-ra , itisremi-
niscent of k u r k i- n u - z u - n a in the metaphoric description of U r-
namma’s death in D U r : 6 s , where k u r is interchangeable with “nether-
world”: “ .. .in the k u r , the place unknown to him ... (his boat sunk with
him).”
The attestation ofline 270 in “Lugalbanda in the Mountain Cave” also
suggests that the message is twofold. Evidently, some parts of the narra-
tive convey double meaning: while the hero acts on a real historical
plane, underneath is an additional level of allusions to death and the
netherworld. The interplay of the two endows the plot of Lugalbanda
with deeper meaning and a greater impetus. This impression is partie-
ularly strong in the passage under discussion (Wilcke, 1969b, 79—80:
150-66), where Lugalbanda prays to Utu and asks, in a series of vivid
15. Cohen, 1981, 98. Also compare edin k i - n u - z u : “Lugalbanda in the Mountain
Cave” line 163 (Wilcke, 1969b, 79) in which Lugalbanda prays to Utu to save his
life in a series of metaphors for death; Ur Lament line 285; LSUr 332; and k u r ki-
n u - z u DUr.6s above. The semantic association of kaskal to death is illustrated
in proverb 8.2, Alster, 1997, 166.
metaphors, that the god save him from death. Therefore, the allusions
to the netherworld are probably intentional and, for this reason, line 270
was integrated into this context.16 In conclusion, g a b a -k u r-ra here
signifies the lower slope of a mountain; in actual reality, as rendered by
Wilcke (“Berglandes”), and in mythological reality it alludes to the
netherworld.
L in e 2 y 1 . lu - guy- gu? “man-eaters” characterizes the gods of the k u r
as having a negative and hostile property. In the meaning “mountain,”
k u r i s intrinsically a topographical term and, therefore, less likely to be
described with qualitative terms such as “good” or “bad.” Negative pro-
perries are more befitting, and in fact rather common, to the meanings
“foreign land” and “netherworld.” Lii -gt^-gm , bears the connotation
of death and it is also the attribute of the river of the netherworld in the
myth “Enlil and Ninlil.”17 Therefore, line 271 also conveys a double
meaning: on the plane of actual reality: it characterizes the gods of the
foreign countries (or o f the mountain area or both) and also reverberates
widi an allusion to the gods o f the netherworld.
L in e 2 2 ‫ ך‬. The subject of this line is the/a/r of line 271. It describes the
civic character of the k u r , devoid of houses and cities in contrast to the
civilized world of the Sumerians. In this context, therefore, the meaning
of k u r could be “mountain” and “mountains area,” the habitat of
nomadic tribes that live at the periphery of civilization, or “nether-
world.” It can hardly describe “foreign country.”
k u r with the meaning “m ountain” best fits lines 270 and 272, whereas the
meaning “foreign country” is appropriate only for line 271. “Netherw orld”
is the only meaning that fits all three lines; moreover, lu - g u 7‫ ־‬gu7ofline 271
creates a direct link with the netherworld. It seems likely, therefore, that this
proverb intentionally plays on the different meanings o f k u r t o create and
convey a multifarious message.
Pointing to the netherworld, in line 270 the topographical term gab a-
k u r - r a designates its location as being at the slopes of the mountain; line 271
characterizes the frightening nature of its gods; and line 272 indicates that this
place lacks organization and social order, the opposite of the civilized Sume-
rian society.
16. It remains uncertain whether line 269 is related to line 270. That in the Lugalbanda
tale line 15:8 (=269) relates to line 160 and not to line 159 (=270) is puzzling.
Apparently line 269 was used to integrate the quotation into the prayer. Its theme,
a man with a problem, indeed seems consistent with the context of Lugalbanda and
offers an idea for the elaboration of his image.
17. Behrens, 1978, lines 93-94, 98—99.
Lines 270-72 o f the “The Instructions of Suruppak” are known from the
Old Babylonian edition only. If this passage is an O ld Babylonian addition to
the Early Dynastic text, it stands in contradiction to the perception of the
netherworld as an urban community, which is already reflected by D U r , and
to the social organization reflected by G E N . If, on the other hand, it is based
on a tradition that goes back to the Early Dynastic period, then it conforms
to the notion reflected by E d in a - u s a g a k e and the ersemma of Ninhursaga and
we may assume that early in the third millennium the netherworld was
believed to be somewhere in the Zagros mountains, beyond the confines of
human civilization that was centered in Sumer. Moreover, the ability to play
on the three different meanings of/a/r and still infuse each level o f the passage
with sense suggests that, geographically, all three draw on one location.
c. ÛRU ÀM-I-RA-BI 112 - 13 (ki-ru-gu 3)18
In a balag of Inanna, lamenting the destruction o f her city19 and temple she
describes the aggressor and his place o f origin:
18. Cohen, 1988, 536-603; K. Volk, Die Balag-Komposition üru àm-ma-ir-ra-bi, Rekon■
stmktion und Bearbeitung der Tafeln 18 (19’ff), 19, 20 und 21 der späten, kanonischet
Version, FAO S 18. (Stuttgart 1989). This composition is known from Old Baby—
Ionian copies as well as from a first-millennium bilingual edition. The Old Baby-
Ionian sources of the quoted passage: ms. A = T C L 16, 68 (Cohen, 1988, 552—55)
ms. C = N C B T 688 (Cohen, 1988, 541-45 with copy in pp. 840-43). The bilingua
edition: ms. M, Cohen 1988, 563, fines 142-46, first published by Thureau-Dangir
in R A 33 (1936): 104, lines 24-28.
19. Laments over the destmction of cities and temples were composed at the beginning
of the second millennium, against the background of the events that brought abou
the annihilation of the U r III kingdom. Although they were inspired by historica
events, they are not historical documents but rather literary compositions. Unliki
the literary compositions known as “city laments” (NL, LSU, L U or LE), whicl
draw on a particular city, our balag names neither the city nor the temple. It narrate
such an event, but in abstract or general terms. Presumably, the unspecified, genera
character of the balag is the reason why the composition was not overlooked afte
the Old Babylonian period, as were the city lamentations, but received a bilingua
edition and was transmitted until late into the first millennium BCE. It has to b<
stressed, however, that although the “city lamentations” allude to a given event, thi
does not imply a historical authenticity. More than anything else the interrelation
of these texts, on the one hand, and their relations to Sulgi hymns, on the other
point to their propagandist objectives, which cast serious doubt as to thei
historicity. The interrelationships among the laments over cities are discussed il
detail in Tinney, 1996, 27—46, and their relationship to the Sulgi hymns op. dt,, pp
63—80 with substantial bibliography. See also Michalowski, 1989, pp. 4—8.
The O ld Babylonian version:

A: 26'. [me-e é] rsim1-gin7 ku4-ku4-a-m u-dè lü-lul-bi ba-an-ul4‫־‬e-en
A: r .i'. [mu-lu-lul-gaba]-kur-ra-ke+ba-an-ul4-e-enlu-la-gaba-an-ul4-
e-en
A: r.2'. [èn-tukun-sè] a-hi-<AS> di-dam / / mu-giblb-an-na-m èn a-gin7
ba-a[k-a-mu]
C: 112. me-e é sem?-gin7k u (-ku4-mu-dè lü-la-ga-kûr-ra-ke4 ba-e-ul4-e

C: 113. èn-tukun-sè a-hi-AS di-dam / / mu-gib-an-na-mèn a-gin? ba-e-
ak-mu
26'. And I, when I enter the house as a swallow, its criminal rushed me,
r. 1'. A criminal of the edge of the mountain rushed me, a thief rushed
me.
r.2'. H ow m uch longer must I rush quickly? I am the hierodule of An,
how am I treated?
The Neo-Assyrian bilingual:
M: 24. me-e se-namusen-gin7 é-a ku4-ku4-da-m u-dè
a n a - k u k i - m a s i - n u n - t i b i - t a - a - t i i- te r - r u - b i- ia
M: 25. m u-gib-an-na-m èn mu-lu-lul-la-ga ba-an-ul4-e-en
; i s - t a - r i - tu A a n a - k u s a -a r -r u û - t a r - r i- i h - a n - n i
M: 26. mu-lu-lul-la gaba-kur-ra-ke4 ba-an-ul4-e-en mu-lu-lul-la-ga
s a - a r - r i sâ i - r a t KUR-1 ü - t a r - r i- h a - a n - n i II
M: 27. ki-tukun : a n a s u r -r i a-hi : sâ z a - m a r as-sè
M: 28. m u-gib-an-na-m èn a-gin? ba-ak-a-a-mèn
i$ - ta - r i- tu A a n a - k u k i - i e n - n é - p u - u l
L in e 2 6 '.The reconstruction is according to ms. M. The version of
ms. A is corrupted, but it seems more reliable than C. For lu -lu l, see
M S L 12, 158:35 and for lû -lu -g a , see ib id . 166:282— 83.20
L in e r. 1 The sign k u r in ms. A is very clear and justifies the recon-
struction g a b a -k u r -r a -k e 4. On the other hand, the adjective k u r in
C112b: lû - la - g a - k û r - r a - k e 4seems pleonastic rather than an expan-
sion of the essence. That the reading k u r is preferable to k û r is con-
firmed further in the text, in ms. A r. 6', where the cause for the destruc-
tion is designated as [ li- b i- ] ir - k u r - r a - k e 4, and rendered in the
Akkadian version of the bilingual as h a b -b a t f a d f (see M 35). Its parallel
in C117, li- b i- ir - k u r- 1 ‫־‬a -k e 4, is consistent w ith lû - la - g a - k u r -r a -
20. See also Cooper, 1983, 54:106 and commentary on p. 245.

ke4 of C i 12, but seems to be a phonetic variant for k u r . As a topo-

graphical term, g a b a -k u r-ra points to the origin of the enemy in the
mountains beyond the northeastern border of Sumer. In E d in a -u sa g a k e
this expression points to the location of the netherworld. Thus, the ver-
sion with k u r, rather than kur, vests the texts with a second, awesome
mythological sense. Later in the text, when the enemy is called li- b i-
ir, this additional meaning is further emphasized—in E d in a -u sa g a k e the
lib ir is one o f the officials accused by the mourning mother. The Akka-
dian translation (M 35) of li- b i- ir - k u r - r a - k e 4 as h a b b â t S a d i “ bandit
of the mountains” is unique. Elsewhere it carries the original meaning,
a title of an official in the administration of the city, either in historical
reality (nägiru ) or in mythological content (galM ). Moreover, in the
bilingual texts the secondary identifications of the lib ir with th e g a ll û are
most common (compare Schretter, 1990, 202—3). The Akkadian ren-
dering is consistent with the earlier designation of the enemy lû -la -g a
(r. i),21 but not with the standard meaning of the Sumerian libir. Note
that within the space of five lines we find two allusions to E d in a -u sa g a k e .
More than the destruction of a city and the bitter fate o f its inhabitants, the
destruction of temples and the defilement of its gods provoke a theological
dilemma. It seems that the Sumerian version of this passage may be an attempt
to resolve this problem. From a literary point of view, the Sumerian version
is constructed along two parallel levels: the actual level, which strives to echo
an historical event, and a mythological level, which deals with the theological
issue. This duality was achieved through utilization o f “loaded” terminology,
terms o f straightforward actual meaning that also have secondary religious and
mythological connotations. O n the literal level, as if in historical reality, the
topographical term g a b a - k u r - r a defines the place of origin o f the enemy
in the mountainous area outside the borders o f Sumer. At the same time,
because g a b a - k u r - r a was used also to designate the netherworld, it brands
the enemy with the image o f the evil spirits coming out of the netherworld
to harm the living. That the use o f g a b a - k u r - r a here is intentional is
supported by the use of the term l i- b i- ir : both are reminiscent of E d in a -
u s a g a k e a n d the parallel configuration l i - b i - i r - k u r - r a makes the association
even stronger. Thus, these terms enrich the text with theological as well as
historical qualities. Since the balag was composed in the Old Babylonian
period, it seems possible that the term g a b a - k u r - r a was employed precisely
because its meaning in E d i n a - u s a g a k e adds a theological and mythological
perspective to the actual topographic meaning.
21. The Old Babylonian source o f f u A, M SL 12, 166:282 has lu la-ga —ha-ba-tum.
The Akkadian rendering ir a t s a d i (as well as h a b b ä t sa d i) is rather interesting.

has a definite, actual topographic meaning but no specific mytho-
ira t k a d f
logical connotations (as opposed to ira t e rse ti). Thus, it localizes the place of
origin o f the enemy on a historical level, but does not add the demonic aspect
to its image beyond the general impact of the text. The rendering of l i - b i -
ir by jia b b a tu rather than b y g a llû points to the same effect. It appears that the
Akkadian version overlooked the original twofold essence of the Sumerian
source, and preserved only the literal aspect as if it describes an historical
event. This rendering and its implication for the full significance o f the passage
make manifest that in the first millennium the association o f the mountainous
region with the netherworld was completely forgotten.
2.1.4. d u r - k u r - r a “ b o tto m o f th e N e t h e r w o r l d ”
d u r - k u r - r a is attested only once in the sources:

a. G E N 1 6 4 .22
164. glsellag-a-ni ù glsE .K ID -m a-ni dur-kur-ra-sè ba-da-an-sub

164. His hoop and his stick23 fell into the bottom24 of the netherworld.
The verb s ub “fall” signifies a vertical movement o f the hoop and the stick,
d u r - k u r - r a , therefore, indicates the place into which they fell. That the
motion was vertical and that Gilgames was sitting at the place were they
dropped signifies that the netherworld was perceived as subterranean, and in
this particular context below Uruk.
d û r - k u r - r a “bottom of the k u r ” is an enigmatic expression. The ques-
tions are whether the term is used literally or in transferred meaning, whether
here the k u r denotes “m ountain” or “netherworld” (as the term for the realm
of the dead) and, ifit is “netherworld,” what does “bottom ” signify. Is it used
literally or metaphorically? Since “bottom ” literally points to the lowest level,
the meaning “netherworld” implies a perception of a multi-level place, and
so the two objects fell down to its lowest level, This meaning is comparable
22. This line is quoted and discussed with lines 164-68 in section 1.2.1/h.
23. For the different interpretations of the pukku and mekkû, compare: C AD M /2, 7,
s.v. mekkû‫׳‬, AHw 878; B. Groneberg, RH 81 (1987): 121-23, A. Kilmer in van Driel,
1982, 129-30.
24. The readirig d u r - k u r - r a is preferable to Shaffer’s t u s - k u r - r a since d u r “basis”
“bottom” (M SL 14, 140:7-15) signifies a particular location and, therefore, the
genitive construction is justifiable. On the other hand tus “sit” is a verb (but the
substantive “seat” would be ki-tus), and consequently a genitive construction is
less likely.
to U d u g h u l 854, where the evil spirits are chased to the k i - ù r - k u r - r a - k e 4

“base of the netherworld.” It is equally possible to read this as figurative
language asserting that the hoop and the stick fell as deep as the netherworld,
which is the bottom of the cosmos. The other possibility is that d u r -k u r -
ra draws on the meaning of k u r - u r - r a and g a b a - k u r - r a and signifies
literally the bottom of the mountain. However, since these expressions
describe the destination of the mourning mother who walked on the surface
of earth toward a real mountain, whereas the objects dropped deep below the
ground, this mountain must be mythological. Such a perception is compa-
rable to the description of the m a $ û mountains in Gilg. IX, ii 5: s a p lis arallê irat- ■
s u n u k a f d a t “below, their bottom reaches the netherworld.” It is noteworthy
that the Akkadian image developed from the Sumerian expression gab a-
k u r -r a , but since there are no Old Babylonian sources we do not know how
early the image of the mythological mountain was conceived. If the idea of
a mythological mountain25 merged with the b elief that the netherworld is in ,
the mountains beyond the northeastern boundary of Sumer, and that it is
deep under the ground, then it may date to the Old Babylonian period or
even earlier.
The substantive d û r is more fitting for qualifying a topographical element,
than for naming a place. But, being the lower end of the cosmos, d u r-k u r- :
ra also expresses the magnitude of dimensions and, therefore, it also seems
to be figurative language designed to emphasize the depth o f the nether-
world, similar to the later ira t erseti. Therefore, in principle, all the interpre-
tations remain possible.
2.1.5. k u r -s à -g a “in th e m id s t o f th e m o u n t a i n s ) ”
The attestations of k u r - s à - g a in a variety of texts, describing historical as"

well as mythological realities, suggest that it was a common geographical !
expression. In a bilingual hymn to Istar it is rendered into Akkadian as in a qereb
s a d i “in the midst o f the mountains” (A S K T 21, r. 12—13). W ith the same
meaning it appears in the Sumerian composition “Enmerkar and Ensuhkes-
danna” line 43 (A. Berlin, 1979, 40—41). These texts employ k u r-s à -g a to
signify an actual geographical reality. In “Enmerkar and the Lord o f Aratta”
lines 185—86, it designates the place ofEnm erkar’s birth (S. Cohen, 1973).
Since Enmerkar’s father was U tu, k u r -s à -g a in this context is a mytho-
logical place. However, in actual reality the sun rises beyond the real moun
25. The gods of heaven reside at its top, from behind it Utu rises, and at the bottom is!
the netherworld.
tains and, therefore, the actual reality is also mythological. In proverb 2.149,26
k u r-sà -g a signifies actual reality at face value, but it is not impossible that
the term was employed to create an additional level to echo a mythological
reality as well.
Ofinterest is the attestation of k u r -s à -g a in “The Messenger and the
Maiden.” After the performance o f the funeral ritual, which enabled the spirit
of the messenger to find eternal rest in the netherworld, the final statement
of the text designates his place as k u r-s à -g a . The meaning o f k u r -s à -g a
in this context, w hether it describes an actual or mythological geographical
reality, depends on the literary and structural interpretation o f the phrase.
a. THE MESSENGER AND THE MAIDEN 4Ç27
49. kas4-m u kur-ra kur-sà-ba28 su ba-an-hûb29 ba-nà
49. M y messenger in the k!4r , in the midst o f the k u r he was whirling,
(now) he lies (in rest).
i. T h e p ro b lem :
Line 49 concludes the composition in rather ambiguous tenor because
the sign k u r signifies both mountain and netherworld.30 All the more
so since the introduction to the ritual is ambiguous. Since the narrator
26. Alster, 1997, 73. Basically it is a dead metaphor.

27. Krarner, 1977; Alster, 1986, 27-31. The text and its duplicates are also discussed in
detail in chapter 1, section 1.1.1.2/b. The ritual is cited in full and discussed in
chapter 4, section 4.1/ a - 4.1.3.
28. TIM 9, 15:6 has k u r-sà -g a . k u r-s à -b a is analyzed k u r-sà (g )-b (i)-a : the
inverted genitive with the possessive suffix for third-person sg. inan.
29. I thank B. Jagersma for collating the tablet, h ü b : In T IM 9, 15:10, which repeats
line 6, Alster reads as BALAG, but this reading is doubtful. Kramer reads tu n
(HÛB), to be read t u 10. However, the verb s u - tu 10 does not occur in any source.
Moreover, although the verb tu IOis usually intransitive, in compound verbs such
as s a g -tu I0 it appears as transitive active (cf. Krecher, Kultlyrik, pp. 106-7) and is,
therefore, incompatible with the context. I prefer the readinghub in su—hub /am
“whirl” (see: “The Home of the Pish” line 89, in Civil, Iraq 23 (1961): 163. su .—
hüb is used also to describe the motion of winds and demons. Since our text tells
us about the funeral ritual that is performed in order that the spirit of the deceased
would find rest in the netherworld, this verb befits the context better.
30. Note that Kramer translated: “My G IR 5was struck down in the mountain, in the
heart ofthe mountain, (and now) he lies (dead).” Alster translates: “My messenger,
in the mountains, in the midst of the mountains .. .he lies.”
announces the coming of the messenger from far away and describes his
predicament in high literary style, k u r can be interpreted as the actual
remote area where he died and the long way his spirit has travelled. But,
it can also be a fictional, metaphoric description of the journey that the
spirit made from the netherworld to the location of the ritual. Against
this background there are two alternative interpretations: either thç
ritual was intended for a man who was killed far away from home and:
was not properly buried (as Kramer suggests) ,31or it was a periodic ritual:
for a spirit that already resided in the netherworld to receive offerings,
as k i-a -n ag . Who, then, was the “messenger?” The dilemma is both
thematic and syntactic.
Thematically, the composition is focused on the ritual, from the first
lines that announce the approaching of the messenger for that purpose,:
through the preparations for the ritual, until its full completion in fine:
48, when the girl announces that the spirit has arrived and departed: im:
i-ku^-ku^ im b a -ra -è “The spirit has entered the spirit has depart*■‫׳‬
cd.” The final line, 49, is not a part of the ritual. Rather, it seems to be
an epilogue and, therefore, structurally, the girl’s words in line 49 close
thè literary framework of the composition. Her intention, however, is
uncertain because of the different meanings of k u r and because it is used
twice. Line 49 may be linked with the opening speech (11. 1-4), which
predicts the arrival of a messenger for the ritual, and closes the literary
framework as a circle: generally summarizing his situation before the:
ritual, his death in the mountains, and its aftermath. On the other hand,
it can also proclaim a new stage in his existence after the ritual, as a spirit
in the netherworld. Also possible is a play on the different meanings of
k u r , one reference of k u r signifies “mountain,” the other “netherworld.”
No less problematic is the complex syntactic structure of the phrase.
The wording creates a sense of dramatic climax, but also generates a
dilemma with regard to meaning: Is it a linear account or chiastic? The
interpretation depends on the relations between the different compo-
nents of the phrase. What is the syntactic function and the relation of
k u r-ra with k u r-sà -g a and whatis the relation between each ofthese
terms and the verbs? Is the first verb, su b a -a n -h u b , the subject ofboth
of the terms or just of k ur-sà-ga? Is the second verb, ba-na, averbaf
clause or the subject of kur-ra?
31. In that context note the Old Babylonian letter A b B 13, no. 21, concerning asoil
disappeared and his father who made faipw-offerings to him for eight years!1$
he discovered that his son was living somewhere else. This letter shows that ofFci
to the dead were also conducted when there was no grave and the burial placl
unknown.
THE TOPOGRAPHICAL ASPECT
Ifk u r-sà -g a is in apposition to k u r-ra , then the verb su b a -a n -

l)ûb refers to both and b a -n a is a verbal clause. In that case k u r-s à -
ga can be an expansion of k u r-ra and signify the same place, either the
mountains where the man may have found his death or the netherworld.
On the other hand, k u r-s à -g a can also be parenthetical, explaining
kur-ra, and then is a different place, possibly the actual geographical
location of the netherworld as in: “In the netherworld (kur-ra), in the
midst of the mountains (kur-sà-ga), he was whirling. He lies (now).”
If, however, it is a compound sentence, then the reading is chiastic and
ba-ria would be the subject of k u r-ra andsu b a -a n -h u b the subject
ofkur-sà-ga: “My messenger was whirling in the midst o f the k u r , he
lies in the k u r (now).”
Since the circumstances of the death of the man are unknown, we can
interpret totraccording to any ofits meanings. Ifhe was properly buried,
his spirit is already in the netherworld and the ritual was intended as the
periodic k i-a -n ag , and, therefore, k u r is “netherworld” or perhaps a
metonym for “grave.”32*However, if it marks the place where his body
Was cast, far away from Sumer, then/mris either “mountainous area” or
even “foreign land.” This possibility is suggested by the designation of
the spirit by im rather than gidim .
2. G eneral th em a tic e v a lu a tio n :
For an interpretation of the maiden’s words we should first examine the
content of the text. Alster has already pointed out the thematic relation
between this text and the laments over Dumuzi, Damu, and other divin-
ities that died prematurely.33What is common to our text and the laments
and what is different?
The basic elements of the plot are intrinsically similar: a young woman
wants to perform funeral rites for a dead man who is far away from her.
Thus, “The Messenger and the Maiden” shares the framework of the
L eitm o tif with the laments. However, it differs in two aspects. First, the
laments focus on the search for the body of the young man, whereas our
text focuses on the ritual itself. Second, the laments are about specific,
named deities, whereas our text uses the neutral appellations “messen-
ger” and “young girl.”34 These differences are rather significant. The
obscure identity of the protagonists transfers the scene from a definite
Ja, This interpretation is only theoretical because there are no clear examples for this
S, use of the term kur.
J[3• Alster, 1986, 22-23.
U . Of all the laments that have come down to us only ”Lulil and His Sister” also
describes the ritual (see Thureau-Dangin, 1922, and chapter 4, sections 4.1-4.1.3).
mythological to an undefined reality. The common but vague desig-

nations “messenger” and “maiden” strongly suggest that the protago-
nists are human beings of terrestrial, actual reality. Because the focus was
shifted, “The Messenger and the Maiden” seems like a sequel to the plot
of the typical lament, but in conjunction with the human image of the
participants, the shift from the wailing and search to the ritual suggests
that the text refers to actual funerary practice. Thus, the points of diver-
gence indicate that even if they share the general framework of the Lett-
motif, the function of the texts is different. The anonymity of the prota-
gonists and the affinity of their role to that of the divine figures of the
laments imply parallel circumstances in any given reality. They are
merely models: the messenger represents the spirit of a man33 and the
maiden represents his young woman or unmarried sister who has to per-
form the funeral rite for him. The assumption that the text was a model
is supported by its duplicate in T I M 9, 15, where the deceased is even-
tually identified as Dumuzi, through his typical epithets.30 That the
ritual in T I M 9, 15 is appended with epithets of Dumuzi and a section
of Edina-usagake indicates that our text was, indeed, associated with the
typical lament and could be integrated into the cult of Dumuzi. In anal-
ogy with Dumuzi’s cult, therefore, the ritual was performed periodically
for a spirit in the netherworld.
A similar ritual to that o f the “Messenger” is described by Asgi to his
sister for the occasion of his burial in “Lulil and His Sister.”353637 The texts
are not duphcates, but are very similar in content. One important com-
mon element is that both rituals involve the use of a figurine that repre-
sents the dead person in the ritual. The few details on which the rituals
differ suggest that Asgi’s was a burial ritual, whereas the ritual for the
“messenger” was not for a burial, but was intended for a spirit that had
already left the body.
35. See also chapter 1, section 1.1.1.2/b. Note the Lulil “man-spirit” is a designation
of the dead god Asgi.
36. In lines 7-10. The relation between “The Messenger and the Maiden” and the
duplicate in T I M 9, 15 is treated in detail in chapter 1 section 1.1.1.2/b. Texts that
serve as a model are relatively common in incantation literature. Kramer’s sug-
gestion that the messenger is Dumuzi and the maiden Inanna (Kramer, 1977, 139
note 3) is not supported by the text, since kas4is not art epithet of Dumuzi. With
this suggestion, however, Kramer enhances the assumption that the text is a model
into which one can place any name as a substitute to the appellations “messenger”
and “maiden.”
37. See in detail chapter 4, sections 4.1-4.1.3.
3. T h e m ea n in g o f k u r-ra :
The specific meaning of k u r-ra in line 49 becomes clear through the
mythological motif common to all the laments involving the death of
the young god: Û \e k u r is the terminal destination of the dead young god,
the netherworld. Structural considerations point to the same con-
elusion. The meaning “mountain” (rather than “netherworld”) implies
that the composition ends with the circumstances of the death and the
body. This is unlikely because chronologically it would refer to the situ-
ation before the ritual was intended, and thematically the dramatic con-
elusion of the text would raise a new issue. Thus, as “mountain” the final
statement is outside the framework of the text, and only loosely relevant
to it. O n the other hand, ifk u r-ra is the “netherworld,” then the com-
position concludes with a statement that proclaims the situation of the
spirit immediately after the ritual: now, the spirit of the deceased lies at
rest in the netherworld. Thus, chronologically, thematically, and func-
tionally it pertains to the topic of the composition: it indicates the
whereabouts of the spirit, summarizes the entire episode, and is inte-
grated with the statement in line 48, that the spirit has entered and then
departed.
k u r-ra should, therefore, mean “in the netherworld” and the final
statement suggests that the messenger stands for the spirit of the dead
rather, than the dead himself.
4. T h e m ea n in g o f k u r-sà -g a
k u r-s à -g a is a geographical term that means “in the midst of the
mountains,” and k u r signifies an actual mountain in the collective. Its
meaning in our text depends on its relation to other components of the
phrase. Ifk u r-s a -g a stands in apposition to k u r-ra , then it is not used
in its actual geographical sense, but as an extended form o f the appel-
lation k u r-ra . It yields an image of a closed space, implying that t h e k u r
was dissociated from the actual mountain and, therefore, means “in the
midst of the netherworld.” That is to say, that until the ritual, the spirit
was whirling restlessly in the realm of the dead, not in the world of the
living and, therefore, it is not a source of danger This interpretation is
rather unlikely because it is inconsistent with the view of the incanta-
tions against the restless, unattended spirits.
A second option is that k u r-s à -g a is parenthetical and comple-
mentary. Then it would signify a location other than k u r-ra but closely
related to it, and might convey the actual geographical meaning “in the
midst o f the mountains.” This option offers an immediate relation
between the netherworld and the mountainous area, suggesting that the
netherworld was part of it. Since such a belief was already expressed in
E d in a -u sa g a k e and the ersemma of Ninljursaga, we may deduce that also
“The Messenger and the Maiden” perceived the netherworld as an

actual mountain, and that its tradition originated from the same old
concept of the netherworld.38Since, in this case, k u r-s à -g à is attached
to k u r-ra , both are the indirect objects of su b a -a n -h u b , meaning
that the spirit was whirling restlessly in the netherworld, as in the case
of apposition.
The third option is that line 49 is a compound sentence in which the
second clause does not follow the first but is inserted inside it. In that
case, line 49 should be read as: “My messenger was whirling in the midst
of the k14r, and now he lies in the netherworld. ” As two separate clauses,
each relates to another verb; k u r-s à -g a signifies its common actual
geographical meaning “in the midst of the mountains,” which is not
necessarily identical to k u r-ra . These places may be perceived either
as completely separated or closely related. ku1‫־‬-sà -g a may be either a
remote place in the mountains where the spirit roams unattended or the
general area of the netherworld, in the mountain region. Although the
specific meaning of k u r-s à -g a remains elusive, adherence to the
common meaning, as well as literary considerations, favors this option.
The structure of the phrase corresponds with the highly poetic quality
of the text and enhances it. The division into two clauses unfolds a play
on the different meanings ofkuK and on the contrasting m eaning of the
verbs (“whirl” versus “lie in rest”), while the inverted or chiastic posi-
tion of the clauses creates a strong dramatic effect, which concludes the
poem with an emotional climax. Thus, the final statement of the com-
position describes the state of the spirit immediately before and after the
ritual and, thereby, fully summarizing the theme.
Presumably, the dramatic effect of the final phrase was more important
than the exact meaning of the geographical terms. However, given that we
cannot define with certainty the geographic relationship between k u r - r a
and k u r-s à -g a , this phrase does not offer explicit information about the
topographical properties o f the netherworld.
38. Edina-usagake and the ersemma of Ninhursaga are related thematically to one
another and to “The Messenger and the Maiden.” T IM 9, 15 lines 22'ff., which
parallels the beginning of Edina-usagake, demonstrates the thematic relation to “The
Messenger and the Maiden” (see Alster 1986,29—30). The literary relation ofEdina-
usagake and the ersemma of Ninhursaga is made manifest by their common passage
(see Appendix 4/a and chapter 1, section 1 . 2 . 1 A)). This option implies that our text
employed a tradition dating back to the first half of the third millennium or even
earlier.
2.1.6. ganzir (IGI.KUR.ZA), hilib (IGI.KUR) “f r o n t o f th e n e th e r w o r ld ”
2.i .6.i. G e n e ra l O v e r v ie w
g a r n ir and h i l ib rarely occur in literary sources, but are well known from lexi-
cal texts, g a n z i r i s written IGI.KUR.ZA and h ilib , written IGI.KUR, appears at
times as a variant for g a r n i r in literary texts.39
g a r n i r occurs in the lexical texts Proto-Diri, Diri, Igituh, and Antagal. It
is rendered by six meanings: (1) b ä b de rse ti derives from the interpretation of
the written sign components, regardless of their joint reading; (2) close to it
is the meaning e rsetu or Ae rsetu , probably based on the sign k u r, which the
Akkadian texts transpose with KI and render ersetu “netherworld”; (3) Ir k a lla
or dIr k a lla probably derives from the Sumerian word for netherworld or grave
u r u g a l/e r ig a l, which is also a component in Nergal’s name. (4) k a n isu rr u ,
probably an “Akkadianization” of the word g a n z i r , and occurs in one lexical
text only;40 (5) AD a n n i m or D a n n i n a , a name of uncertain etymology;41 (6)
k u k k û , probably derived from Sumerian k u k k u “darkness.” W ith the mean-
ing “netherworld” k u k k û occurs in one lexical text.42 h i l ib is translated in the
lexical texts by the same Akkadian words with the addition o f p ä n i e rse ti .43
In the Sumerian literary texts that definitely involve the netherworld, the
terms g a n z i r and h i l ib occur only in two myths, I D and GEN44— most tablets
use the term g a n z i r , and h i l ib is a variant. In both myths, the meaning of g a n z i r
is implied by the context: it can be a name for the netherworld, “the front
of the netherworld,” or “the gate of the netherworld.” In “Inanna andEnki,”
é g a - a n - z é - e r b a -d ù is the name o f a place along Inanna’s route from
Eridu to U ruk (G. Färber-Flügge, 1973, 601. 41, andpp. 92—94, 220). H ow -
39. For the lexical texts, see C A D G, 43, s.v. ganzir; andE, 308, s.v. ersetu. The lexical
evidence was compiled recently in Horowitz, 1998, 268—71.
40. CAD K, 152, s.v. kanisurru.
41. Perhaps related to Ugaritic and Hebrew Tnn (see Wiggermann, 1997, 35, n. 15).
42. C AD K, 498, s.v. kukkû.
43. CAD E, 308, s.v. ersetu, including references in lexical texts to all the above-
mentioned words.
44. Some parallels between the two myths strongly suggest that G E N is dependent on
ID. These are details such as the description ofEreskigal mourning and the appeal
to rescue Inanna in the one, and Enkidu in the other. But particularly telling is the
similarity ih the broad schematic lines of the plots: both heroes descend carelessly
to the netherworld and are entrapped by it. After their loyal associates appeal to the
gods to release them, Enki is willing to assist and bring about their rise from the
netherworld. T'herefore, the use o f ganzir and hilib in G E N may also be influenced
by ID.
ever, despite the obvious phonetic similarity, an identification with g a r n i r

that relates to the netherworld is neither certain nor self-evident. In Sulgi U
line 11 the reading g a r n i r , reconstructed by van Dijk, is uncertain (van Dijk,
1960, 134.(15‫ ־‬S
In Mari texts, IGI.KUR (with the variant IGI.KUR.ZA) occurs with three
meanings: (1) the name o f the sixth month when, during the period o f the
l a k k a n a k u s , dIGI.KUR(.ZA) replaces dKUR; (2) a god name; and (3) a toponym.
Although the writing IGI.KUR expresses a meaning implied by the context,
namely, the front of the netherworld, in the sense o f the border between it
and the world of the living, there is no satisfactory explanation o f the etymol-
ogy for the reading g a r n i r . That the writing, not the reading, actually repre-
sents the literal meaning o f the term suggests that it is a foreign name. A widely
held proposal is that g a n z i r is a frozen nominal form o f the verb z é .r with
the prefix / g a - / , originally meaning “I shall destroy/break/slip” (n e h e lsû ).
This assumption seems to be supported by a group o f finite Sumerian verbs
that function as nouns w ith the prefix / g a - / . This group o f verbs is listed
in the fifth tablet of the lexical series I Z l —is a tu .4546 However, g a r n i r is not
included in this list. Moreover, all the listed Sumerian words show a semantic
relation between the verbal root and the corresponding Akkadian translation.
Therefore, the meaning o f the Sumerian word should also be semantically
close to the meaning ofits verbal root. This rule does not apply to g a n z i r : the
verbal root /z é . r / has no connection with death,47and none o f the Akkadian
renderings o f g a n z i r relates to the Sumerian verb / z é .r / . Also, the distri-
bution o f / z é . r / indicates a clear distinction between the finite forms,
including those in the precative, and the word g a n z i r , which is always writ-
ten with the Sumerogram IGI.KUR.ZA. An additional difficulty is that the
lexical texts have g a -a n - z è r (not / zér/!).
A more likely suggestion, offered by E. George, is t h a t g a n z i r is a Proto-
Euphratic name, similar to Zimbir, Tintir, Kingir, etc.48 In addition to the
45. See also Klein, 1981, 42, especially note 80. For the few attestations in texts of the
first millennium, see Horowitz, 1998, 287—88.
46. M SL 13, 163—66. See also a discussion in Thompson, 1984, 58.
47. As a finite verb b a - a n - z é - e r “slip into the grave’’ occurs twice as simple figurative
speech, “A Prayer Letter to Enki” line 24: ...k i- tû m - m u b a -a n -z é -e r (Hallo,
1968); “The Death ofDumuzi” line 40: k u r k i- in -d a r-g â g iri gâ b a -a n -z é -
er (Kramer, 1980b). These two occurrences do not imply a semantic connection
between the v erb / z é . r / and death.
48. Iraq 48 (1986): 136s with reference to Landsberger, “Three Essays on the Sumerians,”
introduction and translation by M. dej. Ellis. (SM ., Monographs on the Ancient Near
East 1/2).
similarity o f form, this would explain the meaningful Sumerian writing as

opposed to the phonetic value.49 Similarly, h i l ib might be also a Proto-Euph-
ratic name. Its writing suggests a semantic proximity to g a r n i r a s well as a devi-
ation from it. A drawback is that, in analogy to other so called “Kultur-
Wörter,” it suggests that the Sumerians lacked an equivalent name unless
g a r n i r and h i l ib were additions to an already existing corpus o f such names.
At the same time, we note that also the gatekeeper bears a non-Sumerian
name— Bitu is o f Semitic origin. O n the other hand, we do encounter foreign
terminology for objects that have Sumerian equivalents, especially in reli-
gious contexts, such as rituals and incantations.
Given that, according to its essence, k u r was originally a geographical indi-
cation, not a specific geographical name, it does not belong to the same
semantic category as g a r n i r and h ilib and, therefore, is not interchangeable
with these two names.
2.1.6.2. T e x t u a l E v id e n c e
a. ID 73-75
Inanna arrives at the gate o f the netherworld:
73. dinanna *é-gal-ganzir-sè1 um-ma-te
74. a.815ig-kur-ra-ka3 su-hul ba-an-ûs
75. aabul-kur-ra-ka3 gù-tjul ba-an-dé
(73) a— a: So F; C: é-gal-IGI!.KUR,ZA.KUR-sè; E: é-IGI.ZA.KUR-sè [ ]; H:
é-IGI.KUR-sè. (74) a— a: So C; E: 8“ ig-kur-ra-ke^, H omits this line. (75) a—
a: C: é-gal kur-ra-ka; E: abul-kuL‫־‬-ra‫־‬ke4.
73. After Inanna approached the palace g a r n i r
74. She thumped maliciously on the door of the netherworld,
75. She shouted maliciously at the gate of the netherworld.
g a n z ir, in itself, is clearly a name. Yet, the meaning of “the palace g a r n i r ”
in line 73 depends on its relation to lines 74—75. If line 73 is separated from
74-75 as an introduction to the episode, then “the palace g a n z i r ” is the image
of the netherworld, by way of synecdoche: the place ofEreskigal’s throne,
where the crucial scene would take place. But, if line 73 belongs with lines
74-75 as one unit, then the palace named g a n z i r seems to be the entrance
structure to the netherworld.
49. Compare the meaningful Sumerian writing of pre-Sumerian (or Proto-Euphratic)

place names, e.g., Urim: SES.UNU = city ofNanna; Zabalam: M ÙS.UNU = city
oflnanna; Larsa: U D .U N U = city ofUtu; N ippurEN .LlL1“ = city ofEnlil. Their
reading, as in the case of ganzir, has no known meaning in Sumerian•
b. ID 119-2050
Ereskigal instructs the gatekeeper on how to usher Inanna into the nether-
world.
119. abul-kur-ra iniin-bi g1ssi-gar-bi hé-éb-us
120. é-gal-ganzir1 dili-bi glsig-bi su jra-ba-an-us
119. “The bolt shall be placed on the seven gates o f the netherworld.
120. Each door of the palace g a n z i r separately he shall push open.”
According to this passage, the netherworld was entered through seven gates,
all o f them in the “palace g a n z i r . ” The first gate through which Inanna
entered faced the world o f the living, and at the seventh gate she stood in the
throne room o f Ereskigal, the queen. The dilemma remains whether g a n z i r
is the name o f a palace at the entrance to the netherworld or a name for the
netherworld meaning “the palace o f the netherworld.”51 However, against
this second possibility is the absence o f a possessive suffix. The dilemma is
complicated by the expression a b u l- g a n z ir in G E N .
c. G E N 16752
Gilgames sits down and cries over his p u k k u and m ekkû , which fell into the
netherworld:
167. abul-ganzir-igi-kur-ra-ke4 dur im-ma-ni-in-gar
167. At the gate of g a n z i r , the front of the netherworld he sat down.
Although G E N is dependent upon I D and in I D g a n z i r is a palace, a b u l-
g a n z ir can be rendered “the gate g a n z i r . ” I f s o , g a n z i r would be the name
of the gate and i g i- k u r - r a “the front o f the netherworld,” in exegetic appo-
sition to g a n z i r , a pun based on the writing of the term IGI.KUR.ZA.53
However, since it is an Old Babylonian copy, it is not impossible that a b u l-
g a n z ir .. .- r a - k e 4 was meant as a double genitive construction, not single,
rendered “the gate of g a n z i r , ” and interpreted as an exact parallel of “ the front
50. The passage is quoted in fuE context with variants in Appendix 1/b. It is repeated
in the indicative form when Ereskigal’s instructions are implemented (U. 125—26)
51. Sladek states that “the palace g a n z ir” is “the palace at the entrance to the nether-
world” (Sladek, 1974, 59). His translation implies that ganzir is the name of the
palace.
52. For fuE context with variants, see chapter 1, section 1.2.1 h.
53. This possibEity would not require the double-genitive construction and, therefore,
on grammatical grounds it is preferable.
of the netherworld.” In that case a b u l parallels ig i whereas g a n z i r parallels

k u r , and appears to be a name for the netherworld.
d. G E N 179-80
Enkidu offers to retrieve the p u k k u and m ekkû from the netherworld:
179. au4-daa ^ sellag-zu kur-ta gâ-e bga-mu-ra-ab-eII-dèb
(8). U ^ j ) u - u k - k u u l - tu KI‫ ״‬a - n a - k u u - i [ e - e l - li \
180. a êÊ.KID-ma-zu3 bganzir-tab gâ-e cga-mu-ra-a[b-eII-d]èc
(9). m e - e k - k i- e u l - t u KIÖa - n a - k u û -s è - [ e l- h ]
(179) So V. a.—a: H omits, b—b: r: hu-mu-ra-ab-e^-dè. (180) a—a: r:
®'*E.KiD-ma-zu. b—b: r: IGI.KUR-ta. c—c: r: bu‫־‬mu-ra-rab1-[eII-d]è.
179. “Today I shall bring you your hoop from the netherworld,
180. Your stick from g a n z i r I shall bring up for you.”
In line 180, g a n z i r definitely parallels k u r in line 179; thus both are terms for
the netherworld. Assuming that the author of the text knew the meaning o f
g a n z i r , then in line 167 (cited above under c) it is also a term for the neth-
erworld (not the name of a gate) and, despite the single genitive, the phrase
means “the gate o f g a n z i r . ” It is questionable, however, whether the author
knew the original meaning o f g a n z i r . It is possible that the description o f
Gilgames sitting at the gate in line 167 was inspired by the description o f
Inanna banging on the front door of the netherworld, and that in line x80 the
author intended to create a synonymy parallelism w ith k u r . For that purpose
he chose g a n z i r , a term he had already employed in his text, which suggests
that it was a term for netherworld.
g a n z ir occurs only in I D and G E N , in contrast to other names for the
netherworld, which have a wider distribution in the Sumerian texts. M ore-
over, even in I D and G E N the prevailing term for netherworld is k u r . g a n z i r
occurs just twice, and only in G E N 1 80 does it clearly denote “netherworld”;
elsewhere the meaning is ambiguous.
The ambiguous meaning o f g a n z i r m the literary texts and the use of h i l ib
as its variant raises a question regarding the differencebetween them. Accord-
ing to the (later) lexical texts, h i l ib is the divine form o f g a n z i r , a distinction
that is not readily implied by the writing. The different writings and read-
ings— g a n z ir: IGI.KUR.ZA and h ilib : IGI.KUR— strongly suggest that orig-
inally there was a difference, and that it was h ilib that signified the entrance
to the netherworld (IGI.KUR), whereas g a n z i r indicated another part o f the
gateway. But the context in which they occur and especially that they are
interchangeable imply that in Sumerian they essentially convey the same
notion. The interchangeability of the terms and their Akkadian translations
in the lexical texts suggest that, over the course o f time, the differences in
meaning between the two became blurred.
Since the etymologies o f g a n z i r a n d h i l ib cannot as yet be established with
certainty, and since the few contexts in which the terms occur are ambiguous,
it seems that, for the time being, we may infer that the writing represents the
basic meaning, being associated with the entrance to the netherworld. In
view o f the formal similarity o f g c m z i r to Proto-Euphratic geographical
names, perhaps it signified the geographic location of the entrance, while h ilib
was the name o f the gate itself.
g a n z i r marks the point o f contact between the world of the living and the
realm of the dead. Since in G E N g c m z i r is situated in U m k and in I D it is at
the end o f Inanna’s walk (gen) on her heavenly course— but not in U ruk—
perhaps it denotes any gate of passage to the netherworld. According to G E N
these worlds are along a vertical axis.54 I D ‘s use o f the verb e‫ ״‬also seems to
attest to a subterranean netherworld. However logical, the evidence o f I D is
not unequivocal, since the verb e ,, occurs in its introduction where the
context signifies motion between heaven and earth, which is vertical move-
ment. Yet there is no indication that Inanna penetrated the surface o f earth.
Due to Inanna’s astral aspect as the planet Venus she disappears from sight,
into the netherworld, as she reaches the top of the mountains. Therefore,
g a r n i r in I D seems to be there (see discussion under 2.2.1 below).
In summary, the references to g a r n i r and h i l ib in the Sumerian texts do not
allow any decisive geographical or topographic conclusions.
2.i.6.3. IGI.KUR(.ZA) at M ari
IGI.KUR is relatively common in the texts from Mari. Durand discusses the
occurrence of dIGI.KUR in three different usages:55
a. A divine name: A R M T XXIII 285:4-6 mentions an allotment of a
goat to the temple of this divinity. The list of workers in A R M T
XXII, 3 iv:8—9 may indicate a connection between the temple of
dIGI.KUR and death. It appears also as a theophoric component in the
personal name MM-wf-dIGI.KUR.
54. Since it was a gateway to the passage, the netherworld was not necessarily situated
under the ground of Uruk. Still it is interesting that in G E N ganzir was in Uruk,
Inanna’s principal cult center. Bearing in mind the striking parallels between ID and
GEN , it may reflect the interpretation of the author of G E N to the plot o f ID, and
thus be an additional indication of this dependence.
55. Durand, 1984, 160-61.
b. The name of the sixth month: This use is prevalent from the time of
Sumu-Iamam.56 In some texts we find the month name with the
variants dIGI.ZA.KUR and dKUR (not identical to Dagan).
c. A geographical name: Durand maintains that in this context IGI.KUR
is a place through which a watercourse passed, not the name of a
watercourse, as Groneberg suggests.57
Durand assumes that in Mari dIGI.KUR relates to the netherworld. However,
he suggests that, rather than rendering it with the canonical reading g a n z i r ,
we should look for a local popular parallel. According to Durand, dIGI.KUR
denotes the entrance to the netherworld and should be associated with the
river Habur.
The Sumerian texts do not disclose the specific name of the river of the
netherworld. In I D and G E N IGI.KUR(.ZA) is not associated with a river and,
in view of the geographical setting of their plots, it is certainly not the Habur.
The events in both myths happen in the heart of Sumer; in G E N it is in
Uruk.58 In “Enlil and Ninlil,” where the river of the netherworld is men-
tioned, it is designated as “the river that consumes people.” Although Mari
texts have a far greater proportion of the occurrences of IGI.KUR than does
southern Mesopotamia, we have no reason to conclude that the origin of the
name is ip Mari.59 It is possible that the term IGI.KUR arrived in Mari through
the Sumerian myths, and assumed a local reading and meaning.
56. Charpin, M A R I 4. (1985): 246.

57. Groneberg, 1980, 288.
58. We cannot exclude the possibility that in a mythological narrative distances and
dimensions might be distorted or that matters of common knowledge might not be
mentioned. Nevertheless, I assume that even if the Sumerians believed in a river of
the netherworld, they did not identify it with a specific, actual river, because an
actual river must have a specific name, and it would be mentioned somewhere as
such. That the huge corpus of Sumerian documents does not yield even one explicit
attestation of the river’s name suggests that it was not one specific river. It is possible,
however, that certain waterways symbolized the river of the netherworld, in
connection with funerals, for instance.
59. At the same time, in analogy to the suggestion that garnir is a Proto-Euphratic
name, we may speculate that hilib was its Proto-Tigridian equivalent. In that case,
the origin of the Sumerian attestations of hilib was in northern Mesopotamia, which
would explain the multiple attestations of IGI.KUR at Mari, and the common
features of the writing of the different names.
2.2. T h e J o u r n e y to th e N e t h e r w o r ld : A H o r i z o n t a l o r V e r tic a l M o v e m e n t ?
The widespread me o f the term to r to designate “netherworld,” the shape of

the sign, and its meaning “mountain” or “mountainous area,” raises the ques-
tion of the position o f the netherworld in relation to the surface of the earth.
N o doubt, by the Old Babylonian period to r was another name for the neth-
erworld. But originally was the netherworld perceived as a mountain (or situ-
ated in the mountainous area)? If it was, did the spirits reside inside the to r
“m ountain,” on top of it, or near it? Did the dead descend or ascend to the
kur?
The verbs that disclose the relation of their subject to the netherworld
sometimes offer answers to these questions and allude to the image of the
netherworld, whether it was conceived as a mountain, located in the moun-
tainous region, or a specific place name.
2.2.1. e‫״‬ “a s c e n d ” / “d e s c e n d ”
eIt designates a motion in a vertical axis between high and low points in two
directions. It has a double meaning and in conjunction with the sign to r it
signifies “netherworld,” “mountain” or “mountainous area.” The exact in-
tention o f the author is elucidated by context.
a. G E N 179, 182 and 243

The double meaning o f e‫ ״‬is demonstrated by G E N . Enkidu volunteers to
retrieve the hoop and the stick from the netherworld, saying to Gilgames:
179. “Today I shall bring you your hoop up from the netherworld”
(kur-ta ... ga-m u-ra-ab-e,, -dè)
And Gilgames answers Enkidu:
182. “ If today you will descend to the netherworld”
(kur-sè m u-ni-in-eIjrdè)
The Akkadian version in the twelfth tablet o f Gilgames offers a third meaning
of the verb e‫ ״‬, w a s û “come out,” although the Sumerian version should be
rendered “come up” (1. 243/84, see chapter 1, section 1.2.1/i):
243. “As a dream (or: as his spirit) his servant came up from the to r ”
(kur-ta m u-ni-in-e, ,-dè)
83. “And the ghost of Enkidu came out o f the netherworld as the
dream-god (or: as a spirit)” (KI‫ ״‬i t - t a s-s a -a )
The intention is quite clear. Since the hoop and the stick entered the neth-
erworld through a hole in the ground and reached its bottom, the nether-
world was conceived as being subterranean, and the movement is first down
and then up from the netherworld. It remains uncertain whether the neth-
erworld extended deep under the surface o f the entire earth, including U ruk
or elsewhere, but approachable from any point on earth.
b. ID 32-33
The issue is more complex in I D , since the verb e‫ ״‬is not the only verb used
to describe Inanna’sjourney to the netherworld. Her walk to the gate to the
netherworld is rendered by g e n “go,” as in the journeys o f the protagonists
in E d in a - u s a g a k e and “Enlil andN inlil.” The use of the two verbs may be just
incidental and insignificant. However, the attention to details that propels the
events and endows the narrative with dramatic impulse suggests that the use
of two different verbs o f motion is significant to the story. All the more so
because the switch in verbs occurs at the gate g c m z i r . Until Inanna reaches the
gate, the verb that describes her movement is ge n ; from the gate to the neth-
erworld the verb it is e,,. The change o f verbs at that particular point lends
the account a sense o f precision, and makes Inanna’s course seem essential to
the story. If the switch is intentional and functional it means that the narrator
intended to make clear that Inanna moved horizontally and then vertically.
The turn in Inanna’s movement is demonstrated by the following couplet:
32. 114-da kur-sè eTT-dè-en
3 3. u4‫־‬da kur-sè gen-na-mu-dè
“If I will descend to the netherworld / After I have walked to the
m ountain.”60
60. The change of verbs at the gate gamzir is enough to convince me that there is a
change in direction and that the vertical movement was after a horizontal walk.
Since, however, the couplet is constructed as a synonymous parallelism, it deserves
closer attention. Although each line begins with the same syntactic clause, u4-d a
ku r-sè, the verbs are, actually, not synonymous. They describe different actions in
different modes: the first verb signifies prospective, and the second a completed
action marked as a subordinate clause. Therefore the couplet does not create a
meaningful parallelism (hence, the choice of verbs must have been functional). The
plot elucidates the import of the couplet. These phrases, spoken by Inanna, intro-
duce her instructions to Ninsubur when she was already walking to the nether-
world. The need for instructions at that point in the plot indicates that Inanna does
not know if she will be allowed into the netherworld, nor if she will accomplish her
plan. And indeed afterward, when she arrived at the gate, she had to negotiate her
way in. This means that she moved into the netherworld (e‫ ) ״‬after walking (gen)
to the gate. Thus, the introduction describes two consecutive actions in an inverted
order. Since Inanna introduced her instructions to Ninsubur while she was already
In I D , as in G E N , the gate to the realm o f the dead is g a n z i r , but it is not the

same place, and it is not self-evident that Inanna descended deep under the
ground. Since, in all probability, the list o f temples at the beginning of the
composition does not outline Inanna’s route, it is not self-evident that g e n
describes a walk across the level land o f Sumer.61 A functional choice o f the
verbs implies that Inanna first walked toward the netherworld and then
moved vertically in the realm o f the dead. Between her departure and arrival
at the gate, she was followed by Ninsubur, giving her instructions in an
episode that creates a sense of a real movement along the way. In the follow-
ing episode Inanna draws nearer to g c m z i r , bangs on the door, negotiates with
the gatekeeper while still outside, and only then does she move inside the k u r .
The distinction between her movement before and after entering the gate
demonstrates that the netherworld was not directly below Inanna’s point of
departure. Therefore, unlike the episode in G E N , Inanna’s g a n z i r was not a
hole in the ground o f Urnk.62
Knowing the direction o f Inanna’s destination would help locate the
region where the netherworld was situated, and knowing her place o f depar-
ture might elucidate the signification o f c ,, w ith regard to the position o f the
walking to the netherworld, u d -a inline 33 cannot mean “if ’ or “when I will go

to the netherworld.” And since, when walking, Inanna could not have known if
she would be allowed into the netherworld, u d -a inline 32 cannot mean “when.”
Since her descent depended on the completion of the walk, the action of e‫ ״‬-d è-
en inline 32 would begin only when the action of the second verb g e n -n a -m u -
dè was completed. Therefore, u d -a in line 33 signifies “after” and in line 32 it
means “if.” The different actions suggest two different destinations, one to and the
other from the point of descent. Accordingly, I propose that the couplet also play
on the meanings of kur: first Inanna walks toward the “mountain” and then she
descends to the “netherworld.”
61. See Appendix 1/a, especially: Textual remarks 2.
62. The horizontal walk and change of direction is also implied by the difference
between fine 32 with kur-sè^ e‫ ״‬- d è - e n and lines 4—13 with kur-ra_ b a -e -a -
e‫ ״‬. Bo th clauses describe the same action, but in line 32 the speaker is Inanna, talking
from the perspective of her horizontal course toward the gate to the netherworld
and, therefore, the terminative / - s è / and the verbal form express a prospective
action. In lines 4—13 the speaker is the narrator, who foretells Inanna’s objective and
its consequences. His perspective is the location of the dramatic events and,
therefore, the locative suffix /-a./ and the verbal form express an action in the past.
It remains to find her place of departure. Eanna, her main cult center inUruk, seems
a logical place for departure from Sumer, but the introduction indicates that she left
heaven. Also, the sense of distance signifies that Inanna did not enter ganzir in Uruk,
where Gilgames was sitting and crying over his hoop and stick.
netherworld in relation to the surface of earth. The list of temples in lines 4 -

13 is not helpful, since the different versions do not outline her itinerary.
Therefore, there is no textual reason to think that she traveled to Kutha.63
Also arguing against her having gone to Kutha is the fact that the events of
G E N occur in U ruk and that, although the text is dependent on I D , Kutha
is never referenced in G E N . 64 So, where did Inanna go in order to arrive at
the gate of the netherworld and where did she come from?
An analysis o f I D points to the possibility that the story of Inanna’sjourney
to the netherworld was originally an independent tradition, unrelated to the
story of Dum uzi’s death and his substitution for her in the netherworld.65 As
an independent myth it centers on the circumstances o f Inanna’s journey to
the netherworld, her arrest there, and her release through Enki’s contrivance.
In essence, and concrete terms, it deals with her disappearance from sight and
reappearance after some time. The phrase k u r - e ‫ ״‬-d è in Inanna’s list of m e
indicates that hers was a periodic descent and, therefore, must be related to
her astral aspect as the planet Venus. It offers an explanation of her heavenly
cycle when it is best seen from Earth, and of her helical disappearance.66
63. Against Buccellati, 1982, see Appendix 1/a, Textual remarks 2. Kutha is tempting
and not only against the background of “Istar’s Descent” line 40, but also because
it is the main cult center ofNergal, and the description ofEnegi “Kutha of Sumer”
in the hymn to Egida (Sjöberg. 1969, line 180). During the Isin-Larsa period Kutha
was firmly established as the city o f the cult of the dead; nevertheless it is not
mentioned in GEN.
64. That the event in G E N took place in Uruk but in ID at a certain distance is due to
the difference in the nature of the protagonists. Gilgames and Enkidu were mortals
who acted in Uruk. Therefore, for them the passage to the netherworld is right
below, through a opening in the ground. Inanna is a heavenly goddess who is also
identified with the planet Venus. Her main cult center was in Uruk, but she acts in
the heaven and as a star she travels across the sky. In addition, ID is based on an earlier
tradition and it is not certain that the concept o f the netherworld was the same as
in the early Old Babylonian period.
65. See Appendix 1/e, textual remarks 2, and Katz, 1996.
66. For the list of me, see Färber-Flügge, 1973, 54:19-20. On the cycle of the planet
Venus, see E. Reiner and D, Pingree, Babylonian Planetary Omens: Part One. The
Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa. (Malibu: Undena Publications, 1975). One Venus-
cycle is about 584 days, and the planet is visible twice during that period. Venus sets
in the west and rises in the east, when it is closer to Earth. The planet is then invisible
for about three days during the winter and about two weeks in the summer (see op.
cit. p. 15 and schematic diagram on p. 16, fig. 1). At its furthest point from Earth,
Venus sets in the east for a couple of months and rises in the west. Each period of
visibility is about eight months. Both Venus and Earth rotate around the sun, but
the duration ofthe rotation is different. Since the orbit ofVenus does not coincide
Against the background of Inanna’s astral image, the change in verbs gains
factual meaning, it is functional and relevant to the story, if not essential.
Shining as the evening-star in the sky, Venus appears to move horizontally
(g en ), westward to the top o f a far-away mountain, perhaps legendary, per-
haps imaginary, or a distant shape that was perceived to be a mountain.67 In
the west Venus disappears from sight, only to reappear some days later in the
eastern sky as the morning-star. In mythological terms, when Inanna reaches
the western horizon, she informs the gatekeeper that she is travelling eastward
(11. 81). As she enters the gate of the netherworld, she becomes invisible. To
disappear from her position in the sky Inanna can only descend. Thus, from
the top of the mountain-like western horizon Inanna descends (e‫ ) ״‬and
remains invisible until Enki’s rescue plan is implemented. The planet rises
again (en), reappearing above the peaks of the mountain range in the east.
Inanna ascends (e‫ ) ״‬and becomes visible in the east as she explained to the
gatekeeper. Hence, the two different directions o f this journey make clear
from the beginning that the narrative is about the astral image of Inanna, and
that its purpose is to explain her periodic invisibility. The different verbs are
significant to illustrate her course, and demonstrate that it is her course across
with that of Earth, its actual visibility is not once in a calendar year, and it does not
correspond with the seasons of our calendar year. For that reason the interpretation
of the myth as relating to the change of seasons is weak. It is more likely that the
myth explains the course of Venus as it is best seen from Earth. When Inanna
identifies herself to the gatekeeper in line 81 saying that she goes to the east, it
coincides with the appearance ofVenus as the morning-star in the east, after a short
invisibility following her setting in the west, and can be explained with that astro-
nomical background. Until she rises in the east, Inanna must move eastward unseen
and, therefore, the Sumerians must have speculated that her course was behind the
ridge of mountains. Accordingly, it seems a logical speculation that she also de-
scended in the west behind that ridge of mountains, although the western horizon
of Sumer was not mountainous.
67. There is a problem here because there are no mountains on the western borders of
Sumer. Consequently, one may argue that in line 33 ku r is “netherworld” not
“mountain.” However, from a literary point of view, thematic as well as structural,
there is symmetry between Inanna’s descent and ascent, and between Inanna as the
morning-star and Inanna as the evening-star. Inanna was going to the east as she told
the gatekeeper, and then became invisible. Since she reappears as the morning-star
in the sky over the mountains of the northeastern horizon, it stands to reason that
the Sumerians imagined a route behind the mountain region. We may assume that
Inanna’s descent is analogous to her ascent. Therefore, in correspondence to her
reappearance, her disappearance as the evening-star must have been at the top of a
mountain. A play on the meaning of kur, “mountain” rather than “netherworld”
in I. 33, endows the couplet in lines 32—33 with richness of meaning.
the sky, not a direct journey from her cult center to the netherworld compa-
rable to the dying young god or his m ourning mother.
This interpretation implies that the myth portrays Inanna as entering
g c m z i r at the top of a mountain in the west and rising as the morning-star in
the east. Therefore, her descent began up above the surface of the earth, and
the netherworld lay farther to the east, beyond the mountain ridges outside
the northeastern borders o f Sumer.
According to this interpretation, the general location o f the netherworld
and probably also its position with relation to the surface of earth correspond
with the descriptions in E d in a - u s a g a k e and the ersemma of Ninhursaga and so,
too, its position with relation to the surface of earth. Details o f the journey
in E d in a - u s a g a k e and the ersemma of Ninhursaga imply that the netherworld
was at the foot o f the mountain ( k u r - u r - r a ) , and that the m ourning mothers
walked toward it from Sumer. The ambiguity of I D on the issue calls for
comment. O n the one hand, it seems that Inanna departed from her residence
at the temple Eanna, since Ninsubur (su k k a l zi é - a n - n a [1. 29]) was
instructed to m ourn in the é - d i n g i r - r e - e - n e (l. 36), to appeal to Enlilin
his Ekur in Nippur (11. 40—41), to Nanna in his Ekisnugal in U r (11. 49—50),
and to Enki in Eridu (11.57—58). O n the other hand, the introduction implies
that she descended from heaven (11.x—3). A departure from Inanna’s cult
centers in Sumer means that she would have walked on the plain to the gate
g a r n i r , and then either up the hills into the mountains68 or down under the
ground of the plain. A departure from heaven, as her astral image, depicts a
descent from heaven behind the top of the mountains. Theological consid-
erations justify both possibilities, and perhaps the ambiguity was intentional,
seeking to incorporate both aspects o f Inanna’s divinity.69 But the story can
have but one actual course. This is discerned by her period of invisibility and
subsequent reappearance in the east in correspondence w ith her statement in
line 81. Based on the apparent movement of Venus from west to east, the
Sumerians must have speculated that after Inanna disappears, she moves
behind the mountains stretching along the northeastern border of the plain.
Therefore, the only possible course was that of an astral body. And whether
68. Compare: “Inanna and Sukaletuda” lines 15-18 against lines 4-5 (Volk, 1995).
69. It stands to reason that her journey would start at her principal temple, though a
literal understanding of the text, as reflecting actual geographical reality, seems too
cumbersome. In that case I would expect a general neutral statement for travelling
with the verb gen only. Note that the laments of the mourning mothers reflect the
actual landscape of southern Sumer, without being too literal. At the same time,
because Inanna is also an astral body, it is equally possible that the journey reflects
her heavenly course.
actual, legendary, or imaginary, the mountains along her invisible path are the
mountains behind which she descends and rises. Thus, when Inanna walks
across heaven, she enters the realm of the dead at the top o f the mountains,
and there the planet sets and disappears. W hen she comes out of the neth-
erworld and rises as the moming-star, she reappears at the top of these m oun-
tains. In other words, she descends from the peak o f the mountain and later
re-ascends to the summit. Therefore, her vertical movement eI: does not
necessarily indicate a subterranean netherworld and the location of the neth-
erworld may have been conceived as being at the foot o f the mountains.
Analogous to E d in a - u s a g a k e , in which the young dead god stood and cried at
■ the foot of the mountain, Inanna probably descended from the top of the
mountains to the level land. If that was the image of the location of the neth-
erworld, then I D shares with the laments every geographical aspect of the
netherworld.70
2.2.2. sub “f a l l ”
sub indicates a movement from above to below. In contexts dealing with the
netherworld, it is used for objects only and occurrences are few.
‫׳‬ a. G E N 164
In G E N sub describes the fell of the hoop and the stick into the netherworld.
164. His hoop and his stick fell into the bottom of the ku r.
( d u r - k u r - r a - s è b a - d a - a n - s u b ) .71
2.2.3. è “c o m e o u t ”
è is frequently used to describe the departure of evil spirits from the neth-
erworld.
a. UDUGHUL 768-6972
768. udug hul a-lâ hul gidim-hul gals-lâ-hul kur-ta im-ta-è
i l - t u e r - s e - tim ü - s ü - n i
769. du6-kù kur-idim-ta sà i-im-ta-è
768. The evil Udug, evil Ala, evil ghost, evil g a l l a came out o fth e k u r ,
769. From the holy mound, the source mountain, from its midst they
came out.
70. This conclusion would justify a very early date for the myth.
71. See further discussion in chapter 1, section 1.2.1/h, and see also G E N !7 5 7 6 ‫■ ־‬
72. See Appendix 6/e.
That this perception o f the exit was common is demonstrated by the Akka-
dian version o f GEN243/84, which renders Sumerian e ,, as w a s û “come out”
(see above).
è is neutral with regard to the points ofthe compass. It signifies a movement
from a closed space to the outside. Therefore, the use of è implies that the
netherworld was thought to be an enclosed area, which does not necessarily
indicate that it was covered; it could be also surrounded by walls.
This U d u g h u l -incantation makes interesting associations: among k 14r ,
du6-k ù (“holy m ound”), and k u r - id im (“source mountain”); and between
the realm o f the dead and traditional regions o f creation.73 The linkage
between k 14r and du6- k ù is rather confusing. The general geographical
implication is that thekw rw as still associated with the eastern mountain
region and it may also imply that the k u r was conceived of as a mountain or
hill. The spirits came out o f an enclosed area, but their direction in space,
whether vertical or horizontal, is not specified. For the contemporary user it
was probably obvious, but for us the topographical image o f the k u r remains
ambiguous. W hether the evil spirits came out from behind the mountains or
from under the mountains depends on the date ofthe text or the tradition on
which it is based. Circumstantial evidence suggests that thekwrwas subter-
ranean.74 In view of the common practice o f illustrating the firmness of
temple foundations by the assertion that they are as deep as the netherworld,
the kwrwas probably conceived of as a region below the foot of the m oun-
tain. Nevertheless, because kwrwas associated with du6-kù, and since we do
not know how the two mythological sites related to each other, the meaning
remains unclear.75 It is noteworthy that another incantation ofthe same series
uses è in the Old Babylonian Sumerian version, but in the parallel Sumerian
version ofthe Neo-Assyrian period è was replaced by e76.‫ ״‬By changing the
verb, the Neo-Assyrian source emphasized that coming out o f the nether-
world was actually going upward and, thereby, that the netherworld was
considered a closed subterranean area.
73. One example for du6-kù: Lafiar and Asnan 27 (Alster and Vanstiphout, 1987, 16).
74. Inference from other texts of the Old Babylonian period.
75. There are some texts that hint at a concept in which the netherworld extended
between the western and eastern edges of the cosmos, with all the theological impli-
cations. The most obvious are the inscription dedicated to Ereskigal by Lu’utu énsi
ofUmma iri the Old Akkadian period and I D (discussed above).
76. Compare Udughul 311 with C T 16, 10 iv 42-43 and 50:14—15.
IO O THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
2.2.4. z é .r “s l i p ” “s l i d e ”
z é . r denotes movement from a higher to a lower place. In two texts it depicts

the passage to the netherworld or to the grave.
a. THE DEATH OF DUMUZI 40-4177
Dumuzi describes his own death and his inability to return to the world of
the living:
40. kur ki-in-dar-ra-ga giri-ga ba-an-ze-er ur5 nu-m u-un-da-reII1
41. ûrugal ig-gal-àm igi-gâ ba-an-gub ur5 nu-m u-un‫־‬da-re 1,1
40. The netherworld is my “crack”; my foot has slipped, it (the neth-
erworld) does not let me 'ascend1 (from there).
41. The tomb is a big door; it stands in front o f me, it (the tomb) does
not let me 'ascend' (from there).
The vertical movement downward expressed by z é .r is further emphasized
by en , which denotes a movement in the opposite direction.
b. LETTER-PRAYER OF SIn SAMUH TO ENKI 2478
To slip (z é . r) into the grave is used as a metaphor for describing a severe situ-
ation in an Old Babylonian letter-prayer to Enki:
24. u4-zalag-ga u4-m udx-da-gin7 im -m a-an-ak ki-tum -m u b‘a -an-
zé-er
24. The bright day turned dim, I slip into my tomb.
The use o f z é .r instead o f the more comm on and explicit e‫ ״‬probably
involves poetic considerations. In meaning z é .r is richer than e‫ ״‬, because,
in addition to the direction o f the movement, it invests the description with
the sense o f an accidental, unwished for event.
2.2.5. b al “l ib a t e , ” dé “p o u r ”
Both verbs denote movement from a high to a low place and describe the
supply o f food offerings from the living, on the surface o f earth, to the dead,
in the grave or in the netherworld.
77. Kramer, 1980b. These lines were quoted also in chapter 1, section 1.3.1.2/a (means
of passage to the netherworld) and discussed in detail. This couplet forms a parai-
lelism and consequently the translation is free.
78. Hallo, 1968.
THE TOPOGRAPHICAL ASPECT IOI
a. LULIL AND HIS SISTER S9 79

In the lament over the young god Asgi both verbs occur in the instructions
given to the sister for the performance o f a funerary ritual:
59. a a-pa4-sè bal-bi sahar-kur-ra dé-bi
59. “Pour out the water to the libation pipe, pour it in the dust o f the
Netherworld!”
The main obligation o f the living toward their dead relatives was to supply
them with water to prevent the spirits from suffering thirst in the netherworld
and thereby secure their peaceful rest. The excavations o f the royal tombs at
Ur (dated to the Early Dynastic period) unearthed pipes that went down into
the tombs from the floors above. These pipes are probably the a -p a 4
mentioned in our passage.80 The water poured into the libation pipes went
through the graves but was actually intended for the spirit o f the dead, who
now resided in the netherworld. Therefore, s a h a r - k u r - r a describes the
netherworld and not the grave, s a h a r - k u r - r a also occurs as a synecdoche
for netherworld in I D , where Ninsubur appeals to Enlil, Nanna, and Enki to
prevent Inanna’s death in the netherworld ( I D 44, 53, 61, 186, 200, 213).81
The concept reflected by the instructions for the ritual is that th e k 14r , the
netherworld, is subterranean and that the grave served as access to it.82
79. Thureau-Dangin, 1922. Translation oflines 20-38 and 41-48: Jacobsen, 1980, 21-
22. See also Kramer 1969,159-60. The manuscript is dated to the Isin-Larsa period.
The ritual is quoted and discussed in chapter 4.1/b4.1.3‫ ־‬, below. Asgi, is the son
of Ninhursaga and Sulpae in Adab and Kes. The component SIR in his name
indicates that it means “testicle” (see C A D I/J, 250, s.v. isku), implying that he was
a young fertility-god.
80. See PG 800, U E II, 73—74; PG 1054, ibid., 104 and figs. 16—17; PG 337, ibid ., 46;
PG 1237, ibid., 114; PG 789, ibid., 63. Rituals devoted to a water libations for the
dead, ki-a-nag, are frequently mentioned in administrative texts from the third
millennium. The importance of water supply is voiced by some texts: G E N : 260
describes the dead man who was blessed with three sons as drinking water from a
water-skin. In The First Elegy of the Pushkin Museum line i ll (Kramer, i960)
Ludingira wishes his dead father that “Sweet wine would never cease in your pipe
(a-pa4-za).” Ninazu’s temple in Enegi is called in the hymn “The great libation
pipe” (Sjöberg, 1969, 27:179). The epithet of the city indicates that it was dedicated
to the cult of the dead rather than a symbol of the netherworld. For a discussion of
a-pa4see Sjöberg, 1983, 320 ad. i n , and C A D A/2, 324, s.v. arütu. b
81. For a different interpretation of sahar-kur-ra, see A. R. George, J C S 37 (1985):
109-13. In this case, the expression in ID is probably a pun.
82. This was one of the routes to the netherworld. A similar concept is reflected in D U r,
b. THE MESSENGER AND THE MAIDEN 45s3

The libation of water is also described in the ritual o f “The Maiden and the
Messenger”:
45. a ib-de ki in-de ba-ab-nag
45. “I poured water, I poured to the ground, he drank it.”
Both wom en poured water for the same purpose. However, a striking differ-
ence is that the maiden did not pour the water into the libation pipe, but onto
the ground. Therefore, we may infer that she did not perform the ritual on
the grave o f the man, whereas the ritual ofEgime8384was intended for the grave
o f her brother. Thus, although the rituals are similar and in both the image
of the dead is present in the form of a statuette, the one for Asgi represents
a funerary ritual related to a grave, whereas the messenger’s ritual is intended
for a spirit with no association to a grave.
In the absence of a grave the maiden simply poured the water onto the
ground. Her act suggests that the k u r was conceived of as subterranean and,
provided that the ritual was properly performed, the water for the dead in the
netherworld could be poured anywhere, not necessarily through the grave.
2.3. T o p o g r a p h ic a l A s p e c ts : S u m m a r y a n d C o n c lu s io n s
2.3.1. S u m m a r y o f th e S o u rces
The prevalent terms to designate “netherworld” carry more than one mean-
ing. Therefore, the physical image o f the netherworld is best reflected by
compound expressions, when a noun in the construct state or an adjective
that describes its physical shape by way o f synecdoche qualifies a w ord for
netherworld. These expressions depict parts o f the netherworld and, thus, the
semantic field of the word is limited. Some are common terms for geograph-
ical features and, when employed by way of synecdoche, demonstrate the
perception o f the geographical reality. Also verbs that signify a movement
between the netherworld and the world o f the living (Sumer) disclose the
topographical disposition o f the netherworld— elevated, level, or deep— and
the position o f the subject in relation to it— inside or in an open place.
see lines 70-74 Appendix 5/a, “The Death of Dumuzi” lines 40-41 (above), and
the incantation against evil spirits, Appendix 6/b.
83. Kramer, 1977 and Alster, 1986,27-31. See also chapter 1, section 1.1.1.2/b; chapter
2, section 2.1.5; and for a discussion of the ritual in analogy to the ritual for Asgi,
see especially chapter 4, sections 4.1 /a-4.1.3.
84. The reading Egime (ég i-m e) follows Jacobsen, 1980, 22. See further in chapter
4, section 4.1/b.
All the compound expressions that describe parts o f the netherworld are
based on the term k u r . First, it is the standard and most prevalent Sumerian
designation for the netherworld. Second, in contrast to k i and a r a l i , the term
k u r has definite geographical properties. Therefore, it is more suitable for
expressions with geographical and topographical implications.
The descriptions o f the netherworld by common geographical expressions
invest the k u r w i t h a concrete geographical property. Thematic and structural
evaluation o f the context and the intention o f the individual text confirm that
these expressions actually describe the netherworld. Consequently, when
depicted as a concrete geographical object, the term k u r must be rendered
“(the ...o f the) mountain.” At the same time “netherworld” is also used as
a specific place name, which is an abstract geographical concept, and, there-
fore, the uses o f k u r disclose a contradiction in terms.
The various compound expressions yield conflicting images o f the neth-
erworld. In E d in a - u s a g a k e and the ersemma o f Ninhursaga occur k u r - f ir -
ra “foot of the m ountain,” k u r - b à d - d a “top of the mountain,” k u r - f in -
na “high m ountain,” and g a b a - k u r - r a “edge o f the m ountain.” These
expressions depict the netherworld in concrete topographical terms. They
refer to the silhouette o f a mountain and their use depicts the netherworld as
a real mountain in agreement with the original meaning o f the t e r m k u r . O n
the other hand, d fir-k u r-ra “bottom of the k u r ” in G E N describes a deep
underground space, and i g i - k u r - r a “front o f the k u r ” is the location o f the
gate to the realm of the dead. Accordingly, the spirits o f the dead form a
subterranean community of individuals. The portrayal of the individual spir-
its is taken from historical reality, but their habitat under the ground signifies
a mythological geographical reality, and k u r is employed in the abstract sense
as aplace name.85 In “The Death ofD um uzi” and the lament over Asgi (Lulil)
the descriptions are far removed from the original meanings of k u r . They are
detached from the concrete topographical meaning o f the word, and rather
than a metonymy for grave, k u r probably denotes “netherworld.”
Some verbs that mark the relationship between the agent and the neth-
erworld allude to its location and shape. The most commonly used verb is et t,
which signifies a vertical motion. In G E N the hoop and the stick dropped
into the netherworld through a hole in the ground. Their motion, sub, befits
85. In ID the events occurred inside the royal palace of the netherworld. Perhaps, it was
visualized as a kingdom behind the mountain region. Admittedly, however, we
cannot say this with certainty, but the instinctive assumption that it was subterranean
may be an imposition on the texts oflater and modern concepts of the netherworld.
If the myth, indeed, pertains to Inanna’s astral aspect as the planet Venus, the
netherworld is probably behind the mountains rather than subterranean.
10 4 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
concrete objects and obviously signifies a subterranean netherworld. The

issue of concrete objects as opposed to the human spirit remains problematic,
because the spirit was released from the body before it was interred and,
therefore, it could not have been deposited in the grave.86 Since, during the
same rituals, libations were poured onto the ground, one wonders how the
spirit reached the netherworld and how the contradiction was resolved.
The verb gen, “walk” is neutral w ith regard to the geographical or topo-
graphic characteristics o f the way, merely signifying movement toward the
netherworld. Two verbs, g e n and e,,, describe Inanna’sjourney to the neth-
erworld, suggesting that it consisted o f two stages, horizontal and then verti-
cal. This distinction gains substantial meaning against the background of
Inanna’s aspect as the planet Venus, indicating that it is essential to the story
and, therefore, the change from a verb for neutral to a verb for vertical move-
m ent is functional and intentional: g e n illustrates Inanna’s course through
the sky, westward until the planet disappears from the sight; e ,, delineates her
descent from heaven, on her invisible course eastward behind the mountains,
and her ascent back to heaven, when the planet becomes visible in the sky
over the mountains. It appears that for Inanna the entrance to the realm of
the dead (g an z ir) was at the top o f a mountain range, and that the neth-
erworld was further to the east inside or behind it. Since the visibility ofV enus
is in heaven, the descent begins and the ascent is completed over the m oun-
tains, the netherworld is not necessarily subterranean. Rather, it may have
been at the foot of the mountain, on level land, similar to images in E d i n a -
u sa g a k e and the ersemma of Ninhursaga. I D differs from the laments in that
it visualizes the netherworld as a kingdom, as a political entity. It is not simple
to assess this difference. At face value it reflects different social structures,
urban as opposed to rural society. Since we are dealing with the same cultural
area, one may argue that I D was composed later than the laments and, thus,
represents an advanced step toward the mythologization o f the netherworld.
O n the other hand, the impression o f a rural society can be misleading,
because the social structure o f the netherworld is irrelevant to the theme, the
mourning woman, and is, therefore, ignored.
The quoted incantations are concerned with the departure of evil spirits
from the netherworld. The common verb conveying the action is è “go out,”
which is neutral as to direction in space, but implies that the netherworld is
an enclosed space. An incantation that emphasizes that a way out was laid for
the evil spirits from the netherworld to the grave (Appendix 6/b) indicates
86. See the funerary rituals in sections 4.1/aandb. The statue of the dead actualized his
being; it was not deposited in the grave, but venerated at home, or in a temple.
that the netherworld is separated from the grave but linked to it by a road.
A difficult reference is in the incantation against evil spirits (Appendix 6/e)
where the netherworld ( k u r ) parallels “holy m ound” (du6-k ù ) and “source
mountain” (k u r-id im ). The latter two phrases are mythological concepts
replete with cosmogenic connotations that literally denote high places.878
With this meaning they occur in a bilingual hymn to Samas, in which k u r is
rendered as sadû (see Appendix 6/e, with commentary to line 769). The
terminology of this incantation suggests that it was imagined to be a m oun-
tain, although in the Old Babylonian period the netherworld was conceived
to be subterranean. Therefore, it seems that during that period the geograph-
ical image of netherworld was detached from the actual reality and became
completely mythological.
2.3.2. W hy kur?
As far as our evidence indicates, all the passages that contain an image o f the
physical shape of the netherworld employ the term k u r . Yet, k u r also has a
geo-physical meaning “mountain” or “mountainous region,” as well as a
geo-political meaning “foreign (hostile) country.” The shape o f the sign KUR
resembles a mountain, suggesting that this was its original meaning. As long
as the t erm was us ed literally and the netherworld was portrayed as a mountain
or as a place in the mountain area there is no problem. However, the prevail-
ing belief situated the netherworld deep underground and so the use of k u r
as the standard Sumerian term for netherworld became contradictory by defi-
nition. W hy and how did k u r become the prevalent term to designate neth-
erworld?
The different meanings ofkwr suggest that it was not merely a geographical
term but a concept, wide enough to embrace the three different definitions.
The essence o f the concept k u r becomes clearer when it is compared to the
concept k a l a m . u Similar to k u r , k a l a m expresses varied geographical mani-
festations. But unlike the sign for k u r , the shape o f the sign k a la m cannot
be interpreted in palpable terms. As a concrete geographical term k a l a m
denotes the heartland o f Sumer; the same sign when read ùg signifies the
population o f Sumer.89
87. For example, see “Lahar and Asnan” line 27 (Alster and Vanstiphout, 1987). The
holy mound is also the birth place of the netherworld’s creatures (see C T 16, 14 iv
30).
88. kalam, too, is a concept and not merely another geographical term to designate
Sumer. For the most comprehensive discussion offcwrand k a la m , see Steiner, 1982.
See also H. Limet, R A 72 (1978): 6-12.
89. Cf. Steiner, op. tit., p. 647. Jacobsen, in A fO 26 (1978/9): 9, understands k a la m as
The pair k u r - k a l a m represents diametrically opposed concepts: in relation

to k a l a m , the heartland of Sumer, in the alluvial plain between the rivers, to r
is the land that rises beyond its north and northeastern boundaries. Both k u r
and k a l a m have two meanings that are antithetically parallel to each other:
from a geo-political viewpoint k a l a m is “the land” (our homeland Sumer)
as opposed to k u r “foreign land,” and from a geo-physical viewpoint k a l a m
is the level land (of Sumer) as opposed to k u r the mountain area. The binary
opposition k u r - k a l a m receives poetical expression in the opening section of
“Inanna and Sukaletuda”: Inanna went up the k u r in order to have a better
look at k a l a m , to be able to distinguish between bad and good.9091In short,
k a l a m and k u r are antithetically parallel geographical concepts, signifying
physical and political geography. Since for each aspect of to r there was a
counteraspect of k a l a m , the sign “m ountain” was appropriate to express
“foreign land.” In addition, in the texts k a l a m has positive connotations,
contrary to the inimical attitude toward to r.9T Perhaps the negative dispo-
sition is the origin of the meaning “hostile foreign country” in the semantic
field of k u r . Against that background it is significant that the Sumerian
language has also a neutral term for mountain, h u r-sa g , which is devoid of
any external and emotional connotation.
Steiner emphasizes that the binary opposition k u r - k a l a m was applied only
within the boundaries of the core Sumerian-Akkadian culture, and that it did
not occur outside the Sumerian and the Akkadian sources after the Old Akka-
dian period. After the expansion of the geographical horizons of the Sume-
rians in the middle of the third millennium to r-to r was included as part of
Sumer, that is to say in k a l a m and, consequently, the contrast k u r - k a l a m lost
its validity. It stands to reason, however, that some time passed before the
change was absorbed and integrated into the literature.92 Therefore, the
concept of the binary opposition k u r - k a l a m survived in the literary compo-
sitions until much later.
a synonym of ki-en-gi-(r). See also Wilcke, “Orthographie, Grammatik, und

literarische Form; Beobachtungen zu der Vaseinschrift Lugalzaggesis (S A K I 152—
156)” in Abusch et al. (eds), 1990, 470^71.
90. Volk, 1995, lines 4-9.
91. See Steiner, op. dt., p. 642.
92. Steiner, op. dt., p. 647. Lugalzaggesi’sinscription (see Wilcke, op. dt.), which vigor-
ously expresses the bipolarity ofthese concepts, may have been its last manifestation.
2.3.2.i. H o w D o e s th e M e a n i n g “N e t h e r w o r l d ” E m e r g e f r o m th e B ip o la r C o n c e p t
o f k u r -k a la m ?
One element is definitely common to all the references to the netherworld
and its descriptions in Sumerian literature: all were composed by an inhab-
itant of Sumer from the perspective of the world of the living, that is, from
Sumer.93 In other words, all the references to the netherworld were com-
posed from the perspective o f k a l a m .
Descriptions o f mythological scenes in terms of actual, concrete geograph-
ical reality testify that the Sumerians did not make a distinct separation
between concrete and mythological realities. Therefore, it is possible that the
contrasting notion of k u r - k a l a m was applied not only for actual geographical
reality, but also in the mythological scenes for mythological geographical
reality.94 Thus, k u r - k a l a m also describes the antithesis between the nether-
world and the world of the living. Since the equation k a l a m = “world o f the
living” is self-evident, we should not expect to find the entry k a la m e rse t
b a ltü ti in the bilingual texts, and it was not necessary to focus on it in the texts.
The sharp contrast with the netherworld finds expression only in D U r ,
because the composition describes both the implications of Urnamma’s death
for Sumer and his conditions in the netherworld.95
Since the‫׳‬world o f the living equates to k a l a m , its contrast to the realm of
the dead implies that the netherworld equates to to r as the antithesis of k a l a m .
Therefore, the actual binary opposition k u r - k a l a m could well have been the
origin of the geographical concept of the netherworld, with the implication
that to r “netherworld” was originally identical to the concrete meanings
“mountain,” “mountainous area,” and “foreign land.”
The descriptions of the mourning m other following her son to the neth-
erworld in E d in a - u s a g a k e and the ersemma of Ninhursaga indicate that there
was, indeed, a perception of the netherworld as a real mountain. Both
descriptions conform to the geo-physical meaning of the term k u r . 96 O n the
93. The equation “Sumer” = “the world of the living” is indicated by the Sumerian
names of those who go to the netherworld, whether they are divinities or human
beings.
94. When no mythological or political connotations were desired the neutral geo-
graphical term h u r-sa g came into use.
95. kalam occurs several times in the first part of the lament, before the description of
the route to the netherworld. See DUr 23, 40, and especially 72.
96. We cannot estimate the prevalence of this concept, because we lack written sources
from a period earlier than U r III and, needless to emphasize, during the process of
transmission texts were adapted to then-current beliefs.
other hand, descriptions in historical social terms, such as we find in G E N or

D U r, point to a vision o f the netherworld as a political entity. Although it is
mythological, the origin ofthat vision could have been the actual geo-polit-
ical meaning o f tor, “foreign country.” In principle, the above-mentioned
descriptions represent two, completely different concepts o f the nether-
world. However, each o f them fits a concrete meaning o f the concept tor,
either the geo-physical or the geo-political. Therefore, the use o fto ra s the
standard term for the netherworld may not have been incidental and the
different images are due to the complexity o f the concept. The complexity
o f the concept to r allows for different images, as is illustrated in ID, which
combines all three facets o f kur: the realm o f the dead, a mountain, and a
political entity. It is the shift from the image o f a mountain to a subterranean
region that made these images contradictory. This shift is from a horizontal
to a vertical perception of the cosmos, and from a realization o f mythological
events in terms of actual geographical reality to terms o f mythological reality.
Consequently, to r was split into two types o f terms: actual and mythological.
The implication for the semantic development o f the word to r is that
although \ye always define the reality of the netherworld as mythological, it
was originally equal in status to “mountain” and “foreign country,” which
describe concrete historical reality.
The validity of the binary antithesis k u r - k a l a m for the contrast between
the netherworld and the world o f the living elucidates some details in the
descriptions o f the road to the netherworld and its location, such as accounts
of sailing to the netherworld, moving eastward along the course o f the rivers,
or allusions to its proximity to the mountain o f sunrise.97 Perhaps this is also
the reason for the similarities between descriptions o f the route to the neth-
erworld and the route to Aratta, although these places were never identified
with one another.98
According to Steiner’s observation, the k u r - k a l a m contrast lost its signi-
ficance in the second half o f the third millennium, w ith the expansion of
the geographical horizons o f the Sumerian nation into the mountainous
regions.99 W hen the to r became part o f Sumer and k a l a m ceased to express
97. Inanna moves eastward in the netherworld, on her course to her place of rising;
Lu’utu associated Ereskigal with the place of sunrise by means of a dedicated temple.
On the possibility that the netherworld is in the place of sunrise, in the mountains
northeast of Sumer, see Sladek, 1974, 61—63.
98. Reading the two Lugalbanda compositions, I could not escape the impression that
some of the descriptions of his experiences and feelings bear connotations to the
netherworld, which imbue them with a second, mythological sense.
99. Steiner, 1982, 647.
a geographical and political unity, the concept/cwrwas split into the compo-
nents that were no longer equal to one another, but signified three inde-
pendent matters. The mountain area became accessible, not all o f it was a
foreign country, and, therefore, the netherworld could not retain its original
concrete geographical characteristics. But the “netherworld” : “world o f the
living” contrast persisted, and the k u r , devoid of geographical and topo-
graphic properties, became merely a specific— and the most common—
name for the netherworld. Presumably, therefore, descriptions o f the neth-
erworld began to detail the features o f a mythological place. The new concept
prevailed while the old one was preserved in older literary traditions. It was
completely detached from the concrete meanings of k u r , and visualized the
netherworld as a subterranean location, as in descriptions that associate the
netherworld with a grave. Alongside, new nuances were added to existing
compositions in the process o f transmission (resulting in contradictory impres-
sions). That the binary opposition k u r - k a l a m lost its comprehensive meaning
and that k u r became merely a name for the netherworld may have stimulated
the use o f other general geographical terms as names for the netherworld that
lack any morphological connotation, such as a r a t i , k i, and k i g a l .
2.3.3. F lu c tu a tio n o f T o p o g r a p h ic a l Im a g e s o f th e N e th e r w o r ld
The descriptions that relate to the topographical aspect o f the netherworld fall
into three groups:
a. This group includes E d in a - u s a g a k e , the ersemma o f
A rea l m o u n ta in .
Ninhursaga, I D , and presumably a passage from the “The Instruc-
tions ofSuruppak.”
b. A su b te r r a n e a n c o m m u n ity o r a c ity -s ta te . This group includes D U r and
Enkidu’s description o f the order o f the netherworld in G E N . IO°
(reminiscent o f a grave). The
c . S u b te r r a n e a n lo ca tio n w i th n o s o c ia lfe a tu r e s
group includes “The Death o f Dum uzi,” “Lulil and His Sister”
(Asgi), “The Messenger and the Maiden,” the incantations against
evil spirits, and, to some extent, the instruction o f Gilgames to
Enkidu from G E N . 10101
100. Although in ID the netherworld is referred to as a kingdom—and in that respect it

belongs in this group—it was located probably in the mountain area, not necessarily
under the ground. Therefore, it is not included in this group. D U r is not quoted in
this chapter because the text is too ambiguous with regard to topographical
indications. At face value, it implies that the netherworld is subterranean, but line
192 may suggest an open place.
101. G E N is composed of three parts that are loosely connected thematically. The third
no THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
Generally speaking, we have two major concepts concerning the topograph-

ical aspect of the netherworld. One concept is represented by group (a), in
which the k u r is visualized in terms of an actual mountain above the ground.
The second concept is represented by groups (b) and (c), where the k u r is
described in mythological terms as a subterranean place.
The mythological application o f the binary opposition: k u r - k a l a m , the
netherworld / / world of the living antithesis, suggests that the Sumerian
descriptions o f the netherworld as a real mountain are earlier than its descrip-
tions as a subterranean location. Also, the prevalence of the latter indicates
that the belief that it was at the foot of a real mountain was also abandoned
earlier. Since the Sumerian society was urban as early as the fourth millen-
nium, we expect the concept of the netherworld as an urban community
even at its earliest stage. The images of the netherworld as a real mountain
and as a civilized community fit two literal meanings of k u r , “m ountain” and
“foreign country.” Therefore, both images could have originated in the
complex semantic field o f the w ord k u r , even before the k u r - k a l a m binary
opposition lost its meaning. The suggestion that Inanna e n i e r e d g a u z i r a t the
top of the mountain and then descended to Ereskigal’s kingdom at the foot
of the mountain unites the image of a real mountain with that of a city-state.
Accordingly, it is possible that the image of the netherworld in I D treated k u r
as one complex concept. Chronologically, this interpretation dates I D earlier
than the Old Akkadian period.
Y et, if a city-state is subterranean, then the fundamental difference be-
tween the two kinds ofimages is not so m uch in the semantic field ofthe word
k u r , but in the materials of the description. The description of the nether-
world as a real mountain is based upon the actual geographical meaning of
k u r and, therefore, it reflects the actual, historical reality. A description o f a
subterranean city-state, as in group (b), is based on the structure, the social
order, and the burial customs in historical reality, but being subterranean it
signifies a mythological reality. Therefore, such description turns historical
facts into mythological materials. The descriptions in group (c), as a subter-
part of G E N focuses on the netherworld and is divided in two: (1) the story about
the stick and the hoop and Enkidu’s descent to retrieve them from the netherworld;
and (2) the description of the order of the netherworld as told by the image of
Enkidu in reply to Gilgames’s questions. In the first story Gilgames instructs Enkidu
about behavior in the netherworld and describes the spirits of the dead in terms of
corpses in a grave. However, in Enkidu’s description the dead are described as
inhabitants of a city-state, socially structured according to the norms of the world
of the living. Since each part presents a different image of the netherworld, G E N
has to be included in both groups.
THE TOPOGRAPHICAL ASPECT Ill
ranean place, devoid of social order or any urban features, treat/atr as a specific
geographical name, totally unrelated to the concrete geographical meanings
“mountain” or “foreign land.”
The relationship between the binary opposition k u r - k a l a m and the differ-
ent geographical images of the netherworld, on the one hand, and the shift
from actual historical materials to mythological materials, on the other,
suggests that the term k u r in the meaning “netherworld” underwent a pro-
cess of mythologization. The different images are best explained by a chro-
nological gap. For lack o f textual evidence, however, we can only speculate
about the evolution o f the physical image netherworld before late in the third
millennium. The descriptions o f the netherworld as a real mountain in E d i n a -
m a g a k e and the ersemma o f Ninhursaga adhere to the original and main
meaning of k u r . The geo-political meaning “foreign land” must have been
added to the basic meaning “m ountain” following the dawn o f political
notions, and of territorial states in particular. Accordingly, the image of the
netherworld as a kingdom developed at a later stage, adapted to the k u r - k a t a m
binary opposition. I D seems to reflect that phase. The emergence o f a monar-
chic order and governmental institutions, and the introduction of fortifica-
tions are dated in Mesopotamia to the turn o f the third millennium.102 I
assume that the tendency to visualize mythological speculations in terms of
the familiar actual reality gave rise to the image o f the netherworld as a city-
state. It became current probably as a result o f the urban and political devel-
opments that gained momentum in the first half o f the third millennium. That
the concept o f the k u n - k a l a m binary opposition lost its significance and disin-
tegrated into three different definitions may have given an additional impulse
to the urban image o f the netherworld. In D U r , from the U r III period, the
image o f the netherworld as a subterranean city-state was already well estab-
lished.
W hen the k 14r - k a l a m antithesis was forgotten and the netherworld was
universally perceived as subterranean, detached from the actual geographical
reality of Sumer, it became an abstract, mythological geographical place. At
that stage the mythologization process ofkwrwas accomplished. It had lost its
102. For obvious reasons dating must remain relative. Inanna’s major cultic center in
Uruk already had an urban character in the fourth millennium. If the myth about
her descent as the planet Venus is as early as I assume, it is not impossible that the
structure of her cult center lent its image to the structure of the netherworld. In that
case I D could be earlier than the third millennium. O n the other hand, if the
description ofEreskigal as queen is not due to a later phase of transmission, then it
cannot be earlier than the establishment of monarchy, which, to our present knowl-
edge, was at the beginning of the third millennium.
topographical properties and turned into a specific place name, unrelated to

mountains or foreign countries. This phase opened the way for new theo-
logical speculations about the geography of the netherworld and the road that
connected it to the world of the living.
The concept of the k u r - k a l a m antithesis offers a possible explanation for
unconventional descriptions o f the netherworld as a mountain. If, indeed, the
use of k14r to signify the netherworld originated in this concept, then the
different descriptions o f the netherworld were still based on the real, complex
experience of the inhabitants o f Sumer. The descriptions of the netherworld
as a mountain were anchored in an actual geo-political reality, whereas the
descriptions o f it as a subterranean community were generated by the social
reality and burial customs in Sumer.
CHAPTER 3
T he S o c ie t a l A spect
THE SOCIO-POLITICAL IMAGE
OF THE NETHERW ORLD
OFFICIALS AND o f f i c e s equivalent to those o f state administration and the

temple establishment, as well as allusions to the social order, present the neth-
erworld as a community comparable to the Sumerian and Babylonian city-
state. The common elements make evident that the building bricks o f the
societal concept of the netherworld were molded by terrestrial historical real-
ity. During the fourth and third millennia, Sumer underwent major social and
political developments, moving from a rural society through a gradual urban-
ization to a centralized monarchy. Since historical reality induced the images
of mythological reality, these developments should be reflected in the de-
scriptions o f the netherworld.
The inhabitants o f the netherworld are divided into three groups: human
spirits, deities, and evil spirits that are neither human nor divine but a kind
of demonic creature. The role o f each group in the community o f the neth-
erworld, the offices they occupied, and their images build up a vision of a
governmental system and social organization. Since the concept o f the neth-
erworld emerged from the actual experience o f the Sumerians, it has to be
examined in relation to the socio-political developments in Sumer. H ow -
ever, none of our texts is devoted to a systematic description o f the nether-
world and references to officials are incidental, depending on the literary
needs o f the given text and the attitude o f the author. Therefore, one should
not expect the netherworld to be portrayed as a perfect copy of the actual
contemporary terrestrial circumstances. The chronological value of a given
description can be established w hen its historical core can be discerned and
dated.
3.1. H u m a n S p ir its P a r ta k in g in th e E s t a b lis h m e n t o f th e N e th e r w o r ld .
The ever-increasing population o f the netherworld consisted mainly o f human

spirits. O f this large group only three m en are mentioned by name as officials
in the Sumerian sources: Gilgames, Etana, and Umamma. The historical
traditions commemorate all three as important rulers during their lifetime.
However, the only one whose historicity is not doubted is Umamma, king
n 3
TT4 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
of Ur. Nevertheless, although we have no hard evidence for the historicity

o f Gilgames and Etana and the traditions that were woven around their
personalities are intrinsically legendary, it is possible that they too acted in
historical reality. Alongside these three kings, some texts refer to priests in the
netherworld. However, they are not mentioned by name but by tide only,
as the priesthood in general.
3.1.1. G ilg a m e s
According to the legendary literary tradition, Gilgames was two-thirds human

and one-third divine. Thus, he is a borderline case between a human spirit
and deity. Historical allusions in the epic traditions and the Sumerian King
List (SKL) lead scholars to date Gilgames to the first half o f the third millen-
nium. About two generations after his estimated era, Gilgames is attested in
the god-list from Fara as a netherworld deity.1 However, most o f the texts
relate to him as a dead king, in the spirit of the historical and literary traditions
about his exploits as the ruler ofUruk. The recéndy published version of D G i l ‫׳‬
from Tell Haddad explains his status in the netherworld against that back-
ground. In the assembly of the gods Enlil recites all the achievements of
Gilgames. But Enki interferes to remind him that after the flood the gods
swore not to grant immortality to any human being and that despite his divine
mother Gilgames has to die. Consequently, Enlil announces the offices that
Gilgames would fulfil in the netherworld.2Thus, the indistinct attitude of the
sparse sources is now clear, explicitly stated, and explained in the narrative:
Gilgames belongs with the group o f human spirits rather than with divinities,
even when his name appears w ith the divine determinative.
a. THE FIRST ELEGY OF THE PUSHKIN MUSEUM 9 6 3
Gilgames is one of the selected gods of the netherworld, w hom Ludingira asks
to be favorable to his father. His epithet in this list is k a la -g a “strong”
“mighty.”
96. kala-ga dgilgames silim ha-ra-a[n-sum]
96. May the mighty Gilgames [grant] you peace.
1. For the god-list of Fara, see: Deimel, S F 1, xiii 7'; Krebernik, 1986, 182.
2. Cavigneaux, 2000,28:79-83. The texts that treat him as a dead ruler are cited below.
3. Old Babylonian sources ofthe lament by Ludingira over his father, the scribe Nanna
who died in Nippur (Kramer, i960). After Kramer’s first edition, five new partial
duplicates were published in Sjöberg, 1983.
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT 1 15
The epithet k a la -g a , Akkadian d a n n u m , is characteristic o f the Akkadian

royal inscriptions from the time of Naramsin onward. W .W . Hallo maintains
that its occurrence in the inscriptions as a single royal epithet signifies political
might.45In the Neo-Sumerian royal inscriptions k a la -g a does not appear as
such and, therefore, it seems to be a variant of the common epithet n ita -
kala-ga. This epithet corresponds with the historical and literary tradition
about Gilgames as a king of Uruk. However, after his death Gilgames could
no longer be defined as “man,” and, presumably for this reason, the compo-
nent n ita “man” was intentionally omitted.
b. D U r 95s
After his arrival in the netherworld Umamma presented gifts to the principal
gods of the netherworld. Among them was Gilgames, in the second position
with the epithet lu g a l- k u r- ra :
95. dgilgames lugal-kur-ra-ke4
95. To Gilgames the l u g a l o f the netherworld.
Gilgames was certainly not the ruler o f the netherworld, not even for the
kings of U r III, who claimed a close bond with the legendary kings o f Uruk
and glorified them. As the ruler o f U ruk Gilgames’s tide was e n . The text
tradition o f ,the tale “Gilgames and Akka” designates him also as l u g a l , but
exclusively in his function as the commander of the Urukean army. The clear
distinction that the text o f“ Gilgames and Akka” makes between e n and l u g a l
suggests that in the contemporary D U r the title “ l u g a l of the netherworld”
associates Gilgames with military duty.
The lament underlines the association o f Urnamma with Gilgames. In the
netherworld Urnamma, the king of U r and commander ofits army, was made
ajudge, equal to and jointly with his beloved brother Gilgames, the ruler of
Uruk and commander ofits army (D U r 143—44, and compare D G i l , M :81-
83). The link made between Gilgames and Umamma strongly suggests that
the position of Gilgames reflected in the title “ l u g a l of the netherworld”
derived from propagandist political considerations: in correspondence to the
elevated status of Gilgames, Urnamma is also invested with higher status and
greater esteem. It seems, therefore, that the elevated position o f Gilgames in
the list of gods reflects the U r III royal court theology or, more specifically,
Sulgi’s court theology.
4. Hallo, 1957, 66ff.

5. Flückiger-Hawker, 1999, 118; see also appendix 5/b. A detailed discussion of this
god-list is in appendix 8/a.
C. INCANTATION AGAINST LAMASTU 3 1 - 3 3 67

Nergal, Ningiszida, and Gilgames will adjure the Lamastu:
31. dnè-eri-gal de n -lil-k u r-« k u r» -ra -k a [hé-pàd]
32. dnin-gis-zi-da gu-za-lâ-kur-ra-ka hé-pàd
33. dgilgames lugal-gidim-ma-ke4 hé-pàd
31. Nergal, the E n lil of the k u r will adjure you,
32. Ningiszida, the chair-bearer o f the k u r will adjure you,
33. Gilgames, the l u g a l . o f the spirits will adjure you.
The position and the title of Gilgames are interesting on two counts: first, in
comparison with the list o f gods in D U r he is of lower rank than Ningiszida.
Second, he is still l u g a l but not “of the netherworld” but “of the spirits.”
The title “ l u g a l of the spirits” draws on the historical and epic traditions
about Gilgames. His group of reference in the netherworld is the human
spirits, as he originally was, and his function as l u g a l reflects having been the
commander of the Urukean army. The title, indeed, signifies leadership, but
only as first in rank among the deceased human beings. In the framework of
the literary tradition, it is the fulfilment o f Enlil’s verdict in D G i l , M:81:
IGI.DU g id im h é -n a m combined w ith his title in D U r 95.
d. HYM N AND PRAYER TO U T U 7 7 ‫^־‬79 ‫ד‬
The Old Babylonian text was probably recited as a part o f a funerary ritual.
It begins with a hymn to U tu,8 who is then asked to take the case and judge
the dead favorably. The text concludes with a call for some netherworld
deities and a request to open the gates o f the netherworld. The passage that
includes the names of the deities is badly preserved. In line 73 we have di r-
[ ], possibly Irra, and 74 have [ z ]i-d a -k a m , most probably Ningiszida.
77. [dgil] games énsi-kur-ra-ke4
78. me-ta-na nu-bànda-kur-ra-ke4
79. p 1sig]-kur-ra-zu gal-lu
77. Gilgames, the e n s i o f the netherworld
78. Etana, the n u b a n d a o f the netherworld
79. Open your door o f the netherworld!
6. YOS 11, 88, which dates to the Old Babylonian period.

7. Cohen, 1977. See also Cavigneaux, 2000, 71—72. The text is known from only one
manuscript.
8. The hymnal part of the text has many parallels in the “Incantation to Utu,” dated
to the first year of Ammisaduqa (Castellino, 1969, and Alster, 1991).
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT I 7‫ז‬
The position in the list and the title e n s i indicate that the relative status of
Gilgames in the administration of the netherworld is low. Gilgames is last
among the gods and precedes onlyEtana, who is not deified. In the OldBaby-
Ionian period the office of e m s i was that o f a dependent ruler, a governor of
a small city and its neighborhood, or a member of the farmer-class who had
certain privileges. W hatever e n s i means here, it signifies a decline in the rela-
five status o f Gilgames— in contrast to the sources w ith the higher position
of l u g a l — and corresponds to the decline in the status of the e n s i during the
Old Babylonian period.9 One may argue that the text voices a local tradition
and, therefore, we should consider that in different local pantheons Gilgames
held different positions during the same period. O n the other hand, his status
reached its zenith in the court theology o f the U r III dynasty and the link to
Etana suggests that the text was based on literary traditions but adapted to the
contemporary theology.
3.1.2. E ta n a
The tradition o f the Sumerian king list (S K L ) registers Etana as the eleventh
king of the first dynasty of Kis. It also comments that Etana was a shepherd,
that he ascended to heaven, and that he united all the lands.10 The tradition
about his ascent to heaven has no Sumerian sources. It found expression in
Akkadian literature, which described him riding on the back ofan eagle.11 O n
Old Akkadian cylinder seals, the figure of a man m ounted on the back o f an
eagle is a relatively common glyptic motif, and scholars tend to identify this
motif w ith the tradition about Etana.12 The occurrence o f this m otif only in
9. Hallo, 1957, 47.

10. Jacobsen, 1939, 80, ii 16-19.
11. J. V. Kinnier Wilson, The Legend of Etana. A New Edition. (Warminster, 1985). See
now Haul, 2000.
12. These seals were found in both northern and southern Mesopotamia, but the
majority is known from acquisitions. The identification with Etana is still in debate
because the seals vary in the details of the scene, and relevant elements are sometimes
omitted. The glyptic motif, which is supposedly the earliest representation of the
legend, evolves around a shepherd. Since kings were metaphorically conceived as
shepherds, it is possible that the motif was reinterpreted and associated with Etana
the king of Kis at a later development, and that we have here an admixture with
adaptation of two separate traditions. The comment of S K L that Etana was a
shepherd and that he ascended to heaven captures the essence of the glyptic motif
combined with the historical tradition and, thereby, links the glyptic representations
with the later Akkadian legend about Etana. The occurrences of the glyptic motif
and the distribution ofits elements in relation to the narrative ofEtana are discussed
in Steinkeller, 1992.
T18 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
O ld Akkadian seals befits Etana’s affiliation to the first dynasty of Kis. There-
fore, the tradition about Etana’s ascent to heaven is probably Akkadian or
Semitic in origin and may be dated to the Old Akkadian period or earlier. If
there were no early written sources it may have been transmitted orally.
In addition to Gilgames, o f all the very early Mesopotamian rulers, histor-
ical or legendary, Etana is the only other one who is mentioned by name
among the residents o f the netherworld. However, since most o f the texts in
which he is mentioned are not earlier than the Old Babylonian period, we
lack the links by which his image was tradited for centuries, from the Old
Akkadian until the OldBabylonianperiod. In the absence ofadetailed Sume-
rian tradition about him, one can only guess why he was chosen to be men-
tioned in the lists o f netherworld deities. The Sumerian text, “A Poem about
Early Rulers,” 13 may give us a clue. Three lines evoke the memory of three
prominent rulers o f the remote past as an example for the wretched present.
Etana is one o f them .14
4:9 me-e ma-lu-lu lugal-e mu 3600x1 o-àm in ak
4:10 me-e me-ta-na lugal-e lu-an-sè bi-in-è-dè
4:11 m e-e mbil-ga-mès rzP-u4-sud-ra-gin7 nam-ti 1-kin-kin
4:9 Where is Alulu the king? He reigned 36,000 years.15
4:10 Where is Etana the king? The man who ascended to heaven.16
13. Alster, 1990 with previous bibliography. The text is known from three Sumerian
manuscripts of the Old Babylonian period. The provenance is not certain, perhaps
Sippar. In addition, it was found in a bilingual version in Ugarit (Ugaritica V, 438-
40, nos. 164-66) andEmar (EmarVI/4, 359—65). See now Klein, 2001 with the latest
bibliography.
14. Cited according to Alster 1990. The text mentions Alulu, Etana, Gilgames, Enkidu,
and Fluwawa. The list ends with an air ofexasperation that such figures no longer exist.
15. A king by that name is mentioned in two Late Babylonian incantations, in one of
them as a king who reigned before the flood (Lambert and Millard, Atra-Hasls, 27,
BM 45686 i 19, 25 and ii 12). The phrasing ofline 4:9 is reminiscent of the phrasing
pattern of SKL. Therefore, I assume that Alulu should be identified with Alulim
king ofEridu, who, according to SKL, was the first king in the history of humankind
and reigned 28800 years (SfCLi 1-4, note that his successor Alalgar reigned for 36000
years). It is likely that SK L was the source for this text. The reason Alulu was
included in the “poem” becomes clear only through his identification with Alulim
, of SKL. As the first king in the history of humankind, Alulu/Alulim is cbmparable
to Etana, who is, according to the epic tradition of the Old Babylonian period, the
first king to establish a hereditary dynasty based upon divine election. In addition,
he belongs to the first established dynasty after the flood.
16. This line is almost identical to SK L ii 16. The similarity strongly suggests that SKL
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT 119
4: XI W here is Gilgames? Like Ziusudra he sought for life.17

Two of the figures who were chosen to serve as an example of the heroic past
are none other then Gilgames and Etana. Apparently, in the historical memo-
ry of the Mesopotamian their place was side by side. The recognition of
Gilgames is not surprising. H e secured his place in history due to his heroic
quest for eternal life— the reason for his being likened to Ziusudra.18 Etana
is described as “the man who ascended to heaven,” similar to his description
in S K L . Unlike S K L , however, the poem does not m ention that he was a
shepherd. Thus, the ascent to heaven is Etana’s cardinal notability, the one
that established his memory for generations to come. The flight to heaven on
the back of an eagle is indeed a matchless exploit. All the more so if Etana
ventured to ascend to heaven in order to materialize his aspiration for an
heir.19 This objective is the same as the wish to preserve the name for poster-
ity, in other words, to become spiritually immortal. A similar objective was
also the motivation for Gilgamcs's quest. Both rulers, Etana and Gilgames,
undertook heroic ventures to fulfil the same wish, to establish their names
was the source of this line as well. That the poem replaces “shepherd” by “king”
deviates from the glyptic motif by selection but conforms to the theme of SKL.
17. This line reflects the epic tradition about Gilgames’s search for eternal life. The same
phrase appears in the Akkadian translation of a Neo-Assyrian liver omen of Gilga-
mes from Assur (KAR 434, o. 5, 7). Since the omen mentions Ziusudra, not
Utanapistim of the Akkadian epic, I assume that the “poem” was a source for the
omen. The bilingual versions from Ugarit and Emar indicate not only that the text
of the “poem” was transmitted down to the first millennium, but also suggest a link
between the early version of the Old Babylonian period and the Neo-Assyrian
omen from Assur.
18. In the sources from Emar we find Huwawa and Enkidu after Gilgames. Quite
possibly, then, the epic traditions served as a source for the characterization of
Gilgames.
19. Admittedly, the earliest evidence for this comes from the Middle Assyrian version.
The Old Babylonian version is too fragmentary to determine the exact reason for
his flight. So far the sources about his wife’s disease are inconclusive and we are not
in position to decide whether la’bu is related to the ability to bear children. The
introduction to the late version of the legend indicates that there was no kingship
before Etana and the similarity to the beginning of the Old Babylonian version
suggests the same. However, although according to S K L the first kingship after the
flood was established in Kis, Etana is not listed as the first but as the eleventh king
of Kis. This discrepancy suggests that the narrative form is later. Since kingship is
hereditary in principle, and Etana’s ascent to heaven resulted in an heir, how could
he be the eleventh? Therefore, according to the narrative, he must have been the
first king.
forever. In a junction between the literary and the historical traditions, S K L

attests that Etana and Gilgames were the first rulers to establish hereditary
dynasty in their cities, thereby pointing to this common denominator. The
properties that Etana shares with Gilgames account for his place in the histor-
ical memory of the south Mesopotamian. Unlike Gilgames, however, Etana
was not deified.
a. TELE FIRST ELEGY OF THE PUSHKIN MUSEUM 97 20
Etana appears in the list after Gilgames and paired with Bitu:
97. mbi-du8 ù e-ta-na â-dah-zu [hé-me-es]
97. May Bitu and Etana be your allies.
, Etana appears without any determinative whereas Bitu has the determinative
o f a personal name, not o f a divinity.21 The mention o f these two together
is obscure. I would expect Etana to be mentioned with Gilgames rather than
with Bitu. Perhaps it has to do with their Semitic origin (which may point
to the source o f this list)?
b. HYMN AND PRAYER TO UTU 77-79 22

Etana appears as the nubanda of the netherworld after Gilgames the e n s i:
77• [dgil] games ensi-kur-ra-ke4

78. me-ta-na nu-banda-kur-ra-ke4
79. p1sig]-kur-ra-zu gal-lu
77. Gilgames the e n s i of the netherworld
78. Etana, the n u b a n d a of the netherworld
79. Open your door o f the netherworld!
From the Old Akkadian period onward n u b e m d a has three meanings: (a)
lieutenant in charge o f soldiers and workers; (b) steward in charge of the food
supply and its distribution; (c) mayor o f a city. The combination of e n s i and
n u b a n d a occurs also in “Gilgames and Akka” lines 102-102a, in a passage that
lists official positions in progressive order. All our sources indicate that the
n u b a n d a was inferior to the e n s i . For that reason the meaning “mayor” for
n u b a n d a is unsuitable, but either of the other two meanings is plausible.
20. See above 3.1.1/a.

21. Note that in the list of DGil, Bitu is registered as a deity, preceding Ningiszida and
Dumuzi.
22. Also cited in 3.1.1/d above.
The relative status of the offices e n s i and n u b c m d a , and the figures who
held each of them, Gilgames and Etana respectively, reflect a concept o f hier-
archie social order in the netherworld, paralleling the structure of the Baby-
Ionian city-states.
3.1.3. U m am m a
Urnamma is the only clearly historical king who is described as an official of

the netherworld. However, this description is limited to the lament over his
untimely death, a contemporary composition of political and propagandist
value. Therefore, the text probably reflects the contemporary theology of
Sulgi’s court, rather than firm theological dogma. Y et, it is conceivable that
popular rulers retained in the mind of their subjects an elevated position in
the netherworld.
Umamma’s position in the netherworld was determined by Ereskigal.23
His role was twofold: (1) he was given authority over soldiers killed in battle
and over offenders,24 and (2) he was appointed as a judge, a position that he
held together with Gilgames.25 The appointments of Urnamma in the neth-
erworld parallels his duties during his reign in his lifetime. The authority over
the dead soldiers parallels his task as the commander o f the Urukean army, and
by serving as a judge in the netherworld he continued to fulfil the role of the
king, to provide justice in the land.
Regarding the social texture o f the netherworld, the description of the
events is not unequivocal. Since Urnamma is portrayed as a leader also after
his death, it seems that the netherworld was conceived as an image o f the
Sumerian, kingdom. But Urnamma’s position in the social scale remains
vague. He was not the only king there. Among those who welcomed him
into the netherworld were also “famous kings” (1. 77) whose names, states,
and roles in the netherworld are not indicated. W hat was then his status rela-
tive to theirs?
23. DUr 138: i n i m - d U j j - g a de re s - k i- g a l- la - k a - ta “According to the command

of Ereskigal.”
24. DUr 139: é rin ®1h u k u l-fe ] e n -n a b a -u g 5‫ ־‬g a / 140: lu -n a m -ta g -g a e n -n a
b a - 1zu ■- X 1 -a. Perhaps these phrases refer to his duties as a ruler—the dead soldiers
point to the king’s role as commander o f the army, on the one hand, and the known
sinners to his capacity as a judge, on the other.
25. DUr 143: s e s -k i-â g -g â -n i dg ilg a m e s -ra / 144: e ‫ ־‬ne d i- k u r - r a i- k u s‫ ־‬dè
k a -a s -k u r-ra 1 -b ar-re “W ith his beloved brother Gilgames, he pronounces the
judgment of the netherworld; he renders the decisions of the netherworld.” I find
the phrasing quite similar to the decision of Enlil about the future position of
Gilgames in the netherworld (D Gil , M:81—83).
The use o f terms taken from actual reality creates a theological dilemma.
O n the one hand, the netherworld is an integral political unit, a kingdom
ruledby a queen. O n the other, every king from every terrestrial political unit
settles eventually in the netherworld. How, then, can the status o f a monarch,
an absolute ruler in life, be maintained after life as one o f many like him? The
issue is considered in the Akkadian epic o f Gilgames: Enkidu tells that in his
dream he saw the kings who ruled the land in the past; they did not wear their
crowns and they served the great gods Anu and Enlil.26 At face value it seems
that these kings lost their former lofty positions, only to function as waiters,
especially since Enkidu’s dream voices pessimistic prospects for Gilgames
himself. But serving the great gods signified an honorable status for a human
spirit. Enkidu’s account harmonizes with the reference in D U r to the “famous
kings” as a group. Both imply a separate class o f inhabitants, and their ano-
nyrnity may be for practical reasons. In other words, dead kings had a distin-
guished position; they were remembered, and their memory cherished by
their own people, family, or dynasty.
Urnamma not only retained his former duties and status as a king, but he
was also made the equal o f Gilgames, the legendary king and divinity. It
seems, therefore, that the prominence ofUrnamma above the rest ofthe kings
indicates the propagandist, political, and ideological intentions o f the lament.
His special treatment in the netherworld and the privileges granted to him
prove the superiority of the U r III kingdom and its dynasty.27
3.1.4. P r ie s th o o d
Three texts distinguish priests among the residents ofthe netherworld: D U r

78, D G i l M 104-7, 194-97, and N 3 23-25, and the “Hym n to U tu” 58-60
(compare Gilg. VII, 199—201 (iv 46—48), e n , l a g a r , lu m a h h u , and g u d a p s û ) :
26. Gilg. VII, 195-199 (iv 41-45).

27. According to the lament, Urnamma was not deified. At the same time, making him
the equal of Gilgames could give his successor Sulgi a legitimacy for his own
deification. If this is the case, then this part of the text— his initiation in the
netherworld and the appointment by Ereskigal—must have been composed about
twenty years after Urnamma’s death, not shortly afterward.
Note that at the end o f the text, following Inanna’s protest in the assembly of
the gods, Ningiszida decreed a favorable fate for Urnamma. Since Ereskigal’s earlier
decree makes his superfluous, I assume that Ningjszida’s decree represents an earlier
version that was commissioned by the widow, whereas Ereskigal’s is a later addition
probably by Sulgi.
DUr D G il H y m n to U t u
en en
isib lagar lagar
lu-mah lu-mah lu-mah
nin-dingir nin-dingir nin-dingir
gudu4 gudu4
The priests are mentioned only by title, not by name, indicating that it is not
a personal appointment but a class o f priesthood. This and the context in
which they appear indicate that these functions were considered as important
after death as in life.28 In D U r they follow the general reference to the group
of famous kings.29 In D G i l the list is repeated three times: twice in the context
of the dream, where they are the first-mentioned human spirits who reside
in the netherworld,30 and once in last position, after the list of deities who
received offerings from Gilgames. In the prayer to U tu the priests were listed
after the presentation of the grave goods (its location, the phrasing, and the
order is reminiscent of D G i t j .
The repeated list o f priestly offices suggests that the temple establishment
existed in the netherworld in parallel to the terrestrial world. That the priestly
offices are not written in the plural renders a sense of acting personnel.31
However, the texts emphasize that the priests are dead and, thereby, distin-
guish them from the netherworld deities who fulfilled the official positions,
and cast doubt on the possibility that they carried on their lifetime occupa-
tion. Although the sources are ambiguous with regard to the official position
of the high priesthood, the social status they enjoyed during their lifetime
seems to be retained as they form a distinguishable group o f spirits, similar to
the famous kings.
In light o f the appearance ofpriests in D U r , the notion ofa priesthood class
in the netherworld can be dated with certainty to the U r III period, though
it may be earlier. That the list in D U r is the shortest may indicate that the idea
about the status o f the temple personnel was still in formation.
28. Similarities in composition and function may indicate a common source. These
priestly offides in the Old Babylonian Proto-Lu list, M SL 12, 40:205fr. appear in a
different order and presumably, therefore, it was not the source for the literary texts.
29. Note this also in the dream of Enkidu in Gilg. VII, iv 46.
30. Following the funerary offerings: “Go ahead, when the Anunna gods sit down to
the funerary banquet” (George, 1999, 201:103 and 204:193).
31. It may be in the collective.
124 THE [MAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
3.1.5. H u m a n S p i r i t s P a r t a k in g in th e E s t a b l is h m e n t o f th e N e t h e r w o r ld : S u m m a r y
a n d C o n c lu s io n s
D ead kings and some high priestly offices receive explicit attention in the
sources, which indicates that they formed distinguishable groups in the popu-
lation o f the netherworld. How ever, the extantsources name only three kings
w ith official positions, and the few priests are nameless. Excluding Gilgames
and Etana, w ho represented outstanding achievements, it is not clear whether
these references signify merely elevated social status or actual functions.
Urnamma is a case in point because his lament puts in writing the notions of
his ow n court. The scant evidence is enough to imply that the netherworld
was organized along social and administrative principles.
T he three rulers, Gilgames, Etana, and Urnam m a, were awarded a position
in the netherworld owing to their eminence during their lifetimes. D G i l
presents the elevated status o f Gilgames as a reward for his achievements, and
compensation for his mortality. H e was incorporated into the pantheon of the
netherworld already by the Early Dynastic period. But his epithets in the lists
o f netherworld deities are based on the epic and historical traditions about his
exploits as the ruler of Uruk. Etana was probably incorporated into the lists
o f netherworld officials due to the legendary tradition about his flight to
heaven, but not deified. Urnamma is the exception that possibly proves the
rule. He is described with official duties only in the lament over his death,
indicating that his own court attributed the elevated netherworld status to
him, but later theologians did not canonize it— although the text was copied
in the O ld Babylonian period. It is possible that in other courts a similar view
was held regarding local prominent dead kings, but their whereabouts in the
netherworld were either not narrated in writing or not preserved. Having said
that, the lament about Urnamma is singularly important because, while
focusing on him, it gives us a comprehensive view of the social fabric of the
netherworld, its order and regulation, and the roles o f its principal deities
during the U r III period.
According to D U r the netherworld had seven gatekeepers (1. 76).32
Urnamma’s place in the netherworld was determined by the Anunna, who
bear the title é n s i-g a l.33 The position and duties of Urnamma were estab-
32.I assume that the idea of seven gatekeepers originated in an interpretation of Inanna’s
entrance to the netherworld in ID, where Inanna was ushered in by one gatekeeper
but through seven gates.
33. According to Hallo, 1957, 48 the title ensigal in this period was reserved for gods.
Also on this point, the lament was influenced by ID and interpreted the appearance
of the Anunna as if they were netherworld deities. However, in ID the Anunna
function as the seven great judges, the judges of the gods. They appear to try Inanna
lished at the command ofEreskigal, the queen. H e was in charge o f the dead
soldiers and acted as a judge, as he had in his past life. In both functions he
resembles Gilgames, w ho serves as a judge, and, as l u g a l , a military officer.
O f the deities that received gifts from Um am m a, Ninazimua too bears an offi-
cial tide, “scribe,” that has a parallel in the terrestrial state administration (1.
127).34 Dead kings formed a special group. They announced Urnamma’s
arrival, perhaps together w ith the priests mentioned directly afterward. The
description portrays the netherworld as a formally organized community,
heterogeneous and socially stratified. However, when compared to lists o f the
Old Babylonian period in which Ningiszida emerges as the chair-bearer
(g u -z a -la ) o f the netherworld and Gilgames as the e n s i , and where more
priestly offices have been added, it seems that the concept o f the community
was still in a state o f formation.
The list o f netherworld gods and dignitaries in “T he First Elegy o f the
Pushkin Museum” is deficient in listing titles of the state administration.
Ningiszida does not bear the title g u - z a - lâ “chair-bearer,” by which he is
known from the Old Babylonian period onward, but e n “lord,” which signi-
fies merely an elevated rank. Gilgames appears as k a la -g a “the mighty,” a
royal attribute reminiscent o f his legendary rule in Uruk. And unlike the late
lists, Bitu and Etana appear w ithout any title at all. Although the sources for
this text are dated to the Old Babylonian period— it may have been composed
at that time— the list itself could have been based on a much earlier source.35
for her assault against Ereskigal and the m e of the netherworld, but they were not
residents of the netherworld. See Katz, 1995, 231.
34. Note that after line 127: “The chief scribe dum u(?) of a r a li,” which is puzzling
(ifit is dum u); the version from Susa adds a line (Sb2127a) “Gestinanna, the king’s
sister.” “The king’s sister” ties in to Urnamma’s religious role as Dumuzi. The
“scribe of a r a li,” is the title of Gestinanna, the sister ofDumuzi, who was killed in
a ra li,. The geographical name “a r a li,” is an integral part of the Dumuzi tradition,
but not that of Ningiszida. The additional line in Susa is perhaps a Freudian slip,
indicating that the title “scribe of a ra li,” was natural for Gestinanna but unnatural
for Ninazimua. The two goddesses are mentioned by Gudea (Steible, 1991, 230-
31, Statue M, ii 1-4). In Lagas Ningiszida was the personal god of Gudea and, being
a “Dumuzi-type” of deity, Ninazimua was identified with Gestinanna, albeit the
former is a wife and the latter a sister. Since in later sources the title belongs ex-
clusively to Gestinanna, it appears that the identification did not last long. Also, in
the Old Babylonian period Ningiszida no longer was a “Dumuzi-type” of god and
so became the g u -z a ‫ ־‬la -k u r-ra -k e 4, and consequently his wife Ninazimua was
no longer identical to Gestinanna.
35. A discussion of the chronological implications of the composition of the list com-
pared to the list of DUr is in appendix 8/c, section 3.2.2
In the Old Babylonian period the high governmental positions were held
by divinities, and their function reflects their rank in the pantheon of the
netherworld—Ereskigal: queen, Ningiszida: chair-bearer, Namtar: vizier,
etc. In that period Gilgames appears in the lists as e n s i or l u g a l o f the spirits,
and Etana as n u b a n d a . These titles indicate that these two human kings were
m inor deities. T he descriptions of the netherworld during the O ld Babylo-
nian period depict it as an urban community, similar to the Old Babylonian
kingdom. At the same time, it is possible that the direct archetype for some
descriptions was actually the structural organization of the temple precinct,
which, in turn, was a reflection o f the kingdom.
The modelling o f the netherworld according to a known socio-political
pattern explains the manifestation of the priestly establishment in the neth-
erworld. Yet, the sources do not disclose what its religious character, func-
tions, and extent were. It is possible that the theologians did not contemplate
this matter, but simply applied the priesthood because they were an influential
class in the community that served as a pattern for the image o f the nether-
world as a settlement.
3.2, E v i l S p ir its : C r e a tu r e s t h a t A r e n e ith e r H u m a n s n o r D e i t i e s
The literary texts, especially the incantations, mention beings who act as the
messengers of the netherworld to do harm. The incantations describe them
as creatures that were procreated in the netherworld. O ne o f them bears a title
of the state administration, gal 5-la. A second state official who was associated
w ith the death of the young god is the l ib ir —later Akkadian redactors iden-
tified him with the g a l l a . i6 The laments also refer to an e n s i and e n s i g a l .
However, these two seem to be officials o f the terrestrial city, to whom the
mother o f the god turns for help, rather than officials of the netherworld,3637
and, therefore, are excluded from the discussion.
Since netherworld agents are designated by terms of administrative offices,
we may infer that the Sumerians visualized the netherworld in terms o f the
Sumerian city-state. The relationship between the mythological descriptions
and the essence of these offices delineates the developments in the perception
of the netherworld during the third millennium.
36. l i - b i- ir is Emesalfor n im g ir. His equation with the galla points to an affiliation
with the netherworld, but this evidence is from late sources. It remains to be seen
whether the Sumerians maintained the same view or regarded him as a city official
like die ensi.
37. This is clearly implied by the context. The ensi is named in an episode that takes
place in the city of the mother. Gilgames’s title in an Old Babylonian text énsi-
k u r-ra (see above j.i.r./d ) indicates that the ensi was not considered an evil spirit.
3.2.1. g a lj- la
The most conspicuous among the netherworld creatures are the g a l l a . In the
incantations of the U d u g h u l- series, a g a l l a appears as just one o f seven differ-
ent demons, but in myths concerning young dying gods it is a group of g a l l a ,
sometimes described in detail, that plays the central role. The g a l l a are those
who capture the young god and lead him to the netherworld. Sometimes the
texts also m ention a g a l l a g a l and a g a l l a t a r .
An overview of the extant sources reveals inconsistencies with regard to
the nature of the g a l l a . Some texts describe a straightforward netherworld
demonic creature, whereas others a g a l l a who is reminiscent ofastate official.
Moreover, some texts do not add any demonic qualities to the description o f
the g a l l a . Inconsistencies are also found within parallel traditions concerning
the death of Dumuzi. The most vigorous portrayal o f the g a l l a , as a group
ofnetherworld creatures, is a formulaic description that occurs in several texts
withminor variations. The wide, but not overall use of a pre-existing formula
indicates that it was not an original part of all the literary traditions in which
it is found. The question, therefore, is who was the g a l l a , and what is the
significance of the inconsistent descriptions? Was g a l l a originally a human
being, a messenger o f the netherworld, or a ruthless demon?
3.2.1.1. N o n - L i t e r a r y S o u rces
The earliest attestation of g a l l a is probably in the Early Dynastic III lists o f

professions and names from Abu-Salabikh and Ebla.38 g a l l a , g a l l a g a l , and
g a l l a t a r follow one another in the Old Babylonian list o f Proto-Lu from
Isin.39 In the Isin list the g a l l a occurs after an entry that includes the word
gidim. In two other lists of the same series (M S L 12, 52) g a l l a occurs a few
lines after g id im (1. 532) and s a g - l û - n u - t i- la (1. 534). The list is badly
preserved between 11. 532-3 8, but the location of the g a l l a not far from these
two entries may indicate a connection and may suggest that this passage names
residents of the netherworld.
Q a l l a g a l occurs in administrative and economic documents but mainly in
cylinder seals from the Pre-Sargonic period until the U r III period.40 Most o f
38. OIP99, 64:47; M EE 3, p. 28, no. 6 ii 7, p. 30, no. 7 i 15, and p. 35:15.
39. C. Wilcke, “Die Inschriftenfunde der 7. und 8. Kampagnen (1983 und 1984)” in
B. Hrouda (ed.) Isin-Ihn Bnhrïyât. III. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 11)83—1984
(Munich: 1987), 98 I' 53s ; P mo col. x:538, 538a, 538b. Compare M SL 12, 52:538.
40. Pre-Sargonic: OIP 14,73:3 (Edzard, SRU, 153 no. 97). Old Akkadian: BIN S, 238:4;
Edzard21/022 (1968-69): 16, 23:4; SL4, 350.no. A 920, and p. 358 no. A951; M DP
2, p. 14 col. xii 2, xiii 9 (Manistusu obelisk; Seal of Sipa’anne gallagal servant of
the source material relates to one family from Umma and, therefore, the finds
might be incidental. Yet, it indicates that the g a l l a g a l - office was hereditary.
A seal impression from Lagas that states that its owner, the g a l l a g a l , was a
servant o f Lugalusumgal e n s i of Lagas4142*indicates that it was an office in the
public sector. However, the nature o f this office still eludes us because the
sources are scarce (mostly seal impressions) and disclose only the name of the
official w ho occupied it.
T he g a l l a , unlike the g a l l a g a l , is m entioned only once in the extant archi-
val sources, and even that is on a cylinder seal.44 However, in view of the
evidence for g a l l a g a l , there is no reason to doubt its existence in the city’s
administration. Based on the literary descriptions o f his activity, the g a l l a was
regarded as a policeman, whose role was to execute the law. The silence of
the archival sources regarding this office is puzzling, in particular its absence
from lexical Lu-lists, lists o f workers, and records o f distributed food rations,
which m ention a wide range o f low-ranking officials.
There are several possible reasons for the absence of historical evidence for
the g a l l a - o f f i c e :
a. Incidence; not all the w ritten documents have been unearthed,
and not all the documents found are complete. Therefore, the only
evidence comes from literary texts.
b. The g a l l a g a l is mentioned mostly in documents from Adab,
Umma, and Lagas. If it is not a coincidence, this indicates that the
distribution of this office was rather limited. The g a l l a was prob-
ably a subordinate of the g a l l a g a l , his deputy or the like, and may
Lugalusumgal ensi o f Lagas at the time ofNaramsin (FriOS 7, 42 S—14)- Lagas at

the time of Gudea: Gudea Cyl. B vi 21; I T T II, 4404 r.i. Ur III: Edzard, AfO 22
(1968-69): 14 14:15 (seal ofUrnigingar dabsar, son ofGirini gallagal)■ , B IN 2 ,623
(seal ofLuduga dubsar, son of Nigingarkidu gallagal): YOS 4,168 (seal of the same
person); Kang S A C T seal no. 35 (the same seal); Grégoire A A S, no. 55 (seal of the
same person, to be reconstructed gal5- l â - [gal]); M V N 4, 161; M V N 1, 182 (seal
of N1[gingarkidu] gallagal, son of Girini gallagal). Urnigingar the scribe and
Nigingarkidu the gallagal were sons of Girini the gallagal. Thus, three genera-
tions of this family served as gallagal and scribes in Umma. See also Kutscher, Tel-
Aviv 7 (1980): 174 and Steinkeller, FA O S 17, 277.
41. AfO 22 (1968-69): 16, no. 23:4.
42. Edzard, A fO 22 (1968-69): 15 no. 16:2 (PBS 14, 139). Perhaps the gal5-la -a in the
seal of the scribe Luduga son of Nigingarkidu of Umma (Sigrist, Syracuse, no. 97)
is a mistake of the engraver. The document is dated to Sulgi 34, but by Sulgi 26
(M VN i, 182) Nigingarkidu was already gallagal and, therefore, cannot be gal5-
la-a.
have been an a d h o c assignment to which a person was appointed

temporarily to carry out a specific action. In that case, even in
places where the g a l l a g a l - office does occur, the g a l l a would not
appear in the economic texts, lists ofworkers, or food rations under
this title.
c. The g a l l a g a l already replaced the g a l l a by the middle of the third
millennium and, therefore, the g a l l a - office ceased to exist by the
time o f our earliest intelligible administrative sources.
d. Unlike the g a l l a g a l - office, which appears in documents of the U r
III period, the title g a l l a had become obsolete by the middle of the
third millennium and his services were carried out by another offi-
cial, perhaps the a g a -û s or lu g a llu (su -g a l5-la ).43
Whatever the reason may be for the absence of the g a l l a from the non-
literary sources, the historical evidence for the existence ofa g a l l a g a l position
in the state administration suggests that g a l l a , too, was an official function in
historical reality. Accordingly, the role of the g a l l a in the mythological tradi-
tion was most probably based on actual experience. Its absence from the
archival sources indicates that the literary tradition that preserved its memory
is earlier.
In the absence of historical documentation, the function of the g a l l a is
generally delineated according to its descriptions in the literary texts: the role
of the g a l l a in I D as well as in myths and lamentations for Dumuzi, Damu
and Ningiszida. The common assumption is, therefore, that originally a g a l l a
was a deputy or a sort of police agent.44Jacobsen suggested yet another possi-
bility, that originally the g a l l a was a warrior armed with a net.45
The mythological narratives about the death o f the young god at the hands
of g a l l a are based on old literary traditions, but reached us in Old Babylonian
and later copies. However, by the Old Babylonian period there was no longer
any trace of this position in the administration o f the state. Neither g a l l a nor
g a l l a g a l occurs in the Old Babylonian administrative texts. In the sources of
the Old Babylonian period, the g a l l a is mentioned only in incantations and
lexical lists, where he appears to be a demonic netherworld creature. M ore-
43. lugallu, Sum. loanword from the Old Akkadian period. See CAD S/III, 196.
44. Edzard, S R U p. 153 renders “Person im Gerichts- oder Polizeiwesen.” Note that
scholars refer usually to galla and not to gallagal, although so far galla occurs once
only (if this is not an engraver’s mistake), whereas the bulk of the sources refer to
the gallagal, including the document treated by Edzard.
45. Jacobsen, 1983, p. 195 note j.
over, the incantations include the g a l l a among the evil spirits o f the neth-
erworld only from the O ld Babylonian period onward.46 Therefore, the
configuration of the g a l l a was probably influenced by subjective interpre-
tarions of the literary traditions about the capture and death of the young god.
Nevertheless, a close reading reveals that the descriptions shelter some of the
mundane civic properties o f the g a l l a ’s function.
Assuming that originally g a l l a was a position in the administration o f the
state but that in the O ld Babylonian period it became the name of one o f the
netherworld demons, the meaning o f g a l l a must have been fundamentally
transfomied, from an actual person to a mythological creature. The descrip-
tions o f the g a l l a in the incantations as a netherworld demon clearly indicate
a mythological reality. O n the other hand, some laments describe the arrest
o f Duvnuzi in terms o f the actual geographical and social reality o f Sumer.
T he accounts of the activity o f a group o f g a l l a lack the formulaic description
as netherworld creatures and, thus, give no reason to assume that they are not
human beings.
3.2.i . 2. L ite r a r y T e x t s
W e shall examine the references to the g a l l a in the literary texts to assess the
nature of his/its/their image and, thereby, try to delineate the process of
transformation from a hum an being to an evil netherworld creature.
a. EDINA-USAGAKE ( S K 26 v 24-26)47
The dead young god blames the g a l l a for his death w hen he calls his mother
to release his spirit from his body:
24. gurus su-du-de hu-m u-un-ga-àm m e-en su ba!-àm-mu hé-em-
me
25. gal5-lâ lu mu-un-gul-gul-la-a-a-mu su-du hu-m u-un-si-ib-ta?
26. gù edin-na ba-ni-in-[dé gù mu-u]n-ra-<ra> s[u]? b[a?-àm-ma]
24. “I am indeed a handcuffed led youth, may she say my ‘release
him ’,48
46. This emerges from Cunningham’s study of the Sumerian and Akkadian incantations
from die middle of the third millennium until the Old Babylonian period
(Cunningham, 1997). It seems that until the beginning of the Old Babylonian
period the only evil spirits mentioned in the incantations were the u d u g - hul and
the a -la -h u l, and that the number of evil spirits then increased.
47. Cohen, 1988, p. 675 d+121-123. Translation: Jacobsen, 1987, p. 7 4 , 11. 231’-233’.
48. In light of the prevalent motif of the binding of the hands, I suggest that su-d u -
de is phonetic for su -d ù -d è . Jacobsen, however, reads s u -d u 8<pïtätu “ransom.”
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT T3 T
2 5. May the g a l l a , the man w ho destroyed me, untie?the handcuffi. ”4950

26. In the desert she is [crying, crying] out, “Re[le]as[e him]!”
The role o f the g a l l a is not explicit. He is mentioned in connection with the
release of the spirit, but for that purpose a body is needed. Therefore, I assume
that the g a l l a holds the body o f the young god and that the performance o f
the ritual depends on him.
This is the only source in which the performance o f the ritual depends on
the will or the authority o f the g a l l a . In addition, the passage does not give
any reason to assume that the g a l l a is other than an actual human being. It
seems, therefore, that the g a l l a in this passage is not a netherworld creature
but a delegate o f the city administration who is associated with the death of
the young god and holds his body.
b. e r Se m m a op d u m u z i AND DUTTUR 2 2 3 0 ‫( ־‬no. 88)s°

One g a l l a tells Gestinanna the whereabouts ofDumuzi and how he was taken
away by the group o f g a lla •.
Presumably the verbal root / g a / is Emesal for tu m abälu and the prefix / h u /
express the affirmative (see Thompsen, 1984, p. 205 “399). I interpret su -b a -à m -
mu tobe the imperative o f s u -b a r + poss. suffix 1st s g /m u / “my release.” Com-
pare su-b a -m u -u s in Kramer, PAPS 107, 499:9-10 and 509:35; Berlin, Enmerkar
and EnsuftkeHdanna, p. 56:258. The dead lad’s request to release him points to the
performance of the funeral rites, which seek to release the spirit from the body, to
allow it to rest in the netherworld. This practice is illustrated by two texts that
contain the instructions for the funerary ritual: “Lulil and His Sister” (Thureau-
Dangin, 1922, p. 185:55 a‫ ״‬d “The Messenger and the Maiden,” Kramer, 1977, p.
144:48. These rituals are treated in chapter 4, section 4.1.
49. The last sign looks like - ta or -sa, and its meaning as a verbal root is unknown to
me. This line is probably the key to Jacobsen’s different interpretation, in which the
galla keeps the body o f the lad and the mother has to pay a ransom in order to
receive the body and perform the ritual.
50. CT 15, 20—21; Cohen, 1981, 84—87 and commentary on pp. 166-69; translation:
Jacobsen, 1987, 54. Forlines 10-19, see also Jacobsen 1975, 87 andn. 23. For lines
20-29 see Falkenstein, CR RAI IIIe, 57—58. The lament is divided into two main
parts. The first part, lines 1—19, centers on the mourning of the mother and begins
with a list enumerating different incarnations of the young dying god in a pattern
known from other lamentations, i.e., Edina-usagake (Cohen, 1988, 683:3—11, and
22-27, 688:89—97) and “Ningiszida’s Journey to the Netherworld” (Jacobsen and
Alster 2000, 318:5—9). This pattern, common to Old Babylonian texts, is the
hallmark of a later edition, because it signifies the blend of local traditions adapted
to the contemporary phase, when the syncretism of different local incarnations of
the young dying god was concluded. In spirit and language this part is reminiscent
22. igi-du8-lu-gals-la gaba-ri gid-da

23. ama-dm u-tin-ra gù m u-un-na-dé-e
24. ne-sè ses-zu lu-ir-re ba-an-ku4-ku4
25. ne-sè ddum u-zi lû-a-nir ba-an-ku4-ku4
26. gals-lâ-da kaskal im-si-gen
27. ka ab-gaz-e kar-ra-an-na im-da-an-zu
28. lu-su-da-a e-ne-ra m u-un-da-ul4‫־‬e
29. lû-â-lâ-a e-ne-ra m u-un-da-ul4-e
30. [i]rn-da-subub-ba -as im-da-zi-ga-as
22. A scout of the g a l l a -squad who approached (her)
23. Called out to Gestinanna:
24. “N ow your brother is turning into a man of tears,
25. N ow Dumuzi is turning into a man of wailing.
26. H e (Dumuzi) went on the road with the g a l l a ,51
of Edina-usagake, where the mourning of the mother constitutes one o f the two main
themes. The second part, which begins with line 20, narrates the encounter of
Gestinanna and the galla, Dumuzi’s capture by the galla, and a dialogue between
Gestinanna and Dumuzi. This part is close to DD.
The fragmentary condition of the text hinders a detailed evaluation of the
narrative. Nevertheless, it seems that the ersemma was created on the basis of two
different versions of the myth about the death of the young god. One centers on
his mourning mother and the other on his sister. To that effect points the sharp turn
between lines 19—20, a sudden change of subject with no attempt to unify the two
different themes. Inanna is not mentioned in this ersemma. Therefore, we cannot
connect the traditions on which it is based with the story of ZD, where Dumuzi dies
as Inanna’s substitute.
51. This passage is subject to different interpretations. 1infer that it describes Dumuzi’s
capture by the galla, because line 31 relates that Dumuzi was stripped of his clothes.
We learn that Dumuzi was stripped ofhis clothes from ersemma no. 97 of Dumuzi
and Inanna, lines 56—59. Also, I suggest that the whole passage, from line 24 until
about line 39, is direct discourse by the galla, informing Gestinanna that Dumuzi
was driven away by his fellows. The preserved passage, which ends the text,
describes the reaction o f the sister and her mourning. Thus, it forms a natural linear
continuation o f the plot and wraps up the story.
Jacobsen assumed that the passage describes Gestinanna running with the galla
to the place o f Dumuzi. Indeed, according to line 44 she was talking to him. The
motif o f the sister who wishes to follow her brother to the netherworld is known
from other texts, such as “Ningiszida’s Journey to the Netherworld” (quoted in
chapter I , section 1.3.2.1/a, b). But then, this interpretation leaves unexplained lines
31—32, which tell what they did to Dumuzi. Cohen assumed that the passage
describes Dumuzi running away from the galla. His interpretation means that it is
a flashback inserted into the encounter of Gestinanna and the galla, but since this
literary device is rare, it seems improbable.
27. Gnashing the teeth he learns the way with him,52

28. He who binds the hands runs with him,
29. He who binds the arms runs with him.53
30. He is falling down with him, he is getting up with him ”
The ersemma focuses on the mourning m other and sister and the description
ofDumuzi being taken away by the g a l i a epitomizes his death, the subject
of their wailing. It treats the circumstances ofDum uzi’s death as self-evident;
the text specifies neither the reason nor the destination o f Dumuzi and the
g a lla , the netherworld. That Dumuzi is dead is revealed in lines 24— 25 and
53-56, when he calls on his m other to m ourn him. Ifw e did not know from
other mythological narratives that Dumuzi died by the hand o f g a l l a , we
would not have learned it from this ersemma.
The list o f the various incarnations of the young dying god (11. 4—9) that
are merged into the figure ofDum uzi indicates that the text is late, probably
of Old Babylonian composition. Nevertheless, it does not give any grounds
for assuming that the g a l l a was a messenger of the netherworld. The descrip-
tionis devoid of demonic properties and, therefore, the g a l l a seems to be an
actual human being. The common m otif o f the binding o f the hands and arms
implies that he acted in the capacity of a police agent.
C. ERSEMMA OF DUM UZI AND INANNA 40-59 (no. 97)54

A group of seven g a lla demolish Dumuzi’s sheepfold:
40'' gal5‫־‬la dub-sag amas-e ku4-r[a-e ]
41'. gal,.-la min-kam-ma amas-e ku4-1‫[־‬a-e ] / ga-sikil [ba-an-dé?]
42'. gal5-la ess-kam-ma amas-e ku4-ra-e [ ] / a-sikil [ba-an-de?]
43'. gal5-la limmu-kam-ma amas-e ku4-ra-e bd-e [ ] / amas 111-e
ba-an-gar
52. Cohen analyzed k a -ab -g a z as k ab -g az ddku “murderer” (see Cohen, 1981, 169
to line 10). The problem is that the verbal form contains the comitative infix /- da-
/ and, therefore, the verb means “learn with.” Consequently, the first compound
cannot be the subject of the sentence. I follow Jacobsen, who reads ka ab-gaz-
e (ka-gaz gasäsu “gnash the teeth”). This verb is used as a metaphor for rage when
one has to do something against one’s will. Thus, the fine seems to describe Dumu-
zi’s anger when he realizes that he is being led to the netherworld against Iris will.
53. Lines 28—29 elaborate on the common motif of the binding o f hands and aims.
Compare BE 30/1, no. 1 ii 12-13; DD 189-90 and the discussion in Alster, 1972,
1x213 ‫• ־‬
54. Cohen, 1981, 73-83 and commentary on pp. 164-66. Text: R A 8 (1911): 161-69;
SK 2, obv.-rev. iii 21. For translation and discussion, see Kramer, 1969, 128-30;
Jacobsen, 1976, 49-52.
44'. gal5-la ia-kam-ma amas-e ku4-ra-e us-gid-da /

sahar mu-un-si-si-ga
45'. gal^-la às-kam-ma amas-e ku4-ra-e am-GAR-[ ] /
amas lü « l ü » - e ba-an-gar
46'. agal5-lâa imin-kam-ma bamas-eb cku4-ra-ec
47'. i-lum m u-lu nû-a aù-aa mi-ni-in-zi-zi
48'. addumu-zi m u-lu nû-a ù-a mi-ni-[in-zi-zi]
49'. adam-kù-ga-sa-an-na-kaa m u-lu nû-a bù-ab mi-ni-in-zi-zi
50'. lugal-mu amu-e-sè-re7-en-dè-ena zi-ga bgin-[mu-e-da]b
51'. addumu-zi-dèa bm u-e-sè-re7-en-de-enb zi-ga g[in mu-e-da]
52'. adam-dinanna-kaabdum u-dzé-er-tur-r[a-ke4b] / zi-gacgin-m u-e-
dac
53'. aû-lu-lua ses-ama-dm u-tin-na zi-ga bgin-[mu-e-da]b
54'. u8-zu al-dib sila4-zu al-rig7 zi-ga [gin-mu-e-da]
55'. ùz-zu al-dib mas-zu al rig7 zi-[ga gin-mu-c-da]
56'. men-kù asag-zaa um-te-gal [sag-su-zu gen-na]
57' âtugjx1e-kùa bbar-zab um-te-[gal bar-su-zu gen-na]
58'. ®15gidn-kù asu-zaa um-te-[gal su-su-zu gen-na]
59'. kus-e-sir-kù agiri-zaa um-te-gal [giri-su-zu gen-na]
(40-45) ms. B only. (46) a—a: A: omits; b—b: A: amas; c—c: A: mu-un-ku4-
re-en-na. (47) a—a: A: ù-àm. (48) a: A omit this line. (49) a—a; A: dam-ga-
sa-an-na-ka; b—b: A: ù-àm. (50) a—a; A: me-e-si-re~reen-dè-en; b—b: A:
im-me-e-zu. (51) a—a: B: ddumu-zi-da; b—b: me-e-si-re-reen-dè-en. (52)
a—a: A: dam-ga-sa-an-na-ka; b—b: A: dumu dzé-er-tur-ra; c—c: A: im-me-
e-zu. (53) a—a: u6-lu-111; b—b: im-me-e-zu. (54) a—a: A: sag-zu. (56) a—
a: B: t‫״‬gme-ku; b—b: A; bar-zu. (57) a—a: A: su-zu. (58) a—a: B: me-ra-za.
A; giri-zu.
40. The first g a l l a entering the sheepfold [ ]
41. The second g a l l a enterfing] the sheepfold [poured] the pure milk.
42. The third g a l l a entering the sheepfold [poured] the pure water.
43. The fourth g a l l a entering the sheepfold [ ] turned the sheepfold
to wind.
44. The fifth g a l l a entering the sheepfold filled the granary with dust.
45. The sixth g a l l a entering the sheepfold ..., turned the sheepfold
to wind.
46. The seventh g a l l a entering the sheepfold,
47. The leader,ss he w ho sleeps there, he arises from his sleep.5
55. i-lum is one ofDumuzi’s epithets; for its meaning, seeJacobsen,_fi4O S 103 (1983):
194e. Jacobsen’s view is well demonstrated by the Hebrew aluf, which is both a stag
and a tide of honor. For Cohen and Kramer’s interpretation, see Cohen, op. cit., p.
163 to line 18.
48. Dumuzi, he who sleeps there, he [arises from his sleep],

49. The spouse o f holy Inanna, he who sleeps there, he arises from his
sleep:
50. “M y king, we came for you. Get up! Com e with us!s<s
51. Dumuzi, we came for you. Get up! Come with us!
52. Husband o f Inanna, son o f D uttur,565758get up! Com e w ith us!
53. Tender o f sheep, brother of Gestinanna, get up! Com e with us!
54. Y our ewes are seized, your lambs are slaughtered, get up! Come
with us!
55. Your goats are seized, your kids are slaughtered, get up! Come
with us!
56. Take the holy crown off your head, come bareheaded!
57. Take the holy royal dress off your body, come naked!
58. Lay the holy staff off your hand, come empty-handed!
59. Take the holy sandals off your feet, come barefooted!”
This ersemma relates the last chapter in Dum uzi’s life. It associates his death
with the dry season: he went to search for pasture and water for his flock, and
was killed by seven g a l l a in the sheepfold. Although Dumuzi appears as an
innocent victim, as in the tradition ofD D an d “Inanna and Bilulu,” s8 the atti-
tude of th e g a l l a toward the sleeping Dumuzi resembles a formal arrest by
agents of a higher authority, in the spirit o f I D . However, their formulaic
description as netherworld creatures is not included in the text, neither is any
other demonic allusion. It stands to reason, therefore, that the ersemma visu-
alized the g a l l a as deputies of the netherworld as in I D and retained their
historical image as agents o f the authorities. Since, however, their formulaic
description as netherworld creatures is missing, it appears that the g a l l a had
not yet attained demonic qualities.
56. Jacobsen, 1976,p. 50 translates “My master has sent us for you. ” However, lines 50—
S3 parallel one another and they all begin with an epithet of Dumuzi and, therefore,
lu gal-m u should also be taken as an epithet ofDumuzi“my king.” This translation
is corroborated by lines 56-59, in which Dumuzi is ordered to remove kingship
symbols from his body, and with the role of the king as Dumuzi in the sacred
marriage rite.
57. Zertur is Emesal for Duttur.
58. The ersemma binds two different traditions about Dumuzi’s death. It ends with
Inanna’s fury, but begins with her mourning his death. The mixed traditions are
discussed in the textual remarks below.
— - T e x tu a l R e m a r k s —
i. D u m u z i ’s e p ith e t l u g a l : Inline 50 Dumuzi appears with the epithet

lugal and subsequently the g a l la order him to remove royal attributes
from his body (11.56-59): a crown, a robe of the we (a garment of royal-
ty), and a holy staff. The staff symbolizes a shepherd, but also kingship,
particularly in conjunction with the former two items. This royal image
is problematic since the main body of the ersemma portrays Dumuzi as
a shepherd. Dumuzi is also referred to as a king in DD n o , 119, 122,
124, 126 and 128 (see appendix 3/a), and I D 349 describes him sitting
on a throne dressed in magnificent garments like a king. In the absence
of a parallel comprehensive mythological or literary tradition about
Dumuzi the king, the origin of this epithet is uncertain. It may have
been inserted against the background of the king’s role as Dumuzi in the
sacred marriage rite. This ritual was still performed by the kings of the
Isin dynasty. Yet, one can connect it with the historiographic tradition
of S K L , which counts a fisherman Dumuzi from Ku’ara among the kings
of the first dynasty ofUruk, as the successor (not son) of Lugalbanda.59
This historiographic tradition may be the source ofhis relation to Lugal-
banda andNinsun as their son in “The Death of Dumuzi” 15 and 35.60
Ninsun is explicitly mentioned as his mother in the lament B E 30/1, 1
ii 5. The tradition that links Dumuzi to Lugalbanda and Ninsun left only
a few traces in the literature. They are better known as the parents of
Gilgames. Its origin is probably in the Ur III dynasty, which regarded
the early kings ofU ruk as their patrons. However, the S K L comment
that Dumuzi came from Ku’ara points to a different tradition, one in
which his father was Enki.61 It also hints at a connection between
Dumuzi and Eridu, which finds expression in this ersemma, lines 12—
13■62
The source of Dumuzi’s description as a king could be in the list of
kings who reigned before the flood. This list places Dumuzi the shep-
herd as the fifth king after kingship descended from heaven; his city was
Badtibira.63 A connection between this tradition and the laments over
Dumuzi the shepherd, the husband of Inanna, who was killed in the
59. SKL, 89:12-15.

60. Kramer, 1980b.
61. T C L 15, no. 8, pi. XIII 153 (AO 5374).
62. O n the connection of Dumuzi to Eridu, see Caplice, O rN S 42 (1973): 303-4 with
note 31.
63. S K L , 72-73:15.
sheepfold, cannot be accidental. The lament “Inanna and Bilulu”64

represents this triple relation: Dumuzi the shepherd who died in the
sheepfold, Inanna his wife, and Badtibira. At the same time it vigorously
exposes how entangled the different traditions had become by the Old
Babylonian period. In line 153 is a remark about his mother Duttur
“born in Ku’ara,” but Ku’ara is the origin of the later Dumuzi, the king
of the first dynasty ofUruk after the flood. Associating Ku’ara both with
Dumuzi of Badtibira (indirectly because of Duttur) and with Dumuzi
from Uruk reflects a later elaboration of a tradition that in itself is a
compilation of early traditions. Therefore, the easiest solution is that the
royal image is not a product of the myths about the death of Dumuzi the
shepherd, but a reminiscence of the sacred marriage rite in which the
king played the role of Dumuzi.
2 . C o n flictin g versio n s in the tra d itio n o f the te x t: 65 The ersemma begins
with a bitter lament over Dumuzi the shepherd from Uruk and Kulaba
who went to seek pasture and water for his flock and a lament of Inanna
and his mother (11. 1—27). The text ends, however, with a description
of a furious Inanna raging over Dumuzi and of his capture by the big
apple tree in the steppe ofEmus (11.106—20). Inbetween, the greaterpart
of the text narrates the episode with the g a lla : the appearance of seven
g a lla who devastate the sheepfold and order Dumuzi to remove his royal
attributes and come with them; Dumuzi’s prayer to Utu to change his
appearance; his escape; and the g a l l a ’s search for him (11. 26-105).
Although the middle part has direct textual parallels in I D and DD, its
main subject, Dumuzi’s capture and death, is compatible both with
Inanna’s lament at the beginning of the ersemma and with the descrip-
tion of her fury that ends the ersemma. O n the other hand, Inanna’s rage
over Dumuzi at the end of the text stands in conflict with her bitter
lament over him at the beginning. It seems, therefore, that the tradition
of the text integrates two separate literary traditions about Dumuzi’s
death. One recounts the death o f Dumuzi the innocent shepherd and
the other the death of the Dumuzi who offended Inanna. Bearing in
mind that the historiographic tradition of S K L preserves the memory of
two kings named Dumuzi, one in Uruk and the other in Badtibira who
was also a shepherd, we note that the conflicting traditions also emerge
64. Jacobsen, 1953. On the relationship between Dumuzi of Badtibira and the laments
about his death in the sheepfold, see Jacobsen, op. cit., pp. 162-63 with note 6. See
also the hymn to the Emus, Dumuzi’s temple in Badtibira, Sjöberg, 1969, 29—30,
andp. 95 commentary to line 213.
65. See also appendix 1/e, Textual remarks 3.2-34.
from some details: Dumuzi is a shepherd and a king and he left from
Uruk Kulaba but found his death in Emus near Badtibira.
The last part of the ersemma seems to depend on Dumuzi’s story in
I D , which links his capture with Inanna’s fury over him. The descrip-
tion has two textual parallels in ID :
ersemma line 113 corresponds to I D 348:
113. gId1asl}ur-e-gu-la edin-é-mùs-a-ka
348. glshasljur-gu-la edin-kul-abakl-sè ... (var. in S: larsam^-ma)
ersemma line 120 corresponds to I D 293-94:
120. gal^-la glsukur nu-me-a zà-ga-a-na ba-an-dabs-
be-es
293/ 4-galj-lâ tur-tur ®1sukur-giru, /
galj-la gal-gal gi-dub-ba-an-na-gin7 zà-ga-a-na ba-an-dab,-
bé-es
These parallels indicate that the last part of the ersemma is linked to I D
not just thematically but also literally. It seems, therefore, that it was
written under the direct influence of I D . Yet, according to the text
tradition of ID, Inanna’s rage was generated by Dumuzi’s misconduct,
and his death came as a punishment. According to the ersemma, how-
ever, Dumuzi did not commit any offense. Moreover, Inanna’s lament
makes manifest her deep sorrow for the death of her husband, his and
her innocence. Thus, the last part of the ersemma is detached from the
preceding plot. Y et, the middle part also has some features in common
with ID , especially the designation of his killers as g all a.
The middle part of the ersemma divides into two sections: the first
narrates Dumuzi’s encounter with the g a lla (11. 28—68), and the second
is their pursuit of Dumuzi, ending in his capture (11. 69—105). The
second section finds direct thematic and textual parallels in I D and D D .
This account reflects the tradition about Dumuzi’s death that was later
integrated with a myth about Inanna’s descent to the netherworld to
create I D (a detailed discussion in appendix 1/e, 2.4—3.4). The first
section (11. 28—68), narrating Dumuzi’s encounter with the g a lla , has no
direct textual parallel but it discloses obvious stylistic elaboration: the
description of the g a lla entering the sheepfold one by one is schematic,
and their number, seven, is typological.66*This style suggests the literary
development of a concise earlier version. Similar stylistic elaboration of
this theme ends the myth of D D . The example for a compact non-styl-
ized version of the encounter with seven g a lla and the devastation of the
66. The badly preserved end of lines 28—35 is in the spirit of ID 295—96 and 359-60,
which form the introduction to the formulaic description of the g a lla as nether-
world creatures.
sheepfold is I D 351—53.67 Yet, contrary to I D , where the g a lla acted as

official messengers of the Anunna to implement their decision, the
ersemma neither includes the formulaic description of the g a lla as neth-
erworld creatures nor alludes to their acting in an official capacity as
police agents, or the like. Therefore, the plot of the ersemma does not
justify the use of the title g a lla for Dumuzi’s captors, neither in the
historical meaning nor in the mythological. If we ignore the title g a lla ,
the first and middle parts ofthe ersemma tell about an innocent shepherd
who went to look for pasture, was caught by thieves in his sleep, had his
sheep taken away, and his sheepfold devastated. This very same event
is unequivocally implied by the lament “Inanna and Bilulu.”08 A death
by evil bandits is also implied by the dream of Dumuzi in D D 45-51.
Considering that in D D Dumuzi appears as an innocent victim, and
Inanna plays no part in his death, it was probably also based on this tradi-
tion. This very tradition seems to be at the base ofthe ersemma as well.
The textual relations delineated above strongly suggest that although
the ersemma shares some fundam entai elements with D D , it depends on
the text tradition of I D . However, the absence of the g a l la ’s formulaic
description as netherworld demons suggests that the source of the
ersemma was an early version of I D that pre-dates the formulaic descrip-
tion ofthe g a lla as netherworld demons, perhaps similar to source S.*69
The stylistic elaboration ofthe encounter with seven g a lla compared to
its concision and simplicity in I D 351—53 indicates that it is a later version
of the scene.
Excluding the title g a l la , the story ofDumuzi’s capture and the devas-
tation of the sheepfold conforms to the tradition that attributed the
event to robbers. Dumuzi’s prayer to Utu in I D , in the ersemma 97, and
in D D do not link Inanna with the events that led to his death. It implies
that the description ofDumuzi’s escape from his killers belongs with an
early literary tradition that pre-dates I D . Therefore, we still do not know
whether the middle part of the ersemma was wholly composed accord-
mg to an early source of I D together with the last part, or belongs with
the lament of his mother and wife, and was later adapted to Dumuzi’s
story according to I D . Either way, the conflicting messages of the
Ö7. “The seven ofthempoured the milk fromhis churns. The seven of them shook their
heads like ...”
<58. “Inanna and Bilulu” seems to be connected with Dumuzi of Badtibira, who,
according to SKL, was a shepherd and a king. Compare with the temple hymn no.
17 to the Emus, Sjöberg, 1969, 29-30 and SKL, 72-73:15.
69. Note, however, that, according to source S lines 347—48, Dumuzi was caught in the
countryside of Larsa.
lament, the beginning of the ersemma and its last part, indicate that, as
a whole, the ersemma is a late compilation of different traditions.
The stereotypic formula, which describes the galla as netherworld
creatures, is not included in the text, and their description lacks any
demonic characteristics. The text does not tell why they arrested Dumu-
zi, where they came from or who sent them, or if they were sent at all.
In that respect, the close relation of the ersemma to the text tradition
of I D is rather misleading, because the narrative does not justify the
assumption that the galla were netherworld demons or deputies of
some authority. Inanna’s lament that begins the ersemma suggests that
the core of the tradition is an attack for the purpose of plundering, as
narrated in “Inanna and Bilulu” or D D . O n the other hand, when the
galla order Dumuzi to remove his royal attributes they are depicted as
men who act in the capacity of police agents. This representation of the
galla may well be a superimposed literary layer, added to the core of the
tradition according to their role in I D . Nevertheless, it indicates that in
the source of this description they were perceived as human. Thus,
despite being a compilation of conflicting traditions, the ersemma strong-
ly suggests that initially the galla were associated with the myth about
Dumuzi’s death as human beings and were not yet demonic creatures.
d. D D n o - 2 8 70
The text narrates the events that led to Dum uzi’s death in the sheepfold: the
search for him, and his attempts to escape until he was caught and killed by
five g a l l a . A prelude to these events is Dum uzi’s dream and its interpretation
by his sister Gestinanna. The dream predicts the death of Dumuzi.
The prophetic dream mirrors the occurrences and, therefore, the death of
Dumuzi appears as a stroke o f destiny. Accordingly, the text offers no evi-
dence for any offense that would justify his arrest by the g a l l a in the sense
of a police force. W hen we turn to the descriptions o f those who were search-
ing for Dumuzi, we find inconsistencies with regard to their nature; they
were depicted both as human beings and netherworld demonic creatures. In
the interpretation of the dream, his sister Gestinanna explicitly designates
these figures as bandits ( s a - ga z: D D 45 : “bandits rising against you from the
ambush”). That she also calls them evil men, intensifies the image of Dumuzi
as an innocent victim confronted with misfortune: D D 51 “The evil men
catching you inside the enclosure.” Later, however, she designates them as
g a l l a t a r and g a l l a g a l . 71 This ambiguity indicates that the text is a compilation
70. Alster, 1972. For translation and discussion, see appendix 3.

71. A pair of tides that usually appears in the literary texts to create a parallelism, for
instance DD 133. Alster quotes more parallels in the commentary, ibid. p. n o . The
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT H i
of different traditions and the image of Dumuzi as an innocent victim suggests

that the narrative emanated from the tradition that ascribed Dumuzi’s death
to an incidental attack of bandits.
Dumuzi describes his pursuers on their way to the sheepfold as men who
hold handcuffs and neck-shackles:
81. gis-su-ka su à[m -mi-in-du8 bûr-bûr-bi lu nu-zu]
82. gis-gu‫־‬ka ba-an-pà bûr-[bur-bi lu nu-zu]
81. [H olding]inthehandw oodenhandcufffloosenitnooneknow s],
82. They are known from a wooden shackle for the neck, loo [sen it
no one knows].72
This couplet describes an arrest team and, therefore, they appear as deputies
ofthe law. As such, this description agrees with the historical sense of the g a l l a
o f f ic e (as in I D ) , but it is fundamentally different from the pervious descrip-
tions, which presented Dumuzi as the innocent victim of evil bandits. Later,
in line 90, Gestinanna identifies the pursuers as g a l l a , which remains their
designation to the end of the text.
The main body o f the text, the pursuit o f Dumuzi and his death, begins
with a description of the g a l l a by the narrator in D D 110—28 (discussed in
appendix 3). The description combines two completely different literary
;Units, The first, D D i n - 1 8 , describes the g a l l a as creatures that lack any
biological and emotional needs and who are neither human nor divine. This
description consists of the formulaic description ofthe g a l l a as demonic neth-
erworld creatures. It occurs fully or partly in other texts, of which I D and the
incantations against the evil spirits, u d u g - h u l , are especially important.73
These texts characterize the g a l l a as mythological creatures who come out
ofthe netherworld. The second unit, D D 119—28, describes them as five pairs
of men, natives offive Sumerian cities and, therefore, it diametrically opposes
the first one (each literary unit, their relation to one another, and their place
in the literary development o f the composition is discussed in appendix 3/a,
Textual remarks 2). The introduction to the description ofthe pursuers makes
lexical texts indicate that galla, gallatur, and gallagal were three distinct titles. In
historical reality, however, the administrative texts record only gallagal. Note that
there could be a literary connection between line 63, which describes the gallagal
coming down the dabban-reeds, and ID 294 “The big galla like the dubban-reeds
clung to her side.”
72. Another translation is PSD B, 192: “ ...holds the handcufls, he displays the neck
stock, no one knows how to get free of them.”
73. Compare ID 297—305 and 361-67 (see also appendix 1/e). For the incantations, see
Geller, 1985, Udughuk 371-73, 405-9, 426, 475-78, 604-6, 624-27.
manifest that the redactor was aware of the inner contradiction: D D no.
“The men who went toward the king were a mixed (group of) men.”
The varied descriptions ofD um uzi’s pursuers as bandits, evil men, natives
o f Sumer, or mythological g a l l a can be explained only as a compilation of
different traditions about his death. The myth, which ascribes his death to an
attack o f robbers in the sheepfold, was superimposed by that which names
him as Inanna’s substitute in the netherworld and, therefore, arrested by
g a l l a . However, the description o f the g a l l a once as netherworld mytho-
logical creatures and once as a group o f Sumerian men cannot be clarified by
different mythological traditions. Since the g a l l a cannot be human and
mythological creatures at one and the same time, the unavoidable conclusion
is that D D comprises a range ofliterary traditions from different periods, from
real human bandits to mythological deputies o f the netherworld, and finally
demonic netherworld creatures. This blending reflects different stages in the
development of the texts, as well as the process by which the image o f tire
g a l l a was demonized.
e. ID 285—30674
In I D the description o f the g a l l a is homogenous in texture, which befits the
historical sense o f the office, as well as their role in the plot. Lines 285—306
form a close comprehensive literary unit. It describes the verdict of the
Anunna, that Inanna would provide a substitute for herself; Inanna’s ascent
from the netherworld with the g a l l a , who were sent to implement the
verdict; and the formulaic description o f the g a l l a as mythological creatures.
The content of this unit indicates that the Anunna and the g a l l a represent
two arms of the administration: the Anunna represent the judicial and the
g a l l a the executive authority. The role of the g a l l a as official emissaries is
made manifest by I D 291—92, which depicts them holding a scepter and a
mace. These items symbolize their authority. Yet, the style of the couplet
hints at their mythological background: “The one in front of her, though not
a s a k k a l , held a scepter in his hand. / The one to her side, though not a knight,
hanged a weapon to his loins.”75 The formulaic description of the g a l l a as
74. The description of the galla, their relevance to the plot of ID, and the evolution
of the galla- motif in the literature are analyzed and discussed in appendix 1/e,
textual remarks.
75. Note the use of negated statements to characterize the galla. The same means is used
further in their formulaic description as netherworld creatures, and also to describe
the nature of the netherworld in “Ningiszida’s Journey to the Netherworld,” lines
29-31, chapter 4.2/f; Alster andjacobsen in George and Finkel (eds.), 2000. 320-
23 (11. 31—33). The conversion of historical into mythological material is further
discussed in chapter 1.4.2. See also Michalowski, Aula Or 9/1-2 (1991): 131-36.
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT ‫ ז‬43
netherworld demons appears in the second part o f this literary unit. It unveils
their social behavior and characterizes them as beings that lack any biological
and emotional needs. Thus, they are differentiated from human beings as well
as from divinities: they do not know food and drink and are, therefore, not
human beings; they do not eat sprinkled flour nor drink libated water and,
therefore, they are not divinities. O n the emotional level, they have no capac-
ity for joy and happiness unlike both human and divine beings. Since they are
precluded from family life and even break up families, they may have been
perceived as sexless.
The lack of biological and emotional needs classifies the g a l l a as myth-
ological creatures and agrees perfectly with the nature o f their habitat, the
barren netherworld, a place where there is no life and, therefore, no biological
needs, creativity, or joy. O n the other hand, their role in the plot as the exec-
utors of the Anunna’s verdict, demarcates the g a l l a as deputies in charge of
carrying out the.law. Thus, their role in the myth probably corresponds with
their role in the historical reality and they were deliberately incorporated into
the plot of I D .
f. THE SECOND ELEG Y OF THE PUSHKIN M USEUM 17776
After a series of prayers for the well-being of the deceased and her family,
Ludingira concludes his lament with a reference to the g a l l a ‫׳‬.
177. g a l l a su-ni ma-ra-an-tûm-a âs-hul-bi hé-en-dug4
177. May a vile curse be pronounced upon the g a l l a who brought his
hand against you.
In abroad sense, the elegy belongs thematically with the lamentations. Yet,
it is a unique composition on two counts: first, its subject matter is not a
famous or mythological being but an ordinary private person; and second,
from a stylistic point of view it is not bound by the conventional descriptive
patterns of the g a l l a .
The curse indicates that Ludingira holds the g a l l a responsible for his wife’s
death. It also implies that the g a l l a is a negative figure and that his wife, a
virtuous woman, was an innocent victim. Although Ludingira blames the
g a lla for the death of his wife and his words s u -n i m a - r a - a n - tu m are
reminiscent of how the g a l l a treated Dumuzi, there is a difference between
the two. In the myths about the death of Dumuzi the g a l l a are agents assigned
specifically to him; here, the g a l l a is the agent o f death in general. Yet, al-
76. Kramer, i960, lines 113—78, an Old Babylonian lament ofLudingjra over his wife.
The text is probably literary and the characters fictional. The second elegy appears
on the same tablet as the first, after a dividing fine.
though directly responsible for the death of an innocent woman, Ludingira

does not portray the g a l l a as a mythological demonic creature nor even apply
the adjective “evil.” Since the text dates to the Old Babylonian period and
the context makes clear that the author was familiar w ith the incantation liter-
ature and the liturgical laments over Dumuzi, the absence o f demonic allu-
sions cannot be explained as a different, better image. Rather, it is probably
due to the genre. T he elegy is not a part o f the mythological literature about
the death ofDumuzi, nor o f the incantation literature and, therefore, it is free
o f their prescribed imagery. The pernicious character o f the g a l l a is made
evident by the curse and may have been taken as self-evident.
An overview o f the texts mentioned so far shows a gradual expansion of
the g a l l a ’s function. First, in I D t h e g a l l a act as the arm o f the law, dispatched
to bring a substitute for Inanna and arrest the guilty Dumuzi. Then the
laments for Dumuzi integrated the g a l l a into the narration o f his death. As
long as the plot makes Dumuzi the pre-determined target o f the g a l l a , there
is still a link with the historical and mythological origin o f their activity.
However, when the circumstances o f their assignment are omitted but
Dumuzi’s innocence is retained, the narrative repudiates the legal status of the'
g a l l a , which formed the reason for their involvement in the event. Conse-
quently, the link of the g a l l a with the historical and mythological origin of
their function is cut off, and they appear to be acting on dubious general
grounds, motivated by malevolence. As a result any instance o f death can be
attributed to the g a l l a . Ludingira’s lament for his wife reflects the rupture o f
the link between the death of the young god and the g a l l a , who now appears ‫״‬
to be a mere cause o f death.
g. IN CA N TA TIO N S OF THE U D U G U U L-SE R IE S77
The evil spirit, u d u g - h u l, which lent its name to a series of incantations, is

already attested in incantations of the Pre-Sargonic period, g a l l a , however,
is mentioned for the first time in the Old Babylonian period as one of seven
spirits of the netherworld. The sources consist ofindividual incantations, not
necessarily of the same place and time and, therefore, the descriptions of the ;
g a l l a are not monolithic w ith regard to their nature and activity. The most
prevalent is their formulaic description as netherworld creatures. Yet, while
the stylistic pattern of the formula is always preserved, its content and length ;
77. Geller, 1985. On the incantation series see appendix 6.

varies. W hen compared to the version o f I D , some incantations seem to

depart from it and intensify the demonic image. Despite the deep transfor-
mation in the image of the g a l l a , we can find its original mythological role
in some incantations.
g /1. UDUGHUL 470-71
This incantation refers only to the g a lla , but as a group of seven:78
470. H[eirs of equal status are they], (of) one mo[ther] they are.
471. They are m[essengers] ofEreskigal.
Instead of seven different evil spirits, there are seven g a l l a , all seven are the
firstborn of one mother,7980equally important, and the messengers ofEreskigal.
The three assertions, that the g a l l a form a group of seven, that they are the
eldest sons o f one mother (surely Ereskigal), and that they are the messengers
ofEreskigal echo their role in I D . Although they are not the messengers of
the Anunna, these three elements epitomize their original function in I D as
natives of the netherworld and executors of its orders. In I D 352 they appear
as a group of seven who demolish Dum uzi’s pen. It seems, therefore, that the
inspiration for this description was the narrative of I D . i0
g/2. UDUGHUL 405-9
More common is the application o f the formulaic description o f the g a l l a to
all the seven evil spirits. In U d u g h u l: 4 0 0 - 1 8 the pattern o f the phrases is strictly
maintained but the content varies, augmenting the spirits’ idiosyncrasies.
Thus, the characteristics that set them apart from both the human and divine,
their sexlessness, barrenness, and homelessness, are not indirectly inferred but
explicitly stated in lines 405-9:81
78. Udugliul: 468-71, see appendix 6/d.

79. “Heirs of equal status” derives from the inheritance rights (ib ila aplu “eldest son”
“heir”).
80. Since in ID they serve as the messengers of the Anunna, the shift of the incantation
to the jurisdiction ofEreskigal must be the result of a condensed abstraction of ID’s
elaborated plot. It cannot be the other way around because: (1) according to the first
part of ID Ereskigal released Inanna before the interference of the Anunna; (2) in
the unit that combined the myth of Inanna and the myth of Dumuzi there are only
two galla; and (3) the structure of the ID as a whole does not allow a separation of
the galla from the Anunna (the discussion is in appendix 1/e). In addition, ID is
earlier than the incantation.
81. Other occurrences of the formula are Geller, 1985: 371-73, 426, 475-78, 604-6,
624-27.
!46 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
405. [Ù] rmunus’ [nu]-mes '11' nita nu-mes

40Ö. [e-nej-'ne1 bu-bu-m es
407. [dam n u |- rtuku-m es' dum u nu-tu -u d -rda'-me[s]
408. [nîg su A jK -' A K '-d a nu-un-zu-me[s]
409. [a-ra-zu sisjkur-'ra1 gis nu-un-tuku-m es
405. [And] they are neither female nor male
406. [They] flit about.82
407. They have [no spouse], they bear no child.
408. They do not know to forgive83
409. They do not listen to [prayer or supplication.
In texture, style, and syntax, this passage follows the description o f the g a lia
in I D . But in quality it brings the demonizing tendency m uch further,
endowing their nature with a new dimension and leaving no room for doubt.
First, the formula, which originally pertained to the g a l i a alone, was appro-
priated for all the evil spirits ofthe netherworld. Second, the general descrip-
tive statements are reduced to a few clear definite assertions that summarize
their nature. Lines 405—6 explicitly emphasize their outlandish portentous
essence: the first phrase signifies that they are not anthropomorphic beings,
contrary not only to human beings but also to the image of the gods. The
second phrase applies the characteristic behavior of the HI and, thereby,
suggests that they are metaphysical, ethereal entities. The rest illustrates their
peculiarities with obvious examples. Lines 407-8 demonstrate their lack o f
biological and emotional abilities, which separate them from both human- :
kind and divinities, and line 409 asserts their difference from deities. This
passage makes their demonic nature unmistakable. The application ofthe
82. b u (-b u ) “tear out” or “snatch away” (PSD B, 162-66, s.v. bu B) seems quite
suitable to describe the evil spirits, however, it is not used in this sense for that
purpose. O n the other hand, bu occurs in a description ofthe 111 in Udughukii,
in a sense and context that other sources express by bu. Compare P SD B, 170-71,
and the bilingual version C T 16, 15 v 39-40 (CAD M2, 310, s.v. muttakabbitu). bu
nasarbutu (CAD N 2, 60) is relatively common description ofthe lil-spirit roaming
in the steppe and, therefore, it probably has a gusty quality.
83. The compound nig s u -a k literally means “the thing the hand does.” The verb,
however, is rarely attested in literature and is rather difficult to translate. Geller has
discussed the various possibilities (op. cit., p. 110). However, Geller’s translation does
not agree with the context, since the incantations emphasize the evil intentions of
the spirits and so they know what they are doing. Therefore, the meaning azân
“help,” “forgive” (CAD A / 2, 527) seems more suitable. Note, however, that this
meaning is attested only in the late lexical source Nabnitu J (MSL 16, 159:168).
T H E S O C IE T A L A SPECT 147
formulaic description of the g a l l a for all the netherworld evil spirits is obvi-
ously a secondary use of the existing literary model. The modification of the
text indi cates that the image of the g a l l a was further demonized, signifying
that this version is indeed later than the description of the g a l l a in I D .
g /3 . UDUGHUL 173
The passage in 17 0 -7 3 84 concerns the mortal danger of evil spirits roaming in
the street. The incantation specifies the role of each spirit in selecting a victim,
turning him into a corpse, and snatching him away to the netherworld. The
g a l la is the one who seizes the victim and leads him to the netherworld.
173. The evil g a lla , which is set free in the street, snatches the man
away.
On the functional level this g a l l a is fundamentally different from the histor-
ical g a l l a . In the historical reality the g a l l a acted as a deputy of the law to arrest
criminals. In the incantations, however, the victim is an innocent man who
happened to be in the street when the evil spirits were roaming around. An
assault on an innocent victim classifies the g a l l a himself as a criminal. Such
a perception of the g a l l a is characteristic of the incantations and the texts that
pin the responsibility for the death of Dumuzi the innocent shepherd on the
g a lla . Yet, the incantations are not confined to an account of the activity of
the g a l l a or to their depiction as mythological creatures. The incantations put
the emphasis on the wicked and pitiless nature of the g a l l a , and always add
to its name the adjective “evil.” In that respect the incantations are one step
removed from the lament of Ludingira, who merely stated that the g a l l a was
responsible for the death o f his wife, two steps away from the laments over
Dumuzi, whose life they were destined to take, and three steps from I D ,
where they acted as deputies o f the Anunna’s court o f justice.
The incantations still share with I D the very general outlines o f the features
of the g a l l a : the concept that the g a l l a originates in the netherworld, that it
chases a living being, and the formulaic descripti on as a myth ol ogical creature.
On the other hand, g a l l a was introduced into the already existing incanta-
tions later than the Sumerian mythological traditions and in its final config-
uration the g a l l a epitomizes a danger to humanity at large. The negative
image of the g a l l a and its incorporation with other evil spirits were probably
influenced by a later interpretation o f both I D and the laments. However,
whereas the mythological tradition kept some shred o f the original, the figure
of the g a l l a in the incantations has been completely mythologized and disso-
ciated from the historical g a l l a . The complete mythologization of the g a l l a 84
84. See appendix 6/a.

could only have happened after the office ceased to exist and was forgotten.,
The g a l l a g a l still occurs in the U r III period, mainly in Umma. But in the
Old Babylonian period its memory was preserved only in the literary texts
and in the lexical lists, where he is associated with the netherworld or death.85
Thus, in the Old Babylonian period the term g a l i a was completely trans-
formed and separated from its original meaning, from a city official to a;
wicked infernal creature that was indubitably mythological.
h. DUMUZI AND GESTINANNA86
The ultimate demonization o f the figure o f the g a l l a is reached in the text
of “Dumuzi and Gestinanna” (henceforth D G ). The composition is based on
the myth of Dumuzi’s death, most probably on the version o f I D . However,
the materials are selected and slightly twisted, shifting the focal point from:
Inanna to the g a l l a and, thereby, a significantly different plot emerges. In D G
the g a l l a play the central role while Inanna, Dumuzi and Gestinanna are
merely their passive victims. In the first scene, the group of g a l l a approach
Inanna in Uruk deliberately, to dispatch her to the netherworld. In her bewil-
derment and from fear she gives them Dumuzi as her substitute. In the second ;
scene, they approach Dumuzi, conceiving a wicked plot to torture him.
Dumuzi implores U tu to save his life and with his help arrives at Gestinanna’s
place. The third scene takes place at Gestinanna’s dwelling. Dum uzi’s sister
mourns him and then the g a l l a arrive. They seize Gestinanna and torture her
cruelly but she does not disclose Dum uzi’s hiding place. The last scene
describes the g a l l a catching Dumuzi and demolishing the sheepfold.
The building blocks of D G were taken from I D , but the focus has been
shifted to the harmful nature o f the g a l l a ; the story o f Dumuzi’s death is used,?
to demonstrate this. Their detrimental character is gradually unfolded as the'
plot develops. The first impression is achieved when the story of Inanna’s
journey to the netherworld is twisted and presented as a conspiracy of the
g a l l a to dispatch her there against her will (DG 2— 4, appendix 2/a): “Gome,
let us go to the lap o f pure Inanna.” The g a l l a entered U ruk determined to
seize Inanna: “ Come Inanna! Go your way yourself, descend to the neth-
erworld (k u r ) \ ” This course o f events indicates that contrary to I D , Inanna
has not yet been to the netherworld. Subsequently, the handing over of
Dumuzi to the g a l l a is converted from an act o f retribution to an instinctive
reaction to fear. The degree o f their cruelty increases in the second scene,
85. See above, section 3.2.1.1.

86. U E T 6/1, 11 andSladek, 1974, 227-39. For text, translation, and discussion of the
relevant passages, see appendix 2.
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT ‫ ז‬49
which describes Dum uzi’s arrest. The factual, though poetic, account of
binding the hands and arms was transformed into a vicious plot to terrorize
Dumuzi with cruelty during his arrest (DG 13—22, appendix 2/b): “W e will
put foot stocks on his feet, ... we will throw a net on him! W e will put neck
stocks on his neck! A spear, an axe(?) and an enormous lance were raised to
his face. They were sharpening the big axes...W e will throw his colorful
gown ...They plan to bind his arms, a garment of horrid bonds they made
for him. They conspire to cover his face with a mantle of fear. ” Their conspir-
acy to terrorize Dumuzi overshadows the descriptions o f the evil g allot else-
where in the literature.
When they search for Dumuzi a modified version of the widespread
formulaic description o f the g a l l a as netherworld creatures depicts their
cardinal features and thus clarifies their behavior. This version, conveyed by
the small g a l l a , proclaims that the detrimental features of the g a l l a and their
function had been established since the creation of the world. The dogmatic
statement about the nature of the g a l l a is followed by a new climax, their
encounter with Gestinanna. The description of the g a l l a torturing her brings
their cruelty to its extreme and has no parallel in the literature.
The image of the g a l l a in D G combines three characteristics: they are
mythological creatures, they are malicious, and they are self-appointed agents
motivated by their own wicked and unrelenting nature. A combination o f
these three characteristics is found only in the incantations against evil spirits,
to which the g a l l a belong since the O ld Babylonian period. But D G goes
even one step further. D G exceeds the incantations in emphasizing their
malevolence and states explicidy that the nature and function o f the g a l l a had
been established since the creation of the world. It seems, therefore, that the
configuration of the g a l l a in D G was influenced by their image in the incan-
tarions and continued to develop along the same lines. At the same time one
should not exclude the possibility that the descriptions demonstrating their
excessive cruelty derive from literary considerations, from the objective of
the plot: to reverse the course o f T D and remove the direct responsibility for
Dumuzi’s death from Inanna’s shoulders. The g a l l a are the natural choice,
but in order to present a convincing story Inanna herself should appear as a
victim and the g a l l a more ruthless. Thus the degree o f their malice went
beyond the known limits.
3.2.i.3. g a lj-lâ , g a lj- la -g a l: C o n c lu s io n s
The figure of the g a l l a plays a central role in the myths about the young dying
god and in the incantations against evil spirits. The common denominator o f
its literary descriptions is their association with death, usually as its agents.
At the outset I adopted the current assumption that in analogy to the g a ll-
agal the g a l l a was an official o f the historical city administration, although
he is not mentioned in the archival documents. Consequently, I assume that
initially the historical g a l l a was the model for the literary g a l l a . In other
words, the mythological g a l l a is the reflection o f the historical— an official.
In the absence o f historical documentation, however, the role o f the historical
g a l l a was reconstructed according to the descriptions o f the literary g a l l a . His
exact function in the administration is not know n with certainty, but it is clear
that he acted for the authorities, probably the judicial system, as a police agent
or a deputy, as reflected in I D .
In the literary sources the g a l l a usually act as a group of two to seven indi-
viduals, and the title is collective. The relationship between the literary and
the historical g a l l a was examined from two aspects: (1) the role of the g a l la
in the plot, whether the literary g a l l a act as agents o f the law or as outlaws;
and (2) the configuration o f the image, which is the way the g a l l a was
described in the literary texts. In the absence of historical documentation the
issue o f their operating in groups rather than alone remains uncertain.
A review of the literary sources reveals that regarding the function in the
plot the texts divide into two groups. In one group the g a l l a act as an official
agent, and thus one can trace a recollection of the historical g a l l a . To this
group belong first of all I D and probably E d i n a - u s a g a k e .87 In the second group
o f texts the g a l l a act as executioners, but since the victim is innocent the g a l la
seem to be bandits rather than representatives of the law. This group o f texts
includes D G , D D , ersemma no. 97, and the U d u g h u l- incantations. Regard-
ing the configuration of the image of the g a l l a the texts divide again into two
groups. In one group the g a l l a are described as mythological creatures. This
group includes the incantations, I D and DG. The second group has no myth-
ological features added to their description, leaving the impression that they
refer to human beings. This group includes most of the laments for the young
dying god. D D seems to integrates elements of both groups.
Although the official role befits the humanoid image of the g a l l a and the
mischievous action the mythological creatures, the two aspects o f the g a lla ,
their role in the plot and their image are asymmetrically distributed in the
texts. In I D they act as deputies of the law, like the historical officer, but are
described as mythological creatures. In the ersemma they act as bandits and ;
murderers but are described in human terms. The dependence of the literary
g a l l a on the historical, on the one hand, and their characterization either as
87. The case of Edina-usagake is actually a matter of interpretation. I assume that in the
relevant passage the mother is appealing to a human official who holds the body of
her son, rather than to a mythological figure.
T H E SO C IET A L ASPECT 15 1
mythological demonic creatures or as human beings on the other, imply that

the figure of the g a l l a in the literature was gradually demonized, culminating
with the account of DG.
The description that is probably the closest to the historical reality is that
of E d in a -u s a g a k e . A g a l l a appears as a city official from w hom the mother
should receive the body o f her son for burial. Since the text links the release
of the body with the performance of burial rites, it seems that the g a l l a , as
well as the mother, act as anthropomorphic beings in historical reality. There-
fore, it is unlikely that the g a l l a referred to here is a netherworld figure. In
I D the g a l l a are certainly the official delegates of the A nunnabut their “city-
state” is the netherworld. Thus, while functionally the plot adheres to the
historical g a l l a , the reality is mythological and they are featured as mytho-
logical creatures. In principle both texts ascribe to the g a l l a a similar function,
which reflects proximity to the historical g a l l a : they hold a body for which
a ransom has to be paid in return for its release. Since these mythological
narratives treat the death o f the young god but are not linked textually,88 it
is unlikely that the one influenced the other. Each composition could have
appropriated the figure o f the g a l l a independently from the historical reality.
If, however, there was some association between these compositions, it stands
to reason that I D borrowed the function o f the g a l l a from E d in a - u s a g a k e and
shifted their origin to the netherworld.
The specific story of Dum uzi’s capture by the g a l l a is common to part of
I D and the laments in which his wife Inanna, his mother Duttur, or his sister
Gestinanna is wailing over him. In the laments, however, the events are
fundamentally different. First, they relate Dumuzi’s death to a sudden unex-
pected attack at the sheepfold, in which Duniuzi was an innocent victim.
Therefore, the g a l l a did not arrest a sinner as in I D . Second, the descriptions
of the g a l l a tell o f no mythological demonic features. It seems, therefore, that
the laments combined elements o f two different traditions about the death of
Dumuzi: one in which Dumuzi died as the innocent victim of bandits while
attending his sheep (comparable to “Inanna and Bilulu”) and a second that
attributes his death to the g a l l a (comparable to I D ) .
If the Dumuzi o f the laments was an innocent victim and the g a l l a were
state officials, how did they become responsible for his death?89 I D is the only
88. ID developed around the myth of Dumuzi’s death whereas Edina-usagake relates to
the figure of Damu.
89. The questions concerning the galla- motif in the different attestations of the myth
about Dumuzi’s death and the development of the galla ’s image are treated in detail
in appendix 1/e, textual remarks, especially section 3. Textual indications of the
literary developments of ID are also discussed in section 2.4.
IS2 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
narrative that justifies the involvement o f g a l l a in Dum uzi’s death through

a causal sequence of events: the g a l l a act as representatives of the law, dis-
patched to implement the decision of the Anunna, and Dumuzi was arrested
as retribution for his own erroneous behavior. Therefore, the introduction
o f g a l l a to the tradition of Dum uzi’s death, which is common to I D and the
laments, must have originated in I D .
N ew fragments of I D reveal that eventually Inanna repented90 and, thus,
the major discrepancy between I D and the traditions about the love of
Dumuzi and Inanna is eliminated. The presentation o f the events, crowned
with Inanna’s remorse, endows the myth with harmonious wholeness and
reliability. Since in the parallel tradition of the laments there is no fault in
Dum uzi’s behavior, it seems that the identification o f his captors as g a l l a was
induced by the credible story of I D , 91 while the plot was not adjusted; the
laments do not spell out the reason for targeting Dumuzi nor hint at an offense
he committed, and the g a l l a are delineated as evil criminals in human terms.
But, since the g a l l a o f the laments bear no mythological demonic features,
the laments were influenced by an early version of I D in which their formu-
laic description as mythological creatures was not attested and they were
described in terms o f human beings, as in the laments. Consequently, the
well-known version o f I D is not the earliest but a later elaboration o f an earlier
version. In other words, this reconstruction suggests that the formulaic
description of the g a l l a as netherworld creatures was added to I D in a second-
ary stage of literary development, signifying the degradation o f their image
(this issue is discussed extensively in appendix 1/e, 2.4.3).
The different stages in the evolution o f the g a l l a ’s image are present in the
text of DD. It incorporates distinct remains o f their descriptions as bandits,
as agents and the demonic characteristics of their nature, although not in the
same passages. At the beginning o f the story they are specifically labelled as
bandits, then they are “evil m en” or g a l l a . The formulaic description o f the
g a l l a as netherworld creatures occurs only after they encounter Dumuzi, but
is immediately followed by their description as natives o f five Sumerian cities.
The description of the bandits rising against Dumuzi from an ambush is remi-
niscent of the original tradition, whereas the formulaic description o f the
go. Alster, 1996.

91. Theoretically, the attack on an innocent victim could also indicate that the text of
the laments was influenced by the role of the galla in the incantations against evil
spirits. However, the galla appear in the incantation only since the Old Babylonian
period and, therefore, since the laments portray them in human terms a connection
is rather doubtful.
T H E SO C IE T A L ASPECT 153
g a l la as netherworld creatures is a late addition to the text.92 Since D D and

the laments adopted the identification g a l l a for Dum uzi’s attackers but
neglected to modify the plot accordingly, the g a l l a appear as sinister char-
acters. The great popularity o f Dum uzi’s myth probably contributed to the
distribution of the stigmatized image o f the g a l l a and to the disengagement
from the historical g a l l a .
The O ld Babylonian incantations against evil spirits, the U d u g h u l- series,
demonstrate the break o f the g a l l a from the historical function. The very
belief that an incantation can invalidate the power o f the g a l l a overrules the
possibility that he is an official representative o f divine or human authority.93
The treatment of the g a l l a , particularly his catching innocent victims at
random, contributes to the impression that the g a l l a was not regarded as an
official delegate o f the netherworld. Thus, if in the mythological texts
concerning Dumuzi’s capture and death the g a l l a kept some historical
features, either in memory o f an official capacity or through a description in
human terms, the incantations overlook his original characteristics.
The degradation o f the g a l l a ’s image reaches its literary climax in D G . The
materials o f I D were transformed to produce a story about the malevolence
of the g a l l a and make Inanna their victim in addition to Dumuzi and Gesti-
nanna. Long detailed descriptions o f their plans emphasize the cruelty o f the
g a l l a to an unprecedented degree. Their formulaic description was also
modified and, in addition, it includes the conviction that the nature of the
g a l la had been established since the creation of the world. Thus, the text
signifies that evil was an inherent part of the g a l l a ’s character.94 Therefore,
by the time D G was composed, there was no recollection o f the historical
g a lla .
The varied literary descriptions of the g a l l a , the historical and the myth-
ological characteristics, verify that the image of the g a l l a indeed underwent
92. These inconsistencies, the literary development of the text, and possible sources are
discussed in detail in appendix 3, textual remarks.
93. The one passage in Udughul 470-71 (g/1 above) is the exception, probably under
the influence of ID. Compare ID 291—92: “The one in front of her, though not a
sukkal, held a scepter in his hand; the one to her side, though not a knight, hanged
a weapon to his loins. ” The galla who accompanied Inanna were carrying symbols
of official authority. The negative form does not mean that they were not officials,
but is a means to describe the inverted reality of the netherworld, as in the formulaic
description of the galla or in “Ningiszida’sJourney to the Netherworld,” lines 29—
31 (see section 4.2/f).
94. More incantations proclaim their origin of birth in the netherworld.
a one-way process of demonization.9s The chronological framework o f the

literary development of the image, from historical to evil mythological créa-
ture, roughly parallels the references to the g a l l a g a l in historical reality. The
latest document that mentions g a l l a g a l is a seal impression o f Luduga the
scribe, son of the g a l l a g a l Nigingarkidu, dated to the fifth year o f Susin.9596
Nigingarkidu is known from his own seal impression on a document from
the twenty-sixth year o f Sulgi, that is about thirty-five years earlier. Whereas
the function of the g a l l a g a l was probably continued, it is conceivable that
because o f the demonic image o f the g a l l a the title itself already ceased to exist
during the U r III period and was replaced by another.97 The function o f the
g a l l a in I D indicates that w hen this myth was fabricated g a l l a was still an offi-
rial position. Since g a l l a is not mentioned in the archival documents, not
even in the earliest profession lists, but g a l l a g a l is attested down to the U r III
period, perhaps the position o f g a l l a existed earlier than the extant docu-
mentation and I D was created before the Early Dynastic period.
The adaptation o f the historical g a l l a to the mythological reality of the
netherworld suggests that already before the middle o f the third millennium
the realm of the dead was conceived in terms o f the socio-political historical
reality and its model was the Sumerian city-state. The gradual demonization
of the g a l l a implies that his image was monopolized by the concept of the
netherworld. This may have been the cause o f the disappearance of the g a l l a
from the Sumerian city administration. The lack of any historical traces sug-
gests that this happened at an early stage in the third millennium or even
before.
3.2.2. l i - b i - i r I n im g ir “h e r a ld ”
l i - b i - i r is the Emesal form o f n im g ir (Akkadian n ä g iru ) “herald.” Men

bearing the title n im g ir or n im g ir - g a l are mentioned in administrative
documents and seals from the Early Dynastic period onward.98 The function
of the herald was not political but administrative and the Sumerian texts do
95. It is inconceivable that descriptions of the galla in human terms would originate
after he was already portrayed as a mythological, demonic creature. It is conceivable,
however, that existing descriptions would be handed down according to tradition,
unmodified.
96. Kang, SACT, no. 35.
97. The Old Babylonian equivalent may have been rèdû sarrim (see Ali, Sumerian Letters,
133, B: 12 line 3).
98. References for n im g ir inlexical texts and Akkadian documents are cited in CAD
N /l, 115, s.v. nägiru. For li- b i - i r , see Schretter, 1990, 203.
not reflect any change in his tasks during the third millennium. The herald
is mentioned in a few liturgical laments and, since those were recited either
by g a l a -priests or by women, his title appears in the Emesal form l i - b i - i r .
The bilingual texts of the first millennium sometimes render theSumerian li-
b i-ir with the Akkadian g a l l û . " It is noteworthy, therefore, that the incan-
tarions of the U d u g h u l - s e n e s do not count l i b i r as one o f the evil spirits. In the
lexical series Erimhus, we find l i - b i - i r = g a llû together with d u b -s i =
g u z a lû and ab-ba-uru = f i b a h , which indicates that this office belonged in the
same category.99100 That the entry is the Emesal l i - b i - i r , rather than main
dialect n im g ir, suggests that the list depends on the attestations in the cultic
laments and yet that the redactor did not regard l ib i r to be a netherworld créa-
ture but an official o f the city-state like the other two offices. Since, however,
the g a llû already appears as a netherworld creature in the O ld Babylonian
period, this rendition seems contradictory. The Emesal form l i - b i - i r has
more than one Akkadian rendering. In addition to the meanings n a g iru
“herald” and g a llû , there are s u k k a ll u “vizier” and, as hapax legomenon,
Ixazan n u “mayor,” h a b b ä tu “robber,” and s u s a p in n u “best man.” Excluding
nägiru, all the bilingual sources for g a l lû are in the lamentation literature.101
Since the other renderings are hapax legomenon but U r u a m ir a b i has once
g a llû and once h a b b ä tu , it is conceivable that the Akkadian renderings are based
on an interpretation of the cultic laments rather than on the lexicographic
definition. The different and indeterminate renderings raise the question of
whether the l i b i r of the lamentations was a netherworld creature or a human
figure in the service of the city administration.
a. EDINA-USAGAKE ( S K 2 6 lii 6 - 1 9 ) .
The mourning mother hears her dead son saying that the herald ( lib ir ) would
not give him to her. Subsequently, the broken-hearted woman decides to
complain and m ourn at the gate o f the herald, namely in public (see also
appendix 4 /a). N ote that in analogy to the compilation of different figures of
young dying gods, which endows the cultic lament w ith a universal perspec-
tive, the mourning mother also appears as the mourning wife.102
99. All the references were collected in Schretter, 1990, 203. See also CAD G, 19, s.v.
gallû.
100. M SL 17, 81:18-20 (Tablet VI). The sources date to the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-
Babylonian periods.
xoi. Edina-usagake, the ersemma of Nergal, and the balags of Inanna, Alergita and Uru
amirabi; but also the harvest ritual in C T 58, 21:32, which is related to the laments
over the dying god Dumuzi.
102. SK 26 ii l i —13 is a list of mourning women, Amasilama the sister of Ningiszida,
I $6 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
6. “The herald ( l ib i r ) wiU not give me, your son, to you

7. The lord ( e n s î ) will not give me to you,
8. The lord o f ... will not give me to you.”
9• “W oe mourner, the herald [what] he left for me?
10. [The herald, the lor]d of the temple? [what he] left for me?
11. [In Girsu, at the bank of [the Euphrates]
12. [He opened my thighs] and took away [my husband],
13. [He opened my knees] and took away [my son].
14. [At the gate o f the her] aid I will stand forth
15. [(and) ‘W oe to] my [man]’ I will say,
16. [‘W oe to this lad]’ in pain I will say,
17. [‘My delightful one’ in pa]in I will say.
18. [The birth-giving m other I am,] ‘my [driven like an ox] ’ I will say,
19. [‘Woe] my [man’]. After I have told him, woe, what will he
answ er?”
The son mentions three officials: lib ir , e n s i , and “lord ofK A .” Since the e n s i
was never considered a netherworld creature, and all three belong together
in the same reality, they must represent the actual city officials. And since the
son is dead, in saying that they “will not give me to you,” he must have meant
that these officials hold his body. The episode takes place in Girsu on the
Euphrates and the wailing woman decides to complain at the “gate of the
herald” (1. 14). It stands to reason that it refers to the actual city gate, where
public affairs were regulated andjudicial proceedings carried out. Therefore,
the passage signifies that the mother is determined to address the judges,
oppose the city authorities, and receive the body. The context implies that
the mother’s objective was to perfonn the proper burial rite, which ensures
that the spirit would rest peacefully in the netherworld. Akkadian versions of
the lament render l i - b i - i r with g a l lû , indicating that he was an evil neth-
erworld creature.103But the understanding that the son is already deadimplies
that the herald represents the authorities o f the city-state and the symmetry
with the g a l l a is doubtful.
It remains for us to discover w hy the Sumerian l i - b i - i r was likened to
the Akkadian failli, who, since the O ld Babylonian period, appears as one of
Ninazimua his wife, and Gunura Damu’s sister. One may expect that the cited
passage would also refer to a sister, in particular if the original lament was devoted
to Damu.
103. Most modern translators followed the late Akkadian translations, and associated the
officials mentioned by the mother and the son with the netherworld. See Cohen,
1988, 679 b+50; Klein, In Those Distant Days, 408:100-9 (Hebrew); and Jacobsen,
1987, 66 translates “constable” rather than “herald,” implying gallû.
the evil spirits of the netherworld.104 The source o f the confusion may have
been the mother’s protest, which could be interpreted as an allegation that the
herald was responsible for the death o f her son, comparable to the g a l l a who
was held responsible for Dum uzi’s death. At the same time, the context of the
entry 1i - b i - i r in the lexical list Erimhus together with the chair-bearer, and
particularly the city elders, implies that, while the redactor remained loyal to
the conventional rendition g a llû , he did not immediately accept a nether-
world affiliation. It is conceivable that the entry l i - b i - i r in thelexical list was
influenced by the above-cited episode and that it was interpreted as taking
place at the actual city gate.
b. ERSEMMA OF NERGAL 2 6 - 2 9 105
Ersemma no. 164 narrates the death of Nergal at the hands o f the g a l l a and
the lament of his mother. It begins as a typical ersemma lament with a fonnu-
laic list of Nergal’s epithets, each followed by a wail.106 The narrative is intro-
duced by two lines that seem to state Nergal’s predicament (10-11).107 A
dialogue between a passer-by and the dead god ensues. Pointing to his inju-
ries, he asks Nergal why he was attacked (12-15).108 Nergal answers that the
galla assaulted him.109 The rest of the text, which focuses on the mother (11.
104. Some differences in the Akkadian version are due to interpretation. Note for
instance that the passage in which the Old Babylonian Sumerian version describes
the mother searching for her son and following him to the netherworld (appendix
4/b) was completely transformed in the Akkadian version, which set it in the
netherworld (appendix 4/c).
105. C T I j, 14. ersemma no. 164, Cohen, 1981, 93—95, with commentary in pp. 174—
75. The text dates to the Old Babylonian period. Andrew George kindly collated
the tablet.
106. See Cohen, 1981, 18.
107. Obscure readings impede a full understanding and reconstruction of the narrative,
which leaves much room for guesswork. Since it echoes some episodes o f Edina-
usagake, my tentative reconstruction o f the plot is based on the parallel episodes.
108. The dialogue is apparent from the use ofthe2ndper. sg. in lines 12—15, and the agent
of the verb g i 4“answer” is the dead god. The meaning of line 13 remains obscure
despite its perfect preservation. Although of different nature, we also find a dialogue
between the dead god and a passer-by (presumably a ghost) in Edina-usagake (S K 26
v 1-26).
109. Nergal’s answer begins with a triple parallelism of which the first phrase (1. 16) is
inherent to the beginning of the text, but the additional two (17-18) seem to expand
it, elaborating on the image of mourning or o f the netherworld: in the place where
Nergal is there are no games and dancing. Note that in line 16 Nergal is called
dum u, which is typical of young dying gods, while in line 17 his epithet is géspu,
I 58 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
21—36), is problematic because of damage to the tablet and some difficult

readings. The subject matter of this part, however, is reminiscent of some
episodes of E d in a - u s a g a k e .110
The herald is mentioned in lines 26—27. The m other names him as the one
responsible for the predicament of her son and line 29 has a close parallel in
57Ciii14—15 (cited above, section 3.2.2/a). In analogy to E d in a - u s a g a k e , she
seems to express her intention to perform a burial rite for him. Along these
lines I offer a tentative reconstruction and translation o f the text.111123
26. k i-g u r u s< -a -k a > li- b i-ir - r e a k -a -n a tu g -d a g a -r a -d a -m u 4(KU)2‫״‬
27. ki li-bi-ir-re kin-sè ak-a-na tu g -ta n x g a -r a -d a - m u 4(KU)
28. ki e-ne-ra edin?!<-na> kas-'ga1 i-[gub?] tug-da ga-ra-da-mu43‫״‬
as in the hymn and prayer to Nergal S K 79:5-6. For sila eisernen in line 18
compare DUr.19. The verbal root in line 19 is obscure. Cohen reads TAR, but it
can also be k u 4(d) “cut off.” This line brings to mind the description of Gestinanna
mourning Dumuzi: igi m u -u n -n a-l} U r k iri4 m u -u n -n a -h u r, (DD 242 and
a parallel description [i-b]1 h a-1na-da-H A R k iri4h a-m a -d a -H A R (ersemma
no. 88:53, Cohen, 1981, 85 and C T 15, 21). Certain similarity between the signs
T A R /K U j and H U R /H A R suggests a possible inter textual connection. If this is
indeed the case it is another indication o f the dependence of Nergal’s ersemma on
the Dumuzi liturgies. For line 20 compare with Old Babylonian source o f Edina-
usagake, SK 27 r. 11.
110. Lines 21—23 convey the wailing of Nergal’s mother. The first member of lines 24-
25 seems to have a parallel in a Neo-Babylonian bilingual version of Edina-usagake,
SBH 37, r. 10-11 (for tu g -ta n ‫ ״‬sec Alster, 1972,107 ad line 127). In the second
member the mother promises to dress her son with a clean garment, which alludes
to the performance o f the funerary ritual; compare “The Messenger and the
Maiden” line 47, and “Lulil and His Sister” line 57 (section 4.x).
111. The grammar is as difficult as the readings. Generally speaking, in view of the strange
readings we cannot expect correct grammar.
112. Grammatically and syntactically, however, it is difficult and, therefore, the trans-
lationis free. Cohen reads ki-KAL but compare: k i-g u ru s -a (BE 30/1, 1 ii 12),
and rk i-g u ru iT -a-k a (BE 30/1, 1 ii 8); ki gurus li- b i- r e ( C T 58, 21:32), and
k i-g u ru s -a -k a (SK 26iv 16, Edina-usagake). Lines 26-28 seem to form an inverted
complementary parallelism, in which the fixed elements are the ki of the first
member and the whole second member. Since the compound k i-g u ru s is attested
elsewhere, this may have been intended, though no suffix is added, ak is usually
an auxiliary verb, and in view ofthe followingparallelline, which has the verb k in -
ak “work,” perhaps k in was not omitted here, but the construction ak-a-n a
without an object (or k in -s è) does not convey good sense. Note the writing of the
m u 4 as compared with line 28.
113. Another possibility is to emend the text to: ki gurus b i-< in -> ra “where thelad
was beaten.” According to collation, the sign after KAS /B I is not ri but probably
T H E SO C IE T A L A SPEC T 159
29. kâ!-uru!-ki! m u-ub-gub a m u-lu-m u ga-am-dug4114

26. “<At> the place <of the lad> where the herald was doing his work
I shall dress you with a garment.
27. <At> the place where the herald was doing his work I shall dress
you with a clean garment.
28. <At> the place, for him in the desert my beer [stands], I shall dress
you with a garment.
29. At the gate of the city I shall stand, ‘W oe my man’ I shall say.”
This passage points to E d in a - u s a g a k e as the possible direct source of inspiration
for the ritual section o f the ersemma (the episode narrated in S K 26 iii 6—19
above). The two texts share almost verbatim the statement about the m other’s
intention to stand up at the city gate and m ourn her son, and both name the
lib ir as the responsible figure. Here, as well as in E d in a - u s a g a k e , the herald does
not appear to be the murderer (despite the common Akkadian identification
of l i- b i- ir w ith g a l lû and hence “murderer”). Since in lines 19—20 Nergal
names the g a l l a as the aggressor, the responsibility for his death cannot be
easily pinned on the herald. In addition, the verb that signifies the activity of
the lib ir is k in —ak “to work.”
What was, then, the role of the herald? In analogy to the above-cited
episode of E d in a - u s a g a k e I assume that he holds the body o f the dead god, and
that the mother wants to receive it from him in order to perform the burial
rite properly.115 That this was the m other’s intention is already made evident
by her wish to dress her son in a clean cloak,116and in line 28, where she plans
to dress her son in the desert and probably to serve him beer. This line is remi-
niscent of a difficult episode in E d in a - u s a g a k e , narrated in S K 27 iii and P R A K
II, D41 ii. The young god wishes that his mother and sister would prepare
gâ. I therefore suggest the reading k as-g a i-g u b , analogous to the episode in
Edina-usagake, PRAKTD, 41 ii 19-22 and S K 27 iii 4-6, where the dead young god
asks his mother and sister to brew beer for him (for the funerary ritual).
114. This line has a direct parallel in Edina-usagake: [ k a - li- b i- ir ] - ra - k a g a - a n -g u b /
[a m u -lu ]-m u g a -à m -d u (SK 26 iii 14-15, see the whole episode above in
section 3.2.2/a and appendix 4/a).
115. In Edina-usagake, mainly because the dead son mentioned not one, but three officials
(including the en si) who would not hand over the corpse to the mother. Therefore
it must have taken place in the terrestrial city.
116. The ritual required dressing the corpse in clean clothes, as indicated by the descrip-
tion of the funerary ritual for the dead spirit in “The Messenger and the Maiden”
line 47, where a figurine fulfils the role of the dead. A similar description of a
funerary ritual is in the lament over Asgi (Thureau-Dangin, 1922). See both rituals
in chapter 4, section 4/1, and Katz, 1999, 110-13.
a meal for him, that his sister would brew beer, which he will drink and then
feel better.117 This episode ends in S K 27 iii 15 rama'-c edin-na i-i 1-ni-sikil
ki-da-[ga-al] 1-ni-rsikir “The mother crying in the desert, purifying him
there, purifying him there on the broad earth.”
Although the herald was involved with the death of the young god, and
Akkadian renditions of the laments identify him with g a l l a , the account does
not allow us to perceive him as a netherworld demon. The narrative retains
elements that originate in the older traditions and, therefore, on this basis we
have to consider the herald as a city official rather than a netherworld creature.
His absence from the lists of netherworld evil demons in the U d u g lt u l- s e n e s
points to the same conclusion.
T e x tu a l R e m a r k s
Texts of the third millennium portray Nergal as a fierce god of war and he
appears in that capacity until the end of the Ur ITTperiod. Therefore, the
incorporation of elements typical to the cultic laments for the young dying
gods Dumuzi and Damu'18 is rather unusual. Nergal is not known as one
of the local Sumerian incarnations of the young dying god; there is no other
tradition about Nergal’s death as a Dumuzi-type of god and his name is not
attested in any of their Old Babylonian compiled lists."9 In addition, the
epithets chosen for the first section of the ersemma, lirum , ur-sag,
kala-ga, m u -lu ag-gi-ra, and géspu testify that Nergal’s militant
nature is indeed the traditional aspect of his divinity.120These epithets well
suit Nergal’s image in texts of the third millennium but are inconsistent
with the image of the young dying god. At the same time, the epithet
gurus, which is so characteristic of the laments for the young dying gods,
117. S K 27 iii 2-6 and P R A K II, D41 ii 16—21. This passage is quite difficult due to
phonetic writings (and possible corruptions) in both sources. i-ti-in -B U h a -b a -
a b -g u -u b in SK 2 j iii 4 corresponds to k a s-b i h a - b a -k u -u b inD41 ii 19, and,
therefore, I take i - t i - i n as being phonetic for D IN karänu, üikaru, kurunnu (MSL
9, 136:614-17).
118. The impheating o f the galla in the death of a young god is from ID and thus belongs
originally to the myth about the death of Dumuzi. In a later stage it was integrated
into laments for other gods of his type (who eventually were identified with him).
See Katz, Acta Sum 18 (1996): 93—102. The involvement of the herald is suggested
only by Edina-usagake.
119. See, for example, ersemma no. 88 lines 1—9 or repeatedly in Edina-usagake.
120. Gods of war cause death and thus qualify for the netherworld pantheon, Ningiszida
and Ninazu also had a warlike aspect. Unlike Nergal, however, they were initially
local incarnations of the young dying god. Later, in Sulgi hymns, they acquired a
militant aspect. Thus, Nergal exhibits a reversed process.
first appears in line 15, in the body o f the narrative. It seems, therefore, that
the text combines two different sources of inspiration. A possible source for
the list of epithets in lines 1-6 is a liturgy of Nergal himself (S K 79:1-5) that
is known from Old Babylonian as well as Neo-Assyrian bilingual copies.121
The focus on the mother-goddess m ourning for her son who was murdered
by galla is common to the laments o f several incarnations o f the young
dying god and certain allusions to Edina-usagake suggest that the ersemma
indeed follows the general oudines o f the popular liturgical laments for
Damu and Dumuzi.
T he absence o fN erg al’s nam e from any O ld Babylonian list o f young
dead gods, in cultic laments like Edina-usagake, implies that he was not
regarded as this type o f deity. N eith er was M eslamtaea included in these
lists.122 It is odd, therefore, that the ersemma applied to him the biog-
raphy o f another type o f netherw orld god. All the m ore so in view o f
121 . Old Babylonian duplicate is CBS 11344, H A V Pi. 18. For the text edition, see
Zimmern, Z A 31 (1917-18): u i —21, and translation (beginningin line 7) Falken-
stein, SAH G, 83—84, no. 15. The beginning and the end of this text are broken in
both Old Babylonian sources. Therefore, the exact genre is not certain.
122 . Meslamtaea was identified with Nergal and, judging by the offering lists of the Ur
III period, his cult was widely practiced in southern Sumer. In an independent
addition to a list of dead deities and their place o f burial (actually cult centers), S K
27Ü 13'has àm -g al ù - m u - u n ir - r a (compare: S K 26 iv20ff; P R A K 1141 i 20IT.;
S K 27 ii ifl).Since, however, the list also includes Amasilama (1■5‫)׳‬, Ninazimua (1.
7'), Gestinanna (1. 9'), and Gugalanna (1. 15'), as well as a number of unidentified
names, it appears that the list is not exclusively o f incarnations of the young dying
gods. Meslamtaea is mentioned in a single source from Kish (P R A K IC . 138:11-12),
but his burial place is none other than the cult center ofNinazu: i7- k u r - r a e -n e -
g i-a -b a “ (Since) in the river of the Kur inEnegi Meslamtaea is laid to rest.” The
placing of Meslamtaea in Enegi implies that the scribe was not familiar with the
religious traditions of southern Sumer in the third millennium. It seems, therefore,
that these sources listed names at random (although all relate somehow to the
netherworld) and that they cannot be trusted. Meslamtaea, the old principal god of
Kutha, was a chthonic deity in origin. That we do not have any reliable tradition
about his death as ayounggodis either because such a tradition did not survive (most
of the ancient surviving traditions are those of southern Sumer) or because he was
not one (the interpretation of his name as the fruit of the almond tree suggests that
he was indeed a young dying fertility-god. See appendix 9/j. Very few religious
traditions from the north have survived, not enough to establish definitely the
original nature of Meslamtaea’s divinity. At the same time we should bear in mind
that none ofthe surviving sources o f Edina-usagake is earlier than the Old Babylonian
period, when Meslamtaea became a minor deity, and the original nature of his
divinity was already vague. Since an ancient northern tradition was not preserved,
it could not have been integrated into Edina-usagake.
the myth “Nergal and Ereskigal,” which explains, using a completely

different background, the reasons for his descent to the netherworld and
his emergence as its king. Considering that Nergal was a warlike deity,
his association with the netherworld is natural. But the two different
literary accounts about the origin of his chthonic nature suggest that
there was no old genuine tradition about Nergal’s place in the pantheon
of the netherworld. Therefore, in analogy to the purpose of “Nergal and
Ereskigal,” perhaps the ersemma also answers the need to explain a
change in Nergal’s divine property. By portraying Nergal as a young
dying god, the ersemma both justifies his position in the pantheon of
the netherworld and endows it with a sense of old tradition. That no
other source supports the circumstances described by the ersemma and
that different circumstances are offered by “Nergal and Ereskigal” signi-
fies that the explanation of the ersemma was not sustained.
C. HARVEST RITUAL (C T 58, 21:32'123('35‫־‬

O n the day o f the harvest the members o f the community— the farmer, the
cowherd, the shepherd, their wives and children, as well as the childless, the
unmarried, the widow and the orphan— went out to participate in the work
and perform a ritual. After making offerings to the summer and winter, they
harvested the crop, collecting and arranging it in the reed huts o f a r a l i (1. 28').
Immediately following, w ith no dividing line, is a reference to the young
dying god and a passage in direct speech o f which only the first three phrases
are preserved.
“The Farmer’s Instructions” mentions several rituals that should be
performed during the cultivation o f cereals: (1) after the harvest, for the
sheaves, to be performed daily until the grain was ready for threshing; (2)after
the threshing; and (3) when the grain was clean. However, the text does not
include a version o f the rituals or any details about their contents;124 it was
probably common knowledge. It is possible that C T 58, 21 describes one of
the rituals related to the harvest. If this is the case, then it evolved around the
figure of the young dying god and these lines begin its description.125
123. C T 58,21:32'—3s'. The text dates to the Old Babylonian period. The beginningand
the end of the text are not preserved. The title “Harvest Ritual,” adapted from the
publication of the copy, is based on the context, line 2 'reads u d -e b u r,r r[a ]. The
last three lines of the preserved text concern the death o f the young god and, since
there is no dividing line, it may be a part of the narrated activities at the day of the
harvest.
124. Civil, 1994, 32-33: 87, 101, 106.
125. That the harvest takes place at the end of the summer supports this assumption.
32'. ki-gurus li-bi-re dab5-ba-sè126

33‫ ׳‬. sag-mu-a tug bi-e-dul127
bi-e-du-ul
34'. bar-mu tug-gibil-mà <bi->e-gi4'28
35'. i!-bi-m u lu-ra rx-x-x1-ri129
32‫ ׳‬. To the place where the herald caught the lad.
33'. My head you covered with the garment,
34'. My body you recovered w ith my new garment
35'. My eyes [you] p u t ? [ ]
Line 32' is an obvious reference to the young dying god: the verb dab5 and
th e//M'as agent w ith the ki g u ru s as object. The thematic parallel in
ersemma no. 164 o f Nergal lines 26—28 (cited above) and in E d in a - u s a g a k e to
line 33' suggests that what follows is a funerary ritual. Since the text dates to
the Old Babylonian period, and at that time Dumuzi remained the only incar-
nation ofthe young dying god, these lines probably describe the performance
of Dumuzi’s annual lamentation ritual. The sudden shift of theme, from the
description of the harvesters to the direct speech of the dead lad, creates the
impression that the rimai was performed in the form of a play.130 In addition,
the list of participants in the harvest gives the impression that the text is a
general model o f the ritual.
126. The compound k i-g u ru s is typical ofthe lamentations for the young dying god.
Compare: the above-cited ersemma no. 164 of Nergal 1. 26; SK 26 iv 16 (Edina-
usagake)‫׳‬, B E 30/1, 1 ii 12 = B IN 2, 26:8 (Dumuzi lament).
127. Compare especially the Old Babylonian copy ofEdina-usagake: sag -g a-a tu g ba-
a n -d u l-lu -d a (SK 26 iv 21). The donning of a gamient is emphasized in the
above-cited ersemma no. 164 of Nergal lines 26—28.
128. For tu g -g ib il in the funerary ritual, compare “The Messenger and the Maiden”
line 47 (Kramer, 1977, 141; Alster, 1986, 28; and Katz, 1999). The verbal form is
defective. The reconstructed b i- e - g i4 is in parallel to the previous line, although
the prefix / b i - / before /- e - / is unusual.
129. The reading is a tentative suggestion based on the possibility of parallelism with the
previous two lines. The first sign is difficult. It is not a well-written I-sign because
ofthe vertical line and the additional horizontal. The reading du m u -n e m u -lu -
ra also seems possible, but it is not a well-written DUM U-sign either, and it does
not seem to make much sense. The last sign, R I, was tentatively taken as the verb,
therefore “place upon,” “put,” or the like.
130. The issue o f cultic drama was discussed extensively injacobsen, 1975, who main-
tains that, among other religious rituals, the mourning ofthe young dying god was
performed in dramatic form.
Since the text is incomplete it is not certain what is the significance of

the geographical indicators edin u -sa g -g â (1. 24') as the location of
the harvest, and particularly of“the reedhuts of a r a li," é -g i-s ig -g a a-
ra -li-s è (1. 28') where the sheaves were piled. The first evokes asso-
dations to the popular lamentation about the young dying god, E d in a -
usagake, which define in these words both the place and the time of the
capture and death scenes.131 The second, a r a li, is the place where,
according to tradition, the capture and death of Dumuzi the shepherd
occurred. At the narrative level these names are linked to the harvest,
but together they also echo the mythological tradition about the death
of Dumuzi. Since the text is a literary composition, they may be
symbolic, aiming to introduce the; mythological reality of the antici-
pated lamentation ritual and, therefore, transcend the direct narrative
level to add a deeper level of religious meaning. A deliberate double
meaning implies that the text is a literary model for the harvest ritual.
The literary universal sense of the account is also suggested by the list of
participants in the harvest at the beginning and end of the preserved text:
on thedayofthe harvest, u d - e b u r I5- r[ a - ] u d -e b u rI5-sè x[ ](11.2'—
3'), the farmer’s wife goes to the field, the wife of the cowherd to the
cattlepen, and the wife of the shepherd to the sheepfold (11. 4'-6' and 14'—
16'). Thereby the list emerges as a typical framed literary unit. But more
significant is that each wife goes to a different destination, according to the
profession of her husband. Since, however, the text describes the harvest
of cereals, the repeated statement about the wives of the cowherd and the
shepherd going to the pen and the fold seems out of place. Yet, the three
wives represent the three main agricultural sectors, as well as the main
aspects ofDumuzi. References to “Dumuzi ofthe grain” (Jacobsen’s termi-
nology) are limited, though, to Dumuzi-Inanna love songs (cf. especially
the balbale-hymn of Inanna, DI A, Scfati, 1998, 120-25, lines 51-54).132
The majority ofthe literary accounts link Dumuzi with the production of
milk and butter, rather than with grain: most of the laments, but also love
songs, elaborate on his image as a shepherd . Outside this literature this is
asserted in the building of his temple Eigarsu, “house filled with butterfat”
131. This reference could be coincidental, because the couplet in lines 24'-25' expands
gradually to n u mu n u -sa g -g â a n d se -n u m u n u -sa g -g â , which refer to grain.
O n the other hand, as a literary composition, it is possible that the phraseology is
intended to evoke several associations, including those that refer to the early grass
in the pasturing meadows.
132. Since beer was a common drink, I am not certain that its mention in Dumuzi nar-
ratives always alludes to his aspect as grain.
of Rimsin, and in the dedication inscription where the king hopes that
Dumuzi will “multiply catde and sheep for him in the pen and fold” ( tù r
amas-a gu4 u d u h é -n i- in - s â r - s â r , cf Rimsin no. 4 [R J M E 4,
276:23-24]). In the context of a cereal harvest the additional reference to
the wives of the cowherd and the shepherd emphasizes that the ritual is
devoted to Dumuzi.
A reversed but comparable situation to the beginning of C T 58,21 is,
perhaps, narrated in the fragmentary text S T V C 134:7'—8' (= Sefati,
1998, 237—46: DI R , source B). It says that the cowherd and the shep-
herd will not find the pen and the fold, butter and milk would not be
carried. The last legible line (11 ') is reminiscent of the lamentations over
Dumuzi: [ m ]u Im l-g â l-e im -[ ] “my [ ] was [ ] to the evil
one.” In the case of a causal relation between lines 7'—8' and 11' then,
the passage describes the situation during the dry season. On the basis
of parallel expressions, Sefati integrates this source into DI R . The
theme of this song is Inanna’s wish to learn the way to Dumuzi and to
go to him for milk and cream. Therefore, it probably relates to the end
of the dry season, when milk and cream were scarce.133 On the other
hand, C T 58,21 describes the season of plenty: the workers know their
way; they go happily to harvest; and the cowherd, the shepherd, and
their wives and children go singing to the pen and sheepfold. Although
sheep and cattle are milked, not “harvested,” it is quite certain that
seasonal rituals followed their cyclic procreation and production of
milk. Lines 21'-22‫ ׳‬, which tell that the workers presented offerings to
the summer and the winter, add to the sense that C T 58,21 has a seasonal
character— the focus on the harvest indicates that it took place in the
summer.
A connection between the killing of Dumuzi and the harvest is made
in a letter from Mari in which the sender reprimands the addressee for
preferring the idle sedentary life rather than joining his clan. AO 1146,
42-46:
a m -m i-n im i-n a -a n -n a ki-ma dDUMU-Z[I la-a a -n a -k u ] m u -u t-sa -a t-tim
i-d a -a k -k u -su [i-n a d i-fi-im ?] a -n a É a n -n u -n i-tim -m a i t - t a - m - a [ r . . . ] a-
n a -k u k i-a -a m e-te-ep -p i~ is-m a i-[n a se-im?] Sa e -te -ep -p l-su ù -u l ü -sa -p i-
]
ik ù t[a ?
Now, why [am I not] like Dumuzi? At the end of the year they kill
him, [in the spring] he keeps returning to the temple of Annunitum.
Myself, I always do so: i[n the grain/harvest?] whatever I do, I do not
store, and [ ].134
! 33■That would suggest a relation o f causality o f source B to sources A and C.

134• P. Marello, “Vie Nomade,” inJ.-M. Durand, Florilegium m arianum, Recueil d ’études
There can be little doubt that the verb is dakâ, although the form i-da-ak-
ku-su instead o f idukkü-su is faulty/35 Thus, the sender uses the yearly cycle
o f Dumuzi as a metaphor for the (passive) routine life o f the sedentary firm -
ers, as opposed to his o w n /36 T he construction in the plural with the pro-
nominal suffix /-su/ implies murder, and that cannot be other than a
dramatic performance. Since it is inconceivable that they killed a living
person, and since Dum uzi always returned to the temple o f Annunitum, I
assume that the sender refers to an annual performance with a statue o f
Dumuzi. That it was repeated every summer points to a ritual, and the
sender’s opposite personal example indicates that it is connected to the
harvest. It seems, therefore, that at the end o f the summer, following the
harvest, the farmers performed a ritual, which re-enacted the killing o f
Dumuzi. The choice o f D um uzi’s death and return to demonstrate the
essence o f the farmer’s life indicates that this was the most important event
o f the year. Presumably, the sender o f the Mari letter refers to the actual
practice o f the event that C T 58, 21 illustrates in literary form. In analogy
to “The Farmer’s Instructions,” which is a literary model for the cultivation
o f a field, and to “The Messenger and the M aiden,” which is a model for
the periodic funerary ritual, C T 58,21 seems to be a model for the ritual
that takes place in the summer, after the harvest. A partial duplicate o f the
ritual in “The Messenger and the M aiden,” TIM 9, 15:1—10 ends with a
wail, in which the identity o f the dead is revealed by his epithets. These
epithets, i - b i lu m - l u m , g u r u s , s u s- b a , andprobably ù - m u - u n - [ a -
ra - li] are known as epithets ofD um uzi. It may be o f significance that the
same tablet also includes a section o f the lament for the young dying god
Edina-usagake. It is conceivable that the funerary ritual for Dum uzi was
similar to funerary rituals for young men.
The essence of Dumuzi’s divinity was extensively investigated by
Jacobsen/37 His main conclusion was that Dumuzi is an intransitive,
passive deity, a manifestation; he either “is” or “is not” and he never
transcends the phenomenon that symbolizes him. Thus, “Dumuzi of
the grain” manifests itself as grain. When it is harvested, Dumuzi is no*13567
en l’honneur de Michel Fleury. Mémoires de N .A .B.U . 1 (Paris, 1991), 115—25. 1 owe

this reference to B . Alster.
135. Normally this verb meaning “ kill” would not have a Gtn-form, but in reference to
the killing ofD um uzi the Gtn expresses the yearly repeated ritual.
136. That the sender refers to the harvest is indicated by the verb sapäku and that it is
negated û-ul ü-sa-pl-ik indicate that he does not farm grains himself. H owever, since
the lines are damaged, it is not certain whether he obtains grain through purchase
or plundering.
137. Jacobsen, 1970, 73—103.
more, he is dead. Therefore, it is only natural to deduce that the harvest

ritual would celebrate the death of Dumuzi in a funerary ritual.
As far as the funerary ritual is concerned, this text is reminiscent of the above-
cited ersemma no. 164 of Nergal: the location is the place where the herald
acted and the speaker intended to put a garment on the dead god. However,
in the ersemma of Nergal the g a l l a and the l ib i r share responsibility. The
unusual feature of the “harvest ritual” is that, against all the known traditions
about the death ofDumuzi, the g a l l a is not mentioned. Therefore, the state-
ment that the l i b i r captured Dumuzi suggests that he also caused his death.
Since in the Old Babylonian period the g a l l a was fully demonized— not just
as the killer of the young dying god, but as an evil spirit ofthe netherworld—
the reference to the herald alone is odd. Parallel phraseology indicates that the
description ofthe rituals in the ersemma and in the “Harvest ritual” depends
on E d in a -u s a g a k e . Therefore, the focus on the herald seems to reflect an inter-
pretation of the episode in E d in a - u s a g a k e , where the mother wants to
complain at the city gate, but it overlooks the literary traditions about the
death ofDumuzi. Apart from d ab 5, the herald is not qualified by any descrip-
tive element and, therefore, we cannot say that he was perceived as evil and
demonic like the g a l l a , and correspondingly as a creature ofthe netherworld.
d. U R Û À M -I-R A -B I 1 1 7 ( k i - r u - g û 4 ) 138
“The city that has been pillaged” is a balag o f Istar, about the devastation of
her city and temple. Lamentations for the devastation of cities and temples
were composed at the beginning of the second millennium as a literary echo
ofthe historical events that brought about the end of the U r III kingdom. The
text is known from several copies of the Old Babylonian period as well as
bilingual editions from the first millennium. It treats the subject in abstract
terms, transcending time and space, and presumably for that reason it was
canonized.
The herald is one of the powers involved in the disaster (the couplet corre-
sponds with line 153 of C ohen’s composite text):
138. K. Volk, D ie B alag-K om position üru àm -m a-ir-ra-bi, R ekonstruktion un d Bearbeitung der

(Stuttgart: 1989), 5 and
Tafeln 18 ( l g ’J f), lg , 20 und 21 der Späten kanonischen Version,
no. 4; Cohen, 1988, 536—603. k i- r u - g û 4 was first published in the bilingual
version by Tbureau-Dangin in R A 33 (1936): 103-11. An edition incorporated with
the balag: Cohen, op. d t ., 561, lines 119-54, and translation on pp. 589fF. (ms. M).
The k i- r u - g û has parallels in two sources ofthe Old Babylonian period: NCBT
688 (Cohen, op. cit., 541—45 with copy onpp. 840—43, ms. C) and AO 6905 = TCL
16, 68 (Cohen, op. cit., 552—55, ms. A). The balag, its relation to city laments, and
its historicity are discussed in chapter 2, section 2.1.3/c.
T C L 16, 68 (AO 6905, Old Babylonian)

r. 6 ' . [kaskal-mà li-bi]-ir-kur-ra-ke4ag m u-ni-in-gi4-ra
r. 7'. [sila-mà li-bi]-ir gi6-ù-na gù-an!-né-si ba-ni-in-dù139
r. 6'. “O n my road the herald o f the k u r kills,14014
r. 7'. In my street at night the herald utters a cry that fills heaven.”
The Old Babylonian version of N C B T 688 has the variant k û r:
117. kaskal-mà li-bi-ir-kûr-ra-ke4 âg m u-ni-in-gi4-ra /
sila-mà li-bi-ir gi6-ù-na-ke4 gû-gir ba‫׳‬-karu1
117. “On my road the hostile herald kills/
In my street the herald of the night seizes a breach”
N C B T 688 consistently has k û r as opposed to AO 6905 with kur. In NCBT
688 l i - b i - i r - k u r - r a - k e 4 forms a complementary parallelism with li- b i-
i r - g i 6- ù - n a - k e 4, and k u r seems appropriate as an adjective to describe li-
b i - i r . Also, this variant is consistent with line 112 of the same source where
k u r is also attested in l u - l a - g a - k u r - r a - k e 4.142 However, since k u r is an
adjective, the genitive suffix / - ak / is superfluous in line 117a as well as in line
112. Therefore, there may have been a chain of later “corrections,” namely,
that the variant k u r in both lines 112 and 117 is a later “correction” o f kur.
l û - l a - g a - k û r - r a - k e 4inline 112 should be traced to the original m u -lu -
lu i g a b a - k u r - r a - k e 4, then the genitive suffix in line 112 was added to
parallel 117a. This “correction” was further reinforced by the addition ofthe
genitive suffix / - a k / in gi6- ù - n a - k e4 o f 117b to create a perfect parallelism
The reason for the changes may be sought in the double meaning of gab a-
k u r-ra .
Rev. 6 ' : k a s k a l-m à l i - b i - i r - k u r - r a - k e 4 in conjunction w ith rev. T:
m u - l u - l u l- g a b a - k u r - r a - k e 4 (1. 142 o f the composite text) brings to
mind three other texts. O ne is “The Instructions o f Suruppak” 270—71:
k a sk al n u - z u g a b a - k u r - r [ a - k a ] d i n g ir - k u r - r a lu g u 7- g u y- ù -
[m e ]-e s “O n an unknown road at the edge o fthe k u r , the gods ofthe k u r
139. The reading is according to Cohen. Considering the orthography of the text,
Cavigneauxin JA O S 113 (1993): 255 n. 1 prefers the reading: [li- b i] - ir g i6-ù -
na KA *4'T ak si b a - n i- in dù, however, he does not propose a translation that
fits the context. The present translation follows Cohen but remains doubtful.
140. For the verb in the Emesal form a g - g i4-ra, see especially Krecher, H SAO (1g6j),
93. More examples are quoted in Schretter, 1990, 147-48.
141. The reading and the translation follow Cohen. Cavigneaux, op, cit., reads li-b i-
ir g i6- ù - n a - k e 4 gu b i / i n ?- g i 4-a.
142. Cohen’s composite text line 142, and see the textual remarks for chapter 2.1.3/c.
are man-eaters.”143 The second is the beginning of the harvest-ritual section

in CT 58, 21:32', which implicates the herald in the death of Dumuzi. The
third, and most significant, is E d in a - u s a g a k e ‫׳‬. first, the mother who followed
her son to the netherworld walks toward g a b a - k u r - r a (appendix 4/b); and
second, the libir is the official who holds the body of the young dead god (see
above and appendix 4 /a), and later sources identified him w ith g a llû because
ofhis association with the death of the young god. In view of these texts the
idea that a “libir of the kur” is involved with murder does not seem impossible.
At the same time, however, r. 7', saying that the herald shouts in the street,
echoes his actual function in the administration of the city.
The Akkadian rendering h a b b ä t l a d (rather than fyabbät e rse ti implies that the
late editor of this text did not associate the herald with the netherworld, nor
with the Akkadian g a llû . iia b b ä t s a d ( is hapax legomenon and it may have been
inspired by r. T: m u - l u - l u l- g a b a - k u r - r a - k e 4 “a criminal from the
mountains.”144145
The couplet r. 6-7 seems to form a parallelism. Whereas, however, r. 6 has
l i- b i- ir - k u r - r a - k e 4, in r. 7the title l i - b i - i r is not qualified by any adjec-
five or noun. Thus, the focus is shifted from the herald’s place o f origin to his
place of activity. While this assertion corresponds with the setting of the
herald’s official activity— the streets where he made announcements— the
activity during the night suggests that the herald was not doing his duty
normally. The same idea, that officials were not performing their duties
normally, was already expressed in r. 5: the canal inspector smashes pots and
the farmer does not fill his basket with produce. The reason for neglecting the
normal duties is the destruction, and the whole scene is o f devastation and
lamentations. The herald’s cries must, therefore, signify a lamentation over
the destruction.'4s Consequently, it seems that the couplet in lines r. 6 ' —‫' ך‬
forms an antithetical parallelism in which the herald who cries in the street
personifies the administration o f the ruined city and the libir of the kur desig-
nates the enemy.
W ith its triple meaning the term kur charges the image o f the libir with
a double message: historical and mythological, l i - b i - i r - k u r - r a points to
the actual place o f origin o f the enemy, a foreign land in the mountain area
143. Discussed in chapter 2.1.3/b.

144. In the Old Babylonian lexical list Lu A, seeM SL12,166:282: lû - lu - g a ha-ba-tum.
In the Sumerian version from the Old Babylonian period l i - b i- ir cannot signify
a bandit. The same reasoning may have motivated the reading k u r in the version
of NCBT 688.
145. Lamentations of the inhabitants are a common topic in the thematically corre-
sponding compositions, the city laments.
outside the eastern borders of Sumer. Y et, because k u r also signifies the neth-
erw orldand the l ib i r plays a role in the laments for the young dying god, li-
b i - i r - k u r - r a creates the impression that evil netherworld forces were
involved in the devastation of the city and its temple. Such a notion is not
alien to laments about destruction of cities. They are often described as being
haunted by ghosts.146 Thus, the disaster is perceived in two dimensions,
historical and mythological. The ambiguity, however, was not universally
accepted. The late Akkadian rendering h a b b ä t s a d î, as well as the Old Baby-
Ionian variant k u r ofN C B T 688, left the mythological dimension out, indi-
eating that the l ib ir was not conceived as a netherworld creature at all.
The occurrence o f l i - b i - i r - k u r - r a i n this balag suggests that in the Old
Babylonian period certain circles considered the herald to be a mythological
figure. However, of the mythological texts in which he plays a role only this
balag alludes to his responsibility for an actual disaster, and even in this text
not all the sources associate him with the netherworld. Indeed, unlike the
g a l l a his image did not undergo a full process of demonization. It seems,
therefore, that his identification with the g a l l a is limited to late translations
o f Emesal texts and that the Sumerians did not include l i b i r in the officials of
the netherworld.
3.3. T h e P o s itio n o f D e i ti e s in th e A d m in is t r a t io n o f th e N e t h e r w o r ld
The titles and epithets o f some netherworld gods make manifest that the
realm o f the dead was politically and socially conceived according to the
model o f the terrestrial city and that official positions in the administration
system were held by divinities, according to their rank in the pantheon. The
god-lists include a great number o f netherworld gods and, presumably, each
o f them had a role that justified the affiliation. Some are different names of
one and the same deity, some are family members, and others have an official
duty. In the absence o f a detailed description o f the organization and since
the god-lists do not specify all the functions, our knowledge is based on scat-
tered occasional details relating to the main netherworld gods, those who
were mentioned in the literary, liturgical, and magical texts.
The common terms to designate “netherworld” in relation to official posi-
tions are k u r , a r a l i , and k i g a l . The term k i does not occur in that context.
146. The term is 111. Note especially LSUr 222: b a r-b a eden lil-e d ù -a “Inks outer
environs, which had turned into hauntedplains” and especially LSUr 345: e n -u ru -
b a r-ra e n -u ru -s à -g a lil- e h a - b a - a b - la h 5-e -e s “The e«-priests of the outer
and inner city were carried offby ghosts” (Michalowski, 1989). See also N L 2, 6,
11, 104 (Tinney, 1996).
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT 1‫ ך‬1
3.3.1. n in “q u e e n ”
The head of the netherworld pantheon was the queen Ereskigal. The compo-
nent ki - gal in her name may have been a euphemism that derived from her
function.
The earliest datable text that refers to her as the queen of the netherworld
is a dedication inscription o f Lu’utu ruler ( e n s i ) of Umma, who lived during
the Old Akkadian period, between the time of Manistusu and Naramsin
(appendix 7 / c). The inscription calls her “lady of the place of sunset” (1. 2).
To that we can add the hymn to the temple of Ninazu in Enegi. The temple
is called “the great offering pipe, the offering pipe o f the place o f Ereskigal”
(Sjöberg, 1969, 27:179).147 “The place of Ereskigal” signifies “netherworld.”
These texts, particularly Lu’utu’s dedication inscription, date Ereskigal’s
position as queen o f the netherworld to at least the O ld Akkadian period.
n in - k u r - r a , “lady o f the netherworld” is attested in the two elegies of
the Pushkin M useum (appendix 8 / c).148 In analogy to other texts it is tempt-
ing to assume that this epithet refers to Ereskigal. Since, however, Ereskigal
is already mentioned by name as the queen of the netherworld in the Old
Akkadian period, w hy would the author(s) o f the elegies refrain from using
the name o f the most important deity o f the netherworld pantheon? All the
more so w hen lesser deities and inhabitants o f the netherworld are mentioned
by name, such as Etana and even Gilgames or Bitu. Also, ,1nin-kur-ra appears
in some god-lists in a context other than the netherworld.149 In addition to
the name Ereskigal, some netherworld deities are conspicuously absent from
the list of the Pushkin elegy. Also absent are Namtar, who belongs with her
circle, and Dumuzi. Therefore, we cannot be sure that n i n - k u r - r a - k e 4
means Ereskigal. The list of netherworld gods in the first elegy may well
reflect a certain local tradition that did not recognize Ereskigal as the head of
the netherworld pantheon and, therefore, also may have excluded her circle
of deities (see a detailed discussion appendix 8, section 3.2.2.1, and appendix
9/a).
147. Against Sjöberg, I prefer the version of source B, which omits the suffix /-a / after
/- k i/, that is a-p a+- k i- de re s -k i-g a l-la -k a . The cycle ofhymns is attributed to
Enheduanna, but it is doubtful that she composed all of them. The date of each
hymn should be decided separately. An analogy to the image of Ninazu as a warrior
in Sulgi’s royal hymns suggests that the temple hymn is based on a tradition that is
earlier than Sulgi’s era.
148. Kramer, i960, 61:93 with Sjöberg, JA OS 103 (1983): 315 for the first elegy, and p.
64 fine 174 for the second elegy.
149. See RIA 9, 451.
3.3.2. lugal
l u g a ! is a component in the epithets o f some netherworld deities. Gilgames
has the epithet lu g a l - k u r - r a in the U r III composition D U r . 95, and in the
O ld Babylonian incantation against Lamastu he is called lu g a l-g id im -m a
(TOS 11, 88:33). lu g a l k i- g u - la is the epithet o f Ningiszida in an Old
Babylonian balbale-hymn (SGL II, 81—107, line 32), and one of Nergal’s
names in the comprehensive Old Babylonian god-list ( T C L 15, 10:451).
Nergal is also called l u g a l - u 4-sû -[a ] “lord ofsunset” in Isme-daganT:27.
Since a queen ruled the netherworld, and neither Gilgames nor Ningiszida
were kings o f the netherworld, the title l u g a l cannot be interpreted simply
as “king.” In analogy to Gilgames and Ningiszida, quite likely even Nergal
was not yet considered king o f the netherworld. Since all three deities have
the title l u g a l , its meaning is probably their comm on denominator, and that
is their warlike quality. That Nergal is primarily a god o f war needs no proof.
In the balbalc-hymn to Ningiszida he appears and is praised as a warrior. As
for Gilgames, the gifts that he received from Urnamma, battle gear, make
manifest that he was seen as a warrior as well (see appendix 5/b). The position
of Gilgames in the netherworld was never the highest and, therefore, the
same conclusion probably also applies to his epithet lu g a l-g id im -m a .
I conclude, therefore, that in the context ofthe netherworld, the title l u g a l
indicates neither “king” nor the consort ofthe queen; it is rather an important
role of military nature.
3.3.3. g u -z a -la “c h a ir-b e a re r”
The chair-bearer office is attested in archival texts from the Old Akkadian to
the O ld Babylonian periods, and later it occurs in literary texts as a divine
title.150The office was most probably ascribed to the organization ofthe neth-
erworld following the model of the terrestrial city administration.
The function of chair-bearer of the netherworld is attested in texts since
the Old Babylonian period and attributed to Ningiszida. The myth “Ningis-
zida’s Journey to the Netherw orld” tells about the capture o f the young god
Ningiszida by the g a l l a and his sailing with them in a boat to the netherworld.
After his arrival in the netherworld, he is appointed g u - z a -1 â - k u r - r a - k e4.
At that point the text is badly preserved and, so, the exact course of events
escapes us:ISI
150, See CAD G, 146-47; AHw, 300 s.v. guzallû.

151. For the text edition, see Jacobsen and Alster, 2000. Alster referred to it in his
previous publications as “Damu and His Sisters.” However, the only sister
73'. é-ba la-ba-te-te [ ]

74'. ki-deres-ki-gal-la-k[a ]
75'. gâ-e ama-mu ki-âg-g[â ]
76'. za-e ga]5-lâ-gal-bi hé-m e-en [ ]
77'. nam-gu-za-lâ-kur-ra-sè su[-ni-sè ba-an-sum]
73'. “Do not approach that house [ ]
74'. The place of Ereskigal [do not approach ]”
75'. “I am, my beloved mother, [ ]”
76'. “May you become the greatest o f the g a l l a ”
77'. The office of chair-bearer o f the netherworld [in his] hands [was
entrusted]”
The title “chair-bearer o f the netherworld” is exclusive to Ningiszida, and
in this capacity he is often mentioned in texts from the Old Babylonian period
onward, particularly in incantation texts.152 Among the deities o f the neth-
erworld in the U r III text o f D U r , however, Ningiszida is called sul u r-s a g
“hero, warrior,” which suggests an image ofayoung soldier. The list indicates
that in the U r III period he was a major netherworld god but not the chair-
bearer. Apparently, then, he was invested w ith this role later, when local
incarnations of young dying god were assimilated with Dumuzi. The process
of the syncretism, which was concluded in the Old Babylonian period,
brought about a change in Ningiszida’s divine properties, and he became the
chair-bearer. Because this Old Babylonian mythological lament clearly
mentions n a m - gu - z a -1 â - k u r - r a- k e4,1 conclude that despite its eclectic
nature the narrative actually focuses on Ningiszida (not Damu) and its objec-
mentioned by name in this text is Amasilama, Ningiszida’s sister. The appointment

of Ningiszida as chair-bearer of the netherworld is the climax of the narrative and
certainly the objective of the myth. Correspondingly, therefore, the reconstruction
of the verb inline 77' should be different, perhaps su - [n i-sè b a-an -su m ] or the
like. The affiliation of this text to the laments of the young dying god is made clear
by the repetitious listing of different incarnations, also found in Edina-usagake and
ersemma no. 88 of Dumuzi and Duttur. Some passages suggest that’the text had a
liturgical purpose. For more passages, see chapter 1.3.2.1/a, b. The journey of
Ningiszida to the netherworld is also narrated in an OldBabylonian Akkadian myth.
Unfortunately the tablet is so badly preserved that the course of events cannot be
properly understood. The text U E'T6, 395 was published by W. G. Lambert “A
New Babylonian Descent to the Netherworld” in T. Abusch et al., 1990, 289-300
(Moran AV). Perhaps the Akkadian myth was inspired by this Sumerian myth-
ological lament rather than by ID.
152. A few examples are: “Incantation to U tu” in Alster, 1991, 67:237-38; YOS 11,
88:82; PBS 102, 13:12; AfO 14 (1941-44): 146 line 125; K A R 227 r. iii 18.
tive cannot be other than to tell, exegetically, why and how he became the
chair-bearer of the netherworld.153
3.3.4. d u b - s a r - m a h - a - r a - li - k e 4 “c h ie f scribe o f a r a l i ”
The function of the scribe of the netherworld is summarized in an incantation

that deals with a victim of the evil spirits, U d u g h u l 284—86 (appendix 6/c):
“W ithout Ningestinanna, the gre[at scjribe o f a r a l i , he does not enter the
road o f the kur, he will not cross the path of the netherworld.” Since the
scribe does not determine destinies, who will live and who will die, it seems
that she holds a list o f those w ho were destined to die and has to authorize
their admission to the netherworld. In her absence the list cannot be checked
and consequently the victim cannot be allowed to enter. There can be little
doubt that this function is a reflection o f the importance attached to the role
o f the scribe in the administration o f the terrestrial city.
Tw o goddesses appear as the scribe o f the netherworld: Gestinanna, the
sister o f Dumuzi (Old Babylonian: U d u g h u l 284 in appendix 6 /c) and Nina-
zimua, the wife of Ningiszida (Ur III: D U r . 127). Gestinanna andNinazimua
are related to two local incarnations o f the young dying god, but in the
inscriptions o f Gudea of Lagas they appear as two names o f the wife of
Ningiszida (Steible, 1991/1,230-31, statue M, ii x—4 and i b id ., 234-35, Statue
O ; their assimilation is treated in appendix 9/f). Since a r a l i is associated with
Dumuzi— that was the place where he tended his flock and was eventually
killed•—originally the title must have been attached to the name o f his sister.
Gestinanna (DD 21).154
3.3.5. 1 -du8 “g a te k e e p e r ”
The gatekeeper of the netherworld is Bitu. His name is derived from the
imperative form of the Akkadian verb p e t û “ open,”155 and constitutes a
153. The eclectic nature of the text can be explained against the background of its
composition in the Old Babylonian period. Since it was composed in the Old
Babylonian period, it is a compilation based on existing laments that were circulated
in the scribal schools. For that reason the identity âfthe specific divinity at its center
appears to be somewhat blurred, and becomes clear only with the mention of nam -
g u - z a - la - k u r- r a - k e 4.
154. In D D 21, while Dumuzi is still alive in arali, he describes Gestinanna as dub-sar
“scribe.” Later texts in which she appears with this title are probably based on the
early tradition (C T 16, 3:95 orEbeling, ArOr 2 1 (1953): 388 line 66.
!5$. The reading of the name was suggested by Cavigneaux on the basis of the phonetic
writing of the name in a Tell Haddad incantation; see A. Cavigneaux and F. Al-
Rawi, R A 76 (1982): 189-90; ibid., Z A 85 (1995): 198 line 42 with commentary on
THE SOCIETAL ASPECT T75
personification of the demand to open the gate. The name of the office, 1-
du8, is Sumerian.
The occurrence o f the office implies that the netherworld was seen as a
region enclosed hy a wall. Since Sumerian cities were walled, it is no wonder
that the term designating the office existed in Sumerian. But the Akkadian
origin of the gatekeeper’s name suggests that the specific concept of a gate-
keeper of the netherworld is Semitic. I assume, therefore, that the concept
of the netherworld as a fortified city-state reflects an early Semitic influence
on Sumerian religious thought.156
3.3.6. e n - g a l - a - r a - li “g r e a t lo rd o f a r a l i ”
en-gal is a divine epithet o f Enki (Geller, 1985, lines 6, 34, 39, 62), U tu
(Alster, 1991, 38:3), Enlil (JM 39, 6:3; Sjöberg, 1969, 27:182), and Ninsubur
( R I M E 4, E4.2.14.12-13). e n - g a l - a - r a - li is U tu’s epithet in “The First
Elegy of the Pushkin M useum” (1. 88), in his capacity as the judge o f the dead.
The use of the term a r a l i indicates that the epithet was formulated after a r a l i
no longer indicated an actual geographical location, but became a mytho-
logical region designating “netherworld.” The date of the change in the
perception of a r a l i cannot be established with certainty. But it stands to reason
that it emerged as a result of the assimilation into Dumuzi o f the different local
incarnations o f the young dying gods, probably at the beginning o f the Old
Babylonian period.
As a divine epithet, e n -g a l could not have been taken from the admin-
istrative system of the city-state. Since, however, it could hardly manifest an
abstract idea, it may have originated in the organization o f the realm o f the
gods as it was reflected in the temple precinct.
3.3.7. sita6- k i- g a l- la “sita - p r ie s t o f th e n e th e r w o r ld ”
This title is attributed to Ninazu in the hymn to his temple Egida in Enegi.157
Van Dijk maintains that the sita fi-priest was originally more important than
the l u g a l and that he stood at the top of the Sumerian hierarchy before the
l u g a l became the head o f state.158 Lambert, on the other hand, suggests that
p. 206. For other discussions on the name, see K.H. Deller, N .A .B.U . (1991/1): 14-
16, no. 18; Kh. Nashef, N .A .B.U . (1991/4): 67, no. 97.
156. A similar conclusion, that the name of the gatekeeper indicates a Semitic influence
on the Sumerian religion, was suggested also by Deller, op. cit., 15.
157. Sjöberg, 1969, 27:182.
158. Van Dijk, 1985, 37. He based himself on the earliest sources of the list Lû sa (M SL
12, 10:14).
this office was inferior to the l u g a l , since Ninazu was already inferior to
Nergal in the middle o f the third millennium.159 In the temple establishment
the office of s ita 6 is associated with ritual bathing. W hy it was bestowed on
Ninazu is not clear.160Perhaps it is related to the function ofEnegi as a sacred
place for the cult o f the dead161 or to his cult in Esnunna, since ritual bathing:
is mentioned in the hymn to his Esnunna temple.162163
3.3.8. s u k k a l- k i- g a l- la - k u r - r a ‫ ־‬ke4 “v i z i e r o f th e b ig p la c e
o f th e n e th e r w o r ld ’’
In an early OldBabylonian hymn to Nergal this is the epithet ofNinsubur.'T

The tradition that attributed the office of vizier to Ninsubur is firmly estab- ■
lished, though not so much in whose service she held it. In a building inscrip-
tion of Gudea, Ninsubur is s u k k a l- a n -n a , “vizier of An.”164 The same
159. Lambert, 1980, 61-62. In view of the development o f Sumerian urban society by
the middle of the third millennium, lu g a I probably became the prominent state
official. But the relative positions of s ita 6 and l u g a l before that cannot be deter-
mined.
160. Note that according to the instructions o f Gilgames to Enkidu, G E N 185—88,
ablutions contrasted with the condition o f netherworld residents. On the other
hand, in J)( Ji97‫ ־‬Ereskigal receives oil from the dead king, which was used to anoint
the body, customarily after bathing.
161. Sjöberg, op. tit., line 179: the offering pipe of the netherworld. A funeral offering
delivered toEN .D lM .G IG for the k i-a -n a g of Susin’s mother Abisimti (A 5503,:
in Steinkeller, Acta Sum 3 [1981]: 86), in conjunction with two passages fi'omSulgi!
hymns (SulgiD 307-11 and SulgiX 91-94) suggests that E N .DIM.GIG is another■
name for Ninazu’s cult center Enegi. So Klein, 1981, p. 114 with previous biblio-
graphy. Steinkeller (op. cil., pp. 86-87) disagrees and prefers to identify it with;
Diqdiqah cemetery in the vicinity ofUr. It is difficult, however, to match Diqdiqah:
to the references to EN.DfM .GIG in the Sulgi hymns. Also, even if Enegi was.
somewhat further upstream from Ur, there is no reason to assume that this particular;
funeral offering must be in the immediate vicinity of Ur rather than in a special
center for the cult of the dead. Since the precise location ofEnegi has not yet beeil
established, the circumstantial evidence of the texts is in favor of the identification:
with EN.DfM .GIG.
162. In the hymn to the Esikil in Esnunna, the term for ritual bathing is s u -lu h not sita4
(Sjöberg, 1969, 42:428). See also van Dijk, i960, 125-30; Renger, Z A 59 (1969):
13off
163. Van Dijk, i960, 37:40 (TCL 15, 25). For the role of the sukkal, see Wiggermann,;■
JE O L 29 (1985-86): 3-34.
164. Gudea 73, Steible, 1991/1, 337. The inscription was found in Uruk.
epithet is attested in the U r III hymn (to Ninsubur?) B L 195.165 In I D

Ninsubur is the vizier o f Inanna. In a dedication inscription o f Rimsin to
Ninsubur as heavenly male deity the tide is s u k k a l-m a h .106 s u k k a l is
attested also on a number o f Old Babylonian seals.1
651167Presumably there were
two parallel traditions concerning Ninsubur’s divinity; up until Hammurabi’s
time some sources present Ninsubur as male and some as female, some as a
netherworld and some as a heavenly deity. For the third millennium and early
Old Babylonian period there is enough evidence to connect Ninsubur with
the netherworld, in Pre-Sargonic Lagas related to dm e s-a n -D U and in the
Old Babylonian god-lists related to Meslamtaea.168 Afterward, Ninsubur
appears only as a male, unrelated to the netherworld.
3.4. L a w a n d N o r m s in th e N e t h e r w o r ld
The main characteristic ofa communal life is the institution oflaw and norms
to regulate the relationship between the individual members o f the commu-
nity and between individuals and the establishment. Sanctioned customs,
principles, and laws propel the narratives o f I D , G E N , and D U r , indicating
that the netherworld was conceived as a community resembling a terrestrial
city-state.
3.4.1. m e-ku1‫־‬-ra “th e m e o f th e n e th e r w o r ld ”
The list of me in “Inanna and Enki”169 indicates that the me, created by the
gods, are the source o f all the properties o f civilization and especially o f the
socio-political order. It is by their force that all offices and authorities were
founded. Thus, the term me embodies the essence o f all aspects of life, all the
institutions, offices, and functions in the Sumerian world.170 The term m e -
kur -ra implies that the netherworld was also governed by divinely sane-
tionedlaws and norms. The nature o f the m e o f the netherworld is revealed
in two texts, D U r and I D .
165. VanDijk, i960, 53.

166. Rimsin I 7; R IM E 4, 287-89, Rimsin I E4.2.14.12 and 13.
167. RA 75 (1981): 101; D. Collon, Cylinder Seals III, nos. 52, 191, 242, 361, 394, 544.
168. Selz, 1995a, 264-66 and T C L 15, 10:413 resp.
169. Farber-Fiiigge, 1973, 54ff.
170. The meaning of the term me was discussed at length in Farber-Fiiigge, 1973 ; idem,
RIA 7, 610-13; Cavigneaux, J C S 30 (1978): 177-85.
!7 8 THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
a. DU r 98-99
Urnamma, the dead king of Ur, offers the gods of the netherworld gifts that
befit their divine character. Among the gifts that he gives to Ereskigal are:
98. tugrdugud tugsuluh tugpala nam-nin-a
99. r... e1-sar-dalla me-kur-ra
98. A heavy garment, a long fleeced garment, z p a l a - g o w n of queen-
ship
99. .. .a shining house(?) for the me of the netherworld.171
These items testify that Ereskigal was queen of the netherworld, that the m e
were associated with a ruler, and that they were symbolized by actual objects
that belonged to the queen of the netherworld.
b. ID 162—63 and 193—94

In I D the m e are mentioned in two different contexts. First, by the gate-
keeper in a repetitive formula, aimed to silence Inanna’s protests against the
order to remove items o f her apparel (appendix 1/b:162—63):
162. “Be silent Inanna! The me of the netherworld are accomplished
163. Inanna, do not op en your m outh against the sacred customs o f the
netherworld.”
In this formula the focus is on the function of the m e , not on their actual
representation, m e and g a r z a form a parallelism and, therefore, the m e are
either similar to g a r z a or the medium that endows the g a r z a with divine
legal force. By his choice o f terms, the gatekeeper generates the impression
that the clothes of the dead are removed on the way to the netherworld as
a matter of sacred custom sanctioned by the divine m e of the netherworld.
Later in the plot the term m e is used by Enlil, answering Ninsubur’s appeal
to rescue Inanna from the netherworld (appendix 1/d):
193. “The o f the k a r are m e that are not to be coveted, he who
m e
reaches [them, the k a r ] will reach.
194. W ho, having reached that (of the m e ) place could demand [to
come up]?
Enlil’s answer denotes that the m e were actual objects, that Inanna reached
and probably touched them. His statement means that the physical contact
between Inanna and the m e justifies her fate to remain in the netherworld.
That the m e are actual objects, as in Enlil’s speech, corresponds with and
complements the meaning implied by D U r : the m e o f the netherworld are
171. The meaning of é - s a r is uncertain, but the é suggests that it was a type of container.
objects that belong to Ereskigal.172 Inanna too had m e that were concrete
objects; the first things she took in preparation for the journey to the neth-
erworld were “the seven m e she girded to her loin” ( I D : 14).
I D presents the two aspects of the m e : the physical representation and the
conceptual essence. Yet, the implication of m e according to Enlil seems to
contradict its meaning in the address of the gatekeeper to Inanna. Enlil’s
answer to Ninsubur indicates that Inanna committed a severe offense against
the m e of the netherworld, an offense that results unconditionally in the death
penalty. Since, however, Inanna obeyed Bitu’s orders and removed items of
her attire, she actually complied with the m e of the netherworld; she neither
breached them nor reached them as Enlil argued, and in the process she even
lost her own m e . Assuming that Enlil and Bitu referred to the same thing, then
the death verdict decreed for Inanna is not elucidated by or related to her
entrance into the netherworld. All the more so since Inanna is a goddess, not
a mortal being. After her submissive entrance to the netherworld Inanna
performed one action only. Intending to execute her original plan, she
shoved Ereskigal from her throne and took her seat on it. The throne is a
symbol of kingship, and since kingship is exercised by force of m e , the throne
probably embodied the m e — the throne of Ereskigal is one representation of
her ownership of the m e of the netherworld. Consequently, Inanna touched
and reached the m e of the netherworld by sitting on the throne o f Ereskigal,
as Enlil pointed out to Ninsubur. In actual reality this is an act of usurpation
for which the penalty was death.
The m e o f a deity are at the core o f his divine nature, the source of his
power and authority. The gods received their m e from the great gods An,
Enlil, and Enki, who determined the role and the status o f each god. They
defined the structure of the pantheon and consequently imprinted it with
holy permanence.173 Changing the ownership of m e means a structural
172. Note that in Tinney, 1996, 108—9 (NL 168): me ib - b ir - a - b i k i-b i-s è in -g a r-
ra-àm , Tinney translates “scattered rituals.” However, the verbs bir, “scatter” and
ki—gar “put in place” indicate that the m e are actual objects, not abstract matters
that can only be cancelled, nullified, disturbed, etc. It seems to me, therefore, that
in NL, as in ID, the text refers to an actual object that is the concrete representation
of divine power. Tinney’s translation “ritual” brings to mind the garza referred to
by the gatekeeper. In the Akkadian myth IsD, the reference to the me was omitted
from the address of the gatekeeper, who refers only to garza. The omission may
indicate that in the second millennium no distinction was made between m e and
garza. However, for the Sumerians these were different concepts: m e represented
the source of things, not the thing itself, whereas the garza received validity from
the m e and, therefore, it is a sacred custom or ritual.
173. That m e were bestowed by the great gods explains their sacredness and the
modification ofthe pantheon, which is the prerogative of only the great gods
who defined it. Therefore, taking the m e by force is not only an offense
against their legitimate owner, but particularly against the great gods and the
institution of the pantheon. That Inanna pulled Ereskigal from her throne
was an offense against Ereskigal. But her attempt to sit on the queen’s throne
in her stead was an offense against the great gods as well as Ereskigal. At the
same time, Ereskigal could take away the m e of Inanna without risking any
repercussions. This is because Inanna penetrated the confines o fth e author-
ity, which was conferred on Ereskigal by the m e of the netherworld when
entrusted to her. These m e are not m e - e r e s - k i- g a l- la , these are m e-
k u r -r a , which define the realm o f the dead.
The relationship between the m e in general and the sovereignty o f the
netherworld by force of m e - k u r - r a shows that the same principles guided
the social order in the realm o f the dead as in the world o f the living. The
implementation of these principles demanded a total separation o f the two
worlds, otherwise they might merge. Inanna cannot reside in both worlds;
if she wants to be in the netherworld she must give up her heavenly me174.‫׳‬
The same principle applies to Ereskigal and the other residents and deities of
the netherworld, who cannot leave it and move to the world of the living.
The relationship between Enlil’s answer to Ninsubur, the description of
Inanna taking her m e as protection and losing them at the gates o f the neth-
erworld, and her attempt to usurp its leadership emphasize the separation of
the two worlds. Moreover, it indicates that Inanna’s attempt to combine
them was doomed to fail. Thus, Enlil’s speech implies a view that the neth-
erworld parallels the world o f the living, that it is regulated by the same prin-
ciples and norms, but totally separated as an alternative entity to the world of
the living.
3.4.2. â - â g - g â - k u r - r a
The term â -â g -g â (Akkadian têrtu ) means “instruction,” “order,” and the
verb “give instruction.” By definition this term reflects social hierarchy.
immunity they granted their owners. For that reason Inanna took her own seven
m e with her when she went to the netherworld (11. 14-15, 102-4). Her seven m e
must be the items that she removed from her body at each of the seven gates, since
the text does not say explicitly that Inanna had to remove the m e . This also explains
Ereskigal’s demand to remove Inanna’s attire after she is subjugated.
174. Therefore, Inanna lost her own m e during her entrance into the netherworld, that
is, before she grabbed Ereskigal in the act of usurpation for which she was put to
death.
In the Sumerian theology â -â g -g â usually signifies regulations, customs

and order in general, but also in relation to An and Enlil, the two gods who
are the source o f authority. Their â- âg - gâ often refers to the establishing o f
cosmic order, while deities o f lower rank were the executors o f â -â g -g â .
When the term is used with relation to human beings it signifies the a d h oc
orders or instructions o f an authorized person. Three texts m ention the a -
âg-gâ o f the netherworld, all o f them O ld Babylonian: a balbale-hymn to
Ningiszida, an incantation to Utu, and G E N .
a. BALBALE-HYMN TO NINÖlSZIDA 3 2 175
In the hymn to Ningiszida â -â g -g â seems to signify the system that regulates

the netherworld and is executed by the god:
32. lu g a l k i-g u - la â -â g -g â turn ki D U -b i t u m - m u - d è
32. k in g , w h o carries o u t o rd er in th e n e th e r w o r ld , to b r in g a b o u t th e
cu sto m s o f th e p la c e .176
The nature o f the â -â g -g â is not outlined, but the parallelism between the
two members o f the sentence suggests that without â -â g -g â there is no law
and order in the netherworld.
b. INCANTATION TO U T U 2 5 8 - 6 1 177
The incantation to U tu links the judgm ent o f the dead by Utu/Samas with
th eâ -âg -g â o f the netherworld. After Utu/Samas pronounces thejudgm ent
of the dead, the sick man would praise him (1. 244) and order would return
to the netherworld:178
175. The hymn is known from a single source, T C L 15, 25, pi. LXIII. An edition of the
text is van Dijk, i960, 81-107. The text is a typical god hymn. It mainly comprises
epithets that portray the god as a deity of many functions. The main characteristics
of Ningiszida are three: warrior, lord of growth and fertility, and leader in the
netherworld.
176. In view of Ningiszida’s rank in the netherworld, k i-g u -la is probably not a
genitive as in “lord of the netherworld,” but a locative. For DU, note van Dijk’s
interpretation is DU = ara6 = a-ra = alaktu. Since ki D U -bi stands in parallelism
to k i-g u -la â-âg -g â, this interpretation seems the most plausible although there
are no other examples of it. The meaning o f turn "bring” has to be expanded to
accommodate the context.
177. The text, dated to Ammisaduqa, was edited twice: Castellino, 1969 and Alster, 1991.
In view of the date, it is more likely that the god’s name reads Samas rather than Utu.
178. Translation according to Alster, 1991, 78.
258. gen-na na-an-gub-bé-en

259. dutulugal-an-ki-bi-da-ke4x-naba?-an-gub-be-en
260. u4-bi â-âg-gâ-kur-ra-ke4 si sâ-sâ-e
261. an hé-da-hûl ki hé-da-hul
258. Come, do not wait!
259. Utu, king of heaven and earth, come(?) do not(?) wait!
260. O n that day, at the attainment of the order of the netherworld
261. May heaven rejoice, may earth rejoice.
c. G E N 243 to end
The nature of the â -â g -g â of the netherworld is elucidated in G E N (from
line 243 to the end). Gilgames asks the spirit of Enkidu (seen in a dream) to
tell him the â -â g -g â of the netherworld. In his answer Enkidu describes the
situation of different spirits. Thus, the â- âg - gâ are the regulations that deter-
mine the social and economic status of the dead.
The description ofthe complex socio-economic hierarchy w ith â -â g -g â
indicates that the internal organization of the netherworld was subject to
cosmic order, and that the condition o f the spirits was determined by fixed
regulations, prescribed and imposed on the dead. These regulations emerge
from the questions of Gilgames and from Enkidu’s answers. Both reflect thé
social and economic reality o f the Sumerian city and imply that the quality
of the existence after the death corresponds to terrestrial social standards. It
appears, therefore, that the actual reality of the world o f the living was applied,
to the realm o f the dead and, consequently, that the netherworld was con-
ceived as paralleling the world o f the living, namely southern Mesopotamia.
Enkidu’s account reflects a moraljudgment of the way oflife itself, because
he links the condition of the spirit w ith its positive or negative conduct in his
previous life. This approach is rather optimistic, for it grants a person the
control over his destiny after death by complying with given standards; those
who lead a decent family life will secure a pleasant existence for their spirits
in the netherworld. However, if this was the current view o f the afterlife why
was death so frightening? Presumably, this optimism suits the literary objec-
tive of the narrative: Gilgames, who learned that death is unavoidable and is
the fate of humanity, must come to terms with it.179 Therefore, Enkidu’s
179. In addition to the compiled Akkadian version of the Epic of Gilgames, in the
Sumerian tales Gilgames’s fear of death echoes his dream in D Gil (see also Klein,
1990, 64). That two Gilgames tales deal with the death of Gilgames, and in both the
subject is treated in a dream, suggests not only a correspondence on a literary level,
but that the death of a great and deified king was an issue of much concern.
answers were probably designed to pacify Gilgames by indicating that there

is an opportunity to gain agreeable and respectable existence after death. By
linking the condition o f the dead with previous conduct during life, he
advises Gilgames on how to lead his own life, offering him hope for the
future.180 Thus, the account has a didactic objective, mitigation of the pain
of death through the proper conduct o f one’s life. The designation â -â g -g â
and its extension to a wide range o f social circumstances invest this objective
with a deep universal sense. Yet, Enkidu’s optimistic account contradicts his
warning to Gilgames that both o f them will cry should he recount the â- â g -
180. For a detailed discussion o f Enkidu’s account, see Abusch, 1986. Abusch discusses
the twelfth tablet of the later Akkadian edition of the Epic of Gilgames in relation
to the sixth tablet of the same edition. He maintains that the importance of the
description is in its educational value. It focuses on the destiny of a mortal man
(Gilgames was part divine and part human) to induce the reconciliation of Gilgames
the human being with his fate to die, and to endow him with the knowledge of the
norms and regulations of the netherworld in preparation toward becoming a
netherworld god. As such, according to Abusch, and in order to express the
awareness that all living beings are destined to die, it was added as the twelfth and
last tablet of the Gilgames Epic (p. 186). Hence, Abusch ascribes to Enkidu’s account
two objectives, the one particular to Gilgames and the other universal.
Since our text is an Old Babylonian Sumerian source of the Akkadian version,
which was an independent narrative, we cannot automatically link it with the
episode of the sixth tablet or with “Gilgames and the Bull of Heaven.” If the episode
is unrelated to Inanna’s proposal to Gilgames, there is no evidence that it is aimed
at instructing Gilgames about the regulations of the netherworld. All the more so
since the instructions that Gilgames gives Enkidu before he goes to the netherworld
—which are closer to the Sumerian concept of the netherworld—indicate that
Gilgames knew the order of the netherworld quite well. And since his divine descent
was already taken into account in DGil, Abusch’s first objective, to instruct Gilgames
andprepare him for the role of a netherworld god, does not apply to the independent
Sumerian version. As for the second object, the universal message indeed seems to
be einbeddedin the Sumerian ox‫־‬iginal. Enkidu ’s account is artificial and speculative,
and the descriptions of the well-attended spirits contradict the prevalent Sumerian
belief about the physical conditions in the netherworld. At the same time, it makes
manifest that the individual can control his destiny. It is over optimistic and,
therefore, hints at an aspiration to create a positive psychological attitude toward
death. Therefore, the purpose of Enkidu’s account is to be a source of hope and
consolation to Gilgames, helping him to overcome his fear of death and to come
to terms with it. As such, it carries a universal message, applicable to allhuman beings,
not just to Gilgames. The recent publication of D Gil from Tell Haddad intensifies
this impression, as if Gilgames is just a metaphor. In D Gil the issue is that the great
king is not only mortal, but also deified. Thereby D Gil actually answers a real
problem: What is the fate of a deified king, such as Sulgi? On the other hand, being
an actual problem of some kings’ makes it somewhat less universal.
gâ of the netherworld (11.248-49). Thereby, he makes manifest that the view

of an afterlife existence was not at all promising— the description of the bodily
remains is distressing and so is the existence of some categories of spirits,
although it is mostly subject to the degree of compliance with the terrestrial
social standards. The gruesome components ofEnkidu’s account correspond
with the common concept of the netherworld, whereas the optimistic atti-
tude is rare. In view of the obvious purpose and literary needs of the compo-
sition, it seems likely that in order to maintain a degree of credibility, the
description of the â -â g -g â could not be completely divorced from the
common speculations about the netherworld. Since the detailed information
about the â -â g -g â of the netherworld is unique to G E N , we cannot ascer-
tain that Enkidu’s principle optimistic attitude to afterlife existence reflects
a common view. Its gloomy parts, however, reflect the actual state of a dead
corpse and thereby expose the source of the fear. Therefore, the combination
with optimism suggests that the account was generated by a growing concern
about life and death.
G E N and the incantation to U tu express the notion that the â -â g -g â is
about the proper classification of the dead in the netherworld., that the spirits
are allotted their befitting fates. The difference between these two compo-
sitions is in the implementation of this notion. According to the incantation
to Utu, the â -â g -g â of the netherworld is accomplished by means o fU tu ’s
judgment of the dead. G E N links the fate o f the dead directly with their
previous conduct of life. U tu’s judgm ent o f the dead is not mentioned in
G E N , nor is other divine intervention. Judgment o f the dead, in general, and
U tu’s function as the judge o f the dead, in particular, are not mentioned in
texts earlier than the Old Babylonian period. Since both texts date to the Old
Babylonian period, this difference may indicate that G E N , which is known
from Isin-Larsa copies, is earlier than the incantation to U tu and perhaps its
origin is in the U r III period. As for the â -â g -g â o f the netherworld in the
balbale-hymn to Ningiszida, the meaning remains unclear. The hym n does
not mention Ningiszida’s function as chair-bearer o f the netherworld, only
elaborates his properties as a warrior and god of fertility. Perhaps the idea was
common knowledge and therefore a laconic reference was enough.
3.4.3. k a - a s - k u r - r a / d i - k u r - r a
Judgment of the dead is hardly mentioned in the Sumerian texts. Inanna’s trial
in I D does not fall into this category, because Inanna is, in principle, immor-
tal; she entered the netherworld naked but alive and was extraordinarily put
to death after the trial. Therefore, although the trial took place in the neth-
erworld, herjudges, the Anunna, were not the judges of the netherworld or
3fthe dead, but of the Sumerian pantheon, the judges of the gods.181 So far
:here are five Sumerian texts that mention a judgment in the netherworld,
rhree Old Babylonian texts in which Utu/Samas appears as the judge of the
dead and two texts that originated in the U r III period — D U r and D G i l — do
not mention Utu.
a. DUr 138-44
DU r describes the decision about Urnamma’s position in the netherworld as
r01lows:
138. inim-dujj-ga deres-ki-gal-la-ka-ta
139. érin glstukul-[e] en-na ba-ug5-ga
140. lu-nam-tag-ga en-na ba-rzu?-x 1-a
141. lugal-la su-ni-sè im-ma-ab-sum-mu-ne
142. u rA a m m a ki-bi-sè [ ]-es im-[ ]
143. ses-ki-âg-gâ-ni dgilgam[es-ra]
144. e-ne di-kur-ra 1-ku5‫ ־‬dè ka-as-kur-ra 1-bar-re
138. Following the command of Ereskigal
139. Soldiers as much as were killed by weapon,
140. Sinners as m uch as were ...
141. They give to the hand of the king.
142. They [ ] Urnamma to its place,
143. W ith his beloved brother Gilgames
144. He determines the judgm ent of the netherworld; he decides the
verdict o f the netherworld.
Ereskigal, queen o f the netherworld, made the decision about Umamma,
appointed Urnamma to be a judge. The phrasing implies that he was made
the equal o f Gilgames, who was also a judge according to D G i l (M:82). In
analogy to line 139, which states that he received command o f the dead
soldiers (érin g1st u k u 1), the broken fine 140 states that he was also in charge
of the sinners ( lu - n a m - ta g - g a ) . Thereby the couplet embraces the two
central functions o f a king: as head o f the army, and as supreme judge who
is responsible for law and order in his land.
This is the earliest textual evidence for the belief that the dead were subject
to judgment in the netherworld. Utu, who was known as the judge o f the
181. Inanna was subjected to trial by the great gods and was put to death because she made
an attempt to seize the m e of the netherworld, which had been entrusted to
Ereskigal by them. Thus, she was convicted for usurpation of the rulership of the
netherworld, in violation of the cosmic order. See also above, section 3.4.1/b in
relation to m e-kur-ra.
dead from later texts, is not mentioned in this text at all and, therefore, the
belief in U tu ’s judgm ent is not earlier than the Old Babylonian period.
It seems rather unlikely that the text would stand in contradiction to
current theological notions. That Ereskigal the queen or some other prom-
inent netherworld deity should determine the fate of the dead is understand-
able and, therefore, this is probably the theological core of the account. As
for dead kings, however, in the absence o f contemporary evidence, their
function as judges cannot be verified. The later evidence from the Akkadian
epic of Gilgames suggests that kings enjoyed a privileged position in the neth-
erworld.Ite Y et, by that time the j udgment of the dead was believed to belong
to Utu/Samas and, therefore, this evidence is not applicable for the third
millennium.
The prominent function that was designated for Urnamma is rationalized
by the political and ideological purpose o f the composition.182183 His respon-
sibilities closely resemble those he had in life, especially those o f a judge as
phrased inline 144. The style echoes the description o f Sulgi’s duty to bring
justice to the land (Sumer) in Sulgi Hym n X: 143—44.184 The stylistic parai-
lelism and proximity in time o f Sulgi Hym n X to D U r suggests a conceptual
association between the two compositions. The moral values for which Sulgi
was striving are narrated in Sulgi Hymn X: 145—47: “ (So that) the strong does
not oppress the weak, the m other says pleasing (words) to her son, the son
speaks truth to his father.”185 Thus, a central place in Sulgi’s concept ofjustice
is occupied by the mutual respect of parents and children. The same idea
appears explicitly as part of the â- âg- gâ ofthe netherworld in G E N , in refer-
ence to the fate of the impertinent son ( U E T 6, 58:8—11). It appears that in
parallel to terrestrial values of social justice, a mechanism to guard them was
also applied to the netherworld. Even if political reasons dictated the eleva-
tion of Umamma’s status in the netherworld, the duty of the king to guard
182. Gilgames Epic, Tablet VII, iv 41—44 (11. 195—98). Serving the great gods is not
degrading but a privilege.
183. Assuming that it was commissioned by Sulgi, the appearance ofhis father as an equal
to the netherworld gods served his purpose of preparing the grounds for his own
deification. The analogy to Gilgames also points to that effect.
184. Klein, 1981, 144-45.
185. Translation ofKlein, op. cit. These very same elements appear as the foundation of
the worthy society in Gudea Cylinder A xii 21-xiii 15. Further evidence of the
importance of mutual respect among members of a community and the good
relations between sons and their parents is N L 284-88.
the foundations ofjustice and proper social order probably provided the theo-
logical grounds to grant him the same role after death.186
The terms d i - k u r - r a / k a - a s - k u r - r a , and the appointment of the king
to implement them, suggest that the netherworld was conceived as a social
and political entity in terms o f historical reality. That these terms parallel d i-
kalam -m a / g a -r a s sa1-k a la m -m a , by which Sulgi defined his duty to
guard the fundamental principles o f social justice, suggests that the nether-
world was visualized as a counterpart to Sumer.
b. D G il 80-83
Enki reminded Enlil and An that after the flood the gods took oath that
humankind would be mortal. H e concluded that Gilgames was no exception,
that he could not escape death despite his divine mother. Directly following
Enki’s speech, without a syntactic element to mark a change o f speakers, Enlil
pronounces the decision about the status and function o f Gilgames in the
netherworld. First Enlil addresses the assembly (in the 3rd per. sg.), and then
Gilgames (2nd per. sg.):
80. dGIS.BfL-ga-mes g[idi]m-bi-ta ki-ta ug5-ga
81. sagina-kur-ra h é -a k -V IGI.DU gidim hé-nam
82. di-da m u-un-ku5-da ka-as-b[ar x-b]ar-re
83. dun -ga-a.-zu inim dnin-gis-zi-rda’ 11dum u-Gi-da-gin^ ba-e-
dugud
80. “From below, among its (of the netherworld’s) spirits who are
dead,187 Gilgames
81. W ould act as a governor o f the netherworld, the chief spirit may
he be!.
82. He will determine justice, he will decide verdict.”
83. “Your say is weighty like the word of Ningiszida and Dum uzi.”
Enlil’s speech makes clear that Gilgames was designated as ajudge in the neth-
erworld. Enlil was willing to grant Gilgames eternal life as a reward for his
186. It stands to reason that for the same purpose, to elevate the status of Urnamma, he
was paired with Gilgames, who also appears as ajudge of the dead. Note that in lines
92—95 Urnamma offers Gilgames presents suitable for a warrior.
187. The possessive suffix with the ablative postposition /- b i - ta / indicates that gidim
is linked to ki-1 a, the spirits of the netherworld, rather than to Gilgames. The phrase
emphasizes that Gilgames is mortal and that when he dies, his human dead spirit will
be a gidim like that of any other human being. Also, his spirit would join the
population of human spirits in the netherworld, but his gidim has been chosen to
be their leader.
great achievements during his lifetime, but had to agree with Enki’s objec-
tion, because o f the oath that the gods swore after the flood. Thus, although
Gilgames has been a deity since the Early Dynastic period, his group of refer-
ence is the g i d i m , namely the dead spirits. Therefore, his appointment as
sa g in a and IGI.DU of the dead spirits is compensation for his not being
granted immortality. This account draws on the historical tradition about
Gilgames’s position as king ofU ruk. Thereby, the text implies that the judg-
ment of the dead was with the dead king, parallel to or as the continuation
of his duties during his lifetime. That there is judgm ent o f the dead and yet
it is not with U tu but with the dead king conforms to the message o f D U t ,
suggesting that D G i l should be dated to the U r III period as well (this passage
and other literary issues concerning D G i l are treated in appendix 8/b, see
especially in section 2.2.2).
c. THE FIR ST ELEG Y OF TH E PUSHKIN M USEUM 88-90

An explicit reference to thejudgm ent of the dead is found in “The First Elegy
of the Pushkin Museum. ” Ludingira wants U tu to render a good verdict for
his father and Nanna to decide his fate (see appendix 8/c):
88. Utu, the great lord o f a r a l i
89. After he lights the dark place he will render you judgment.
90. May Nanna decree your fate on the (moon’s) setting day.
The strong light of the sun, which enables Utu/Samas to penetrate every
corner andsee everything, made him the god ofjustice. The sun’s movement
through a fixed path in the sky and his setting in a perpetual cycle in the neth-
erworld qualified him to be the judge o f the dead as well as o f the living. This
role, however, is not attested in texts earlier than the Old Babylonian
period.188In third-millennium texts, by the end o f the day, U tu returns home
to rest rather than judging the dead in the netherworld.189It seems, therefore,
that this function is not o f Sumerian origin, but a Babylonian or probably a
Semitic concept. The elegy is known from Old Babylonian copies from
Nippur, and that the reference to U tu is not earlier is evident from his epithet
“lord of a r a l i . ‫ ״‬a r a l i , the steppe between Uruk andBadtibira, became a name
for the netherworld in the Old Babylonian period, when the mythological
188. Utu acts as the judge of the dead in two more Old Babylonian texts, “Incantation
to Utu” (Alster 1991) and “Hymn to U tu” (Cohen, 1977).
189. Lugalbanda, 83:235-36. Asomewhat similar notion, that Utu/Samas goes home to
sleep, is alluded to in a prayer to Utu (SA H G 221 no. 42; Seux, Hymnes et prières,
215ff.) and also by “The Prayer to the Gods of the Night” (ibid., 475fr.; AN ET, 391;
The Context of Scripture I, 417).
place were Dumuzi was killed was identified as the netherworld itself.
Presumably, Nanna is also mentioned because of the light he sheds and his
periodic settingbehind the horizon. Unlike Utu/Sainas, however, he was not
customarily conceived o f as the god o f justice, either of the living or o f the
dead.
After his appeal to U tu and Nanna, Ludingira invokes the principle neth-
erworld gods, w hom he hopes will take good care of his father. This group
includes Nergal, Ninkura (“the lady o f the netherworld”), Ningiszida,
Gilgames, Bitu, andEtana.190The incorporation of an additional netherworld
deity suggests that they can affect the fate o f the dead. In principle the added
list of deities follows the concept that underlies the list o f D U r , and probably
for the same function. From a literary point o f view, the list integrates Old
Babylonian with third-millennium beliefs and, therefore, reflects a transi-
tional period: the older third-millennium tradition was still transmitted while
the later Old Babylonian concept was being introduced. W hether it was also
a transitional period from a theological point o f view, namely in cultic prac-
tice, is impossible to assess with certainty. The older third-millennium notion
could have survived merely as a literary tradition. O n the other hand, the idea
that Utu/Samas was the judge o f the dead could have been an ancient belief
of the Semitic segment o f the population, which had not been put into writ-
ing earlier.191
3.4.4. L a w s a n d N o r m s : S u m m a r y a n d C o n c lu s io n s
The terms m e, â -â g -g â , d i - k u 5, and k a s -b a r exhibit the presence of

organized governmental system and point to its constituents as well as its rela-
tionships with the local population. Their applications in the texts signify that
the netherworld was visualized as an organized urban community in terms of
the terrestrial cities.
The essence o f the m e of the netherworld becomes apparent with the
result of Inanna’s failure to usurp the reign o f the netherworld: the immortal
goddess was put to death, a contradiction in terms, which accentuates the
magnitude o f her crime as the ultimate extreme. The authority o f the ruler
is established by the force o f the m e ; they are intrinsically o f total sacredness,
and an offense against their legitimate owner is an offense against the gods
who bestowed them. The monarchy o f the netherworld is imprinted on the
190. For a detailed discussion of this list of gods, see appendix 8/c, especially sections
3.2.2-3.2.2.1.
191. Compare to the legend of Etana, which was committed to writing as late as the
second millennium and probably dates to the middle of the third millennium.
foundations of the cosmos, sacred and, therefore, cannot be changed by force.

Inanna’s punishment links the kingship o f the netherworld with the terrestrial
monarchy. It parallels the idea of absolute kingship sanctioned by divine elec-
tion, which prevailed in Mesopotamia in the third millennium. The neth-
erworld was visualized as being parallel to the world o f the living (Sumer) and
subject to the same principles o f government and norms ofbehavior. Inanna’s
attempt to seize the me of the netherworld rocked the foundations of the
cosmos; she offended not only Ereskigal, its legitimate queen, but also the
great gods who granted her these me. Consequently, Inanna was judged by
the Anunna, the supreme judges of the Sumerian pantheon. That she was
sentenced to death, which is so extraordinary for a deity but typical punish-
m ent for mortal usurpers, implies that the mythological situation was, indeed,
conceived in terms of terrestrial historical reality. From a chronological point
of view it is impossible to relate the situation in I D to a specific historical
model, since absolute kingship is documented in Mesopotamia from the
middle of the third millennium but may date earlier.
â -â g -g â characterizes a stratified community by definition, since orders
and instructions exist only in a situation o f social hierarchy. Its application to
the reality of the netherworld signifies that the realm of the dead was
conceived as a socially stratified community. N ot surprisingly, we glean from
the hymn to Ningiszida and the “Incantation to U tu ” that gods were in
charge of the â -â g -g â . The latter associates the judgm ent o f the dead with
the â -â g -g â and implies that it is concerned with the proper placement of
the spirits. In G E N the â -â g - g â o f the netherworld is treated from the
human perspective, revealing a set o f regulations that determine the quality
of the existence of individual spirits. These regulations were imposed on the
spirits, indicating that they formed the lowest class in the social hierarchy of
the netherworld and that within this class there was no social equality. The
description of G E N is formulated as an answer to the specific questions of
Gilgames, mirroring the social values of terrestrial social reality. W e cannot
ascertain, therefore, whether the specific details reflect the current theolog-
ical view or simply the literary needs of the composition.
The belief that the judgm ent o f U tu establishes order in the netherworld
is puzzling. Was the fate o f the dead spirit determined by the proper fulfilment
o f the funerary rituals or related to his way o f fife?
The dynamics of the relationship between the management o f the neth-
erworld and its subjects finds its expression in legal terms: d i- k u s, di, and
kas. A legal system maintained justice and the proper social order of the neth-
erworld, as it actually was in historical reality. Gilgames, the dead king qf
Uruk, and Umamma, the dead king of Ur, were appointed to keep law and
order in the netherworld as they had done during their lifetime in Sumer.
Utu/Samas, who lights every dark corner so that nothing escapes his sight,
judged the dead. Thus, the dead spirits were subject to judgm ent and verdict
just like their living fellow men.
The various terms denote different social aspects of existence in the neth-
erworld, forming a complex o f complementary descriptions o f the nether-
world as an urban community. The literary expressions o f the social order in
the netherworld reflect the contemporary terrestrial social order. Since,
however, the historical social structure remained unchangedfor long periods
of time, it is impossible to locate the place o f these descriptions along the
developing concept of the netherworld in Sumerian theology. D U r is the
earliest dateable written source for the existence of a legal system in the neth-
erworld and for Ereskigal’s ownership o f the m e . Ereskigal was known as the
queen of the netherworld, at least as early as the Old Akkadian period
(Lu’utu’s inscription), and it stands to reason that her position was related to
the concept o f m e . But there is no evidence for die judgm ent o f the dead
before the U r III period. Also, when DUrindicates the existence ofa concept
of law and order, it involves Ereskigal and Umamma, not Utu. Ereskigal
decided on Urnamma’s place in the netherworld, that he would guard the law
as a judge. However, since the literature points only to Um amm a and
Gilgames as judges in the netherworld, both human kings with ties to the U r
III dynasty and their judicial function mirroring the king’s duty in his lifetime,
it may have been a literary product to justify Sulgi’s deification. Therefore,
we cannot determine with certainty the significance of their judicial appoint-
ments. W ere the dead judged on the basis of their behavior in life or was it
the offensive behavior of dead spirits in the netherworld that required the
appointment of judges like Um amm a and Gilgames?
The hymn to Ningiszida, the “Incantation to U tu,” and the description of
the â -â g -g â in G E N seem to refer to the social organization of the neth-
erworld, indicating that every individual would be assigned to his rightful
station. In the sense that the judgm ent of the dead determines the position or
status that a spirit deserves, it is rendered by deities, particularly Utu/Samas,
when the spirit is about to enter the netherworld. The appeals to U tu in “The
First Elegy of the Pushkin M useum” and the “Hymn to U tu ” indicate that
it is associated with the funerary ritual. O n the other hand, Gilgames, the
sagina and IG I.D U o f the g i d i m , and Urnamma, to w hom all sinners were
committed, rendered judgment in the netherworld. The context suggests
that their office involved the conduct of the spirits in the community of the
netherworld. In essence, their appointment coincides with the implemen-
tation of â -â g -g â , which means that the concept of social order was in exist-
ence. But since it was not rendered by Utu, and since the date of G E N is not
certain, it is impossible to establish that a defining o fâ -â g -g â was established
before the O ld Babylonian period. D U r exhibits the vision o f order in the Ur

III period, in analogy to the authority o f the king in the society o f the terres*
trial kingdom . Since this vision is not current in the texts, whereas the judg*
m en t o f the deadby U tu/S am as prevails in the texts from the OldBabylonian
period onward, it seems that the latter and the definition o f â - â g - g â were
later developments.
3.5. A r c h ite c tu r a l A s p e c ts o f th e N e t h e r w o r l d
ID and D U r mention architectural elements o f the netherworld. The most

quoted remarks are based on I D . Inanna arrives at the gate of the netherworld
and beats violendy on its door ( I D 74-77); Ereskigal instructs the gatekeeper
to lock the seven gates o f the netherworld ( I D 1 19-20); and finally Inanna is
ushered through each o f these gates. But the only sure conclusion from these
references is that the netherworld had a gate. H ow were the gates visualized?
W ere they connected to seven walls or was there one gate house with seven
doorways? A wall is never mentioned in the texts. Is it self-evident or because
the solid earth served as a wall? W hether the seven gates were set in seven
walls, in one, or in none, a seven-gate entrance has no parallel in the actual
city fortifications o f the ancient Near East. Fortified cities had no more than
three gates: an outer, middle, and inner. Architecturally, therefore, this
description is exceptional and incomparable w ith the structure of the terres-
trial city-states. An additional complication is that the explicit reference to
seven gates is unique to I D . 192
Since an entrance with seven gates has no parallel in the historical reality
or in descriptions o f mythological reality, there must be a good reason for this
feature in I D . Apparently, the seven gates have an important literary function
in the narrative. First, a single gate would hamper the logical development
of the myth. An entrance through seven gates is a means o f gradually stripping
Inanna o f all her divine attributes that endow her with divine powers and
immunity. Had she been requested to undress completely at the first and only
192. DUr 76 relates that the dead king offered gifts to the seven gatekeepers of thé
netherworld. However, the detailed description of his entrance does not mention
seven gates, and it is not self-evident that this was in mind. It is possible that the myth
of ID gave rise to a notion of seven gatekeepers. However, in ID there are seven
gates but just one gatekeeper. O ther texts imply one gate only: in G E N l 64-67 the
hoop and the stick fail directly to the bottom of the netherworld from the place
where Gilgames tried to retrieve them, sitting at the gate garnir. According tp
Udughul 231 there was one gate that was located in the grave. The Old Babylonian
hymn to Utu probably refers to one door (Cohen, 1977, line 79. 1reconstructing
because there is room for only two signs).
gate, one would naturally expect that she would have realized the danger and
would turn back— there would be no story. Therefore, a gradual removal of
her attire is essential to make Inanna enter the netherworld o f her free will,
but without her divine powers, hence a means to develop a reliable plot.
Second, a gradual account of the episode amplifies the tension and increases
interest in the plot. That seven is a typological number explains the particular
number of gates she entered. In itself, the choice of seven as the number of
gates alone seems an artificial literary configuration. Thus, the formulaic
phrasing o f the description, its function in the plot, and the typological
number of gates suggest that the account of Inanna’s entrance to the neth-
erworld is aimed at meeting the needs o f the plot. Presumably, therefore, the
idea that the netherworld was approached through seven gates originated in
the plot of the I D for its particular literary purpose. Despite the popularity o f
the myth— and that o f its Akkadian offspring E D —the concept o f seven gates
did not prevail and all allusions to them depend on diese two compositions.
It stands to reason, therefore, that the contemporary Sumerian audience
knew the difference between literary presentation and theological dogma.
The gate is the only architectural elem ent to demarcate the netherw orld’s
external borders. T hat no wall is m entioned in the texts can be either coin-
cidental or o f significance. If it is coincidental, it means that the wall was irrel-
evant to the text, unlike the gate. It is significant, how ever, if the Sumerians
believed that there was no wall. Since the netherw orld was a closed district,
approached only through a special opening, the lack o f a wall signifies that the
surface o f the earth functioned as such. The implication o f this possibility is
that the netherw orld extended under the surface of earth to its full extent. In
the absence o f textual evidence to support either interpretation this issue
remains open.
Palaces ( é - g a 1) are the other documented architectural feature within the
space of the netherworld. The description appears in D U r . The dead king of
Ur offered the major netherworld deities gifts in their palaces. The text
implies that each god had his own palace in the netherworld. In I D the ambig-
uous é-g a l g a n z ir “the palace g a r n i r ” occurs. The absence ofthe genitive
suffix causes a dilemma. Was g a n z i r the name of the palace, o f the nether-
world, or ofboth? Was the netherworld seen as a palace? These questions are
treated in detail in chapter 2, section 2.1.6, but no definite conclusion can be
drawn except that g a n z i r was situated at the entrance to the netherworld.
That Ereskigal acted and resided in a palace befits her status as the queen of
the netherworld. It implies that the queen’s surroundings were conceived in
terms of terrestrial kingdoms and, therefore, the palace g a n z i r was not iden-
tical to the netherworld, but merely one part of it. This may have been the
original concept. Since, however, the name g a r n i r is inconsistently used in

the texts (that is, I D and G E N ) , different interpretations are equally possible.
D U r gives a different and distinct impression. N o t only Ereskigal but each
netherworld god had his own palace. This view agrees with the interpretation
that g a r n i r in I D was Ereskigal’s palace. In relation to historical reality the
idea that each god resided in his ow n palace reflects the structure of the terres-
trial temple precincts within each dty, rather than that of a city-state. T ernple
precincts were encircled by a single or a double wall and comprised temples
and chapels to several deities who resided there (in the form o f statues). Also,
the procedure that Urnamma followed, offering gifts to each god in turn,
probably mirrors the cultic practice in the precincts, in as far as distributing
offerings is concerned. It is possible, therefore, that, in architecture, the neth-
erworld was imagined in the form o f the sacred temple precinct, the place
were the local gods dwelled and were worshipped.
3.6. T h e N e t h e r w o r l d a s a C i t y - S t a t e : S u m m a r y a n d C o n c lu s io n s
Terminology characteristic to the social and political organizations, offices,

and accounts concerning the mode ofexistence make manifest that the neth-:
erworld was conceived in terms o f an actual urban reality. Although the
mythological socio-political configuration of the netherworld imitates
historical reality, its dating is difficult since the patterns o f urban organization
did not change dramatically during the second half o f the third millennium.
D U r contains the earliest datable evidence for this concept and, therefore, its
origin is earlier than the U r III period.
The concept of the netherworld as an organized urban community is best
demonstrated by official titles taken from the administrative system of the
Sumerian and Babylonian cities. It indicates that the image of the nether-
world was based on the socio-political establishment in historical reality. The
official titles e n s i and g a l l a can serve as a means to trace this historical reality.
In the third millennium, the e n s i was a head of a city-state, parallel and equal
to l a g a l . Later, his status greatly diminished and by the Old Babylonian
period e n s i was merely a dependent governor of a small city, “ e n s i of the
netherworld” was a title o f Gilgames.193 Since the rank of Gilgames in the
netherworld was relatively low, the title e n s i must also reflect a relatively low :;
ranking office. Therefore, the most suitable period in which to apply it to
Gilgames is the Old Babylonian period. The g a l l a is not attested in the.'
administrative texts. Since, however, g a l l a g a l appears in administrative texts,
presumably also the g a l l a existed in historical reality, but his duties were‫־‬
193. “Hymn to Utu,” Cohen 1977, line 77. See above, section 3.1.1/d.
carried out by another official earlier than the extant texts. The description
of the g a l l a as a netherworld creature must have originated in I D . The reason
is that beyond the common mythological façade of demonic characteristics,
the g a l l a acted as an officer of the law, as the formal executor of the legal
system. If the prototype of the mythological g a l l a is the historical one, then
I D and E d in a - u s a g a k e , where he acts as the deputy of the authorities, should
be dated no later than the Pre-Sargonic period, since the g a l l a is not attested
in the texts from this period.
The use of judicial terminology indicates that law and order persisted in
the netherworld as it didin the world o f the living. It is sanctioned by the m e -
kur-ra, which is the symbol o f a lawful and orderly ruling system. D U r
provides the earliest attestation o f the position ofjudges, in the person of the
dead king at the side of Gilgames. Utu/$amas appears as the j udge of the dead
only later, in texts o f the Old Babylonian period. Therefore, the notion of
justice in the netherworld seems to be still developing between the U r III and
the Old Babylonian periods.
The social structure of the netherworld is treated only in G E N . The
detailed account presents the spirits’ community divided into classes accord-
ing to terrestrial values and norms. Elsewhere there are references to priests
among the inhabitants o f the netherworld, but they are mentioned by func-
tion and not by name. These references indicate that the religious establish-
ment also persisted in the netherworld. The specific functions of the priest-
hood are not described.
All four necessary elements o f a socially organized community are attested
in D U r : population, government, a judicial system, and a religious establish-
ment. Yet, the introduction of offices together with changes in the position
of the netherworld gods indicate that during the Old Babylonian period the
notion of the netherworld as an urban community was still in the process of
formation. For example, Ningiszida became the chair-bearer of the nether-
world and Utu/Samas the judge o f the dead (as late as the Old Babylonian
period), or the variation in the status of Gilgames and Etana.
The architectural elements in the descriptions ofthe netherworld, the gate
and the palaces, reinforce its urban image. The very belief in a gate indicates
that the netherworld was conceived to be a closed and locked region. If the
model of this concept was the Mesopotamian city-state, then it is not earlier
than the Early Dynastic II period, since fortifications became a standard
feature of city architecture in that period. Ereskigal having her own palace
agrees with the image of a city-state. However, the notion in D U r that each
netherworld god resided in his own palace gives rise to the possibility that the
architectural model was the temple precinct. As a closed municipal unit they
were a reflection ofthe structure ofthe city-state and the gods bore the titles
of the state’s administrative system. However, in that case, the date of the?
urban concept can be earlier, since a wall enclosed the temple precincts, to?
separate them from the living quarters, before the third millennium.
The name of the gatekeeper Bitu derives from the Akkadian verb p e tû , not:
the Sumerian counterpart 1 -d u 8. It seems, therefore, that the gatekeeper is1
a Semitic idea. It is not impossible that the concept of the netherworld as an
enclosed territory is also of Semitic origin. Since Semites already lived along-
side the Sumerians in Mesopotamia at the beginning o f the third millennium
and in Abu-Salabikh Semites worked as scribes, there is no doubt that they
had some influence on the Sumerian culture and its literary expressions.
The extant written evidence and its parallels in the historical reality extend
the possible dating of the urban aspect of the netherworld to throughout the
whole third millennium. It is impossible, therefore, to fix a point in time:
w hen the concept of the netherworld as an urban community came into
being. It is quite clear, however, that it was not fully matured, was subject to
modifications, and was still developing by the early O ld Babylonian period;,
CHAPTER 4
Su b s is t e n c e a n d t h e E c o l o g ic a l
C o n d it io n s in t h e N e t h e r w o r l d
ARCHAEOLOGICAL f in d s reveal that for thousands ofyears in Mesopotamia

it was customary to deposit victuals and other material goods in graves.' The
textual evidence indicates that the dead received their food and drink from
their living kinsmen on a regular basis.12 Thus, the funeral customs practically
demonstrate a belief that life persists after death, but that the realm o f the dead
was devoid of the necessary means to support it.
In principle the idea is simple, the difference between life and death is the
difference between a lively human being and his motionless corpse. Thus, the
breath that stops after death makes the difference; it appears as the element
that animates the body and endows it w ith the human faculties, speech,
senses, andemotions— namely, with a soul. After death, during theperfor-
mance of a funerary ritual, the soul is released from the body to ensure the
continuation of its existence as a spirit in the netherworld. Then the body is
interred and left to perish.3 The soul that leaves the body during the ritual to
1. A comprehensive and systematic analysis ofburial customs from the fifth to the third
millennia is Forest, 1983. DUr implies that part of the grave goods were destined
as offerings for the gods of the netherworld.
2. In particular the incantation literature and lists ofki-a-nag-offerings. An updated
general treatment of the cult of the ancestors in Mesopotamia (although mainly
based on material of the second and first millennia) is van der Toorn, 1996, 42-65,
with previous literature.
3. According to Atra-hasls I 215 (Lambert and Millard, 1969) the spirit etemmu is the
product of the godly material in the construction of humankind. This explains the
immortality of the soul and its survival in the realm of the dead. Whether this later
text reflects contemporary ontological speculation or retains an older Sumerian
concept is questionable. In two partly preserved myths of creation, “The Hymn of
the Hoe” and “The Eridu Genesis” humankind seems to have sprouted like
vegetation. A third, the myth “Enki and Ninmah” is closer to the idea ofAtra-hasis
in as much as humankind was fashioned from clay (see Hallo and Lawson Younger,
19971 509-13, and 516-18 resp., with previous literature). One may argue that tire
animation of the clay.during nine months of pregnancy in the womb o f the birth
197
become a dead spirit is designated im “w ind.” This wind image indicates that
the soul was actualized in the breath. Since it was perceived as the gust of ait,
the soul was intrinsicaUy alive and constituted a separate entity. The breath
is unseen but can be felt, and so the soul is as tangible and concrete as the body.
Thus, a human being is composed o f two elements: a solid and visible body
and the ethereal soul, which would later become a dead spirit. Since after the !
death the spirit is merely a transformed form of the living soul, it also retains ;
traits o f human nature, the basic human physical and emotional needs. Being
an actual animated entity the spirit remains as effective as the living soul. At ;
the same time, the ethereal invisible form of the spirit makes it the perfect
cause o f inexplicable inauspicious happenings. The conceptual link between
form and essence is demonstrated by the incantations against evil spirits.
Because o f the major social significance of the family unit and lineage, the
spirits o f dead ancestors remained part o f the family for generations. They
were attributed with the capacity to influence the interests of their living kins-
men for better or for worse. W hether they were benevolent or malevolent
depended on the quality of their sustenance in the netherworld. Since,
however, the realm of the dead was devoid of any means o f sustenance, the;
spirits relied upon the support o f their living kinsmen as much as the living
depended upon their dead ancestors for their own well-being. Thus, the
living and the dead formed a symbiotic relationship. Consequently, the
funeral rituals had to be strictly observed and the living had to revere the
memory of dead family members and care for them to secure the blessing of
their spirits and prevent acts o f animosity.
However, the dialogue between Gilgames and the spirit (or image) of
Enkidu suggests some doubts about the scenario we have just described.
Perhaps nothing remains o f the dead but bones. Enkidu refuses to tell
Gilgames about the netherworld, warning him that it would make him cry
because his own body was eaten by worms and turned into dust ( G E N 248-
54) .4But then he describes the spirits o f the dead leading active and sometimes
goddess is the source of the godly component in human beings. However, the
various mythical explanations of the creation o f humankind imply that there was
no one accepted concept on the issue. It seems more likely, therefore, that the idea
of nine-months pregnancy was based on the human experience of birth with no
ontological intentions, and that the concept o f Atra-ftasis is really a late philosophical
development that was not shared by the Sumerians. The essence of soul and spirit
is studied in Abusch, 1998. In a general sense I agree with his conclusion. However,
I doubt that some detailed observations about the meaning o f the soul reflect the
common belief in the U r III and the Old Babylonian periods.
4. In view o f the beliefin the survival of the spirit and the dichotomy ofbody and soul,
SUBSISTENCE AND THE ECOLOGICAL CONDITIONS T 99
good lives just as when they were still alive ( G E N 255 to end). If this is the
future, why would Gilgames cry? The inner contradiction alludes to a senti-
ment that survival after death is inconsistent with reality. Enkidu’s description
of the spirits draws a direct link between the way the individual leads his life
and the state of his spirit in the netherworld. Therefore, Enkidu expressed an
optimistic view. This optimism, however, is due to the purpose o f the text,
to help Gilgames reconcile the fact that he is destined to die and to instruct
him that the fate of his spirit in the netherworld is in his own hands. Since
this is the objective o f the text, Enkidu’s description is not a reliable source
for the current view, rather the opposite. Thus, disregarding the optimistic
description o f the spirits, Enkidu’s warning remains the only reliable compo-
nent in his answers to Gilgames. It indicates gloomy prospects and discloses
a measure o f skepticism concerning survival after death.
In practice, the cult o f the dead had to cohere with the notion that the spir-
its reside in the netherworld, where they receive their provisions, and with
the perceptible reality that the body is doomed to perish. Y et, burials, as web
as cultic practices, deliver an ambiguous message. That family members were
sometimes buried under the house implies that they remained part of the
household and, moreover, that they had to be physically close. At the same
time, people were also buried in cemeteries and k i-a-nag-offerings were
conducted also in places other than the burial town.*5Therefore, the physical
proximity seems insignificant.
The cult o f the dead is the concrete operative aspect o f the belief in the
survival of the spirit, which is abstract and mythological in essence. But the
Sumerians had the tendency to adhere to the actual and, consequently, to
handle abstract mythological reality in tenns o f concrete reality. The merger
of two conflicting types of reality was probably a source of uncertainty,
suggesting a dichotomy of body and spirit. Inevitably it resulted in tension
between the beliefin survival and the knowledge that the body would perish.
Conceptually, therefore, the cultic manifestations o f this belief are rather
complex.
Gilgames must have been used to the fact that the body is doomed to perish. That
Enkidu’s warning is relevant to the narrative raises some suspicions about the
people’s confidence in this belief.
5. For instance, Urnamma received k i-a -n a g in his city Ur, where he was buried,
and in Nippur. Ur: U E T 3, 76 i 6-7; Nippur: P D T I, 417 (dates to AS 4, including
offerings to a throne of Sulgi). Moreover, from a unique Old Babylonian letter we
learn that kispu could be completely unrelated to the body and the grave. For eight
years a father made kispu for his “dead” son before he found out that the son was
still alive and living in another place (see van Soldt, AbB 13, 21).
The tension between mythological abstract reality and the knowledge that
nothing remains o f the dead but the bones finds two alternative solutions. The
first, and simpler, was to introduce a third element to mediate between belief
and stark reality. This element was an icon, which represented the spirit of
the dead. Tw o descriptions offunerary rituals indicate that during the perfor-
mance a figurine represented the spirit o f the dead.6 A second solution, but
probably less common or at least less documented, was to deny the belief and
concede to perceptible reality. A few texts give literary expression to this view
by casting doubt on possible existence after death or by underlining the nature
o f the netherworld as the antithesis o f the world o f the living rather than
merely one of inferior conditions.
Having said that, the status o f the grave remains ambiguous. Warnings
against the desecration of graves, as well as intentional violation o f graves and
the mishandling ofbones, testify as to how important the eternal rest of the
bones in the graves was.7 Yet, that the cult o f the dead could be performed
in places other than the grave site— and even in its absence—with an icon of
the deceased, makes the grave unessential. And the plundering o f graves in
antiquity implies a lack of fear and disregard for curses.
The Sumerian texts concerning the physical conditions in the netherworld
deal with two aspects: the availability o f sustenance and, occasionally, the
environmental conditions. The embedded images are reconstructed from
various fragmentary descriptions and allusions. Such an aggregation o f differ-
ent sources calls for caution because it seems like a full and coherent expo-
sition to the modern eye, but couldyield a distorted description of the original
concept. Hence, we first have to establish the physical conditions according
to each source and examine w hether the different descriptions pertain to the
same concept or reflect various synchronous beliefs or a diachronic linear
development of the image o f the netherworld. Second, we should consider
whether the descriptions seek to bridge the gap between belief in the living
spirit with the knowledge that the body perishes. Finally, from a literary point
of view, it is interesting to know if the various notions can be sorted according
to literary genres. A starting point is the descriptions o f funeral rituals, since
6 . Kramer, 1977, and Thureau-Dangin, 1922, discussed below. The eighth tablet of
the Gilgames epic is a detailed description of the whole cultic procedure. It seeinS-
that the same purpose was achieved also by the use of a chair. Offerings to the
thrones of dead kings of U r are for instance: U E T 3,7 6 (k i-a.-n ag ofUrnamma);
P D T I, 417 (for the throne ofSulgi, Nippur) and see Sallaberger, 1993, I, 147-48
with n. 696. Note also in lexical text Hh IV:93 (MSL 5, 157).
7, Examples of both cases are cited in CAD E, 342, (b), s.v. esemtu.
SUBSISTENCE AND THE ECOLOGICAL CONDITIONS 20‫ז‬
they demonstrate in practice the belief in the living spirit and its survival in
the netherworld.
4.1. P erfo rm a n c e o f F u n e r a r y R i t u a l
The interment o f the perishable body concluded with a ritual that actualized
the transition o f the soul from the world o f the living to the realm o f the dead
and aimed at initiating its life anew in the form of a spirit. Thereafter, a ritual
to commemorate the dead was performed periodically. The funeral ritual is,
therefore, the epitome o f the belief that life continues in the netherworld.
If awareness exists that the body is doom ed to perish, the ethereal config-
uration o f the spirit and the concrete form ofits care combine two conflicting
realities, one abstract and the other concrete. The two preserved Sumerian
funeral rituals testify that the cult evolved around an icon that represented the
dead person. Thereby the abstract nature o f the spirit received a concrete
shape. The icon of the dead transf ormed the spirit from an ethereal abstract
to a physical form, anchored it in actual reality, and adjusted it to the concrete
nature of the cultic practice. It seems, therefore, that the figurine served to
link the belief in the survival o f the spirit with perceptible reality, and to miti-
gate the tension between earthly and transcendent existence.*
The role of an icon in the ritual is illustrated by two Sumerian texts: “The
Messenger and the M aiden” (partly duplicated in T I M 9,15: 1 '—6 ' ) and “Lulil
and His Sister. ” Both texts preserve a detailed description of a funeraiy ritual.
The rituals comprise similar components and, therefore, complement and
support one another. Together they allow us a glimpse at the actual mani-
festation of the belief in the survival after death.8
8. It is not obvious what function the offerings to the thrones of dead kings served. The
throne, too, is a tangible element that can serve symbolically to mediate between
the spirit and its provisions, but it is not as explicit as an icon. It remains questionable,
therefore, whether the chair really represented the deceased as did the icon, or had
a different significance, such as being a status symbol, since it represents kingship.
We do not know whether an icon was seated on the throne, because the offering
lists are not explicit about it.
a. THE MESSENGER AND THE MAIDEN 3 8-49®

A fte r th e narrator tells a y o u n g w o m a n to e x p e c t h e r d e a d “ m e s s e n g e r ,” she
en u m e ra tes all th e th in g s th a t sh e w ill g iv e h im w h e n h e arrives a n d finally
d escrib es th e ritual:910
38. kas4- m u g e n - n a - n i n u - u m - g e n g e n - n a - n i n u - u m - g e n
39. ig i in -t u k u ig i n u - m u - n i- d u 8-a
40. ka in -t u k u in im n u - m u -d a - b a - e
41. kas4- m u i- im - g e n t e - e - a in -g a - b a -g e n t e - e - a
42. n in d a i-s î su b i-ib - g u r
4 3 . u tu l-m a -a l-tu m -m a k e sd a < -b i> n u - u b - d u 8-a
4 4 . ^ esir s u - u m - d u - u m - b i n u -p il-la
45. a 1 b -ta -d é k i in -d é b a -a b -n a g
46. u 5- z é - b a - m u é -g a r 8 m u - u n -n a - s é s
47. tu g -g ib il-m à glsg u -z a b a -a n ‫ ־‬m u +- m u 4
48. im 1-ku4- k u 4 im b a -r a -è
49. kas4- m u k u r-ra k u r -sà -b a 1112su b a -a n -h û b T2 b a -n â
9. Kramer, 1977, and Alster, 1986. The almost complete text dates to the Old Baby-
Ionian period. The text is a lament and funerary ritual, which was performed by a
young woman. Neither the dead nor the woman is mentioned by name but is
designated by a general title: he is calledkas, “messenger” andshe is k i-s ik il “girl.”
The refrain from specific names endows the composition with ambiguity:
Therefore, it was perhaps composed as a general model for the performance of a
funerary ritual for a young man. The ritual is pardy duplicated in a lament for
Dumuzi, T IM 9, 15:1-6. Note, however, that the man is not called gurus either.
The ritual is very similar to the ritual in “Lulil and His Sister.” See also Katz, 1999,
anda detailed discussion of additional related issues in chapters 1.1.1.2/band2.1.5•
10. Variants in T IM 9, 15. Line 38 = 15:1'; line 39 = 15:2' i-bi an-tuku i-b[1 ]; line 40
= 15:3'ka an-tuku ka[...];line 41 =omitted; line 42= 15:4'nindaba-e-sumsu-[...];
line 43 = omitted; line 44 = omitted ; line 45 = 15:5' a ib-dé-dé-e ki i[n-...]; line 46-
48 = omitted; line 49 = 15:6 kas4-mu kur-ra kur-sà-ga su [... ]. The shortened version
suggests that only the main and most important phases of the ritual were selected
for the copy. O n the other hand, since Dumuzi’s cult was repeated periodically,
perhaps the text reflects the actual k i-a -n a g ritual, meaning that the omitted
elements were included only in the initial funeral ritual. This possibility implies that
the ritual for the “messenger” was the initial funeral rite for a man whose body was
missing (as also implied by line 48, which designates the spirit im rather than
gidim ). I thank B. Jagersma for collating the tablet.
11. Following TIM 9, 15:6 which has k u r-sà -g a , k u r-s à -b a is analyzed as kur-
sà (g )-b (i)-a, the inverted genitive with the possessive suffix for 3rd sg. inan., “in
its midst.”
12. In TIM 9, 15:10, which repeats line 6, Alster reads BALA.G, but his reading is
SUBSISTENCE AND THE ECOLOGICAL CONDITIONS 203
38. My messenger, he comes, yet he has not come; he comes, yet he

has not come.13
39. He has eyes but he cannot see.
40. He has a mouth but he cannot converse.14
41. My messenger who approaches came, he who approaches also
came.
42. I placed bread and wiped it,15
43. From a bowl whose strap had not been opened,16
doubtful. Kramer reads tu n (HÛB), to be read tu I0, however, a verb s u - tu I0 does

not occur in the extant sources. Moreover, while the verb tu 10is usually intransitive,
in compound verbs such as s a g -tu 10 it appears as transitive active (see references
in Krecher, Kultlyrik, 106). Therefore, a compound verb s u - tu IO is probably
unsuitable in this context. Considering the nature of the ritual and the occurrence
of this statement at its conclusion, presumably it describes the spirit of the dead man,
not the circumstances of his death, and, therefore, I suggest the reading hub as in
su-{1ûb sâm “whirl.” Compare Erirnhus II 244 (MSL 17, 40) and “The Home of
the Fish,” 89 in Civil, Iraq 23 (1961): 163.
13. The inner contradiction in the phrasing implies that the spirit came, but not in
person, and, therefore, through a substitute, a messenger. This is the first circum-
stantial indication for the use of a figurine.
14. Lines 39-40 make manifest that the girl refers to an anthropomorphic form. The
thing that has eyes and a mouth but cannot see and talk is a figurine.
1$. Compare with “Lulil and His Sister” 58 (Thureau-Dangin, 1922). F o rs u -g u r
“wipe,” see M. Civil, AOS 67 (1987): 52-54 (Reiner AV). See also Q 4D K , 178ff.
s.v. kapäru, especially the lexical section with examples for the ritualistic wiping of
the body with bread. These examples suggest that also here the bread was used for
wiping the body of the subject of the ritual. Since also line 46 indicates that the ritual
was conducted on a concrete body, I conclude that the dead was represented in the
ritual by a figurine. Note proverb 1.38 (Alster, 1997,13), which reworks this phrase,
making a point not to wipe it with bread. The intentionally negated form of the verb
s u -g u r implies that the common practice was indeed to wipe with bread and,
thereby, it indicates that the common practice was to use an anthropomorphic
entity. My impression is that the saying challenges the ritual and the very practice
of feeding the dead.
16. m a -a l-tu m “bowl” is an Akkadian loanword in Sumerian (CAD M /i, 172).The
syntactic relation between it and u tu l “bowl” (Akkadian diqäru) is unclear. Since
bodi words have similar meanings, perhaps it is merely repeated to specify more
clearly the soft of container used in the ritual. At the same time, in analogy with
“Lulil and His Sister” 60, in which I interpret û tu l ummaru as “soup,” it may also
mean “from a soup bowl.” The reading kesda (against al ofKramer) is suggested
after collation and, thus, from a literary point of view line 43 stands in synonymous
parallelism with line 44. Both lines are subordinate to the main clause in line 45.
44. From a dish, its rim had not been soiled,

45. I poured water, I poured to the ground, and he drank it.17
46. W ith my good oil I anointed the figure.18
47. W ith my new garment I dressed the chair.19
48. The spirit has entered, the spirit has departed.20
49. My messenger in the k u r , in the midst of the k u r he was whirling,
he is lying (now in rest).21
17. Compare with “Luliland His Sister” 59 s a h a r-k u r-ra d é-b i. In the versionhere,
ki has a double meaning: “netherworld” as parallel to kur in the ritual for lu-lil,
that is Asgi, and “earth,” “ground.” In the ritual to Asgi the water was explicitly
poured into the water pipes a -p a 4, which indicates that the ritual was performed
on a grave. That here no water pipes are mentioned indicates that the girl did not
perform the ritual at a grave site. Therefore, the text describes either a ritual for
someone who died far from home and was not buried or demonstrates the cult of
the dead, namely a periodic k i-a-n ag -ritu al. Proverb 1.38 confirms the meaning
“ground,” and in light of the negated form of the verb s u -g u r, the compound ki-
i n - D U seems to mean that the ground absorbed the water rather than that the spirit
drank it. This too suggests that the proverb refutes the belief in the afterlife. The
water libation indicates that the spirit did not come to attend the ritual “in person,”
but received the water in the netherworld. Thus, the messenger was the repre-
sentative of the spirit in the cult.
18. The translation of é - gar8“wall” does not make any sense. Ldnu “figure,” however,
seems more suitable (that é-g a r8is also “body” was pointed out by Kramer, op. tit.,
n. 37, but not rendered). Almost every detail in the ritual suggests that the
performance o f the ritual engaged an anthropomorphic form; fines 3 8—40 state that
the dead is coming and that, although he has eyes and a mouth, he can neither see
nor speak, and that the girl anointed it with oil and gave it a clean garment. These
concrete features are not applicable to an ethereal entity. Thus, they enforce the
impression of an anthropomorphic object and overrule the possibility that these acts
were performed on a wall. The term é -g a r8, however, suggests that it is a figurine
not a corpse (compare “Lulil and His Sister” 56). The use of the term é-g a r8rather
than the seemingly obvious alan is puzzling. I would cautiously venture that the
text means “shape” literally rather than “statue,” because the performance is not
intended for a statue but for the proxy, for the shape of the spirit. In the ritual the
statue is not simply a statue but the shape or the figure of the deceased and, therefore,
the scribe conceives it as a statue.
19. Compare with “Lulil and His Sister” 57.
20. Compare with “Lulil and His Sister” 55. Note, however, the difference. In the ritual
for Asgi the spirit is merely released, whereas here it first had to arrive and then it
departed. This line seems to mark the cardinal difference between the two rituals.
21. This phrase is dealt with in great detail in chapter 2, section 2.1.5.
SUBSISTENCE AND THE ECOLOGICAL CONDITIONS 205
b . LULIL A N D HIS SISTER 4 0 - 4 8 , 5 5 - 6 0 22

The dead young god Asgi beseeches his sister to release his spirit and gives her
instructions for the performance of the funeral ritual:
40. ses-e nin9-a-ni m u-na-ni-ib-gi4-gi4
41. su-bar-mu nin9-m u su-bar-mu
42. egi-me su-bar-mu rnng-mu su-bar-mu
43. nin9-e na-am -m u-ub-dujj-dujj-en mu-lu i-bi-du8 nu-m e-en
44. egi-me ‫ ח‬a-âm-mu-ub-du!,-d u , ,-en m u-lu i-bi-du8 nu-m e-en
45. ama-mu ga-sa-an-mah na-am -m u-ub-dujj-dujj-en m u-lu i-bi-
du8 nu-m e-en
40. The brother answered his sister:
41. Release me my sister, release me.
42. Egime23 release me, my sister release me,
22. Thureau-Dangin, 1922, and chapter 2, section 2.2.5. The text is a lament ofEgime
for her brother, a typical motif of the laments for the young dying gods. The com-
position is constructed as a dialogue between sister and brother. Egime describes the
grief that his death caused and asks her brother to revive himself. In his answer, the
dead brother says that he cannot and asks his sister to release him, namely his soul.
He describes his whereabouts in the netherworld and gives her instructions for the
performance ofhis funeral rite. For a translation oflines 20-3 8 an d 4 1 4 8 ‫ ־‬, seejacob-
sen, 1980, 21-22. Thureau-Dangin dates the text to the Isin-Larsa period.
The name m u - lu - lil is the em esalform oflû-lil. The dead young god is the
son of Ninhursaga and Sulpae in Adab and Kes. Thureau-Dangin thought that Lulil
was related to the deity Lillu. Jacobsen assumed that it is a pun on that name and
should be read literally Lulil. For Lillu, see R 1A 7, 19-20, s.v. Lil, with previous
literature. Presumably m u - lu - lil / lû - lil should be interpreted as “man-spirit”
rather than as a god name and accordingly qualify any young dying god or spirit,
endowing the lament with a universal sense. The same applies to the written meaning
ofhis sister’s name N I N 9- m e . Thus, bothbrother andsister are named with a general
appellation, which signifies their role in the cult. In view ofhis genealogy, I would
identify Lulil with Asgi (A s-SIR -gi9). Sumerian SIR with the reading as-gi
indicates that the name means “testicle” (compare CAD I/J, 250, s.v. iB!u).
Therefore, he is a young god offertility. The inclusion of Asgi in the list of mourners
(1. 24) can be explained by the literary transmission of the cultic lament against the
background of the epithet lu -lil.
23. The reading ofEgime as a personal name was first suggested by Jacobsen, 1980, 22.
Literary considerations justify the occasional readings of N IN ,-m e as a proper
name rather than “I am/you are a sister,” that is n in 9-m e (n). The structure of the
passage, constructed of expanding parallelisms, exposes this distinction. Line 42
expands line 41 and displays an inner synonymous parallelism of the two members:
Egime versus “my sister”; lines 43-45 form a triple parallelism: line 43 “sister ...”
206 T H E IM A G E O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
43. Sister, do not reproach me, I am not a man who can see,24
44. Egime, do not reproach me, I am not a man who can see.
45. My mother, the exalted lady, do not reproach me, I am not a man
who can see.
55. mu-na su-te-ma-ab&.ar_s‫״‬M ba-bar-mu un-nà‫״‬a
56. as-te gub-i si-la-ah25 tus-bi
57. tug as-te mar-i s i- « im - » la - a h dul-bi
58. ninda ki-si-ga si-bi gur-bi su-te-ma-ab
60. ûtul-kûm-ma bal-bi me-lâm-bi NE ng?
55. After you have called my “his spirit is released” fetch me the bed!26
56. Set up a chair and seat the statue (on it)!27
57. Place the garment on the chair and cover the statue (with it)!28
58. Place the bread offering and wipe it!29
> line 44 her proper name ... > and closing with line 45 “my mother” (as a parallel
to “my sister”) + her name (parallel to Egime).
24. Compare with “The Messenger and the Maiden” 39.
25. Neither s i-la -a h nor s i- im - la - a h (in line 57) are attested in Sumerian or
Akkadian and, therefore, it may be thé Elamite word s i-i-la “statue” (see W. Hinz
und H. Koch, Elamisches Wörterbuch [Berlin, 1987] Teil II, 1072). This interpre-
tation is strongly supported by the reference to a figurine in “The Messenger and
the Maiden” 46, and since these rituals are parallel, it also fits the context that implies
that s i-la -a h is the representation of the dead person. Judging by the context, both
lines should have the same word and s i-im - la -a h in line 57 is a mistake. Gram-
matical or syntactical reasons do not justify the suffix -h or -ah and, therefore,
perhaps the scribe heard the word as /silah/ and as such he borrowed it. Why the
scribe did not use Sumerian, but employed an Elamite word for “statue, ” is not clear.
26. Compare with “The Messenger and the Maiden” 48. The difference between the
texts is due to the different circumstances: the spirit ofAsgi is still in his body; it must
be released before the body can be buried. Therefore, he also asked for a bed. That
the messenger has to arrive at the place o f the ritual indicates that the performance
of his ritual was not on the occasion of his funeral but later. For the Akkadian gloss
and a different translation, see C AD E, 28, s.v. edêpu.
27. s i-la -a h “statue”; see note to line 56.
28. See above and compare with “The Messenger and the Maiden” 47.
29. Compare with “The Messenger and the Maiden” 42 above, g u r-b i su -te-m a-
ab in the second member of line 58 is a corruption of the verb s u -g u r kapäm
“wipe” “rub.” The source of the mistake is probably in line 55, which has the same
verbal form. Ritualistic wiping of the body with bread was practiced against some
diseases (see the collected examples in C A D K, 178ff). For k i-si-g a , see Lambert,
O N S 56 (1987): 403-4.
S U B S IS T E N C E A N D T H E E C O L O G IC A L C O N D IT IO N S 207
59. Pour out the water into the libation pipe, pour it in the dust of the
netherworld!30
60. Pour out the warm soup(?)... !3I
4.1.1. T h e O b je c tiv e o f th e R i t u a l s
Each phase in one ritual has its parallel in the other and both aim to secure
rest for the spirit in the netherworld. Therefore, despite a difference in the
literary framework, it is practically a single specific ritual. Yet, two instances
of a slight difference in phrasing suggest that the circumstances o f the perfor-
mance are different: one is in the departure of the spirit at the beginning and
the other in the pouring of the water libation.
The instructions of Asgi begin with “after you have called my ‘his spirit is
released’ fetch me the bed!” The ritual for the messenger begins with “he
comes yet he has not come” and ends with the statement “the spirit has
entered the spirit has departed. ” Although both relate to the movement o f the
spirit and its departure to the netherworld, the differences in the phrasing
indicate a major difference in the situation:
(1) The ritual of Asgi commences with the release ofthe spirit from the
body, but the ritual of the messenger begins with his arrival at the
place ofthe girl. This difference is further emphasized by the closing
statement in line 48, which signifies that the messenger had to enter
the scene before he departed to the netherworld. This double
movement in two opposite directions implies that neither the dead
body nor the spirit was present at the scene ofthe ritual before it had
begun. Therefore, the ritual for the messenger was not performed
on the occasion of a burial but at a later period.
(2) Asgi demanded a bed whereas in the ritual for the messenger a bed
is not mentioned. The demand for a bed after the release ofthe spirit
30. Compare with “The Messenger and the Maiden” 45. The term a-p a4 “libation
pipe” is a further indication that this ritual was performed at a grave in association
with the funeral. Pipes were found in the filling of graves and see, for example, in
the royal cemetery PG 800 (Woolley, UE II, 73—74); PG 1054 (ibid. 104 fig. 16). It
seems reasonable to assume that these pipes were intended for offerings after burial
and that they are the same as the a-p a4 of this ritual. Note also that Enegi, the cult
center of the netherworld god Ninazu, is called in the hymn to its principal temple,
theEgida, a -p a 4-g a l a-p a4- k i- a de re s -k i-g a l-la -k a , thatis “the great offering
pipe ofthe netherworld” (Sjöberg, 1969,27:179). See also C A D A/2, 3245.1/. arütu.
31. This line remains enigmatic. Since u tu l relates to the verb bal, it seems that the
meaning immaru “soup” is more suitable than diqâru “bowl.”
indicates that the body of Asgi was right there, ready and waiting for
interment. Its absence from the ritual of the messenger implies that
there was no body and no burial.
(3) Each text employs a different verb to signify the departure of the
spirit to the netherworld: the spirit of Asgi was (su—)bar “released,”
whereas the messenger’s è “went out.” The choice of these partie-
ular verbs conforms with the different circumstances; the verb s u -
b a r indicates that Asgi has just died, that his body is in front of the
mourner with his spirit locked in it, and that it is about to be buried.
The verb è indicates that the messenger’s spirit has not been released
but simply left the site just as it had entered before the ritual. There-
fore, the spirit represented by the messenger had already been sepa-
rated from the body and came to the site of the ritual for remem-
brance and care.
The second passage in which the rituals differ is the act of libating the offer-
ing to the dead. Asgi instructs his sister to pour the water into the libation
pipes, thereby indicating that it was performed in connection with a grave:
“pour out the water into the libation pipe, pour it in the dust o f the neth-
erworld! ” The maiden, on the other hand, pours the water for the messenger
simply onto the ground: “I poured water, I poured to the ground, he drank
it.” This act, too, seems to signify a different situation and not merely a vari-
ation in the phrasing; the ritual for the messenger was unrelated to a grave.
However, the objective o f both rituals was the same, to secure the rest and
well-being o f the spirit in the netherworld. Yet, they differ in the circum-
stances o f the performance, its time, and its location. Asgi’s ritual is the initial
funeral rite, directly following death and including the interment o f the body;
the messenger’s ritual was performed at a later stage as in k i-a - n a g .32
4.1.2. S ig n ifica n ce o f th e T e x t s
The most interesting feature in the rituals is the use o f a figurine; the actual
performance was applied to an actual, physical image o f the dead person.33
32. Noteworthy is TIM 6,10:1—9 (SS 7), which differentiates between im and gidim.
Wilcke maintains that im designates the spirit at the time of death, whereas gidim
the spirit in the netherworld (Wilcke, 1988,254). His interpretations conforms with
the use of these terms in the extant sources and makes sense. However, it means that
the messenger was not brought to burial, that his spirit was not yet released when
he came, and, therefore, that the ritual of the girl is the initial one, but without a
body.
33. That s i-i-la could be Elamite and that in Elamite it means “statue” was probably
S U B S IS T E N C E A N D T H E E C O L O G I C A L C O N D I T I O N S 209
The presence of a figurine, an icon of the dead, gives sense to the act ofplacing
a chair, putting a garment on it,34 and, above all, to the acts of anointing with
oil and wiping with bread. Its use as a proxy for the dead person also explains
the graphic description of the messenger in lines 39-40 and accounts for the
impersonal appellation kas4 “messenger.”35
A vivid illustration of this practice, although of later date, is the account
of the mourning and funeral rite that Gilgames prepared for Enkidu, in the
epic of Gilgames tablet VIII. After a long lament for Enkidu, Gilgames
commissions the erecting o f his statue and promises that (G i l g . VIII, iii 1-2):
“[I will lay you] on a bed [of honor] / I will make you sit [on a restful seat36
onmyleft].”37Thefragmentary remains of the tabletseem to describe the full
funerary ritual for Enkidu, including an account of the gra ve goods and the
provisions that Gilgames offered him. Since the version of the Gilgames epic
ismuch later than our texts and is of a different literary genre, it includes details
that are either later practice or irrelevant for the Old Babylonian lament and
ritual.38 In principle, however, the account of tablet VIII parallels that of
“Lulil and His Sister” and contains the same principal elements: a lament,
making a statue o f the dead, setting a bed and a chair for him, and, finally,
making offerings.39 Another passage from the epic of Gilgames relates that
unknown to Thureau-Dangin. However, based on the context, he proposed that

it was a double o f the dead.
34. That in both rituals the spirit was given a garment supports my view that the dead
were supposed to remain dressed in the netherworld and that only Inanna was
compelled to undress on her way to the netherworld for reasons that relate to the
particular plot of ID. Therefore, we should not deduce a general rule from the
circumstances of the myth (see Katz, 1995).
35. The term “messenger” is used in its basic meaning and designates the representative
of the spirit in the world o f the living.
36. In view of the two Old Babylonian rituals it seems that subtu here is not a dwelling
as Dailey translated but a chair, as in our rituals.
37. Dailey, 1989 91-95, and George, 1999, 66:85—86. Note also tablet VIII, ii 13—16:
“Now, what is the sleep that has seized [you?] / You’ve become unconscious, you
do not [hear me] / but he, he lifted not [his head]. I felt Iris heart, but it beat no
longer” (Trans. George, 1999, 65). Compare with “Lulil and His Sister” 43 and
“The Messenger and the Maiden” 39—40.
38. Such as the detailed account of grave goods for taklimtu in front ofSamas. The very
involvement o f Sarnas in the funeral ritual is self-evident for the second and first
millennia but is unknown practice in the U r III period. It probably originated some
time during the Old Babylonian period.
39. Note that a similar funerary ritual is described in an incantation against disease A M T
90 ii 8ff. (see also Tsukimoto, 1985, 138 with n. 468). However, in the incantation
Gilgames offered “his god” Lugalbanda an ointm ent in the horns o f the Bull
o f Heaven, which he then hung in his bedroom ( G i l g . VI, 160—65).40 Lugal-
banda is the father o f Gilgames and his designation “his god” refers to the cult
of the ancestors. T he ointm ent offering suggests that Gilgames venerated a
statue of Lugalbanda. In analogy, Gilgames may have intended to place the
icon of Enkidu to the left of his throne, perhaps as a protective spirit or god.
The two examples from the epic o f Gilgames establish that the cult of the
dead was practiced in association w ith an icon o f the dead.4041 T he reference
to a figurine in “The Messenger and the Maiden” and “Lulil and His Sister”
implies that the use o f an icon originated earlier, in Sumerian traditions. T I M
9, 1$ suggests that such a ritual was performed in the cult o f Dumuzi. The
substitution of the appellation kas4 “messenger” with some epithets of
Dumuzi in T I M 9, 15: 9—' ‫ ' ף‬indicates equivalence in terms. It suggests that
the designation “messenger” is functional, that it refers to a proxy of the dead,
and that it signifies a representative of the spirit in the cult of the dead in rites
for a spirit whose body had not been recovered or that resided in the neth-
erworld. Correspondingly, we may wonder whether lu - l il refers to a deity
Lillu, as rendered by Thureau-Dangin, or if it is an appellation similar to
“messenger,” meaning “man-spirit,” referring to the object of the ritual.
4.1.3. C o n c lu s io n s
The texts clearly indicate the use of a figurine in the funeral ritual. It stands
to reason that, rather than dealing with an abstract spiritual being, a physical
the figurine is of course buried since it represents the evil power, not a dead man.
Yet, the similarities to our Old Babylonian rituals signify how firmly rooted burial
customs were in the Mesopotamian tradition, that they were observed in almost the
same manner for hundreds of years.
40. K231 = v 21-26 (George, 1999, 53). The spirits of the dead ancestors were the family
gods.
41. The use of a figurine in connection with kispu is implied by the Middle Babylonian
text PBS 2/2, 108:5 (Tsukimoto, 1985, 87). A text front Elam alludes to the same
practice in Susa (see Reiner, A FO 24 [1973]: 87-102). Compare with an Old
Babylonian prayer to Sin, asking him to release the spirits of the family for the kispum
(BE 6/2, 111:1-36; Wilcke, Z A 73 [1983]: 48-54). The verbal form us-k-ra-am-ma
(CAD K /1, 422 s.v. aläru C) implies that the spirits come out for the ritual unless
the prayer expresses a symbolic gesture, meaning that, with the consent of the god,
the family spirits receive their bread and water offerings. It seems remarkable that
so few texts describe the ritual and even less mention figurines, whereas so many
document the commodities for k i-a -n a g . This state of affairs is probably due to
S U B S IS T E N C E A N D T H E E C O L O G IC A L C O N D I T I O N S 2 TI
figurative representation o f the spirit was used for the cult o f the dead,
symbolizing its actual presence in the house and participation in family affairs.
The statue kept its identity alive, as well as the identity o f the family. W ith
a physical image of the dead the cult could be conducted anywhere.42 H ow
prevalent the use o f figurines i n the cult o f the dead was is a m atter for system-
atic archaeological research, w hich is beyond the scope of this work. A mere
glimpse at the finds from N ippur reveals that figurines were found in every
private house (although not in a particular room).43 The fact that most of the
figurines were made o f fired clay indicates that they were meant to be used
for a long period of time and the fact that many were made by means of a mold
that it was mass produced. For these reasons, o f all possible uses for the figu-
rines the excavators prefer household private religion.44 G i l g . VI, 160-65
suggests that the statue of his father Lugalbanda was placed in the bedroom
of Gilgames. It is at least equally possible, therefore, that these figurines repre-
sented ancestors and were used for their cult and probably that dead a ncestors
were the private gods o f the family.45
In theoiy, every family was supposed to observe the cult o f the ancestors.
Yet, even if we take into account that the same figurines had been used for
afew generations and that when a house was abandoned peacefully the family
took its icons along, the number of figurines in the finds is relatively small.46
A saying concerning the funerary cult that seems to reject the use o f figu-
rine is proverb 1.38.47 Its first line is as foUows:
the fact that the delivery of commodities is of economic interest and as such was
usually recorded.
42. An illuminating illustration for the significance of the ancestors’ figurines is found
in the biblical story concerning Rachel stealing the teraphim (Gen 31:19). For a
detailed discussion, see van der Toorn, 1996, 218—24.
43. See, for instance, Nippur I, OIP 78, 83-93 and 146—47 on house chapels.
44. Op. cit., 95. Magical purposes are rejected for two reasons. First, toward the end of
the second millennium the number of figurines in the finds declines, whereas the
number of magical texts using figurines increases; second, the ephemeral use of a
figurine for magical purposes does not justify baking.
45. For that subject, see the comprehensive treatment in van der Toorn, 1996.
46. As expected, archaeologists usually find broken specimens that seem to be out of use
and hidden away. If a house was not destroyed suddenly but abandoned, we should
not expect to find figurines at all, or at least not fully preserved figurines. In any
event, the evaluation of the archaeological finds in private houses calls for great
caution, particularly with regard to figurines.
47■Alster, 1997, 13.
ninda i-si su nu-un-gur

Bread is placed but not wiped.
This saying bears a remarkable resemblance to “The Messenger and the
M aiden” 42. Contrary to our two rituals, however, it makes a point not to
wipe with the bread and, thereby, it indirectly indicates that figurines were
normally in use. In view o f the rituals it is doubtful that the purpose of the
saying was to explain cultic practice. It seems m ore likely that the tone is
ironic and so the saying criticizes the custom o f feeding the dead. Therefore,
the instruction signifies that wiping an icon is pointless because the food
would not reach its destination.
Later significant evidence comes from a unique Old Babylonian letter. In
a letter to Sîn-iddinam, Hammurabi refers to the claim o f a father that for
eight years he had made k is p u for his son, w hom he thought was dead, only
to find out subsequently that he was still alive, residing elsewhere.48This letter
implies that the family offered k is p u to all its dead members, including spirits
whose burial place or circumstances o f death were unknown or whose death
was not even firmly established. It indicates that the k i s p u - offering was
neither related to a grave nor to a body.
Some matters remain unresolved. Was the cult o f the dead performed
without an icon? Was it practiced at home with an icon by all or just by fàmi-
lies of social and economic standing? Was the cult also performed in desig-
nated public areas or in temples, and by w hom and how?
4.2. M e a n s o f S u b siste n c e in th e N e t h e r w o r ld
The two Sumerian rituals illustrate the care o f the living for the dead, provid-
ing them with bread, water, clothing, and ointment. Administrative texts that
list deliveries of goods or livestock for k i- a - n a g reveal the actual economic
perspective of the cult o f the dead. Subsistence in the netherworld is treated
by various literary texts of different genres, but usually from a different
perspective— a concern for the availability of food and drink in the nether-
world and its quality. N ot surprisingly these texts deal with the issue from the
perspective of the spirits themselves.49Therefore, they exhibit the true image
o f the conditions in the netherworld, whereas the rituals merely imply that
the place is devoid o f the means o f survival.
48. Van Soldt, AbB 13, no. 21.

49. Not surprisingly because it is quite obvious what sort of commodities the living
delivered in actual reality.
S U B S IS T E N C E A N D T H E E C O L O G IC A L C O N D I T I O N S 213
a. G E N 248 to end
One o f the most popular sources for reconstructing the conditions in the
netherworld is Enkidu’s answers to Gilgames in G E N . S° Gilgames inquired
about the situation of different spirits according to their social and economic
status during their past lifetime, their age, and circumstances o f death. Most
of the answers link the lot o f the spirit to its previous life. It is possible that
the one who had more children would have better care, but, against the back-
ground o f the context and compared with other sources, this attitude seems
simplistic and overly optimistic. It means that a person could determine his
lot after death regardless o f the prevailing image o f the conditions in the neth-
erworld. It is also in conflict with Enkidu’s warning that knowledge o f the
netherworld would make Gilgames cry (11. 248—49), implying that the pros-
pects were not so good. Therefore, these specific answers seem deliberate.
Their purpose is to help Gilgames come to terms with his own mortality.
Since the answers link the way oflife w ith the status o f the spirit it also reflects
a moral judgm ent oflife. Therefore, it has perhaps an additional purpose, to
instruct for a good life, which would secure better prospects in the nether-
world. As such the message is double and universal.5051Having said that, we also
have to assume that the author would wish to retain some credibility, other-
wise he would not achieve his purpose. Therefore, his description cannot be
too far removed from the theological conventions o f the period.
The description o f Enkidu focuses on the state o f the spirits, not so much
on the availability of pro visions or the material conditions in the netherworld.
The meaning is not always clear since some o f the answers sound like
common sayings or conventional metaphors, rather than images o f a myth-
ological reality. The order o f questions varies among the manuscripts.52Most
of the questions concern family and personal situations, from the number of
sons, to the woman who did not give birth, to the couples who did not
50. G E N 246-303 (end); Akkadian version in tablet XII 88 to end. The description of
Enkidu coming up from the netherworld points to necromancy. Presumably, si-
s i-ig - n i- ta in line 243 means that Enkidu appeared to Gilgames in a dream, “in
his dream form.” I compare it to D Gil 180-81, where Sisig is the dream-god, who
would lighten the netherworld. But Sisig can only metaphorically bring light to the
netherworld, not literally. The dream-god, although the son of Utu, is not a body
oflight. By bringing light the couplet means easing the mind, brightening the mood,
like the answers of Enkidu in GEN.
51. The full incorporation of the dialogue as the last tablet of the Akkadian version of
the Epic of Gilgames indicates that the ancient editor observed a moral and edu-
cational purpose in the text. This issue is discussed also in chapter 3, section 3.4.2/c.
52. I follow the order of Shaffer, 1963.
consummate their marriage. Further answers refer to m en who were killed

in accidents, the death o f a warrior, o f a young man, and o f little children. The
most instructive answers describe the man w ho has no one to take care ofhim
(1. 294), the leper (1. 288), and the man who was burned (1. 303). T he series
o f answers concerning the num ber o f children is the only solid thematic
group and its message is clear: the more sons one has, the better or happier
one’s existence in the netherworld. Whereas the man who has one son sits
crying (1. 256), he who has two sons eats bread (1. 2 $8) and he w ho has three
drinks water from a water skin. But the man who has seven sons sits in the
company of gods and listens to verdicts (1. 268). However, having a single son
is enough to take good care of the spirit, which was the duty o f the eldest
son.53 T he description of the heirless spirit (1. 270) is obscure,545but it appears
that he eats bread. Therefore, having no heir probably means no son, just
daughters, and, therefore, his spirit is not neglected.5s The descriptions of
spirits who suffer from special family or personal predicaments center on their
emotional state. They too seem to be cared for. Against that background most
telling is the fate of the spirit who has no one to take care ofhim ( G E N 294):
su-su-ub-bé [ninda-pad-pad]-ra u! sila sub-ba 1-gu7-e 56
Gleaning bread crumbs, food discarded in the street he eats.
His description indicates that other spirits were taken care of, no matter how
unfortunate their condition. This conclusion is supported by the ritual for
53. See van der Toorn, 1996, 52ff.

54. Line 270: s ig ^ ^ K ID -ra -g in , n in d a a l-g u -e . This line needs collation. The
meaning of sig, glsK ID -ra has no parallel nor does the word I D -ra. Klein
suggested a translation “mud brick” (Klein and Shiffa, 1996, 319, in Hebrew).
Thematically his suggestion seems logical since this spirit has no heir to care for it.
From a lexical point of view, however, it is difficult because glsKID is not included
in the lists of wooden objects (edited in Veldhuis, 1997). KID, usually with the
determinative gi denotes reed mats (M SL 14, 355:5—6). None of these meanings
cannot describe the sig4 “brick.” If the element / - r a / does not mark the genitive
but the locative, “like a brick in/on reed mat” or rather “a brick like a reed mat”
it would be a unique simile for an uncomfortable seat.
55. Comparable to the ritual o f a girl in “The Messenger and the Maiden.”
56. Line 294 is a complementary parallelism in which the spirit is the subject of both
members. Therefore, rather than Shaffer’s reading g u b -b a ', I prefer the reading râ
instead ofD U and the reading u' “food” instead o f-b a ', as the beginning of the
second member in parallel to n in d a -p a d -p a d -ra of the first member. For a
discussion of the Akkadian version, see Deller and Watanabe, Z A 70 (1980): 211-
13. See also CAD S/III, 219 s.v. sukhiltu. Both accept Shaffer’s reading of the
Sumerian version.
Asgi, which was performed by his sister, the ritual o f the girl for the messen-
ger, and the O ld Babylonian letter according to which a father performed
kispu for his son who had disappeared but eight year later was found to be
alive.57
Enkidu’s answers signify that the objective conditions in the netherworld,
the lack of independent means for subsistence, are marginal. The state o f the
spirit is determined during its lifetime or by the circumstances o f death. One
remains what one was in life or at the moment o f death. This is most clearly
illustrated by the descriptions o f the leper and the man w ho was burned. The
fate of the leper is similar to his social status in life (1.288). In the netherworld,
as well as during his lifetime, he lives outside the community. The man who
died by fire was completely consumed and his body, as well as his soul, went
up in smoke. This means that w hen the cause o f death is a fire, the soul does
not survive as a spirit; it does not reside in heaven, but like a smoke the soul
fades away into the sky and ceases to exist. This view does not teach us about
the attitude toward cremation. G E N is very clear that nothing remains o f the
body; in analogy to the interment o f the body, cremation would take place
after the release of the soul.
b. D U r 81-87
The notion that the dead retained the same status in the netherworld they had
enjoyed while alive is demonstrated in D U r by the fate o f the dead king o f
Ur. Urnamma received command over the soldiers, paralleling his lifetime
function as commander o f the Urukean army. Also, he was in charge o f those
who had sinned and was appointed as a judge in the netherworld, corre-
sponding to his lifetime duty of ensuring justice throughout Sumer. D U r
refers also to the objective physical conditions (appendix 5/a, lines 81—87):
81. The king slaughtered oxen, many a sheep.
82. Urnamma seated them at a huge banquet.
83. The food of the kur is bitter; the water of the kur is brackish.
84. The faithful shepherd, his heart knew the rites of the kur.
85. The king sacrificed the offerings of the kur,
86. Urnamma sacrificed the offerings of the kur,
87. Perfect oxen, perfect sheep, fattened sheep that had been brought.
The banquet took place upon the arrival of Urnamma in the netherworld.
Since the netherworld was devoid of any sources of food, there is little doubt
that the banquet consisted of the offerings that were made during the actual
funeral rite. The text indicates, however, that these sacrifices were made by
57. AbB 13, no. 21, mentioned above.

the dead king and not for him, which means that they were done in his name.
Additional relevant information is the comm ent that the food and water of
the netherworld are bitter. That the description o f the proceeding seems to
mirror the actual funeral rite suggests that the qualitative evaluation of the
food was anchored in concrete reality. The king provided perfect sheep and
cattle and, yet, the food and drink were bitter. The discrepancy between the
high quality of the offerings and its low quality when consumed exposes an
awareness that provisions spoil in the sealed grave and indicates that the myth-
ological reality was evaluated in terms o f actual reality.
c. EDINA-USAGAKE (K. 4954) 2 ’- 6 '
The bad quality o f the food in the netherworld is the topic o f a passage from
a first-millennium bilingual edition of the lament (appendix 4/d) :
3'. This food, its appearance is bad.
[How could you eatj this food?
4'. This water, its appearance is bad.
[How could you drink] this water?
s ' . The food that he made me eat since yesterday
[m]y m other [should not eat]!
6'. My own water, which he made me pour,
my mother should no[t drink]!
The immediate message of this passage complies with the concept that the
spirits were eating and drinking and that the food was of inferior quality. But
line 6' inserts an obscure tone about the nature or source o f the food.
The phrasing o f line 6' deviates from the general pattern o f parallelism
between the two couplets and within the couplets.58Line 6' uses the verb dé
“pour” instead of the expected n a g “drink,” as in its parallel line 4'; both lines
form a complementary parallelism with gu7 “eat” in fines 5' and 3'. Since, in
addition, the direct object is qualified by the reflexive pronoun n i-m u
“myself,” this phrase creates the impression that the dead young god libated
his water himself. Since this is impossible, it means that the dead had to drink
his urine. But there is no evidence from other Sumerian texts that the dead
had to eat their excrement. One possible solution is that the scribe was
confused and wrote dé instead of nag because dé describes the actofwater
libation to the dead. However, if the passage relates to the condition of the
dead before his mother received his body and performed his funeral rite, he
was not yet provided with offerings and so did not have anything to eat and
58. Lines 3'—4' parallel lines 5 6 - ‫'׳‬, and each couplet also forms a complementary
parallelism.
ink in the realm o f the dead. In that case, the notion that he would be
mpelled to survive on his own excrement is not unimaginable, at least theo-
:ically. The prevalent concept that unattended spirits became evil and
amed througho ut the world o f the living does not elaborate upon their food
d drink. The reason is probably that it was comm on knowledge. Likewise,
e idea that, in the absence o f offerings, the spirit had to consume its excre-
ent could have circulated among the population without receiving explicit
erary expression.59
d. THE DEATH OF DUMUZI 5 4 5 7 60‫־‬

1e idea that the food in the netherworld was inedible js expressed in the
1etic description of the netherworld:
54. ès-lam-sè ga-sa-an-ki-gal-la-a-sè gis-bûr-ra ba-an-fdabj
55. 1‫־‬tf-b i i-ma-al nu-gu7-ù-dè gis-bûr-r[a ba-an-dabj
56. a-bi i-ma-al nu-na8-na8-dè gis-bûr-ra [ba-an-dab5]
57. ki-nam-tar-ra dur-ru-na-sè gis-bûr-ra [ba-an-dabj
54. To the Eslam, to Ereskigal, he was trapped.61
55. Its food is there (but) shall not be eaten, he was trapped.
56. Its water is there (but) shall not be drunk, he was trapped.62
57. To the place where Namtar dwells, he was trapped.63
59. If neglected spirits had to eat their excrement, it is the utmost humiliation, which
explains why they turn out to be so dangerously hostile.
50. C T 58, 42. For transhteration and translation, see Kramer, 1980b. According to the
colophon it is probably ersemma ofDumuzi; see chapter 1, section 1.3.1.2/a for a
general observations on the text.
51. The meaning of ès-lam is uncertain. I follow Kramer’s suggestion (1980b, 6n. 11)
that it may be a shrine o f Ereskigal with connotations o f the netherworld. Note,
however, that the only reference to a temple of Ereskigal is Lu’utu’s dedication
inscription. In the administrative texts o f Ur III ès-lam appears as a name o f a
shrine: U E T 3, 73:20; 124:6; 876:3 and 1302:6. g is -b u r is a sort o f a trap (see CAD
G, 100, s.1>. gisburrw, Sjöberg 1969,129-30 to hne 418; idem, 1973, 3° to hne 32 and
discussionin p. 39; idem, 1974^75,166, UM 29-25-979:6'). A similar use of the term
as a metaphor for death is in the “Second Elegy of the Pushkin Museum,” 116
(Kramer, r960, 55).
62. The phrasing of lines 55-56 has some semblance to K. 4954:3'-4' (cited above and
appendix 4/d). It is possible that the scribe was influenced by an Old Babylonian
version of the passage from Edimi-usagake and adapted it to this composition.
63. Note that this hne directly continues hne 54. Perhaps, therefore, hnes 55—56 were
interpolated.
These lines signify unequivocally that the food and the drink are unsuitable
for consumption. It takes the concept of D U r and E d in a - u s a g a k e one step
further; it is not merely bitter or o f bad quality, but inedible. The source of
the food is obscured because of the poetic style o f the passage. Inserted be-
tween two metonyms for the netherworld, one mentioning Ereskigal, the
other Namtar, it is not clear whether the food is intrinsic to the netherworld
or is just spoiled offerings.
A recurring m otif in Akkadian mythology is the description o f the neth-
erworld in terms of a grave, expressing the related idea that the dead are
sustained by dust, clay, and muddy'water.64 That is to say, the spirits feed on
substances that are not food for living human beings. This notion is common
to Akkadian mythology and the text of “The Death of Dum uzi.” But,
whereas the Sumerian text underlines the quality o f the foodbut refrains from
naming its components, the Akkadian m otif specifies the components
because the quality is self-evident. It does not leave room for speculation
about the nature of the netherworld and its affinity with the grave. Presurn-
ably, in principle, the Sumerian and Akkadian texts share the same idea: the
spirits consume substances that are not suitable for eating. Therefore, the
Sumerians may have reached a similar conclusion, that substances that orig-
inally may have been fit food for living human beings spoiled after they were
offered to the dead, eventually turning into clay.
e. U dughul 848—49
The evil spirit is adjured that its food is the food of the dead. Thereby, the
incantation makes an explicit distinction between the food o f the dead and
that o f the living (see in context: appendix 6/f):
848. Your food is the food o f the spirits,
849. Your drinking water is the drinking water o f the spirits.
The incantation reflects a view that the cosmos is divided into two separate
realms, the world o f the living and the realm of the dead. Its purpose is to
restore the right order, to separate the dead spirits from the living, and to
assign them to their own place where they could not mingle with living
human beings. Food and drink are the basic means of survival and, therefore,
the categorical distinction between the food o f the living and that o f the dead
defines the habitat o f the spirit in the netherworld. Consequently, the spirit
has neither the need nor a reason to roam in the world o f the living in search
o f victuals.
64. E D 8 and 32-33 (K A R 1:3335 ‫ ; ־‬C T 15, 4.5:8, 3233‫ ;) ־‬Gilg. VII, iv 37; “Nergaland
Ereskigal” (STTi, 28 iii 3).
f. NINGISZIDA’S JOURNEY TO THE NETHERW ORLD 2 9 - 3 165

A different attitude, that the netherworld is completely barren, emerges in the
myth “Ningiszida’sjourney to the Netherw orld.” W hen the g a l l a lead N in-
giszida to the netherworld, his sister wishes to join him on the boat. The
brother tries to induce his sister to change her mind by describing to her the
physical conditions in the netherworld.66
29. i7-kur-ra-ke4 a nu-un-dé a-bi nu-m u-e-na8-n[a8] za-e ab-u5-dè
30. a-sà-kur-ra-ke4 se rm -'m û-niû' zi nu-m u-u[n-x-xj za-e ab-u5-dè
31. udu-kur-ra-ke4 sig nu-ü-la tûg nu-mu-ni-tag'-tag' za-e ab-u5-dè
29. The river of the netherworld flows no water, its water you should
not drink, would you sail then?
30. The field of the netherworld grows no grain, flour is not milled
from it, would you sail then?
31. The sheep of the netherworld carries no wool, cloth is not woven
from him, would you sail then?
Ningiszida refers to the three fundamental needs for human survival: food,
water, and clothing. The configuration of the passage in the paradox indicates
that the netherworld is devoid of everything. The origin o f each substance
is represented as if it exists in the netherworld, but contrary to the logic it does
not yield its natural produce. Therefore, the description is not ajudgm ent of
their quality but a statement that they are actually non-existent. By definition,
a river is a carrier o f water, but if it does not carry water it is not a river. Thus,
the river of the netherworld does not exist and so there is no water in the neth-
erworld. The term a-sà denotes a cultivated field, not merely a piece of land.
Grain is produced on farmed land. But if grain cannot be cultivated there, it
is not a-sà. Hence, there is no grain to be milled for consumption because
there is no farmed land and, in other words, there is no food in the nether-
world. The same applies to the sheep of the netherworld. A sheep is a domes-
ticated animal that grows wool from which clothes are made. A sheep that
grows no wool is non-existent and so there are no clothes in the nether-
world.67
65. On the text, see chapter 1, sections 1.3.2.1/a—b, and chapter 3, section 3.3.3. For
the text edition, see Alster and Jacobsen, 2000.
66. In lines 24—28 Ningiszida warns his sister against getting into the boat (see 1.3.2.1/
a). Parallel to lines 29—31 is found in a lament for Damu (Scheil, R A 8 [1911] : 170) :
r. 3. i7-kur-ra-ke4 a nu-un-dé a-bi nu-mu-un-si-si
r. 4. a-sà-kur-ra-ke4 se nu-mu zi-bi na-ma-ar5-re
r. 5. udu-kur-ra-ke4 sig nu-un-lâ tûg-bi na-ma-tag-tag
67. On negation as a rhetoric means in Sumerian literature, see Michalowski, “Nega-
This passage signifies more than that the netherworld is devoid of any
means o f survival. The production o f food and clothes from cultivated plants
and domesticated animals is a symbol o f the civilized world as opposed to
savage nature. The choice of these symbols for the description o f the physical
conditions in the netherworld voices a notion that, in addition to a lack of
basic hum an necessities, the netherworld is the opposite o f human civiliza-
tion. Moreover, in the absence of water, which originates in free nature, the
netherworld is even less than an uncivilized primordial realm; it is null and
void. Therefore, it cannot sustain any form o f survival.
Outwardly, Ningiszida’s answer to his sister implies that there is no possi-
ble existence in the netherworld. This conclusion, however, is inconsistent
with the plot o f this very myth, with the description of Ningiszida’s sailing
to the netherworld and his appointment to its position o f chair-bearer. That
the dead god sailed to the netherworld means that the river of the nether-
world carries water and his appointment as chair-bearer o f the netherworld
signifies that the realm o f the dead was regulated by an administration, likp
terrestrial government, which is the hallmark of civilization. The apparent
inconsistency is odd. In view of the extant texts one may suggest that it was
unintentional and, therefore, unimportant; the poet merely wished to
emphasize the desolation in the netherworld as opposed to the world o f the
living and the metaphors that he used endowed the description with more
meaning than intended. O n the other hand, it might signify an inner conflict
and confusion caused by the coupling of mythological and actual realities.
Thus, while the poet submits to the current image o f the netherworld, his
poetical language exposes his doubts about survival there. Such doubts are
rare in the literature and yet they also surface in some sayings.
g. PROVERB I.3068
Animals appear often in allegories o f universal value. The message of this
saying is ambiguous:
nig u nu-gu7 am-kur-ra-ka
[nig] a nu-nag mas-dà-kur-ra-ka
That which does not eat food is the bulbof the netherworld.
That which does not drink water is the gazelle o f the netherworld.
tion as Description: The Metaphor ofEveryday Life in Early Mesopotamian Litera-

ture,” A uO rg (1991): 131-36 (Civil AV).
68. Alster, 1997, vol. 1, 12, vol. II, 344-45; Gordon, 1959, 55 andßf'Or17 (i960): 125-
38; PSD A /I, 20. The sayings in this group begin with the sign NlG.
There is no life without food and drink. These are the very basic necessities
oflife, for animals as well as forpeople. Therefore, the translation “mountain”
forkwr is improbable, unless “m ountain” is identical to the netherworld or its
name.69One possible interpretation is that the saying expresses the notion that
the dead do not eat and drink. Subsequently, there is no form of existence
after death. Another, related possibility, is that creatures that do not eat and
drink are non-existent. In that sense the saying is close to the description of
the netherworld in “Ningiszida’s Journey to the Netherworld.” Both inter-
pretations seem to cast doubt on the belief that existence continues in the
netherworld and indirecdy on the usefulness of the funeral offering.70 Since
sayings and proverbs are an expression of commonly accepted knowledge or
popular wisdom, it suggests that this notion was not as rare as its literary
expression.71
Clothing is also necessary for existence, although to a lesser degree. Textual
references to the clothing o f the spirits are few. “Ningiszida’sJourney to the
Netherworld” 31 (4.2/f) counts clothing, together with water and food, as
non-existent in the netherworld. However, it merely points out that it is not
produced there.
The prevalent view is that the dead were naked. It is based solely on the
account o f I D , which tells in great length how Inanna was undressed on her
way through the gates of the netherworld. Inanna is told repeatedly that the
m e o f the netherworld dictate their removal and, therefore, it was interpreted
as a universal law that must be strictly observed by divinities as well as by
human beings. Despite the specific reference to the m e o f the netherworld,
however, the textual and archaeological sources point to the contrary. In D U r
the gifts that the dead king o f U r offered to the gods of the netherworld
consisted of garments and objects that are carried or worn on the body, from
clothes and weapons to seals. Some similar items were removed from Inanna’s
body. Ereskigal received three garments (1. 98): tllgd u g u d , tllgs u lu h u
(SlG.SUD), and tugp à la - n a m - n in . The latter, a gown of queenship, was
69. Jacobsen suggested that it is a riddle based on the double meaning ofterbecause the
mountain is the natural habitat of wild animals, but whoever refrains from eating
is dead and, therefore, lives in the netherworld.
70. Compare with proverb 1.38, which seems to doubt the sense of the funeral ritual.
71■In the same way we may interpret a couplet from the lament “The wild bull who
was Iain down” (C T 15, 18:21—22; Jacobsen, 1976, 53). Inanna cries overDumuzi
saying, ‘“My one who would not eat food’ I would say, / ‘my one who would not
drink water’ I would say.” I am not sure, however, that this wording intends to
express an ontological view rather than a poetic emotional expression of grief.
Jacobsen translates differently.
removed from Inanna’s body at the seventh gate ( I D 160). Dimmeku

me- k ù ; 11.121—22) received t u - d i- d a , an object that was taken from Inanna
at the fourth gate ( I D 14s).72 This list proves that in the netherworld deities
were not naked and, since Inanna is a goddess herself, the account of her
undressing must have been an exception, GENcontains additional evidence
against I D . Before Enkidu descended to the netherworld, Gilgames
instructed him not to wear a clean garment. It is the cleanliness of the garment
that would disturb the dead, not the fact that he is dressed. In the two Sume-
rian funerary rituals (4.1/a—b, above) the spirit o f the dead was offered a
garment in addition to bread and water. It appears, therefore, that Inanna was
forced to undress in order to eliminate her powers and that the reference to
the m e was a trick to convince her that it was imperative. Hence, the gradual
undressing was a trick to lure her into the netherworld. It is unique to this
particular myth and no general rule can be deduced from it.73 The archae-
ological finds in graves confirm my conclusion that the dead were buried
dressed with their personal belongings. A rare textual confirmation o f the
archaeological evidence is a Pre-Sargonic text from Adab that contains a list
of grave goods for the use o f the deceased.74T he deposited objects, in partie-
ular weapons, jewelry, and seals symbolize the identity and status of the
deceased. Their interment can be explained only by the belief that the dead
retained his social status in the netherworld. Therefore, it is unimaginable that
the dead were naked.
Textual and archaeological evidence indicates that, excluding Inanna, the
dead were dressed and that clothes were not available in the netherworld but
provided by the living, just as were food and drink. That references to clothes
are so few is probably because the material in which the dead were buried did
not decay as fast as the food and, although soiled, the garments remained
intact for a longtime.75 Therefore, the supply of clothing was less urgent than
the supply of food and drink.
72. Note also the reference to a man clad in a garment in the Neo-Assyrian text “The
Netherworld Vision of an Assyrian Crown Prince” r. 50 (von Soden, Z A 43 (1936]:
17; A N li'l'1, n o (10); B. Foster, Before the Muses (Bethesda, 1996), II, 719, line 46.
73. See for more detail Katz, 1995.
74. Foxvog, 1980.
75. To that effect points Gilgames’ warning to Enkidu not to wear a clean garment. His
clean clothes would distinguish him from the spirits and they would spot him easily.
S U B S IS T E N C E A N D T H E E C O L O G IC A L C O N D I T I O N S 223
4.3. T h e E n v ir o n m e n t
Two environmental aspects are treated in the Sumerian descriptions o f the

netherworld: darkness and dust. Both aspects bring to mind the image o f a
grave. The dimensional aspect finds expression only in the names k i-g a l
“big place” and k i-d a g a l “wide place.” Both are euphemisms that geo-
graphically distance the netherworld from the grave.
4.3.1. T h e D ark n ess
a. FIR ST ELEG Y OF TH E PU SH KIN M U SEU M 8g>76
In a lament over the death o f his father, Ludingira hopes that Utu/Samas will
light up the netherworld to judge his father favorably:
89. ki-kûkku u4-sè ù-m u-ni-in-ku4 di-ku5-zu 1-ku5-dè
89. After he turned the dark place into light, he will judge your case.
The image of the netherworld as a dark place befits a concept of close, under-
ground space, comparable to a grave. Utu/Samas, the sun, sheds rays of light,
sees everything, nothing escapes his sight, and, therefore, he is the god of
justice. Since he is invoked as the judge o f the dead, the text reflects the notion
that the sun spends the nights in the netherworld and creates the impression
that he sheds light there really for the purpose ofjudgm ent.77 However, this
image is attested also in connection with other deities, where light seems to
be a metaphor for well-being or the dispensation o f justice. Thus, in a
“Prayer-Letter to Enki,” the scribe Sîn-samuh begs for the god’s help to
relieve him from his terrible predicament. This metaphor intensifies the
message o f his prayer, that he was unjustly treated:78
76. Kramer, i960.

77. All the sources for U tu’s or, rather, Samas’s function as a judge of the dead are no
earlier than the Old Babylonian period. Therefore, this belief was probably not
Sumerian in origin; it may have originated in the Semitic population and emerged
in the written sources when they dominated the schools.
78. Hallo, 1968. Enki as the lord of water sources functions as ajudge in the river ordeal.
Although the text does not refer to the river ordeal, “your gate of guilt-absolved”
in line 49 hints to that effect and perhaps explains the appeal to Enki rather than to
Utu/Samas. Quite a few expressions in the letter indicate that the scribe was well-
versed in Sumerian literature and, in particular, the laments, g u ru s -m e -e n inline
33 is typical of the laments for Dumuzi and Damu and could point to his age group.
The rest of the line is attested verbatim in Lugalbanda-Hurrum (Wilcke, 1969b,
79:161), and paraphrased in DUr 58 and the “Nanse Hymn” 230 (Heimpel, J C S 33
[1981]: 96). Similes of the sick man as a tree that does not bear fruit or grow foliage
(11. 34-35) are used in laments for Dumuzi (C T 15, 26:13-20; 4R2 27,1:4-15 [Cohen,
47. ki-guruI9- d a « - d a » - g â igi ù-ba-e-ni-bar

arhus tuku-m u-da-ab7y
48. ki-kûkku-ga-m u u4-sè ù-m u-e-ni-ku4
49. kâ-sul-a-lum-du8-du8-za ga-tûs KA-tar-zu ga-si-il
47. After you will look at the place where I am cast down have pity
on me!
48. After you will turn my dark place into light
49. I shall sit in your gate o f “ Guilt-Absolved” and sing your praise.
b. D G il [90]-[91] / / 180-817980
Almost the same phrasing appears in the dream ofGilgames. But the context
is different and probably so is the meaning:
[90] . [si-si-ig]-dumu-dutu-ke4
[91] . kur-ra ki-kûkku-ka u4 hu-m u-na-an-gâ-gâ81
1988,683] and TIM 9, 15:22—29 [Alster, 1986, 31]). The expression k i-g u ru d a,
which indicates here the place were the sick man hes, is reminiscent of alament for
Damu (chapter 1, section 1.1.1.1/a, hne 36).
79. Here I prefer the variant of ms. C against ms. A, which reads am a5-m u su -te -
b a -a b “approach my chamber.”
80. Cavigneaux and A1Rawi, 2000, 31, and 16:4-5 (SEM 25 i T - 2' + 28:4'-5'). The'
Hne numbering follows the version of Tell Haddad; the text follows the Nippur
version. A previous preliminary edition is Kramer, 1944 and A N E T 3, 50-52.
Additional translations: for lines 33-46, see Jacobsen, 1980, 19-20; for lines 35-46,
see Klein, 1990, 64. The date of the composition has not been established with
certainty. Many allusions to ID, G EN , and DUr suggest that the text was composed
in the early Old Babylonian period, especially the sources from Tel Haddad, where
diversions from the Nippur sources endow the text with a universal message.
However, that may be the result of elaboration during the Old Babylonian period.
The passage in which it is notU tu who brings light to the netherworld and Gilgames
is promised an appointment asjudge showproximity to DUr, thus earlier than GEN.
Additional thematic affinities with DUr suggest that also D Gil was composed during
the U r III period. IfDUrwas composed before the deification ofSulgi, perhaps DGil
marks the preparations for Sulgi’s death or explains it in view of his deification,
because it deals with the death of a deified king. Therefore, perhaps it is based on
a source from the U r III period. See for more detail appendix 8/b.
81. The version of Tell Haddad has k i-b i k ù -k ù -g a u4-sè m i- n i- in - g a r “Toits
dark place he shall put light.” Note the writing k ù -k ù , as against kukku(k.uI0-
k u IO) of the Nippur version, the “First Elegy in the Pushkin Museum,” and the
letter-prayer. I believe the very fragmentary version of Nippur to be closer to the
source and, thus, preferable to the Tel Haddad text.
[90] . The ghost/Sisig, son of U tu

[91] . In the netherworld, in the place o f darkness, may set light.
The expression k i - k u k k u , in apposition to k u r , signifies that darkness is
inherent to the netherworld. Because of his ability to shed light, Utu/Samas
isjudge of the dead in sources from the Old Babylonian period onward. But
that Sissig would lighten the netherworld is problematic.82 The context does
not clarify why it is Sissig here, th e son o f Utu, not Utu himself, who is créât-
ing the light.83 In view of this passage it is interesting that U tu is not
mentioned in this text as the judge o f the dead. Utu is also not mentioned in
D U r , and in both texts Gilgames is a leader and a judge.848 5Most likely, then,
it is intended as a metaphor for brightening the gloomy prospect of death,
rather than the idea o f shedding real light like Utu. In such use it is comparable
to the plea of the scribe Sin-samuh in his letter-prayer to Enki (above). It may
be connected w ith the promise that, after his death, Gilgames would retain
the rank and offices he had held during his lifetime.
c. U d u g fo u l 854
An incantation to chase the evil spirits away from the world of the living
names their natural habitat, the netherworld, k u k k u “darkness”:8s
854. ki-ùr kur-ra-ka-ke4 kukku-zu-sè gen-ba
854. Go to your darkness, at the base o f the netherworld (k u r).
4.3.2. The D u st
If the concept o f the netherworld evolved from the link between the realm
of the dead and the grave, its environment should also be characterized by
dust. However, there are even fewer references to dust than to darkness. In
analogy to the abundant material about food, the scanty material about the
ecological conditions does not necessarily mean that it was self-evident or that
it was comparable to the grave situation.
82. No matter whether a dream-god or a ghost.

83. The Nippur versions begin in line [90], after a break, and the order of lines is
different from that of the version of Tel Haddad. Following lines [90]—[91] (N‫״‬
N2:4 5 ‫ ) ־‬are the outlines of the funeral ritual, beginning with the fashioning of a
statue of the dead.
84. Here in the dream as a future judge as important as Ningiszida and Dumuzi [82]-
[83] and in DUr 143-44.
85. The complete passage is quoted and discussed in appendix 6/f.
a. D U r 189-92
W hen Urnamma laments his fate, he contrasts his former quality of life to the
condition of his existence in the netherworld:
189. glsgu-za hi-li-bi nu-m u-til-fia^m u
190. sahar-pu-sag-gâ-'ka1 lu im-mi-in-tus-[x-x]
191. rgis-nu ki-nu1 TUR-bi nu-m u-un-til-[la-mu'
192. edin-bar-sù-ga-ka lu im -m i-in-nû-ù-da
189. (Instead of) my throne whose attractiveness I had not fulfilled,
190. In the dust o f the pit they made me sit.
191. (Instead of) my bed, the sleeping place, whose ... I had not
fulfilled,
192. In the steppe, of the faraway exterior, they made me lie.
These lines describe two consecutive situations: the king is first in the pit,
probably the grave, and then in a remote place, which must refer to the neth-
erworld.8687The image of the dusty pit links the netherworld to the grave,
reflecting a vertical perception of the cosmos. However, e d i n - b a r - s ù - g a -
ka describes a steppe, which is a spacious place, and very far away, whereas
Urnamma’s grave is close by, in Ur. Most perplexing is the use o f the adjective
b a r “outside” “ exterior” to describe the resting place o f Urnamma. If bar
describes e d i n as an outside open country, then it implies that the nether-
world was notperceived as a dark and dusty subterranean realm. But b ar can
also emphasize the separation of the world ofthe living from the dead, signi-
fying that the king was beyond the border o f the world. Both meanings
account for the description of Urnamma’s journey on a difficult road to the
netherworld (11.73-75)— the journey begins in the actual grave, the dusty pit,
but ends faraway.
b. LULIL AND HIS SISTER 46-47 and 59s7
The dead young god describes his whereabouts in the netherworld to his
sister saying:
46. ki-nâ-mu sahar-kur-ra-ke4 m u-lu-a-dug4-ba bi-na
47. ù-sâ-mu m ud-e m u-lu-érim -ba bi-tus
86. If seen as his situation at one given point of time, the message is ambiguous on two
counts. First, the correspondence with the things that he misses. The king is sitting
in the dust of the excavated pit, but darkness is not the issue, and he lies outside in
the faraway steppe. Second, the meaning of b ar—does it mean that he is outside
in the open space or does it signify “exterior,” as out of the world of the living?
87. Thureau-Dangin, 1922. See also section 4.1/a above.
46. My bed is the dust of the netherworld, I lie among the mourned.
47. My sleep is troubled, I sit among the enemy of man.88
Asgr describes death as sleeping on the bare ground, in words that evoke an
image of a grave. But if the translation reflects the intended meaning, then he
is not alone, others surround him. In that case, and although Asgi speaks
before the performance of the funeral ritual, s a h a r - k u r - r a fits the image of
the netherworld rather than a grave. T he meaning of s a h a r - k u r - r a be-
comes clear in Asgi’s instructions for the water libation:
59. Pour out the water into the libation pipe, pour it in the dust o f the
netherworld!89
The libation pipes went down to the grave, but the water was meant for the
spirit of the dead, not for its decaying body. This line indicates, therefore, that
s a h a r - k u r - r a indeed signifies the netherworld rather than “grave.”90
4.4. S u b siste n c e in th e N e th e r w o r ld : S u m m a r y a n d C o n c lu s io n s
The essence ofthe netherworld finds explicit expression in Akkadian mythol-

ogy. A recurring topos depicts the netherworld as a dark house whose inhab-
itants eat mud and clay: “To the dark house, the dwelling of Irkalla, to the
house which those who enter cannot leave ... to the house where those who
enter are deprived oflight, where soil is their sustenance, clay their food. Light
they do not see, they dwell in darkness, and clad like birds a garment offeath-
ers. Over the door and the bolt dust has spread.”91 This description depicts
88. Lines 46-47 form a complementary parallelism (note the sequence “bed” > “sleep”)
but the translation is uncertain. The verbs b i-n a and b i-tu s are intransitive but,
according to the context, should be 1st per. sg. where we usually expect the pronoun
suffix /e ( n ) /. I analyze the compound m u -lu -a -K A -b a as m u -lu -a-d u g ^ -
b(i)-a. Presumably -a- is the cry of sorrow “W oe” (c£ PSD A/I, 30, 3) and the
literal “man its Woe uttering” means a man who is mourned (or maybe “its crying
man” where / - b i / refers to the dust of the netherworld?). Line 47 forms a
complementary parallel with line 46 and, therefore, m u -lu -é rim -b a derives
from m u - lu - é r im - b (i)-a, but a translation is complicated because here the
possessive / -bi/definitely relates to in u -lu . The parallel seems defective. Perhaps
érim “ enemy” describes the evil spirits.
89. The whole passage is cited in section 4.1/b.
90. See also chapter 2.2.5.
91. ED: C T 15, 45:4—11 (Borger, BAL II, 86-87); “Nergal and Ereskigal”: S T T I, 28
iii 1—5 (Gurney, AnSt 10 [i960]: 114; Gilg. VII, iv 32-40). Translation ofGilgames:
George, 1999, 61:184—93; “Nergal and Ereskigal”: Dailey in Hallo, 1997, 386. The
the netherworld in terms o f a vast grave and captures its full essence in a few
lines.92
So far, the Sumerian mythology has not yielded such an explicit and
comprehensive description o f the conditions in the netherworld, perhaps
since no myth about the netherworld, such as the Akkadian “Istar’s Descent,”
has come down to us.93 Consequently, we have to deal w ith isolated remarks
that happen to be relevant to a given plot. The Sumerian sources differ front'
the Akkadian topos not only in scope but also in their attitude to the subject.
They share with the Akkadian topos the comprehension that the nether-:
w orld is associated with the grave, but differ in their evaluation o f the conse-
quences. Darkness, mud, and clay constitute the fundamental elements of a
subterranean reality. They are central to the Akkadian topos and dictate its
vision of the netherworld: darkness prevails and the food is not spoiled vict-
uals but grave materials, clay and mud. The topos adheres to the basics, and
thereby captures the whole nature o f the realm o f the dead efficiently and:
soberly. ,
The Sumerian sources are unified in the belief that the realm o f the dead
is barren and devoid o f any local means o f subsistence, but these fundamental :
factors can only be inferred, if one wants to speculate. T he Sumerian sources:;
deal with the presence and quality of the provisions in actual terms of the
living and vary in their view o f how the spirits survive there: we read that still-
born children eat honey and cream ( G E N ' . ^ o i ) , that the food is bitter ( D U r
83), that it is inedible (E d in a - u s a g a k e and “The Death o f Dumuzi”), or that■:
the dead do not eat food at all (proverb 1.30). The sphere o f subterranean real-
date of this topos is important, but it is difficult to determine in which of the three ;
myths it originated. None of these myths has sources earlier than the Middle
Babylonian period. The relatively high occurrence of the name Asusunarnir in
archival texts of the Kassite period supports the assertion that Istar’s Descent was: ;
composed during the Middle Babylonian period. That the earliest copy of “Nergal
and Ereskigal” was found in fil-Amarna also points to the Middle Babylonian
period. It is possible, therefore, that this topos dates to the Middle Babylonian period
as well. The only Sumerian text that deals with the netherworld in some detail is
GEN , which was still being reworked in the Isin-Larsa period. Since neither this'■
topos nor its purport can be traced in GEN , it may date to a later period.
92. The idea that the spirits were clad in feathers like birds is perplexing. As far as we
can gather from Sumerian literature and archaeological finds, the dead were dressed
normally. Perhaps the image of birds derived from the notion that the spirit is in an
ethereal state like the wind and by association it blows or flies.
93. It is important to keep in mind that although the focus of HD is the netherworld: ;
its source, the Sumerian myth ID, is a story about Inanna herself, not about the
netherworld.
ity that characterizes the Akkadian topos is reverberated in only one Sumerian
text, an incantation against evil spirits from the Old Babylonian period (U d u g -
faul 854, 4.3.1/c). Yet, this incantation does not m ention clay or mud but
refers to the food and drink “o f the dead,” which may be interpreted either
as a euphemism for soil or offered meals. It seems, therefore, that the attitude
of the Sumerian texts is more emotional than rational. W hile the brief but
determined Akkadian topos radiates confidence that the reality of the neth-
erworld is a reflection of the grave, the varied notions that emerge from the
Sumerian sources seem to signify hesitancy; the journey begins in the grave
but who knows where it ends.
The funeral ritual actualizes the notion that the dead consumed real food
and drink like the living. Textual and archaeological evidence indicates that
the provisions were offered directly into the grave or in front o f an icon of
the deceased. The remarks on the bad quality disclose the awareness that the
food would spoil in the grave.94Yet, according to the Sumerian funerary ritu-
als (4.1/a and b). The offerings were made in front o f the icon. In terms of
quality, then, rationally speaking the food should be edible. That the bread
was rubbed on the icon but the water poured to the ground is an additional
indication of the vagueness surrounding the issue.
Descriptions o f the ecological conditions in the realm o f the dead are even
less frequent than remarks on the food. Since the netherworld is finked with
the grave, it seems reasonable to believe that the environment is dusty,
muddy, and dark. However, these features are hardly mentioned. In one
instance, the “First Elegy of the Pushkin Museum,” U tu is asked to cast fight
in the netherworld (4.3.1/a). It seems to reflect the notion that the sun sets
there at night and so one may conclude that the netherworld is dark. Ereski-
gal’s epithet “lady o f the place of sunset” in the dedication inscription of
Lu’utu the ruler ofU m m a (appendix 7/c) indicates that such a notion was
known already in the Old Akkadian period. But the earliest appeals to U tu /
Samas as the judge o f the dead date to the Old Babylonian period, so how
common this belief was in the third millennium is not known. Equally
unknown is to what extent was his function as judge in the netherworld
related to his heavenly capacity to shed light. In other words, were the ancient
theologians aware of the discrepancy between the belief that the netherworld
is a dark place and that Utu/Samas is the embodiment of light? The idea that
94. Note especially the contrast between DUr 83 and 87. The former states that the food
and water of the netherworld are bitter, and the latter states that he sacrificed the
best quality sheep and cattle. This is also illustrated in the “First Elegy of the Pushkin
Museum” 111. Ludingira ends his lament for his father wishing that sweet beer
would never cease flowing from his offering pipe.
he shone in the netherworld during the night is inconceivable; it means that

the order o f day and night merely alternated between the worlds and, there-
fore, the netherworld was not a dark place. So, how did the Sumerians picture
the situation of the sun at night? Did it remain shining beyond the western
horizon or was it extinguished in the evening and go to sleep? Or, maybe,
on its journey eastward it lighted only its path?95 Speculations about the
contradiction, particularly the view that U tu slept at night, makes manifest
the understanding that shining in the netherworld means a cyclic alternation
rather than a difference. But no decisive solution was offered. The use of the
same image in connection with Enki and Sisig points to the possibility that
it was a metaphor in which light symbolizes positive values.
Dust, mud, and clay, which one would expect to find in descriptions of
a subterranean world, are most uncommon, contrary to the Akkadian topos
that posits soil as the major component in the netherworld experience. The
only source that refers to it is the lament and ritual for Asgi, first when the
dead young god complains that his bed is s a h a r - k u r - r a “the dust of the
netherworld” and then again when he instructs his sister to pour the libation .
water in that direction.96
Since the majority o f the sources focus on the question of provisions, we
can infer that the central concern was the issue of food. The literary exprès-
sions range from a description of the netherworld as the counterpart of the
terrestrial world, to that of complete desolation. Between the two extremes
we find different standards o f “living.” In G E N the population o f the neth-
erworld is divided into classes according to the norms and values of Sumerian
society. Behind the account is the realization that humans are mortal and the
description of the netherworld aims at helping to come to terms with death.
Therefore, the presentation o f the prospects is relatively optimistic.97 Also
D U r portrays the netherworld in terms o f Sumerian society, but from the
particular perspective and interests of the U r III dynasty. The focus is on the
political, propagandist, and emotional consequences of the king’s death. The
physical conditions in the netherworld were secondary to the main objective
of the text. In order to accentuate the sense of loss and injustice, they were
formulated as the antithesis of the king’s life. See the brief comment on the
bitter taste of the food. Since Urnamma’s own complaint describes his present
95. This issue is discussed in section 1.4.1.

96. Umamma’s complaint that he was seated in the dusty pit refers to his actual grave.
97. Note the remark in D Gil that Gilgames could not avoid death despite his maternal :
descent (Cavigneaux, 2000, 28:79-80). When the fate of the dead depends on the)
circumstances of his life, to a large degree, it is entrusted into his own hands.
situation in juxtaposition to his former unfulfilled glory, which is the main

issue of the lament, it sheds little light on the image of the conditions in the
netherworld.98 The same attitude emerges from the laments for the young
dying god. These laments were sung by the wife, the mother, or the sister and
focus on their own emotions, their sense of grief and loss, while the situation
of the dead loved one is secondary. “The Death o f Dum uzi” and E d i n a -
m a g a k e comment on the bad quality o f the food. Asgi complains that his bed
is the dusty ground o f the netherworld. “Ningiszida’s Journey to the N eth-
erworld” focuses on the appointment of Ningiszida as chair-bearer of the
netherworld and so the physical conditions in the netherworld received more
attention. The description is brief but penetrating, disclosing an even gloom-
ier notion about the prospects in the netherworld: a sense o f disillusion, of a
sterile and hollow existence. Proverb 1.30 displays the ultimate skepticism—
the inhabitants o f the netherworld do not eat and thereby implies that there
is no form o f life after death.99 Such a view harmonizes with the uncom-
promising attitude o f the wisdom literature. N ot surprisingly, however, we
find it in an animal proverb, as if it does not apply to human beings.
If we were to seek to outline an evolution o f speculations about the condi-
tions for survival in the netherworld, then theoretically the latest stage is
represented by the Akkadian topos. Y et, it is a mistake to assume that the
Akkadian description marks the zenith o f a distinct course of development;
all the texts that we discussed here are known from Old Babylonian sources
and some of them were composed during that period. Therefore, the Sume-
rian texts probably express a range of diverse contemporary views. The wide
range of varied notions indicates that no single firm view prevailed and alludes
to a great degree of uncertainty about the conditions in the netherworld. In
other words, the belief in the netherworld was widely accepted, but what it
was like remained open to interpretation. Also, some of the differences can
be ascribed to the particular objectives and the genres of the sources rather
than to chronological reasons.
98. The description of his living conditions in the netherworld in lines 189—92 was
shaped according to his living conditions during his lifetime, aiming to demonstrate
the opposite.
99. A similar idea echoes from Inanna’s bitter lament for Dumuzi, “The wild bull who
has lain down” (CT 15, 18:21-22, and n. 71 above). But in view o f the general
attitude o f the literary texts, it seems hardly possible that her statements express a
conscious absolute denial of the beliefin the existence in the netherworld. It is more
likely that this painful statement reflects the dramatic change in the form of existence
and expresses the utmost grief.
“Ningiszida’s Journey to the Netherw orld” expresses poetically the

essence of the netherworld in Sumerian thought: a barren unproductiveplace
devoid o f the vital means for life. The portrayal of an inert landscape hints at
an impression that death marks the end of existence. However, the offerings
o f food and drink to the dead demonstrate the opposite, the belief that life
continues after death. Thus, the concept of the netherworld coupled two
contradictory notions. This duality emanates from the certainty that the body
was doomed to decay but, nevertheless, contains an everlasting element, the
soul. The duality was rationalized by the release o f the soul from the body and
the separation of the netherworld from the grave. Since the freed spirit was
an innate part o f the human structure, it was visualized in form and conduct
like the matter closest to it— the hum an being (likewise, deities were visu-
alized as human beings and the negated characteristics o f both human and
gods were employed to express the demonic nature o f the evil spirits). The
separation o f the netherworld from the grave parallels and complements the
separation of the soul from the body. Speculation that the netherworld is situ-,
ated somewhere beyond the confines of the grave permitted the image of a
vast space, parallel to the world and suitable for housing all the spirits.
The concept of dualism, that virtually humankind constitutes a unity of
a living soul within a perishable body, mitigated the contradiction between
the perceptible reality and the belief in survival after death. Moreover, it
became instrumental to elucidate other mysterious phenomena, such as the
causes of diseases, afflictions and misfortunes; personal calamities could now
be ascribed to unattended spirits that turned evil. At the same time, one prob-
lem remains: the availability of the basic needs for survival. W hile the sepa-
ration o f the netherworld from the grave gave rise to speculations about its
social organization in terms of Sumerian society, its landscape was still visu-
alized as barren and inert as a grave and, therefore, economically it was not
self-sufficient. The reason for this is probably that fertility in nature means the
generation of new life and, thus, the opposite of death and decay.
Since the spirit of the dead retains its previous human needs, but existence
is absolutely dependent on food and drink, their availability became the most
important aspect o f the netherworld. Yet, in the mythological reality food
and drink remained the same concrete edible substances they were in actual
reality. Therefore, the question o f pro visions could not possibly be settled by
imaginary theological speculations. The obvious solution was to impose the
responsibility for supplies on the living family members. That the provisions
were supplied through the grave or poured into the ground explains their bad
quality.
T he logic in emphasizing the inferior quality o f the food is now clear: it
settles the conflict between concrete reality and mythological existence. The
living soul was transformed into a spirit and continued to exist in the barren
landscape o f the netherworld, supported by food from living people, but in
inferior conditions.
Sumerian literature is rich in texts w ith relevance to the netherworld. The
majority demonstrate the belief that after death existence continues. Al-
though Sumerian theologians worked out a coherent and logical solution to
the apparent conflict between concrete reality and mythological existence in
the netherworld, they did not yield m ore detailed and direct descriptions of
the existential and ecological situation ofthe spirits. I can suggest two reasons
for the marginal attention to the environmental conditions in the texts: either
they did not stand at the forefront of Sumerian theories about the netherworld
or they remained shrouded with uncertainty, and maybe a combination of
these two. The prevalent concept, that the spirits ofthe dead led an inferior
form of existence in the netherworld, was a direct consequence of a compro-
mise between the recognition that death is terminal and the belief that the soul
is immortal. Nevertheless, some texts exhibit a pure form of the belief in the
immortality of the spirit, regardless of actual reality, whereas others disclose
a denial of this belief altogether.100
A precise generic division of the texts might be deceptive. W e can group
them along general outlines only, since within a genre the texts vary in into-
nation. In general, a given view corresponds to the purpose ofthe given text.
Thus GENrepresents the most optimistic description. Sayings and proverbs
express a sober outlook with a touch of self-humor; they adhere to the actual
reality and, therefore, mistrust the prospect of surviving. Incantations served
a practical purpose and, consequendy, they subscribe to mythological reality
but treat it in terms of actual appearance, as if actually living in a grave. The
laments reflect the distress of the mourner and, therefore, their attitude is
negative with varied degrees of pessimism, most likely for literary rather than
chronological reasons. They probably reflect an individual inclination to
emphasize grief or vent some doubt about the future.
loo. The pure innocent belief is expressed in the hope that the deceased would enjoy
good drink, water or beer, in the netherworld; see a dedication inscription to Nergal
(Behrens, 1988, 30:15-16) for “pure water” and the “First Elegy of the Pushkin
Museum” 111 for beer.
CH A PTER 5
G e n e r a l Su m m a r y and C o n c lu sio n s
In THE ANCIENT M e s o p o t a m ia n CIVILIZATION the dead were buried with

provisions. Funerary customs and written sources reflect a belief that human
existence continued after the body had perished. This belief implies a duality
in the composition of humankind, a temporary coexistence of two entities—
body and soul. Accordingly, after death the soul leaves the body and departs
for the netherworld, where all souls assemble and continue an animated exist-
ence as spirits, sustained on offerings provided by their living kinsmen. Thus,
death is a point in time following the last breath in which human nature is
transformed from a dualistic to a single-segment entity, and from one form
of reality to another. For us, the first reality is actual and the following is myth-
ological. For the Sumerians, however, both realities were actual. The soul
was actualized in the breath, which is as tangible as the wind, and, therefore,
although unseen, it is a concrete physical entity. The belief in the actual exist-
ence of the dead spirit is made manifest by the offerings o f real food and drink
during and after burial and by the belief that the spirit has powers to affect the
life of its family.
The belief in the afterlife echoes from most of the sources that relate to the
netherworld, textual as well as archaeological. Only a handful of texts rever-
berate a notion of skepticism, that after death nothing remains, as m uch later,
in the speech o f Utanapistim to Gilgames, at the end o f the tenth tablet of
Gilgames.1W e cannot estimate how prevalent the denial of the afterlife was.
The scarcity o f written evidence does not necessarily imply that this notion
was the property o f merely a few sober intellectuals. In reducing the expe-
rience o f the spirit to a mere existence, these descriptions also cast a sense of
doubt on the reality o f the netherworld and, perhaps, offer a compromise
between the belief in the survival of the spirit and the notion that there is no
life in the netherworld.
i. Especially from Gilg. X:301.
235
5.1. S u b siste n c e a n d E co lo g ica l C o n d i t io n s
The sources for this aspect are quoted and discussed in chapter 4. An overview
of the sources reveals that the focus was on the availability and quality of the
food. The accounts are unanimous that the landscape of the netherworld is
sterile and inert, that nothing grows or is produced there. Since without food
and drink no form of life is possible, these were supplied from the world of
the living. Y et, it appears that the supplies are inedible and, therefore, the spir-
its of the dead were sustained on materials that would disgust any living
human being. The focus on provisions further underlines the belief that the
spirits are actual beings and the netherworld is parallel to their own living
experience.
Environmental conditions are scarcely touched on in the Sumerian texts,
probably because they are less consequential for survival than food. Few
sources connect the netherworld with U tu ’s position at night and since the:
sun goes down in the evening, it points to a belief that the netherworld is a
subterranean dark world. However, according to some other sources, Utu
went home to sleep at night. By disengaging the netherworld from Utu’s;
journey east during the night, these sources negate the conclusions of the
former speculation and point to a horizontal perspective of the cosmos. The
function of Utu as judge of the dead is attested in texts later than the Ur III
period, which suggests that it originated in the Semitic population of Sumer,
Contrary to the Akkadian topos, the Sumerian sources hardly mention the
presence of soil, dust, and clay, the dominant environmental elements in an
underground world. Therefore, it seems that the Sumerians did not develop
the image of the netherworld according to the model of a grave. The grave
was linked with the netherworld and served as a passage to the road from the
world o f the living to the realm of the dead. But beyond the grave, the road
o f the netherworld could theoretically lead anywhere— either under or
above the surface o f earth. Consequently, as long as these elements are not
firmly pronounced, the assertion that the realm o f the dead was categorically“
subterranean cannot be sustained. The belief in an afterlife means an ever-
increasing population in the netherworld and so its dissociation from the
grave solves the question o f space.
The interment o f the dead with personal belongings, particularly status
symbols such as seals, jewels, and weapons, indicates that the identity of the
deceased was preserved in his spirit. And since the netherworld was the dwell-
ing place of all spirits, it seems logical to perceive it as a parallel to the world
of the living, and in the same terms. Thus, the dissociation of the netherworld
from the grave also permitted speculation as to the social organization of the:
spirits and gave rise to the image o f a large place where all the spirits could
G E N E R A L S U M M A R Y A N D C O N C L U S IO N S 237
assemble to continue their existence in a society similar to that of the Sume-

rian state.
j.2. C iv ic A s p e c ts o f th e N e t h e r w o r l d
Descriptions and references relating to the social and political structure of the
netherworld are discussed in chapter 3. The fragmentary but complementary
material affirms that all the necessary elements o f an organized urban comm u-
nity were present in the netherworld: inhabitants o f different social classes, a
ruling class modelled as monarchy with a queen and various officials, a priest-
hood, and a judicial system with laws and nonns that regulated the relation-
ship between the spirits among themselves and between the spirits and the
establishment. The terminology applied in the texts indicates that the neth-
erworld was conceived as a reflection o f the terrestrial city-state. However,
changes in the social status o f some netherworld deities during the Old Baby-
Ionian period suggest that the image o f the netherworld as a city-state was still
growing. Presumably, it followed the developments o f the Sumerian urban
and political centers.
The model for the plan o f the netherworld remains ambiguous. The only
references to architectural elements are the seven gates in I D and the palaces
of the netherworld deities in D U r . These elements suggest that the model for
the architectural concept of the netherworld was adopted from the temple
precinct, with its different shrines and enclosure walls, rather than directly
from the city-state.2 Fortifications became a prevalent feature of Mesopot-
amian cities in the second quarter o f the third millennium. If the architectural
concept of the netherworld was taken directly from the city-state, then its
description as a walled region cannot be earlier than the middle o f the third
millennium.3The temple precincts, on the other hand, were usually separated
from the rest o f the settlements by walls much earlier in time. If they were
the model for the netherworld, then these descriptions may have been based
on traditions of the fourth millennium. At the same time, the Semitic name
ofthe gatekeeper, Bitu, suggests a Semitic influence on the Sumerian concept
of the netherworld. If the concept of gatekeeper was originally Semitic, then
probably the concept of a wall was as well. In that case, it is not necessarily
related to a Sumerian architectural convention of any period or complex.
2. Although indirectly the model was the architecture of the city-state, because the
social structure of the pantheon and the behavior of the deities were imagined in
terms of the terrestrial reality.
3. The application of historical features to mythological reality and its literary
expression was probably not immediate but somewhat later, after the sense of
novelty had dissipated.
5.3. G e o g r a p h ic a l L o c a tio n
T he environmental conditions, especially the little attention to soil and dust,

suggest that the netherworld was not conceivedin terms o f a grave.4The civic
aspects of the netherworld point to an image of a social and political entity
along the lines o f the terrestrial city-state. Consequently, the image emerges
of a land that can accommodate the ever-increasing number of dead spirits.
Descriptions that outline a route to the netherworld or claim that it is far away
verify that it was different and separated from the grave. Yet, the grave marked
the beginning o f the road to the netherworld and the route of the spirits to
the netherworld should suggest its location. Chapter 1 focuses on descriptions
ofjourneys to the netherworld in terms o f the points o f the compass.
The entrance to the realm o f the dead was obviously in the grave; from
there the spirit made its way to the netherworld. Since, however, graves were
dug everywhere, this concept implies that many roads from different loca-
tions led to the netherworld. In addition, for special occasions magically a
hole in the ground was made to allow passage between the netherworld and
the world of the living. Itappears, therefore, that the surface ofthe earth sealed
the netherworld and that not every cleft in the ground permitted entrance to
the realm of the dead, only holes that were made especially for this purpose.
The road was one-way, whether the surface of earth was opened for burial
purposes or magically. This means that the road was inside the realm o f the
dead and outside the world ofthe living. A return from the netherworld was
granted to few deities as an exception and in exchange for a substitute: Enlil,
Ninlil, and Inanna, who w ent voluntarily to the netherworld, and Suen, who
was bom there.
Some sources imply that the entrance to the netherworld was in the west,
where the sun sets. This idea is connected to the belief that U tu descended
into the netherworld at night and complies with the principle that an entrance
can be opened anywhere. But, although the spirit was released from the body
during the funerary ritual, it is inconsistent w ith the evidence that the grave,
or magical opening, marked the gate to the road. Therefore, presumably the
link with U tu should not be taken literally but as a metaphor and the place
o f sunset as euphemism for the gate to the netherworld. The O ld Babylonian
incantation according to which the evil spirits left the netherworld going
toward the gate o f sunset also states that this gate was in the grave (appendix
6/b), implying that the “western gate” is indeed a metaphor rather than a
4. In view ofthe emphasis in the Akkadian topos, I do not suppose that these elements
were underdeveloped in the Sumerian hterature because it was common knowl-
edge and taken for granted.
GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 239
concrete geographical indication.5 Most o f the Sumerian sources maintain

that at night U tu w ent home to rest. Ereskigal’s epithet “lady of the place of
sunset” in the Old Akkadian dedication inscription ofL u’utu ofU m m a is an
isolated attestation of that metaphor in the Sumerian texts. In the Old Akka-
dian period the neighborhood ofU m m a had a relatively dense Semitic popu-
lation, but the first attestations o f U tu as a judge of the dead are not earlier
than the Old Babylonian period. Therefore, I assume that the notion that the
sun descends to the netherworld, and this metaphor, originated in a Semitic
tradition. Perhaps it was adopted by the Sumerians at a relatively later date and
added to the current notions, but became widespread when the Semitic
population overpowered the Sumerians.
Contrary to the image of mythological reality, which is open to specu-
lation, actual reality is evident. Since people were buried everywhere, the
road to the netherworld must also be accessible from every site. The belief
that access could be gained from any location forms the theoretical basis for
actual burial practices; the different possibilities that the sources present
emphasize its general validity. The Sumerians probably made a distinction
between human beings who lived on the surface o f the earth and the deities
who lived in the realm o f the gods. Whereas mortal humankind had to gain
access through graves, the immortal divinities left from their temples in the
assumed direction o f the netherworld. The ersemma o f Ninfrursaga and
E d in a -u sa g a k e describe the overland route o f the mourning m other-god-
desses to the netherworld: while they cross the marshland the netherworld
k u r appears as an actual mountain. The realistic depiction o f the landscape
implies that their course led generally eastward, suggesting that the nether-
world was somewhere in the Zagros mountains. These accounts imply that
the netherworld was sought in a certain far-away area, in line with the con-
cept that the netherworld could be reached from any direction.
Also Enlil and Ninlil went to the netherworld. Enlil, w ho was banished
from Nippur, went to the netherworld with Ninlil following.6 The descrip-
5. This text is also important because, in the Old Babylonian period, Utu/Samas was
already invoked as a judge of the dead, meaning that he had descended to the
netherworld. Third-millennium evidence for entrance through the grave is the
building of libation pipes into graves and the description of the dusty, twisting
journey of Urnamma to the netherworld.
6. The myth illustrates the tradition that attributes to Enlil and Ninlil the parenthood
of the netherworld deities Ninazu and Nergal. Since other sources, some older than
this myth, indicate that Ereskigal was Ninazu’s mother, it is conceivable that Enlil’s
journey to the netherworld reflects an older tradition according to which Enlil
himself was a netherworld god.
tion of their journey does not permit definitive conclusions. The only
geographical landmarks are Nippur, their point of departure, and a river,
whose name “the river that consumes man” suggests a mythological river.
Models o f boats found in graves point to a belief in a water-crossing. If the
author had an actual river in mind, the direction remains elusive, since
Nippur is located between two rivers, in addition to several canals. Thus, Enlil
could take any possible direction, east toward the mountains or west toward
the desert. The verb that describes Enlil’s movements is g e n /D U “go” rather
than e‫“ ״‬go up/dow n.” It is impossible to determine whether this was an
intentional choice or just a general term for moving forward.
The description of Inanna’s journey to the netherworld does not yield
more information in this regard, because it focuses on Inanna herself.
However, the choice of verbs may be indicative not only o f the morphology
but also of the geography o f the netherworld. Until Inanna reaches the gate
g a n z i r her movement is g e n “go.” W hen she leaves the netherworld, her
movement is eIt “go dow n/up,” and going back to her cult centers it is once
again gen. The use o f different verbs creates the impression that she walked
horizontally until the first gate, then vertically, and returned the same way.
Such a course can be explained only by Inanna’s image as the planet Venus—
its horizontal path in the sky until the planet sets in the west and then rises
again. If I D shares the image of the ersemma o f Ninhursaga and E d in a -u sa g a k e ,
then Inanna’s destination was also the mountain range along the northeast
borders o f Sumer.
The length of the road cannot be estimated. But boats that were found in
graves or mentioned in written sources illustrate the belief that it was a long
distance away.
That the road to the netherworld is long and only begins in the grave indi-
cates that the netherworld was a particular location within the even larger
realm o f the dead. The next question is, therefore: W here did the road end?
W here in the realm of the dead was the netherworld, the residence ofEreski-
gal and the spirits? All the sources depict the netherworld as an actual part of
the cosmos, far from Sumer, but the distance is unknown. The bipolar
formula a n - k i and the association of U tu with the netherworld suggest a
subterranean location. However, U tu entered at the end o f his natural heav-
enly path in the west and came out in the east. Therefore, we cannot deter-,
mine the location of the netherworld according to his nightly path.
Moreover, he appears as a judge of the dead in sources later than the third
millennium. Consequently, one cannot ascertain that the Sumerians thought
that he went down to the netherworld, rather than disappeared over the hori-
zon between heaven and the netherworld. The mother-goddesses walked in
the surroundings of their cities toward the supposed location o f the nether-
GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCXUSIONS 24-T
world in a mixture of actual and mythological realities. The description of an

actual mountain implies that their destination was in the northeast, but no
exact terms are given.
5.4. L o c a tio n o f th e N e th e r w o r l d in R e la t i o n to th e S u rface o f E a r th
The Sumerian standard term for “netherworld” is k u r . The form o f the sign
indicates that its original meaning was “mountain”; two additional related
meanings are “mountain area” and “foreign land.” The different meanings
of the word raise questions as to why and how the sign for “mountain” also
has the meaning “netherworld,” which by nature should be a subterranean
place. The topographical image of the netherworld finds expression by means
of the adjectives that describe its shape and the verbs that describe movement
in relation to it. This aspect is treated in chapter 2.
Most o f the Sumerian written sources, which date to the beginning o f the
second millennium, regard the netherworld as a subterranean region. A
different concept emerges from E d in a - u s a g a k e and the ersemma o f N inhur-
saga. Both imply that the netherworld was at the foot of a mountain in the
mountain range to the northeast of Sumer. Although their portrayal of the
netherworld seems exceptional and in contradiction to the custom o f burying
the dead, it is in harmony with the use of k u r for the meaning “netherworld.”
In chapter 2, I noted that all the meanings of k u r are diametrically opposed
to the concept k a l a m , which signifies the heartland o f Sumer— geograph-
ically it asserts the topographic contrast between Sumer as a flat land and the
mountains outside its borders, and politically the contrast between Sumer and
foreign lands. The same antithetical relationship is valid for Sumer, the land
of the living against the netherworld, the land of the dead spirits. Subse-
quently I suggested that the k u r : k a l a m opposition applied to mythological
reality and that the Sumerians imagined the netherworld in the same m oun-
tain area outside their eastern border, the foreign land from which their
enemies invaded. The antithesis k u r : k a l a m lost its actual meaning entirely
during the Old Akkadian period, following the conquests of Sargon and
Naramsin, who expanded the geographical horizons of the inhabitants of
Sumer into the mountainous area. Afterward, when the k u r was integrated
with the political and economic reality of Sumer, its semantic and geograph-
ical link with the netherworld was broken; k u r still signified “netherworld”
but not as one aspect of a comprehensive geographical term but as a geograph-
ical name, one o f the names for the netherworld. This assumption could
explain the association of k u r “mountain” with the netherworld. In addition,
it implies that the tradition of E d in a - u s a g a k e and the ersemma of Ninhursaga
reflects an old concept that was abandoned in the middle of the third millen-
nium. The scarcity o f written evidence for this belief can be explained by two
factors. First, since it was based on the antithesis k u r : k a l a m , it must have
been exclusively Sumerian.7 Second, there is a major chronological gap
between the living tradition and the date of the written sources, which
involved a long process o f transmission with selection and changes. These
two factors resulted in either the concealment of the old concept or in its total
obliteration. Consequently, we cannot assess its real original distribution.
5.5. S y n th e s is
Analysis of the written sources indicates that on some matters they reflect
divergent and, at times, contradictory concepts. Diversity has to be expected
since the netherworld was not in the focus of the written sources and its frag-
mentary descriptions are late expressions of early traditions that had been
current in different religious centers for generations. Naturally, in changing
circumstances, ideas and images are reshaped. Thus, the political, ethnic, and
social developments during the fourth and third millennia were probably
followed by modifications in theological speculation. O ur sources are the
literary remains of perceptions that were held locally or at different periods
and represent phases in theological evolution until the beginning of the
second millennium.
In the first half o f the third millennium, one segment of the populationmay
have held the idea that the netherworld was subterranean, while another may
have maintained that it was in the mountains beyond the northeastern border :
o f Sumer. The rejection o f the mountains in favor o f a subterranean image
of the netherworld brought the mythological reality fully in line with the
actual reality: the dead were buried everywhere and their world was down
below. In that respect the Sumerian sources show a natural development. The
references to the entrance in the west at the end o f U tu ’s path in the sky seem
contradictory to the belief that the entrance was in the grave. However, this
probably originated in a metaphor, in an euphemistic expression rather than
a parallel tradition. A substantial development is the appearance ofU tu as the
judge of the dead. This function is attested in sources that are not earlier than
the second millennium. It indicates that the metaphor lost its pure literary
7. I am aware of the problem this raises with regard to the prehistory of Sumer, that
we actually do not know who the original inhabitants of Sumer were, the origin of
the Sumerians themselves, or when exactly Semitic peoples first settled in southern
Mesopotamia. By exclusively “Sumerian” I assume that the opposition/a#‫ ־‬: koilawl
originated in the heartland of Sumer and was not the property of a Semitic ;
population.
quality and was perceived verbatim. Subsequently, the literary figure of

speech was transformed into a mythological reality and integrated into the
theological system.
The descriptions of the netherworld in terms of a city-state create a unity,
albeit with an increase in detail toward the end of the third millennium. It
seems that this aspect of the netherworld was constantly developing during
the third millennium and into the O ld Babylonian period, in line with social
developments. W hen dealing with the physical conditions in the nether-
world, the sources focus on the availability and quality of the food, presenting
a full range of views, from feeding on honey and cream to provisions that were
unsuitable for consumption. However, the description of luxury food is
unique to G E N , which is also the only source that offers an inoffensive view
of the netherworld. Since the purpose o f the text was to ease the fear of death
andaidinits acceptance, G E N does not represent the current view, but prob-
ably the opposite. The environmental conditions, darkness, dust, and clay are
rarely mentioned. Except for an ambiguous remark to dust in D U r , the few
references are only in sources from the Old Babylonian period. Adding them
to the already bleak image o f the netherworld signifies an increasing interest
as well as anxiety concerning afterlife. That G E N conveys the opposite
message suggests the possibility that it was a reaction to a growing concern
and fear of death at the turn of the second millennium.8
As with the physical aspects of the netherworld, so too its naming was
subject to modification and evolution. The lexical lists include many terms
for “netherworld,” of which only afew are attested in the Sumerian sources.
The metaphoric appellation k u r - n u - g i 4 is attested in just one Sumerian
source.9 U r u g a l “big city” appears in late Sumerian texts, but has the double
meaning “netherworld” and “grave.” One cannot dismiss the possibility that
as a component in the name o f the god Nergal it is a secondary development,
no earlier than the Old Akkadian period.10 k i-g a l “big place” appears as a
component of the name Ereskigal and, therefore, it is probably an early
8. Perhaps as a reaction to enemy pressure on the borders in the last days of the U r III
kingdom or the actual destruction o f Sumerian centers during the collapse of the
Ur III period (note that the text was still unstable in the Isin-Larsa period).
9. ID 83. A single attestation is not enough to assert that it was a name for the
netherworld. Therefore, the presentation of k u r - n u - g i4 in the secondary litera-
ture as a standard name is utterly unjustified.
10. Originally his name was probably dKIS, and his cult center K 1S.UNU “the seat of
Kis.” His basic divine nature was warlike and, as such, he was worshipped still in
the U r III period, when his cult was introduced into the main urban centers of
southern Sumer. The component u r u g a l can be traced to the Old Akkadian
euphemism. This name expresses dimensions only. However, it is more

common with the meaning “base” than as a name o f the netherworld. The
component k i is a quite common term for “netherworld.” As a euphemism,
k i g a l describes the essence o f the netherworld better than does “base.” Since
there is no semantic link between the two meanings, the numerical relation
between “big place” and “base” suggests that the meaning “base” developed
from the meaning “netherworld” at a later stage and eventually became more
common. This development could have occurred only after the concept of
the netherworld as a deep subterranean place became universally accepted.
The common terms designating “netherworld” in the Sumerian sources
are k u r, a -r a -li, and ki. Their distribution throughout the texts indicates
that the standard term was k u r , that k i became more current beginning in the
U r III period, and that a r a l i was not used in this meaning before the U r III
period, but more likely, before the Old Babylonian period.*11 k i “place” was
a euphemism for “netherworld,” and a r a l i was originally the name o f an
actual geographical region, the plain between Uruk and Badtibira. In myths
about Dumuzi a r a l i is the area where he grazed his sheep and was killed.
Subsequently, the name a r a l i was mythologized and became a name for the
netherworld (and probably lost its actual geographical meaning). As names for
the netherworld, a r a l i and k i have no geographical or morphological prop-
erties. In contrast, k u r is a geographical term with definite geographical char-
acteristics: a mountain. In the Sumerian context a mountain has meaning in
terms oflocation as well as shape. Accordingly, descriptions ofjoumeys in the
actual geographical reality o f Sumer employ only the tem i k u r , and portray
it as a mountain. However, in the course o f time k u r i n the sense “nether-
world” lost its concrete geographical properties and became a proper name
like a r a l i .
The transformation o f k u r and a r a l i from concrete geographical terms to
mythological-cosmic terms illustrates a preference for neutral terms, devoid
o f specific geographical characteristics. The formation o f this preference
signifies a conceptual development, which is a mythologization. Thus, the
distribution o f the names and appellations o f the netherworld outlines an
period. It stands to reason that the modification in the writing of the name was
induced by the warlike nature of his divinity, combined with the elevation of his
status in the pantheon by Naramsin.
11. The attestation of arali in a broken context in DUr 62 is obscure. Poetically, as a
metonymy, the name arali conveys the image of a violent premature death in
analogy to the death ofDumuzi, whom Urnamma the king personified in the sacred
marriage rite. In that case it does not signify “netherworld, ” but symbolizes the place
where Urnamma was killed.
intellectual evolution in the Sumerians’ geographical concept o f the neth-

erworld.
Many o f the descriptions and references to the netherworld can be
explained against the background o f the burial customs and the social reality
in Sumer. Also, it stands to reason that the experience o f everyday life would
influence the configuration ofreligious thought. The sources indicate that the
ethnic, political, and social changes that southern Mesopotamia witnessed
during the third millennium imprinted their mark on many aspects o f Sume-
rian culture. W e may assume that their mark was also projected on the image
of the netherworld. However, the limited written evidence does not allow
more than educated assumptions about the direct causes o f changes or devel-
opments in the concept o f the netherworld.
As the major element w ith a potential to influence the Sumerian image o f
the netherworld, I can point to the contrast between the Sumerians and the
Semites. The inevitable economic relations with the growing Semitic popu-
lation, which settled in Sumer during the third millennium, generated
cultural interaction between the two peoples. An example o f Semitic influ-
ence is the name o f the gatekeeper Bitu, derived from Akkadian p e t û . Subse-
quently, we may assume that the image o f a gate with its further implications
was also due to Semitic influence. By the Old Babylonian period, when the
Sumerians had already ceased to exist as a national and political entity, their
place was taken by Semites. Sources from that period express the notion that
Utu (or rather Samas) was the judge o f the dead in the netherworld. Perhaps
this notion too is of Semitic origin and the related Sumerian metaphor, which
refers to the gate o f the netherworld as the western gate, is the creation o f a
Semitic scribe.
The geo-political circumstances during the third millennium, in particular
the expansion o f the political horizons o f the Sumerians, may also have
contributed to changes in the image o f the netherworld. During the third
millennium, certainly following the conquests o f Sargon o f Akkad if not
earlier, the mountain ranges became accessible, contacts with the inhabitants
of this region were established, and the k u r - region became part o f the Sume-
rian actual political and economical reality. Consequently the k u r m u s t have
lost its mythological quality and so the concept that related the netherworld
to the mountains literally and geographically lost its meaning and was aban-
doned. Presumably, the literal identification o f k u r with the netherworld was
Sumerian and was sustained in parallel to a subterranean image, which was
held by other inhabitants o f southern Mesopotamia, such as the Semitic
population o f Sumer.
The readily discernible evolution in third-millennium Sumer is urban-
ization, the expansion o f cities and correspondingly o f governmental devices.
The perception of the netherworld in terms of a city-state must have devel-

oped following the socio-political developments of the terrestrial Sumerian
urban community.
The most significant development in the Sumerian conception of the
netherworld is its mythologization, that is, the shift in image from the
concrete geographical to the fictional mythological. O ne example o f this shift
is the transformation in the term k u r . W hile it remained the standard Sume-
rian word for “netherworld,” its image was dissociated from the meaning
“m ountain” and became a proper name. Another example is the develop-
m ent of the g a l l a -m otif in the literature, from an historical bailiff to a
demonic creature. Although it seems contradictory in terms, the mytholo-
gization was the result of adjusting the image of the netherworld to the actual
human experience, which is the burial in excavated graves. The concept that
stood in conflict with human experience lost ground and was eventually
abandoned. At the same time, the enrichment of human experience contrib-
uted to the development and elaboration o f the image of the netherworld.
Thus, burial practices together with the belief in the survival of the spirit—
and that it dwells w ith all the other dead spirits in the netherworld— gave
birth to the idea that the netherworld must be a huge place, accessible from
every grave. And since access was through the grave, its natural location was
under the surface of the earth, maybe even to its full extent. Moreover, since
death did not distinguish between people, the ever-increasing population
included the rich as well as the poor, kings as well as their servants. Therefore,
it must have been a socially structured community parallel to the world of the
living. In sources from the Old Babylonian period onward the image of the
living conditions in the netherworld is definitely influenced by the sphere of
the grave: the place was dark and dusty, and the provisions, which originally
consisted of normal food and drink, turned bad and inedible. At the same
time, the social structure o f the netherworld, which is not dependent on
physical consideration, became increasingly similar to the social reality o f the
Mesopotamian city-state.
Adjusting the concept o f the netherworld to human experience in actual
reality and transferring it to a mythological plane reflect an ability to abstract
and generalize. Therefore, the mythologization o f the netherworld illustrates
intellectual development.
A similar evolution can be discerned in the concept o f death. During the
third millennium, numerous dedication inscriptions were presented to the
gods for the life of the dedicator. The focus on life implies that the Sumerians
did not question death; they questioned its timing and, therefore, accepted
death as inevitable. Also, they believed that longevity depended on the will
of the gods and it was granted as a reward for devoted religious service. The
prospects for longevity signify that the main focus of theology was on life. In
the Ur III period this attitude needed modification. M ore than the bloodiest
wars and the worst disasters, the premature death o f Urnamma brought about
a serious theological dilemma that demanded a theological response. The
king was chosen by the gods, serving them devotedly. Therefore, his death
proved that loyal service to the gods was no guarantee oflong life. This obser-
vation forced the court theologians to come up with a new idea. The resulting
ideological reformulation is explicitly stated in the lament for Urnamma.
With a sense of bewilderment D U r emphasizes the achievements o f the king
as the delegate of the gods, with protests against his early death. Thereby the
composition marks an awakening from passive obedience. But D U r is rooted
in the belief that faithful service to the gods would be rewarded with long life
and so the protest is not against death, but against the circumstances. Since
there must be a reward for devotion, Urnamma is invested with prominent
status in the netherworld. Hence, the solution was to shift the time o f reward
from during lifetime to after death. Y et, the linking ofU m am m a’s life’s work
to the protest and to his duties in the netherworld imply that although death
was accepted as inevitable it was seen as a personal matter.
Death was further explored and developed in D G i l , where death is from
natural causes, but the king is partly divine and partly human. According to
D G i l , the determining factor is the human element and since humanity was
declared mortal after the flood, Gilgames must die. W hen death occurs after
a full life, the reward would logically be in the netherworld. W ith Enlil’s
declaration at the assembly o f the gods, the posthumous reward acquires a
sense of ancient divine principle. Y et, there is more. The most important stip-
ulation of D G i l is found in the elaborate poetic description o f death itself,
namely, the explicit statement that death is the fate o f all humanity. It signifies
the ability to extract the actual experience ofindividuals, to generalize an idea
and to produce a universal principle. D G i l is the earliest written evidence for
this ability, demonstrating an intellectual progression from the vision o f D U r ,
which centered on the specific, where the image of the netherworld is merely
implied and the essence o f death is not treated.
The death of Urnamma compelled the court theologians to deal with the
problem o f untimely death, and the deification o f Sulgt with the death o f a
deity. Therefore, in the U r III period, death and the image o f the netherworld
became relevant to the ruling dynasty and a subject for theological deliber-
ation. The literary legacy of the U r III period indicates that the educated class
also had the tools to deal with theological dilemmas.
The interest in death, the reflections on the netherworld, and the increas-
ing awareness o f its meaning gave rise to a growing fear of death, despite the
possibility of reward. Consequently, theology also had to deal with fear. The
way to alleviate the fear remained the reward, but now it had to be applied
to all humankind. The literary expression of the attempt to fight the fear of
death is found in G E N , which focuses on the reward, revealing the destiny
o f different types ofspirits. By organizing the spirits along the socio-economic
values of the living and linking the fate of the spirit to its past life or the
circumstances o f its death, G E N entrusts the destiny of humankind into his
own hands, enabling him to influence it and, thereby, offering hope. By
describing the social organization o f the netherworld as a replica of the terres-
trial city-state, G E N extends the scope o f the theology o f death to the whole
society. Thus the sense o f universal outlook is deepened while in principle
the concept follows the general outlines that were already delineated in D U r .
The perspective of G E N is that death is a fact oflife and the purpose ofits posi-
tive attitude was for one to come to terms with death. Therefore, the focus
on posthumous reward reflects the same sense ofpassive acceptance that char-
acterized the third-millennium dedication inscriptions for life, as well as D U r
and D G i l .
Apparently, this optimistic prospect o f reward in the netherworld was not
m uch of a consolation, because in the Old Babylonian period the passive
acceptance o f death gives way to a strong protest against it. This change of
attitude is at the center o f the Akkadian epic of Gilgames. The legendary king
o f U ruk challenged mortality and, thereby, the gods w ho imposed it on
human beings. Propelled by fears, his heroic endeavor to secure eternal life
for himself actualizes the universal significance o f death and, even more, of
human fear. The emphasis on the fear o f death as motivation for undertaking
extreme reaction is an innovation of the Akkadian Gilgames story, because
the universal value ofdeath is already stated and explained in D G i l . However,
the Sumerian composition does not express any emotions, protest, or reac-
tion offering alternative value. In the Old Babylonian Meissner fragment, the
discouraging words o f the tavenikeeper, that immortality is the lot of the
gods, may have been influenced by D G i l . Yet, the tavernkeeper offers
Gilgames an alternative in life, which we do not find in the Sumerian compo-
sition. It seems as if a circle is closed here and the focus has shifted back on
life. But the conclusion of the tavernkeeper offers a different outlook on life:
death is predestined, so never mind the netherworld; make the best o f your
life as long as you can. The closest Sumerian expressions o f this attitude are
sayings that imply that there is no existence after life.
In view o f the deliberations on the theology o f death during the Ur III
period; it would appear that the scarcity o f earlier sources is not coincidental.
These sources are the lamentations for the young dying god. Their laconic
references to food and drink derive from the contact point o f the living with
the dead, which is the offering o f meals. It stands to reason that when the
attention was directed to the netherworld, its image was explored and
described in more detail. This phase began in the U r III period, being ex-
pressed in D U r and D G i l . By the turn o f the second millennium, southern
Mesopotamia was deeply transformed, ethnically, culturally, and politically.
The gradual infiltration and fusion of Semitic settlers in Sumerian centers gave
way to large waves o f Semitic people and subsequently the U r III kingdom
collapsed in violent destruction. The ruin o f cities and the death o f the inhab-
itants by the sword or by hunger, and the devastation of temples, touched
deities as well as human beings. The prospects seemed grimmer than before.
It must have given further impulse to the speculations about life, death, and
the netherworld. The intellectual evolution o f speculations about death and
the netherworld becomes most discernible in the sources of the Old Baby-
Ionian period, in the Akkadian treatments o f the Sumerian tales o f Gilgames.
APPENDIX I
iNANNA’s D e s c e n t to t h e N eth erw o rld
“Inanna’s Descent to the Netherw orld” (henceforth I D ) narrates the circum-

stances o f the goddess’s journey to the netherworld, which resulted in her
death, her rescue as a result of Enki’s cunning plan, and its aftermath.
The composition is known from approximately 30 copies, mostly from
Nippur, but three are from Ur. An edition of the composition was prepared
as a Ph.D. dissertation by Bill Sladek in 1974.1 In 1980, Samuel N. Kramer
published a large fragment from U r ( U E T 6/1, 10; P A P S 124, 295—312),
which was later identified as the lower part of ms. S. A more recent English
translation o f the composition is Jacobsen, 1987, 205—32. Inanna’sjourney to
the netherworld is mentioned in a small fragment of an incantation from
Nippur, which dates to the U r III period ( Y O S 11, 58).
a. ID 4-13
The list at the beginning of I D is frequently explained as the list of temples
that Inannâ left on her way to the netherworld.
3. dina.nna an-gal-[ta ki-gal-sè] gestu-ga-ni na-an-[gub]
4. nin-m u an m u-un-sub ki mu-un-sub kur-ra ba-e-a-e‫״‬
5. dinanna an mu-un-sub ki mu-un-sub kur-ra 3ba-e-a-e3‫״‬
6. nam-en m u-un-sub nam-lagar mu-un-sub akur-ra ba-e-a-e3‫״‬
7. unu^-ga é-an-na m u-un-sub kur-ra ba-e-a-e‫״‬
8. bàd-tib[ira]ki-a é-mùs-kalam-ma mu-un-sub kur-ra ba-e-a-e‫״‬
9. zabalam^-a gi-gu,5kl-na mu-un-sub kur-ra ba-e-a-e‫״‬
10. adabk'-a é-sar-ra mu-un-sub kur-ra ba-c-a-e,,
11. nibrukl-a bâra-dûr-gar-ra mu-un-sub [kur-ra ba-e-a-e‫] ״‬
12. kiskl-a hur-sag-kalam-ma mu-un-sub kur-ra ba-e-a-e‫״‬
13. a-ga-dè^-a c-ul-mas10 m u-un-sub kur-ra ba-e-a-e,,
(5) So A, B, D; a—a: C: m u-V -a-e6) .‫ ) ״‬So A, B; a—a: C, E omit; D: kur-
ra ba-e-e(,. (7—13) Each ms. lists different numbers and orders of the temples.
For the different lists and variants, cf. Sladek, 1974, 183-86.
I. Sladek 1974 with previous literature.
251
3. Inanna, from the great heaven to the great earth she set her mind.
4. My lady relinquished heaven, relinquished earth, she descended in
the k u r .
5. Inanna relinquished heaven, relinquished earth, she descendedin
the k u r .
6. She relinquished the g«-office, she relinquished the l a g a r - o f f t c e ,
she descended in the k u r .
7. In U ruk she relinquished Eanna, she descended in the k u r .
8. In Badtibira she relinquished Emuskalama, she descended in the
ku r.
9. In Zabalam she relinquished Giguna, she descended in the k u r.
10. In Adah she relinquished Esara, she descended in the k u r .
11. In N ippur she relinquished Baradurgara, she descended in the ku r.
12. In Kis she relinquished Hursagkalama, she descended in the ku r.
13. In Agade she relinquished Eulnias, she descended in the k u r .
T e x tu a l R e m a rk s
The interpretation o f this passage depends on the solution to two problems:

a grammatical problem concerning the meaning of the locative suffix in ku r-
r a and its relation to the verb; and a literary problem concerning the different
versions of this passage and their function in the story.
1. T h e G r a m m a tic a l P r o b le m
Since the verb e‫ ״‬marks a vertical movem ent, we expect the terminative
/ - s è / to describe the direction Inanna took, as in line 32, where the termi-
native/ - s è / describes the same action: u4‫ ־‬da k u r -s è e u - d è - e n “If I will
descend to the netherworld” (discussed in chapter 2, section 2.2.1). Accord-
ing to Jacobsen, the infix / - e - / marks the 3rd person neutral as the object and
it links with the locative /-a /. In all his examples the action is done in the loca-
tion ofits object and not toward it (Jacobsen, 1965, 85-86). Later he suggested
that the infix also marks a nearby location (1988, 198—203). Falkenstein
suggested that the locative suffix signifies the result of the action ( A n O r 29,
100).
If the use of the locative is intentional, what then is the difference between
line 32 and lines 4—13? Although these lines describe the same action, there
is a fundamental difference between them. The passage lines 1—13 is the
account of the all-knowing storyteller, disclosing the results of Inanm’s
entrance into the netherworld, that she would lose all her divine possessions/
2. This is indicated also by the arrangement of each phrase: he begins with the result,
INANNA’S DESCENT TO THE NETHERWORLD 253
The perspective o f his account is from the gate g a n z i r i nto the netherworld
and the reason for Inanna’s losses is a complete action in the past. Namely,
as aresult of the descent at the location of the k u r , she lost her possessions. On
the other hand, the phrase in line 32 is uttered by Inanna when she walks in
ahorizontal course in the direction of the k u r , knowing that she is on her way
to the netherworld but unaware of the consequences. H er perspective is from
up in heaven toward the gate g a n z i r in the distance. The different perspec-
tives of the speakers invest each phrase with a specific meaning, which
explains the different suffixes. It seems, therefore, that the use of the locative
is intentional, that its objective was not to mark Inanna’s direction but the
result ofher action and, thereby, to hint at the future development ofthe plot.
These lines appear in another composition about Inanna, “Inanna and
Shukaletuda.”*3
4. ru 1-ba lû-ki-sikil kur-ra ba-e-a-e‫״‬
5. kù dinanna kur-ra ba-e-a-e‫״‬
15. u4-ba hiin'-c an mu-un-sub ki mu-un-sub kur-ra ba-e-a-11
16. dinanna-[ke4 an m ]u-un-sub ki mu-un-sub kur-ra ba-e-a-il
17. unula-[ga] é-an-na mu-n[i-sub ku]r-ra ba-e-a-il
18. zabaflam^J-a gi-gunu4 mu-n[i-sub ku]r-ra ba-e-a-il
4. O n that day the young maiden went up the mountains (k u r).
5. Pure Inanna went up the mountains.
15. O n that day the [lady] relinquished heaven, relinquished earth, she
went up the mountains
16. Inanna relinquished heaven, relinquished earth, she went up the
mountains.
17. In U ruk she relinquished Eanna, she went up the mountains.
18. In Zabalam she relinquished Gigunu, she went up the mountains.
This passage preserves the verbal form as it appears in I D and, except for lines
4-5, the verb e ‫ ״‬was replaced by il, which marks a movement upward only.
Evidently, the quotation was slightly adjusted to the content o f this narrative.
The locative in k u r -r a , however, remained unchanged. It appears, there-
fore, that the k u r does not mark Inanna’s destination, but the location ofher
action or its product, its end result as suggested by Falkenstein. In analogy to
this, the use of the locative implies that the passage in I D does not describe
Inanna’s way from heaven to the netherworld, but her action at the k u r .
naming the thing she lost, and follows with the reason—the descent into the
netherworld.
3. Volk, 1995 with previous literature.
As the form k u r - r a cannot mark Inanna’s destination, the verb sub in

the first part of the phrase cannot denote her departure. This point is also
demonstrated by the parallel passage in “Inanna and Sukaletuda.” In line 16
the verb 11 denotes a movement upward. However, one cannot physically
leave (sub) heaven and still ascend a concrete mountain. The two members
of the repetitive phrase in I D 4—13 create a complementary parallelism of
effect and cause, foretelling the consequences oflnanna’s decision to enter the
netherworld. In analogy to line 16, sub in I D 4—13 should not be rendered
literally by “fall” or “leave,” but with the connotation “lose.” That is to say,
as a result of her decision to act in the netherworld, they dropped off her
ownership, meaning that she lost involuntarily her heavenly and worldly
possessions, her offices and temples.4
2. T h e L ite r a r y P ro b le m
2.1. L i s t o f T e m p le s
The list of temples in I D 7-13 is unique since it uses actual, identifiable

geographical terms and, therefore, it seems to be a genuine itinerary of ajour-
ney to the netherworld. Indeed, it is usually interpreted as Inanna’s route to ;
the netherworld.5One of the manuscripts of this list (S R T 53 [Ni 368]) names
seven temples, which Kramer reconstructs in geographical order from south-
east to northwest.6 According to this list, Inanna left her temple Eanna in
Uruk, turned to Badtibira, and from there to the northwest via her temples
in Zabalam, Adab, Nippur, Kis, and Akkad. This route reflects a consistent
geographical order and it parallels the course o f the Iturungal canal.7 In view
o f the Akkadian myth H D , Inanna’s destination, the k u r , is usually located in
Kutha (Tel Ibrahim), northwest of Kis.8 Kutha is mentioned as a metaphor
for the netherworld in one other Akkadian text, an incantation against
4. This point is made clear at the beginning and by Enlil’s answer to Ninsubur, that
Inanna wanted both heaven and earth. Also, that Inanna donned her complete :
divine attire and her m e —having faith in the power of these symbols—and her
gradual undressing in the netherworld indicate that she had no intention oflosing
her heavenly position.
5. For example Buccellati, 1982.
6. The state of its preservation today does not allow a reconstruction of the first four
temples in either Chiera’s or Langdon’s copy (BE 31,33). But Kramer may have had
a chance to check the text when it was in better condition. For his collations see RA
36 (! 939): 76.
7. See Jacobsen, i960, 174—85 and pi. xxviii.
8. C T 15, 45:40. See also Buccellati, 1982, 53.
i n a n n a ’s d e s c e n t t o th e n e t h e r w o r l d 255
appearing ghosts.9 However, the identification of Kutha with the k u r does

not yet have enough support in the Sumerian sources. Kutha is mentioned
once, in a hymn to Egida, Ninazu’s temple inEnegi, as a metaphor to illustrate
the cultic character ofEnegi.10In the hymn, Enegi is called “the great libation
pipe of the netherworld” and “Kutha of Sumer.” This implies that it was a
center of the cult of the dead. The comparison to Kutha implies that both
cities had the same role, one in Sumer and the other in Akkad. It is ques-
tionable whether the Sumerian center ofthe cult of the dead served as a meta-
phor for the netherworld.
The content ofthe list and its location in the narrative cast great doubt on
its function as a description of the way to the netherworld— and even as an
indication of its general location. This is for three reasons:
a. The list o f temples is one element of a larger literary unit that counts
the things from which Inanna is separated in connection with her
journey to the netherworld. From a literary point of view, this unit
is compact and identifiable by the repetitive use o f a fixed formula
that applies not only for the temples, but also for heaven, earth, and
priestly offices. Therefore, this unit is one undivided whole in regard
to its function in the composition.
b. The list appears directly after the statement concerning Inanna’s
intention, but before the account o f her preparations for her depar-
ture. The detailed description of Inanna donning her attire and divine
symbols, which actually begins the story of her journey, appears
directly after this list. The list, therefore, is not an integral part of a
linear sequence o f events.
c. The different manuscripts for this passage are not united with regard
to the number of temples and their order o f appearance. Each manu-
script has a different version and, in fact, only one of them, N i 368,
enumerates seven temples (see above). This single manuscript could
reflect a concept o f the way to the netherworld, located somewhere
northwest o f Sumer. However, the unequivocal statement that
Inanna w ent to the netherworld appears in this manuscript in line 26,
not after the list o f temples but after the description o f her donning
9. Castellino, O N S 24 (1955): 246, line 14; LKA 81 o. 2; C T 23, 16:14.

10. Sjöberg, 1969, 27, line 180 (Th. 14). Kutha in ms. C and perhaps phonetically in ms.
I. Ms. B has g ù -d é -a (see also ms. Ur, to 1. 460, Temple Hymn no. 36 to Nergal’s
temple). Sjöberg does not discuss the literary evolution ofthe text and, therefore,
it is not clear which is the earliest manuscript of the hymn to Egida and what is its
approximate date.
her attire and symbols: ‘W a n n a k u r -s è i- im - g e n , “Inanna went

to the k u r . ” This statement fits nicely with the sequence of events
and, hence, according to the version of N i 368 there is no connection
between the list of temples and the route to the netherworld.
Sladek suggests that the lists o f temples in I D were copied from the é-és-
dam lists.” His suggestion offers an explanation for the differences between
the sources of the lists. If Sladek is right, these lists may have been indepen-
dently interpolated into each manuscript and, thus, it is doubtful that they
were meant to describe a route.112 Moreover, the differences in order among
the lists suggest a later elaboration and that the objective o f the lists was not
the order but the names o f the temples. If the editor of N i 368 had a geograph-
ical concept in mind, it is unique to his manuscript.13
Rather than I D it is 1I D , the Akkadian version o f I D , which should be
interested in the itinerary of the goddess, because it elaborates on the story of
Inanna’s journey as a means of focusing on the netherworld, not on the
goddess herself. Therefore, it is indicative that I s D omits the list o f temples.
That the author of the Akkadian myth did not include the list of temples in
E D indicates that he did not perceive it to be a route, but part of Inanna’s
divine properties.
In light o f the literary and grammatical considerations, I propose that the
list as a whole (11. 4-13) is a part o f the introduction to the myth and that it
pertains to lines 1—3. The introduction by the all-knowing narrator foretells
the essence of the myth, Inanna’s motive and punishment. The account of
the consequences— her loss o f heaven, earth, priestly offices, and temples—
befits the objective o f this myth, to explain Inanna’s disappearance as her own
fault.
11. In detail Sladek, 1973, 184—86.

12. Ms. A and probably also D mention two temples only, in Uruk and Zabalam
(probably comparable to “Inanna and Sukaletuda” 17-18). These two, in the same
order, begin the lists of ms. B andE. W e should, therefore, consider the possibility
that they represent the version of the earlier source and that the longer lists represent
interpolations that occurred in a later stage of the text’s development. Uruk and
Zabalam were Inanna’s most important cult centers in Sumer and hence their
inclusion in the list among heaven, earth, the en- and lagar-oSices may well be
original.
13. Based on this manuscript, Buccellati suggested that the lists represent a yearly cultic
journey of Inanna’s image (Buccellati, 1982, 53). Clearly, his suggestion does not
apply to the other manuscripts.
i n a n n a ’s d e s c e n t t o th e n e th er w o r l d 257
2.2. D e lib e r a tio n s o n th e In tr o d u c tio n s to I D a n d H D
HD is commonly regarded as the Akkadian version of I D . Indeed, they share

the same plot outline and I s D was obviously derived from the older Sumerian
myth. But unlike the general plot, the stories diverge. The first difference
emerges immediately at the respective introductions, which focus on the
theme of the story. The introduction of I D states that Inanna desired the neth-
erworld in addition to heaven, listing all that she lost as a consequence. The
event itself, the story oflnanna’s journey, begins with a description of the
goddess donning her attire and divine symbols. This introduction, as well as
the beginning o f the story, which describes the goddess dressing, walking
toward the k u r followed by Ninsubur, and instructing her lest she be captured
was omitted in I s D . Instead, the introduction of the Akkadian myth consists
of a repetitive statement that she went to the netherworld and an elaborate
description ofthe netherworld. The story o f Istar’s descent begins at the gate
of the netherworld.
All the omitted elements have one thing in common, they focus on Inanna
alone: her scheme, its implementation, and a prediction o f the consequences
she would have to bear. If, in addition to the journey, I D had a universal or
cosmic message, such as its effect on nature, it is not mentioned, not even in
conjunction with Dum uzi’s myth, which forms the second part of the narra-
tive.HThe story o f Inanna’sjourney is best explained by the cycle o f the planet
Venus, its setting and disappearance below the horizon and its reappearance
after a period o f time. In view ofVenus’ cycle, not only the descent is impor-
tant but also the course of the planet in the sky. Therefore, Inanna’s walk in
a horizontal path is an undivided part o f the story. Since the planet rises and
reappears again as a part o f its cycle, Ninsubur’s receiving instructions to
secure her re-emergence is an intrinsic part of the story. The Akkadian
author’s changing the introduction and omitting the first part of the story up
until Inanna’s arrival at the gate o f the netherworld signify a thematic devi-
ation of H D from I D . Contrary to the Sumerian story, the Akkadian story is
not about the cycle of the planet Venus in the sky, embodied in the figure o f
Inanna.1415 H D indeed makes use o f the materials of the Sumerian story but,
14. For the association oflnanna’sjourney with the death ofDumuzi, see below, in text
e. Textual remarks 2.2—2.4, and Katz, 1996. The effect ofthe combined events on
nature is notspecified in any Sumerian myth but implied, and taken for granted,
because of later mythological material.
15. The myth oflnanna’s descent ends in her successful rescue due to Enki’s cunning
plan, to which the Dumuzi’s myth was added later. This issue is discussed in detail
below, in textual remarks to passage e (ID 281-306), especially in section 2.1—2.4.
instead of discussing the divine properties of the goddess, the focus is on the
netherworld and the seasonal changes in nature as a result o f her journey. In
other words, the theme o f the Akkadian myth is not the journey but its
universal consequences. A study of the passages appropriated from I D by IsD
with those changed, omitted, or added confirms this conclusion. The effect
of Inanna’s descent on nature, infertility, and the changing seasons, the char-
acteristics of the netherworld or even a brief description o f the environment
in the netherworld are not found in I D . ' 6 I s D and I D deal with the same natu-
ral phenomenon. However, the divergence o f I s D from I D , the difference in
focus that appears as a thematic modification, signifies an intellectual differ-
ence. I D explains the cycle of the planet Venus from the narrow perspective
of the goddess, as a personal experience of an individual, and, thus, its theme
is the manoeuvres of Inanna and her punishment. The Akkadian author, on
the other hand, generalized the event and treated the material from a cosmic,
universal perspective. Therefore, in I s D the emphasis is on the netherworld
and the supposed impact of Venus’s cycle on nature. The shift in the inter-
pretation o f the astronomical event from the perspective o f a personal expe-
rience of the individual goddess to universal terms maybe asign o f intellectual
development.1617
b. ID 119-22, 162-64
119. abul-kur-ra im in -b ia g1ssi-gar-bia bhé-éb-usb
120. é-gal-aganzira dili-bi g1sig-bi su ha-ba-an-us
16. The thematic shift is demonstrated by the following changes: (1) The episode at the
gate: Istar is not interrogated by the gatekeeper about her identity and motivation,
but holds a monologue in which she threatens the existence o f the netherworld and
the world of the living. (2) The scene between the gatekeeper and Ereskigal: the
long description of the goddess’s arrival at the gate was shortened to just a remark,
whereas Ereskigal’s answer was further elaborated to describe her anger and include
a wail about her lowly existence in the netherworld. (3) Istar was not judged by the
great judges of the pantheon, but inflicted with diseases by Namtar, the symbol of
the netherworld’s destructive forces. Y et, the entrance through seven gates and the
goddess’ assault against Ereskigal were taken from the Sumerian story. The reason
is that at face value her entrance tells about the netherworld (in ID it has a structural
reason, it charges the story with tension and thus propels it) and the encounter with
Ereskigal is central to both themes.
17. A shift from the perspective of the individual experience to the universal emerges
in more cases: In DUr death is treated as a personal event whereas in DGil it is treated
as a universal phenomenon. The Akkadian version of the Gilgames stories point to
the same attitude. It includes the themes o f universal interest (which excluded
“Gilgames and Akka”).
121. e-ne ku4-ku4-da-ni-ta

122. gur-gurum-m a-ni tug-zil-zil-la-ni-ta lu! ba!-[an?-tum ?]
162. “si-a dinanna m e-kur-ra-ke4 su al-du7-du7
163. “din anna garza-kur-ra-ke4 ka-zu na-bé-e
164. agur-gurum-m a-ni tug-zil-zil-la-ni-ta“ 1Û m a-an-tum
(119) a—a: So K, L; M omits; b—b: So M; L: hé-eb-us. (120) a—a; I, C;
IGI.ZA.KUR. (162) a: E omits the line. (163) a: E omits the line. (164) a—a;
So E; O: [gur-gurum-ma]-ni 'tûg-zil-zil-la'-ni-ta lu [ ]; P: GIR.GIR-ma-ni
ugu-zà-gal tûg/zi-zi-rla“-ni lu ma-an-tûm; M ii 1—5: tug-zil-zil-la-ni lu ma-
[ ]/ ta-àm [ ]/ si-a “inanna me-kur-ra-ke4 [ ]/ “manna garza kur-ra-ke4 [ka-
zu] na'-bé'-e / gûr-gunim-ma-ni im-ma-da-an-te?.
119. “Place the bolt o f the seven gates of the netherworld.
120. Push open each door o f the palace g c m z i r separately.
121. And she, after she enters,
122. W hen she has been subjugated and her clothes stripped off, some-
one(?) [will take(?)] it.”
162. “Be silent Inanna! The m e o f the netherworld are accomplished
163. Inanna, do not open your m outh against the sacred customs o f the
netherworld.”
164. W hen she has been subjugated and her clothes stripped off, some-
one took it away.
C o m m e n ta r y a n d T e x tu a l R e m a r k s
The context requires that the verbs be in the imperative,

L in es 1 1 9 - 2 0 .
and the suggests the affirmative rather than the precative.
h a m tu
L in e 122. The relation between undressing Inanna and her subjugation

is expressed by the ablative / - t a / , here in a temporal sense.
The feet that Inanna remained standing in front ofEreskigal indicates
that the instruction was to remove the clothes (not Inanna). The same
meaning applies to the parallel line, 164. The instruction to remove
Inanna’s clothing signifies that Ereskigal did not intend to kill her and
that eiitering the netherworld does not necessarily mean death. This
instruction is related to the nature of Inanna’s attire; it was invested with
symbolic significance and divine power. Thematically it means that
Ereskigal feared that Inanna would grab her clothes and thereby recover
her divine powers.
Lines 162-63. hi the formula by which the gatekeeper answers Inanna’s
protest, m e seems to be a synonymic parallel to garza and, therefore, that
the undressing of Inanna is required by the laws of the netherworld.
Later in the plot, thew eofthe netherworld would be mentioned again,
this time by Enlil, who would claim that Inanna was persecuted because
she reached the m e when she entered the netherworld (line 193)■
L in e 1 6 4 . The conclusion of the implementation ofEreskigal’s orders is
parallel to line 122, which concludes Ereskigal’s instructions to the gate-
keeper. The objective was to bring Inanna naked to the netherworld and
taking her clothes away accomplished this. The structure of the passage
lines 119—64 isolates it as a compact literary unit and a complete episode,
according to which Ereskigal’s instructions were fully implemented and
her objectives achieved.
Sladekmaintains that Inanna’s attire symbolized her sexual powers, which
express the creation oflife (Sladek, 1974, 85). His interpretation implies that
Inanna’s vigor diametrically opposes Ereskigal’s deathly properties. This
contrast is applicable to the development of I s D , which centers on the neth-
erworld, and the repercussions of Istar’s descent on fertility and growth on
earth. However, H D omits the description o f the goddess donning her attire
and so it indicates that the attire was not understood as a symbol o f sexual
powers. Neither Inanna’s sexuality nor the sexual symbolism of her attire is
in question, but whether her sexuality has a function in the Sumerian myth.
I D does not deal with fertility or with the effect of Inanna’s journey upon
nature. These issues do not receive any attention. It is self-evident that sexu-
ality contradicts the intrinsic properties of the netherworld and puts its very
existence at risk. Considering the main purpose o f I D and Inanna’s desire to
rule both worlds, an emphasis on Inanna’s sexual power would damage the
integrity of the story. Therefore, the sexual symbols in Inanna’s attire are not
part of the purpose of this myth as such, but rather are a part of her divine
possessions as a whole.
c. ID 165-72
165. anin9-a-ni g1sgu-za-ni-ta im-ma-da-an-zia
166. e-ne g’sgu-za-ani-taa dur bim-mi-in-garb
167. da-nun-na di-kus-im in-bi aigi-ni-sèa di bm u-un-da-ku5-ru-deb
168. aigi mu-si-in-bar b<igi>b-us-a-kam
169. inim ai-ne-nea binim-libis-gig-ga-amb
170. agù bi-ne-dé gù-nam-tag-ga-àmb
171. amunus-tu-raa buzu-nî-sig-ga-sèb ba-an-ku4
172. auzu-ni-sig-gaa gJskak-tab lu cba-an-ta-lâc165
(165) a—a: So M; E: nin-a-ni ®^gu-za-ta [ ]; O: [nin-a-ni deres-k]i-gal-la-[k]a
psgu-za-na i-[ ]; P: [nin-a-ni ®15gu-zja-ta im-ma-an-zi-ga. (166) a—a: So E,
M; P: [ ] x-a-ni. b—b: So M; P: bi-in-[ ]. (167) a—a: So O; M omits, b—
b:?So P; M: di mu-na-ku5-dè. (168) a: M, P omit this line, b—b: O: i-bi; E:
T 1-[ ]. (169) a—a: So O; E: mu-in-Tie1; M: bi-ne; P: [ -i]n-è-a. b—b: So '
O; P: inim-gig-ga-in-e. (170) a: So C; E, O omit this line, b—b: M: bi-in-dé

inim-'-lipis-gig-ga-àm; P: mu-un-na-dé-e inim-nam-tag-ga [ ]-dug4. (171)
a■—a: So C; O: [munus]-rx1-ra; M: [x]-ni-in-ra. b—b: So M; O: uzu-ni-sig-
sè; P: m-si-dal-lâ-gin7 dal-lâ [ ] / -ta ba-m-in-[lâ?], (172) a—a: So C; O: uzu-
ni-sig. b: M adds igi-ni. c—c: So O; M: mu-un-da-lâ; C: ba-da-an-lâ.
165. She (Inanna) raised her sister from her throne

166. And took a seat in her (Ereskigal’s) throne.
167. The Anunna, the seven judges, rendered a decision against her.
168. They looked at her, the look of death.
169. They spoke against her, a speech of wrath.
170. They shouted at her, a shout of guilt.
171. The ailing women turned into a corpse.
172. The corpse was hung on a nail.
L in es 163—6 6 . The confrontation of Inanna and Ereskigal: Inanna stands

naked in front of Ereskigal, after her clothes have been taken away and
before the appearance of the Anunna. Because of the indeterminate
syntactic structure, the obscure subject and object of the verbs, and the
suffix / - t a / in line 166, these lines are still in dispute. These lines are
crucial for understanding the plot, because Enlil later explains Inanna’s
death as punishment for an offense against the m e o f the netherworld.
Since, however, while entering the gates, she fulfilled the m e and
undressed, this offense must have been committed later, after she stood
naked and before her trial. This offense, then, should be narrated in lines
165-66. The assumption that Ereskigal is the subject18 is based on the
mention of her name in one of the manuscripts for line 165. This
assumption explains the grammar but puts an end to the plot, since
according to it Inanna did not commit any offense: despite her protest
she followed the commands of the m e and the g a r z a and at that point
she stood naked, subjugated, and deprived ofher divine powers in front
of Ereskigal. Therefore, there was no reason to prosecute her and
certainly none to put her to death. With Ereskigal as the subject, the
sequence of the plot is disrupted and the logical and causal basis of the
myth is shattered.
The suffix/ - 1a/ in®sg u -z a -n i-ta agrees with the verb zi.g inline
165 but not with d u r - gar in line 166, because the two motion verbs
are in opposite directions. Presumably, the / - t a / in line 166 is ditto-
graphy. In view of the context, the translation must take into account
the plot no less than the grammatical forms. Thus Falkenstein in his
18. Kramer, J C S 5 (1951): 8>hne 162-

review of U E T 6/1, 819states against Kramer that Ereskigal was the one
who rose from the throne and Inanna took the seat. He translates the
verb z i. g in the transitive, thus making Inanna the agent of the verbs
in both lines; “Sie (Inanna) riss ihre Schwester von ihrem Thron herab,
Sie (selbst) nahm Platz auf deren Thron. ” Falkenstein’s translation with-
out a change of subject takes account of the sequence of the plot and its
further development. Sladek maintains a change of subject20 and, thus,
implies that Ereskigal left her throne voluntarily and, by doing so,
Inanna took advantage of the situation. His interpretation is possible.
Falkenstein’s view is preferable since it clearly indicates that Inanna
performed an act of usurpation, she threw Ereskigal off her throne and
tookitby force. An act of usurpation justifies a death penalty, as would
happen in the following lines.
L in e s 168—70, This passage is repeated in lines 354— 56, in some manu-
scripts verbatim, but said by Inanna against Dumuzi. Structurally as well
as thematically, the double attestation creates balance and harmopy
between the two parts of the myth. In both cases this passage brings the
story to its dramatic climax; in the first part it brings about Inanna’s death
and in the second Dumuzi’s. However, one of the two occurrences is
an interpolation. Although in some of the grammatical variants o f lines
169-70 the verbs are in the singular (not plural as expected), we cannot
determine that this passage originated in the encounter of Inanna with
Dumuzi. Rather, its original place might be here, because the highest
judges of the pantheon pronounce it and its function is to bring about
the death ofa high-ranking goddess. In that case the singular form repre-
sents the collective.
d. ID 191-94
191. [dumu-mu] an-gal al bi-fin-dugy* bki-galb al bf-in-dug4
192. [dinanna] an-gal al bf-in-dug4 "ki-gal11al bf-in dug4
193. “m e-kur-ram e al nu-di-da sabi-in-dug4-[ga-bi kur-r]e hé‫־‬eb‫״‬usa
194. aa-ba-àm ki-bi sa in-na-an-dug4 [e‫ ״‬-dè] al m u-ni-ib-dug4a
(191) a—a: So O; E omits these signs, b—b; So E; O: ki-gal-l[a]. (192) a—a;
So E; O: ki-gal-l[a]. (193) a—a: C reconstructed according to 11. 15 1 6 ‫ ; ־‬C: me-
kur-ra me-al me-al [ ]; E: [ ]-1‫־‬a me al nu-di-da sâ1•bî-in-[x x x-r]e hé-eb-
us; O; me-kur-ra me? x x [ ] x ki-bi-sè sâ bi-in-dug4 [x x x], (194) a—a: E
omits; C; a-ba-àm ki-bi [ ]; O; a-ba-àm ki-bi-sè sâ 1n-na-an-dug4 [ ].
19. BiOrzz (1965): 10.

20. Sladek, 1974, 21, 165:165-66.
i n a n n a ’s d e s c e n t t o the n e t h e r w o r l d 263
191. “ [My daughter] coveted the great heaven, coveted the great
earth,
192. [Inanna] coveted the great heaven, coveted the great earth.
193. The m e of the k u r are m e that are not to be coveted, whoever
reaches [them, the k u r ] will reach.
194. W ho, having reached that (of the m e ) place could demand [to
come up]?
C o m m e n ta r y
Reconstruction mainly according to ms. E:9. [ ]-ra me al

L in e l g j .
n u -d i-d a sa! b 1 -in -[x x x -r]e h é -e b -u s. The subject of this
version is the k u r. An additional example of the personification of the
k u r and its capacity to grab whoever enters it is G E N 226— 28, 234—37.
Note that the context is similar to ours. Gilgames cries, asking Enlil and
then Enki to rescue Enkidu, who went to the netherworld and was
entrapped there: k u r-re im -m a -a n -d a b 5. This is one of several
specific examples of the dependence of G E N on I D . In principle, the
general outline of G E N was also taken from I D , with the difference
being that one deals with a divinity and the other with a mortal human
being: somebody goes voluntarily to the netherworld, behaves care-
lessly and dies; a representative appeals to the gods for a help; Enki agrees
to help and releases the captured individual.
L in e 1g4 . k i-b i refers to the m e in line 193. In the second verb of line
1941 would expect the infix / -n -/ as in the first verb; both refer to the
same person.
T e x tu a l R em arks
The relationship between Enlil’s answer to Ninsubur and the description of

Inanna’s entry through the gates o f the netherworld, on the one hand, and
her encounter with Ereskigal, on the other, elucidates the nature o f the
offense for which Inanna was put to death. It is also important for under-
standing the development of the plot and the structure o f I D . Inanna’s
punishment is unique and rather unexpected. Inanna is not a mortal being,
yet, unlike other divinities who went to the netherworld, she did not retain
her divine essence and did not turn into a netherworld deity (compare:
Dumuzi, Ningiszida, Nergal, or U tu and Nanna, who appear in heaven and
netherworld alternately). O n the other hand, unlike human beings, her spirit
did not survive but ceased to exist. H er revival required a special cunning
procedure and the account of her rescue from the netherworld holds more
than half the myth.
Inanna was put to death while she stood alive inside the netherworld.
Therefore, it is not her descent that killed her. The orders of the gatekeeper,
that Inanna should undress in compliance with the m e and the q a r z a of the
netherworld, create the impression that the m e signify a sacred custom, cere-
mony, or practice similar to the q a r z a , or that the m e is the source of the
sacredness of the q a r z a . It implies that whoever enters the netherworld must
undress. This, however, is doubtful. The description of Inanna’s entrance
through seven gates to the netherworld indicates that she obeyed the me and
the q a r z a , that despite her protests she fulfilled the orders to the letter. Yet,
Enlil in his reply to Ninsubur (11.193—94) justified the death penalty by claim-
ing that Inanna committed an offense against the m e . Enlil’s claim seems
contradictory to the episode of her entrance. In addition, Enlil’s answer
implies that the m e was a concrete obj ect that Inanna wished to take for herself
and, as a result of her attempt to fulfil her desire, she was doomed to remain
in the netherworld as a spiritless corpse. Since, during her entrance, Inanna
complied with the m e and the q a r z a but according to Enlil she did not, ijie
offense that Enlil stated must have been committed later. If so, what was
Inanna’s crime and why is the meaning of the m e according to the gatekeeper
different from Enlil’s meaning?21
One cannot argue that by her very entrance into the netherworld Inanna
violated the m e of the netherworld, since she obeyed the gatekeeper. More-
over, at this stage she was already punished, because not only did she not
achieve anything but she also lost her own m e . Against that background,
therefore, there seems to be no reason for additional punishment, certainly
not one as relentless as depriving her of any form of life. Consequently, Enlil
could not have referred to Inanna’s entrance to the netherworld but to a viola-
tion o f the m e after she entered and before she was put to death. That must
have happened during her encounter with Ereskigal. W hen Inanna met
Ereskigal after her attire was removed, she did two things: first she pulled
Ereskigal off her throne and then took her seat on it.22 Sitting on a throne is
a symbol ofrulership. But, there is also no rulership without t h e m e , which
invests the authority to rule and permits taking the throne. Therefore, sitting
on the queen’s throne is like holding the m e of queenship. Thus, Inanna came
into contact with the m e o f Ereskigal or assumed them and the encounter
between the sisters actually describes an act o f usurpation, an attempt on the
21. For the me, see lately Volk, 1996, 136, commentary to line 1, with previous
bibliography.
22. The verb d u r - gar has the connotation o f taking a seat for the purpose of exercising
authority. Its use ill this context suggests that Inanna was not acting in good faith.
i n a n n a ’s d e s c e n t t o th e n e t h e r w o r l d 2 65
part of Inanna to assume the role of queen of the netherworld. This act
explains Enlil’s accusation that Inanna reached the place of the me.23 Usur-
pation is the most severe offense against a terrestrial monarch, since he rules
by the force of divine election. All the more so in the case of Inanna, since
she, a goddess of the third generation, aimed at forcing a change in the sacred
structure of the pantheon. For that reason Inanna was judged by no less than
the Anunna, the seven judges of the gods, and annihilated.
The significance and the role of the m e according to Enlil is different from
that of the gatekeeper. Enlil referred to their actual representation, which
invests authority to rule, whereas the gatekeeper probably alluded to their
conceptual significance as the source of the law. However, I D is the only
evidence that the dead must arrive naked in the netherworld.24 Presumably
the gatekeeper used the m e as a pretext, intending to trick Inanna into enter-
ing into the netherworld defenseless. This trick is symmetric and counter-
balances the trick that Enki played later on Ereskigal to release Inanna.25
e. ID 281-306
281. dinanna aba-guba
282. deres-ki-gal-la gala<tur> kur-gar-ra gù [mu-na-dé]-e
283. tum -m u-un-en-zé-en ga-sa-an-ne-<zu>-ne-[ne ]-zu-ne-ne
ba-dib
284. dinanna inim -den-ki-[ga-sè k]ur-ta e‫״‬
285. dinanna kur-ta *e^-da-ni3
286. ada-nun-na-ke4-e-nea ba-ab-bha-za-asb
287. a-ba-àm lû kur-ta aim-[ta]-e, ,-dèabkur-tab csilim-ma-nic db1-in-
e‫ ״‬-dèd
288. u4-da dinanna kur-ta ab1-e‫ ״‬-dèa
289. sag-dili asag-gâ-naa bba-ab-sum-mu-dèb,c
290. ldinanna kur-ta ba-e, ,-dè
291. lû igi-na sukkal-nu-me-a A^ sgidria bsub bi-in-du8
23. Tn a hymn toNinisina, she describes herselfsitting on the me (see S R T 6 iv 11: ni n

m e-hus-a dur-gar-ra-m e-en). In D U r ç ç there is a description of an object
for the me of the k u f presented to Ereskigal.
24. A striking contradiction is Gilgames’s advice to Enkidu to wear soiled clothes so that
he would not be too obvious in the netherworld.
25. The problem of the gatekeeper’s claim that Inanna must undress by the force of the
me of the netherworld and its implication that the dead must arrive naked in the
netherworld is treated in detail in a separate publication (see Katz, 1995, 221—33).
29 2• bar-ra-na ra-gaba •,nu-m e-a“ glstukul ûr-ra bbi-in-lâb

293 • gal5-la-tur-tur gi-sukur-ra-giny
294• gal5-lâ-gal-gal “gi-dub-ba-an-na-giny zà-ga-na bba-an-dab5-
be-es13
2 95-a blû e-ne-ra in-si-re7‫־‬es-àmb
296.a lû binanna-rab cin-si-re7-es-àmc
297-a û nu-zu-me-es a nu-zu-me-es
298. zi-dub-dub-ba Tu1-gu7-me-esa
299• aa-bal-bal-aa nu-na8-na8-me-es
300. a kadra n1-duIO-ge su nu-gid-me-es
301. a ur-dam ni-duI0-ge-es nu-st-ge-me-es
302. a duniu ni-ku7-ku7-da ne nu-su!-ub-ba-me-es
303. a dam ûr-lû-ka ba-ra-an-si-il-si-il-le-es
304. a dumu-lu duI0-ub-ta ba-ra-an-zi-ge-es
305. a é-gi4-a é-usbarx-ra-ka im -ta-an-è-es-àm
305a.3 dinanna kur-ta ba-e‫ ״‬-dè
306. a dinanna kur-ta elr-da-ni
(281) a—a: So S, V; U: gub-ba. (282) So S; U, V omit this line. (283) So S; U,
V omit this line. (284) So S; U, V omit this line. (285) a—a: So S; V: ba-e‫ ״‬-.
dè. (286) a—a: So U; V: da-nun-na-ke4‫־‬ne. b—b: So V; S: [ ]-,ha'-za-an; U:
-f1a-ha-za(A)-as. (287) a—a: So S; U: eIr-ta-dè; V: e‫ ״‬-dè. b—b: V: kur-ra,;
c—c: V: süim-ma-bi. d—d: So S; V‫׳‬. eIt-dè; U: um-ta-e288) .‫ ) ״‬a—a: So S;
T, V: ba-ejj-dè; U: en -dè. (289) a—a: So U, S; V: sag-a-na; U: sag-a-na-gim.
b—b: V, U: lja-ba-ab-sum-mu. c: U: Akk. gloss ma-ni-ma. (290) a: So V, T;
S, U omit. (291) a—a: S: ®lstukul; V: gidri. b—b: S: su-na. (292) a—■a: U: nu-
MIN-ME-a. b—b: So T; S: b'1-in-dug; U: i-ni-in-lâ; V: mu-un-[x]. (293) a:
U: Akk. gloss: ki-ma qa-angu-ub-ri. (294) a—a: So U; S: [ ]-an-na; V: gi-dub-
ba-na-ke.. b—^b: So V; S: um-[ ]; U: ba-ab-bé-es. (295) a: T omits this line,
b—b: SoV; U: lû-uâ-ne lû mu-un-dè-re7re-es-àm. (296) a: T omits this line,
b—b: U: dinanna. c—c: mu-e-si-re7re-es-àm. (297) a: S omits this line. (298)
a—a: So S, U, V; T: [nu-gu7]-ru,-me‫־‬es. (299) a—a: So S, T, U; V: a-bal‫־‬bal.
(300) a: So U; S, V omit this line. T: [kadra ni-duI0]-ge su nu-gid-i-me-es.
(301) a: So U; S, T, V omit this line. (302) a: So U; S, T, V omit this line. (303)
a: So S, U; T, V: [u]r-lû-ka dam su ti-a-me-es. (304) a: So S, U; T, V: [ubur]-
um-me-da-lâ-ka dumu su ti-a-me-es. (305) a: So S, U; V omits this line; T:
[tés n]u tuku a-ra-zu tés nu-tuku/ [ g]e UL mu-un-ur4-ur4-re-es; S adds:’[tés
n]u tuku a-ra-zu tés nu-tuku/[ g]e UL mu-un-ur4‫־‬ur .-re-es. (305a) a: So V;
U, T omit this line; S: lû dinanna mu-un-si-re7-[es-àmj. (306) a: So T, U, V;
S: u4 “inanna kur-ta ejj-da-ni-ta. ’ ’ ’
281. Inanna arose.2834
282. Ereskigal said to the g a l a t u r a and the k u r g a r a :

283. “Carry your queen, your seized [ ],
284. Inanna, who will rise from the { k } u r as were Enkfi’s] instructions.”
285. As Inanna was rising from the kur

286. The Anunna (gods) grabbed her:
287. “W ho has ever risen from the kur, would rise from the kur
unharmed?
288. W hen Inanna will rise from the kur
289. She will give someone as a substitute for herself. ”
290. Inanna rises from the kur.

291. The one in front o f her, though not a counsellor, held a scepter
in his hand.
292. The one behind her, though not a knight, hanged a weapon to
his hip.
293. The small g a l l a like the corral’s reeds,
294. The big g a l l a like the d u b b a u - r e e d s clung to her side.
2 9 5 ■ The m en who went toward her,
296. The m en who went toward Inanna,
297. They know no food, know no drink.
298. Tat no flour offering,
299. Drink no water libation.
300. Accept 110 nice gift.
301. They do not satiate a spouse lap with pleasure,
302. They do not kiss sweet children.
303. They tear the spouse from the man’s lap,
304. They snatch the son from the man’s knee.
305. They carry off the bride from her father-in-law’s house.
305a. Inanna rises from the k u r .
306. As Inanna was rising from the kur.

C o m m e n ta r y
L in es 282—8 4 .These lines appear exclusively in ms. S from Ur. These

lines were omitted from the other sources (detailed discussion below)
radier than added to S in the course of a later elaboration. Being an
isolated passage, they form a sub-unit and, since they begin with an
introduction to the direct speech, I understand lines 283—84 as a quota-
tion of Ereskigal’s address to the g a l a t u r a and k u r g a r a .
L in e 28 5 . The phrase is a temporal clause. It is the introduction of the
literary unit comprising hnes 286—305 and sealed with the identical
phrase in line 306. Thus, this phrase forms a chronological and literary
framework to this unit.
L in e 2 8 7 .The finite verbal forms of ms. S seem more fitting.26The non-

finite form of ms. V may be a haplography as a result of the suffix /-ta /
that precedes the verb. I n im - ta - e ^ - d è the prefix /-m -/ has the func-
tion of the ventive, which harmonizes with the ablative and the sense
of the verb e ,,. The second verb is perhaps a causative, however, in
harmony with the second k u r - ta it should have the infix/ - t a - / as in
the first verb. The omitted infix may be explained as an Akkadianism of
the Old Babylonian period (which would also suit my suggestion,
dis cussed below, that this literary unit is a later addition to the plot). The
/ - dè / = -e‫ ״‬- dè probably emphasizes that Inanna is about to carry out
the action.27
U n e s 2 8 8 —8g. Since Inanna’s exit from the netherworld became a fact
that was imposed on Ereskigal, u4- da is not the beginning of a condi-
tional but of a temporal clause, “when,” signifying that the actions in
lines 288—89 are contemporaneous. Therefore, I prefer the version of
ms. S for the verb in 289, b a - a b - s u m - m u - dè. F o rsag -d ili sag-ga-
na, see Afansjeva, 1981. Forsag “corpse,” see Civil, A u O r 1(1983): 51.
U n e 2 g o . Only in sources T and V. The variants suggest slight structural
modifications to this episode. b a -e ‫ ״‬-d c is also the variant of ms. V for
line 28$, namely 28 5=290, and thus, V frames andisolates the scene with
the Anunna as a compact sub-unit. Thematically, the intervention of the
Anunna is inseparable from the description of the g a l la who were sent
to implement their verdict and chronologically this episode occurred
while Inanna was rising and before she emerged in heaven. This episode
is introduced by line 285 and concluded by line 306. Sources U and S,
with e ^ -d a -n i for both 28$ and 306, form a palpable thematic and
chronological framework for this episode. That sources T and V retain
the temporal clause e‫ ״‬- d a -n i for line 306 indicates that lines 28$-306
were conceived as one literary unit narrating a situation at a given time
and that, despite the variant b a -e ‫ ״‬- dè in line 285, it also was the open-
ing of the framework for source V. The development of the plot,
indeed, justifies a compact literary unit that relates the conditions of
Inanna’s exit and takes place while she was leaving the netherworld.
Therefore, for both grammatical and structural reasons, the version of
S andU w itheI:rd a -n i is better th an b a -e^ -d è inT and V. Sinceba-
eI:[-d è in line 290 does not match the e‫ ״‬- d a -n i of line 306 and gives
26. I thank Bram Jagersma for his great help in interpreting the verbal forms. His view
of the ventive and the causative were presented in unpublished papers delivered
during a seminar at Leiden University in the academic year 1997—98.
27. Jacobsen, 1988b, 187.
i n a n n a ’s d e s c e n t t o th e n e t h e r w o r l d 269
no temporal sense to the events and since line 290 appears only in sources
T and V, it is probably a later addition to separate the episode with the
Anunna from the description of the g a l la as a sub-unit.
L in e 2 9 1 . The scepter as a symbol of the s u k k a l is treated by Wiggermann
in J A O L 29 (1985-86): iff.
L in e 2 9 4 . Compare with D D 63.
U n e 2 9 5 - 9 6 . Compare with D D n o . This formula appears in both

compositions as an introduction to an identical description of the g a lla .
L in e 2 9 7 —5 0 5 . An existing formula to describe the g a l la in the Sumerian
literature. It appears with various modifications in D D and the incan-
tations against evil spirits. A detailed comparative discussion is found in
Alster, 1972, 104-7.
L in e 5 0 6 . This line closes the framework of the literary unit, which
begins in line 285, andnarrates the scene oflnanna’s rise from the neth-
erworld.
I. S ign ifica n ce o f L in e s 2 8 5 —5 0 6
The plot of I D revolves around two major events. The first is Inanna’s scheme
to seize control of the netherworld, her death, and resurrection. The account
of this event covers the first 284 lines o f the myth and Inanna is its sole heroine.
The second is the pursuit of Dumuzi, his arrest, and death. In this story
Dumuzi is the main figure and part of it, which begins in line 368, is known
also from an independent tradition.28Each of these events could, in fact, form
a separate myth.
The two central events narrated in I D are separated by two consecutive
episodes, The first episode, enclosed in I D 285—306, describes the mechanism
by which Inanna was ahowed to leave the netherworld. The second episode,
describing the search for a substitute, is narrated in I D 307—67. Each o f these
episodes forms a distinct literary unit. Thematicahy, however, they are closely
linked in a causal relationship and, thereby, the two episodes form an integral
section of the myth. At the same time, this bipartite section links in a causal
relationship the two major subjects of the myth, the story of Inanna and that
of Dumuzi.
At face value, this seems a perfect structure because ah the members of the
plot are linked in a causal relationship. In fact, however, the first episode,
narrated in lines 285—306, marks a sharp deviation from the plot oflnanna’s
28. Compare DD 152ff. and ersemma no. 97: 68fF.

story, since Inanna was already rescued by the plan that Enki had conceived.
Thus, this episode is the key for understanding the formulation o f I D and
elucidating the development ofits plot. Its relevance to the Sumerian concept
o f the netherworld gready relies on its status in relation to the main themes
of the myth.29 Consequently, the following discussion will focus on the rela-
tionship o f this two-episode section to the main themes o f the myth and, in
particular, to the episodes that precede and follow it, that is the success of
Enki’s rescue plan and Dum uzi’s encounter with the g a l l a .
2. T h e L ite r a r y S e c tio n I D 2 8 5 —3 6 7
2.1. S tru c tu re a n d T e x t u r e : T w o L ite r a r y U n its
2.1.1. L in e s 2 8 5 - 3 0 6
Lines 28 5—306 form a distinct literary unit. A temporal clause at the beginning
and at the end of this unit (285—306) defines its boundaries and constitutes a
thematic and chronological framework for the episode narrated inside it.
First, the unit conveys the intervention o f the Anunna in Inanna’s release,
namely, their demand that Inanna should submit a substitute for herself. Then
it describes the g a l l a who were assigned to fulfil the Anunna’s demand. In its
materials this unit combines a central element o f Inanna’s story with a central
element of Dumuzi’s story; it links the Anunna who brought the story of
Inanna’s conspiracy to its climax (Inanna’s death) with the g a l l a who will play
a central role in Dumuzi’s story (Dumuzi’s capture and death). The Anunna’s
demand forms the condition for Inanna’s release and it links up with the
previous story about her prosecution and death. The dispatch o f the g a l l a by
the Anunna serves to fulfil that condition and it is linked with the pursuit,
capture, and death o f Dumuzi. Thus, with regard to the plot, this unit links
the Anunna and the g a l l a on a functional level, thereby conjoining in a causal
relationship the story o f Inanna’s descent and its outcome with the story of
Dumuzi’s death.
2.1.2. I D 3 0 7 —6 7
ID 307—67 constitutes the second part o f this section o f I D . It relates the

encounter o f Inanna and the g a l l a with four deities o f Inanna’s circle,
Ninsubur, Sara, Lulal, and Dumuzi, culminating with the arrest o f Dumuzi
by the g a l l a . As a literary unit it is also characterized by its structure, although*102
29. This issue was discussed in more detail in my article “How Dumuzi Became
Inanna’s Victim: O n the Formation o f‘Inanna’s Descent’,” Acta Sum 18 (1996): 93-
102. It is kept here for clarity and because of the importance I attach to this matter.
it is different from the first. This unit is comprised of four scenes. The first
three fully parallel one another and the fourth one parallels the others at the
beginning but then digresses to move toward the climax. The climax reached
by the fourth scene leads to the next story, Dumuzi’s myth. The parallel
scenes serve to compare Dum uzi’s behavior during Inanna’s death to the
behavior o f other divinities o f her circle and, thereby, serve to justify his
incrimination, arrest, and death. W ith regard to its materials, this unit contains
elements o f both Inanna’s story (the formula by which Inanna persecutes
Dumuzi, I D 354—56) and Dum uzi’s story (the allusion to his capture in the
sheepfold, I D 351—52, and the g a l l a - motif).
2.2. P o s itio n o f th e T w o - U n i t S e c tio n in th e S e q u e n c e o f th e P l o t
2.2.1. I D 2 8 5 -3 0 6
The first episode begins directly after the g a l a t u r a and I r u r g a r a successfully

accomplish Enki’s rescue plan, which ends in line 281: “Inanna arose.” Yet,
source S ( U E T 6/1,10) adds three lines, 282—84, that further emphasize the
success ofEnki’s rescue plan. In these lines Ereskigal says to the g a l a t u r a and
k u r g a r a : “Carry your queen, your seized [ ], Inanna, who will rise from the
netherworld as were Enk[i’s] instructions.” It appears that, according to this
source, Ereskigal ordered the creatures to take Inanna away. Therefore,
source S asserts that Inanna, indeed, came out o f the netherworld as a result
ofEnki’s cunning plan. This end to Inanna’s adventure was already antici-
pated at the beginning o f the myth, in fine 67, which concludes her instruc-
tions to Ninsubur. Therefore, the longer version o f source S actually
harmonizes with the text tradition o f Inanna’s story so far, bringing it to its
natural anticipated conclusion. Thus, I D 282—84 concludes a story about
Inanna’s plot to take over the netherworld, her capture, and subsequent death
there, until she was revived and rescued by Enki.30
The episode under discussion, I D 28 5—306, stipulates Inanna’s release from
the netherworld for a substitute and so agrees with the principles o f Sumerian
theology (most clearly demonstrated by “Enlil and Ninlil”). However, it
contradicts the plot on two counts. First, whereas it combines central
elements o f both Inanna’s story and Dum uzi’s story, it deviates substantially
from their plots. Intervention by the Anunna contradicts the result o f the plot
until line 285, because Inanna was revived and ordered out o f the netherworld
30. The same sense is actually implied by sources T and V, which, following line 281,
have: 1*inanna k u r - ta b a - e ,r dè “Inanna rises from the netherworld.” It appears
as a variant to line 285. However, it does not begin a new section as line 285 in S,
but concludes Inanna’s rescue story.
by Ereskigal, queen of the netherworld and keeper of its m e . Second, rising

in exchange for a substitute or due to Enki’s machination or trick are mutually
exclusive; either she had to provide a substitute or Ereskigal was tricked into
releasing her, because these tw o factors are irreconcilable. Thus, the inter-
vention of the Anunna and the demand for a substitute in I D 286-89 intro-
duce a dramatic deviation from the plot of Inanna’s story.
The g a l l a , like the officials in the city-state’s administration, represent the
executive arm o f the law. Thus, they are functionally linked to the Anunna’s
intervention as a court oflaw. Their dispatch corresponds to the independent
tradition that ascribes D um uzi’s arrest to them. But, arrest by the g a l l a signi-
fies that Dumuzi committed a crime, and, thus, it contradicts his prevalent
characterization in the literature as an innocent victim.31 This deviation from
Dum uzi’s story is further emphasized by the following episode, the literary
unit I D 307—67.
2.2.2. I D 3 0 7 —6 7
T he literary unit in lines 307—67 describes the search for a substitute for
Inanna and the offensive behavior o f Dumuzi. It is a natural development of
the previous episode, offering a natural introduction to the story ofDumuzi’s
capture and death. Following this episode, in line 368, begins the account of
the second major theme of I D , the account ofD um uzi’s escape from the g a lla
and their search for him.
The arrest and subsequent death of a young god by the hand ofbandits or
the g a l l a is the L e i t m o t i f of laments for young dying gods, of whom Dumuzi
is just one.32It is also the L e i t m o t i f ofDum uzi’s story in I D . The cardinal matter
is, however, that Dum uzi’s story is not unique to I D , but exists as an inde-:
pendent tradition in D D 152ff. and ersemma no. 97 (of Inanna and Dumuzi)
68ff.33 D D 152= I D 368, and in both narrative myths this line introduces the
account of the chase and capture. Therefore, Dum uzi’s story in I D 368fF,
seems to be a version of the same tradition and, at least hypothetically, it can
be considered an independent story.
31. Which may imply that the tradition of his arrest by the galla was superimposed on
the tradition of his death by the hands ofbandits. The two conflicting traditions
coexist in DD.
32. It appears also in laments for Damu and Ningiszida, but, in particular it is manifested ‫־‬
in laments for the death of Dumuzi. See DD 81—82 and 162—63; ersemma no. 88.
(ofDumuzi and Duttur) 26-29; BIN 2, 26:8-10 (B E 30/1,1); see also “Ningiszida’i
Journey to the Netherworld” 25—28 (the text is in chapter 1.3.2/e; Alster and
Jacobsen, 2000, 321—22:28—30).
33. Cohen, 1981, 71-84.
INANNA’S d e s c e n t t o t h e n e t h e r w o r l d 273
Nevertheless, I D is unique on three counts. First, it is the only one that

makes Dumuzi responsible for his own death, casting doubt on Inanna’s
responsibility for it. Second, no version of this event describes a selection of
possible candidates. Excluding I D , the overall pattern has a young god who
is doomed to die as an innocent victim o f the g a l l a , evil men, or bandits, who
head directly for him. Third, Inanna is never involved in the arrest. She is
either not responsible or, as in D D , not mentioned at all. These three features
are unique to I D and appear in the episode under discussion, which leads to
Dumuzi’s story. Therefore, this literary unit introduces a dramatic deviation
from the typical pattern of the myths about the death of the young god in
general and o f Dum uzi’s death in particular.
The two literary units, I D 285—306 and I D 306-67, narrate two connected
episodes. By introducing new elements, each episode slightly deviates from
the preceding tradition of Inanna’s myth and the following tradition of
Dumuzi’s myth. Thereby, the tw o-unit section provides for the first time a
reason for Dum uzi’s capture and death, on the one hand, and link it in a causal
relationship to Inanna’s action, on the other.
2 . 3. E v a lu a tio n o f th e T w o - u n i t S e c tio n : T w o E p is o d e s L in k in g T w o M y t h s
Structurally, the outlines of these two episodes are well defined and their place
is between two stories that can exist independently. Textually, these episodes
include elements of both stories. Thematically, however, they introduce a
dramatic deviation from the plot of the preceding and following stories.
Therefore, these episodes are probably additional literary units that were
composed in order to combine two originally separate myths. The first myth
{ID 1-284) revolves around Inanna’s adventurous journey to the k u r and her
rescue by a trick conceived by Enki. The second myth { I D 368—81), also
known from independent traditions, relates the circumstances o f Dumuzi’s
death. Stipulating Inanna’s release from the netherworld by providing a
substitute, on the one hand, and introducing Dumuzi’s wrongdoing, on the
other, is the tool to harmonize the two separate myths. It appears, therefore,
that the intervention of the Anunna was added to Inanna’s myth as a means
of introducing Dumuzi’s myth, while the search for a substitute, Dumuzi’s
misbehavior, and his arrest by the g a l l a were designed to adapt Dumuzi’s
myth to Inanna’s.34
34. New sources and readings for the end of ID indicate that the description of
Dumuzi’s escape from the galla is not as elaborated as in D D and that the passage
in lines 382—400 relates Inanna’s repentance and the beginning of the formerly
elusive episode with the fly (see Alster, 1996). This part realigns the plot of ID with
the old tradition about Inanna’s love of Dumuzi. The end of the myth, beginning
T he possibility that I D is a combination o f two independent and pre-exist-

ing myths explains some inconsistencies found in Sumerian mythology:
a. The episode that describes Inanna handing Dumuzi over to the g a lla
is the only case in which she betrays Dumuzi. Thus, it contradicts the
remaining sources about their relationship, narrating their love and
marriage, Inanna’s search for the dead Dumuzi, and her bitter
laments for him (especially “Inanna and Bilulu” and C T 15, 18). It
also contradicts Dum uzi’s epithet “beloved husband of Inanna”
( D U r : 104, and Dum uzi’s prayer to Utu, which focuses on his rights
as her husband). The new sources for the end of I D , revealing that
Inanna eventually repented,35 suggest that the incompatibility of
Dumuzi’s myth with Inanna’s was obvious. The contradiction was
not only evident but also intolerable and, therefore, the myth had to
be harmonized with the conventional perception o f the Inanna-
Dumuzi love relationship. Her remorse at the end is another dramas
tic twist in the plot, which brings the contradictory stories back in
line and solves the problematic inconsistency.
b. According to the statement that brings I D to its conclusion, Dumuzi
and Gestinanna were doomed to stay in the netherworld in turns of
half a year each as Inanna’s replacements. This statement implies that
Inanna visited the netherworld once only. Yet, Inanna’s descent to
and rise from the netherworld appears in her list o f m e 36 and, there-
fore, she must have visited the netherworld regularly. W e can
attribute to Inanna a descent to the netherworld in her astral image
as the planet Venus. Venus disappears twice during a cycle of 19
months and, thus, it can explain the first part of I D according to
which she made a journey to the netherworld and returned with
Enki’s help. However, since Venus’ cycle is not yearly, it does not
correspond with the yearly cycle of Dumuzi. Therefore, the conclu-
sion of the myth that explains Dum uzi’s yearly cycle of death and
resurrection as Inanna’s substitute cannot be corroborated by Venus/
Inanna’s disappearance in the netherworld.
with line 405, is the framework that brings the combined myths to a conclusion.
Here, ID introduces another innovation to Dumuzi’s myth. Note that, according
to the end of ID, Dumuzi is resurrected annually from the dead. This is probably
the most important element ofDumuzi’s myth, as it was believed and celebratedfor
generations to come. Yet, it is absent from all the known compositions about the
death of a young god, including Dumuzi.
35. Alster, 1996.
36. Färber-Flügge, 1973.
INANNA’S d e s c e n t t o t h e n e t h e r w o r l d 275
The biographies of Inanna and Dumuzi share a common motif, that is, the
descent to the netherworld. However, each descent illustrates a different
aspect of nature and reflects a different mythological reality. Inanna disap-
peared in the netherworld as the planet Venus, but Dum uzi’s periodical
detention in the netherworld as a god of fertility explains the changing seasons
of the year. Against the background of Inanna’s and Dum uzi’s intimate rela-
tionship, a fusion of the two different mythological events into one myth,
which revolves around a common motif, seems plausible. Disengaging
Inanna’s myth (ends in line 284) from Dum uzi’s myth (from line 368) into
two independent myths would eliminate the above-mentioned contradic-
tions.
2.4. S ou rces o f th e C o m b in e d M y t h s
2.4.1. D u m u z i ’s M y t h
No myth about Inanna’s journey to the netherworld is known in a version

that is independent from the story o f Dum uzi’s death as her substitute. O n
the other hand, Dum uzi’s first encounter with the g a l l a (line 348 onward),
but especially Dum uzi’s story from I D 368 onward, exhibits a close affinity
with two texts that tell the story o f his death, D D and ersemma no. 97 (of
Dumuzi and Inanna). The core o f this tradition is also known from laments
for Dumuzi, having parallels in some other myths that narrate the death o f
various (local) incarnations of the young god (mainly Damn and Ningis-
zida37). Therefore, Dum uzi’s story in I D is rightfully considered to be based
on this tradition.38 Since this tradition is the subject of an independent myth,
it seems unlikely that it originated in I D and that later it was arbitrarily cut
out of it to form an independent tradition. Rather, it seems likely that the
story ofDum uzi’s death that begins in line 368 was originally an independent
tradition that had no relation to Inanna and that was later integrated with a
story about Inanna to form the myth known to us as I D . 39
37. Fragmentary allusions to other divinities, such as Istaran and Ninazu, occur in Edina-
usagake.
38. Esp. Wilcke in Kindlers Literatur Lexikon, (1974) 9108-9, s.v. “Sumerische Mythen.”
Sladek, 1974, 26-27 suggests that ID is a combination of two myths.
39. This suggestion is based on the above-discussed deviations from Inanna’s story and
especially Dumiizi’s story (see above 2.2.1 and 2.2.2). In addition, Dumuzi’s
resurrection, which concludes the myth, is also unique to ID and distinguishes it
from the rest of the Inanna-Dumuzi literature. Note also that Dumuzi’s prayer to
Utu, which appears in a similar version both in DD and ersemma 97, does not
harmonize with the contents of the plot of ID. In the prayer, Dumuzi does not
accuse Inanna or criticize her behavior. O n the contrary, he appeals for help as her
The independent tradition about Dum uzi’s death is best manifested in the
laments. However, the laments convey this tradition in a static condensed
form. T he myths, on the other hand, are extensive narratives, organized by
a dynamic and temporally developed plot. In the case o f DD, the same tradi-
tion was activated and developed into a linear plot by elaborating solely on
its own materials. First, the tradition was fashioned as a dream and then it was
repeated as its fulfilment. This way o f elaboration brought into the tradition
only a few new elements. Therefore, the plot of D D remained close to the
laments despite the different handling o f the tradition about Dumuzi’s death.
I D , on the other hand, is only partly dependent on the tradition o f Dumuzi’s
death. Although this very tradition actually brings I D to its final climax, it is
wrapped up in a thick layer o f new materials: a complicated story about
Inanna’sjourney to the netherworld and her rescue operation through Enki’s
cunning plan, the intervention o f the Anunna and the search for a substitute,
the incrimination of Dumuzi and his fate to pass half of each year in the neth-
erworld, and his resurrection.
Close similarities between I D 368ff. and D D 152ff. suggest an immediate
connection between the two myths. Y et, their descriptions o f the events that
lead to Dumuzi’s encounter w ith the g a l l a are fundamentally different. I D
links Dumuzi’s death with his own offensive behavior, whereas D D portrays
him as an innocent victim destined to die. Eventually, I D also offers a solution
to his predicament in the form o f resurrection, but in D D his death is the final
dramatic scene. Since DD is closer to the tradition of the laments than I D ,
it seems that DD served as prototype for Dumuzi’s story in I D . Therefore,
the discrepancy between the preceding episodes is probably due to the objec-
fives of the poet and the process by which he transformed the basic tradition
into a myth. DD creates a dynamic comprehensive plot within the frame-
work of the tradition. I D adds new materials to the tradition that go beyond
its framework and suggest further obj ectives. First, I D offers a concrete reason
for Dumuzi’s death by the g a l l a . Second, it proclaims and explains Dumuzi’s
resurrection, a new component and a dramatic development in the myth
about his death.40 The events describedin D D 1-152, however, neither inte-
husband, thus her share in his misfortune is ignored. Therefore, it seems that the
prayer did not derive from the plot of ID and did not originally belong with it. Only
in the version of the prayer in “Dumuzi and Gestinanna” (U E T 6/1,11:24-26) does
Dumuzi pin the blame for his misfortune on Inanna. This myth is based on the
materials of ID, but creates an essentially different story. “Dumuzi and Gestinanna.”
is discussed in appendix 2. The various versions of Dumuzi’s prayer to Utu were
compared and discussed by Alster in the commentary to DD, Alster 1972, 114-16.
40. Compare, for example, the explicit statement of Gestinanna in C T 58,3,1•. 46: [ses-
grate with Inanna’s activities nor allow her to incriminate Dumuzi and, there-
fore, they had to be omitted from Dum uzi’s story o f I D . At the same time,
the events that preceded Dum uzi’s story and that are described in the literary
section I D 285-367 enable the introduction o f these new aspects of Dumuzi’s
death: his guilt and his resurrection. Therefore, this literary section must have
been added to Dum uzi’s myth as part o f its adaptation to Inanna’s myth.
2.4.2. I n a n n a ’s M y t h
The assumption that Dumuzi’s story in I D was originally an independent

tradition raises the question o f the origin and nature o f the first part o f I D ,
Inanna’s story.
Alster showed that there is a fixed pattem to myths about Inanna:*41 Inanna
leaves heaven and makes a journey from which she returns (or is rescued) due
to Enki’s magical powers. The first part o f I D , which ends in line 281,
conforms to this pattem. I D 282—84, indeed, firmly asserts that Inanna was
rescued due to Enki’s help as she predicted at the beginning o f the myth (1.
67). These fines complete the story o f her rescue from the netherworld and
bring her adventure to its conclusion.42 Therefore, the following episode in
which the Anunna appear to set the terms for Inanna’s release, is an unex-
pected development, inconsistent with the previous assertion. This dramatic
and surprising turn in the course o f the events strongly suggests that the
episode that describes the appearance o f the Anunna was conceived in order
to introduce Dum uzi’s myth into the plot o f I D .
Thus, the two-unit/episode section placed between the story o f Inanna
and that o f Dumuzi seems to have been composed in order to combine two
myths that were originally unconnected. The intervention of the Anunna
enables the myth about Inanna’sjourney to the netherworld to continue and
mu dd ]u -m u -z i n u - u n - t i b a - r a - g i4-g i4-dè, “My brother Dumuzi is not

alive; he will never return.”
41, Alster, 1974a, 30.
42. Note that the main axis of Inanna’s story conforms with some ofPropp’s categories
of fairy tales: the future is introduced; then the hero goes on a risky journey to get
something; there are acts of deception on the way to achieve the objectives both
on the side of the heroine and her adversary, through which each side actually helps
its opponent. The “hero” and the “villain” engage in direct confrontation. The
“hero” is rescued through an act of deception involving creatures created magically
and returns from thejourney. The Sumerian tale, however, does not take aposition
as to who is the hero and who is the villain here. Inanna is both the hero and the
villain and Ereskigal is both villain and victim. Therefore, although Inanna’s story
seems to have the ingredients of a fairy tale, it cannot be definitely classified as such.
the search for a substitute permits the integration of the myth about Dumuzi’s
death.
I D 282-84 is attested in ms. S only. Since these lines derive from Inanna’s
story, complete its plot, and fashion a natural conclusion to her journey, I
suggest that they formed the end of a specific myth of Inanna, although
unknown to us in an independent version. It would seem that, when Inanna’s
myth was combined with Dum uzi’s myth, these lines were omitted from the
text because they did not allow the plot to develop, to incorporate the myth
about Dumuzi’s death, and to harmonize the two myths into one compre-
hensive plot.43
2.4.3. L ite r a r y F r a m e w o r k o f th e F ir s t E p is o d e
The development of the first literary unit, which describes the intervention
of the Anunna and the dispatch of the g a l l a , is impossible to trace. Never-
theless, the versions of mss. S and U for lines 285-306 (the versions preferred
by Sladek) when compared to T and V yield interesting results.
Sources S and U have a full literary framework. A temporal clause defines
the episode, structurally, as a literary unit. Thematically, it determines the
time of the events— when Inanna was leaving the netherworld, after she was
revived, and before the search for a substitute began. This temporal literary
framework (lines 285=306) says: din a n n a k u r - t a e ^ - d a - n i “As Inanna
was rising from the k u r . ” However, sources T and V have this phrase only
at the end o f the episode (1. 306), whereas for the beginning (1.285) they have
,*inanna k u r - ta b a - e u -d è . At face value this seems a trivial variant of the
verbal form. However, the difference in meaning is actually significant. The
b a - c ^ - d c of T and V does not open a new episode, but appears to end the
previous one, following ID281: din a n n a [ ] b a -g u b and comparable with
S, line 284: * in a n n a ...k u r - ta e‫ ״‬.
This phrase appears again in T and V as line 290 and in V it appears for the
third time as line 305a, before the temporal clause that concludes this unit in
all the sources (1. 306). The occurrence of the temporal clause at the end of
the episode but not at its beginning is strange, because in a temporally devel-
oped plot the natural place for the chronological definition of an episode is
at the introduction o f the events. All the more so, since both phrases follow
one another (V:285=290=3053-306). Thus, source V framed each of the two
parts ofthe first episode. But consequently, ithas two literary frameworks that
43. This conclusion implies that ms. S reflects the version of an early source. It does not
mean, however, that this source in itself is early. An interesting feature of ms. S is
that it places Dumuzi’s encounter with the g a l la in the countryside of Larsa, unlike
other sources that place it in the countryside of Kulaba.
i n a n n a ’s d e s c e n t t o t h e n e t h e r w o r l d 279
overlap at the end ofthe unit. Y et, unlike the temporal clause that renders the
plot a sense o f natural development, the repeated phrase in the indicative is
artificial. These two phrases together are incompatible and tautological.
Source T, on the other hand, ends this episode with just the temporal clause,
like sources S, U, and W.
Sources T and V further differ from S and U, and from one another in the
description of the g a l l a . The major differences occur in their formulaic
description as netherworld beings. Y et, the two couplets, I D 291-92 and I D
293-94, which describe the formation of the g a l l a around Inanna, occur in
all the sources with minor variations but in different locations.
The description of the intervention of the Anunna is common to all the
sources with only minor variants. The close similarity suggests that this
description represents the version o f the oldest source, probably the stage in
which this episode was created, when Inanna’s myth was integrated with
Dumuzi’s myth. A description of the g a l l a is an inherent part o f this literary
unit because they are functionally connected with the decision of the
Anunna. In analogy to the description of the Anunna, the relatively stable
version of the two couplets suggests that they too represent an earlier, prob-
ably original, element of this literary unit.44 O n the other hand, the formulaic
descriptions of the g a l l a as demons, which vary from one source to the other,
may represent a later addition to the original version. To that effect may point
ms. S, because it is not attested in the scene of Dumuzi’s arrest. Source T ’s
insertion of the formulaic description of the g a l l a between lines 292 and 293,
which is between the two couplets, may indicate a later interpolation.45
I D 28 5=290 in V and T appears as a framework for the first part, suggesting
a connection between the two sources. V, however, extends this framework
to the second part through the repeated phrase 285=290=3053. Yet, they
both conclude this literary unit with the temporal clause that serves as a full
literary framework in S and U. This and the additional sub-division may
imply that T and V depended on a version similar to that o f ms. S for this
unit.46 However, the small number o f sources for this episode do not permit
any decisive conclusion and, therefore, the relationship between the sources
remains uncertain.
44• Note that the couplet 293—94 has a parallel also in ersemma 97, which is based, I
suppose, on an early version o f ID (see chapter 3, section 3.2.1.2/c with textual
remarks 2).
45. For more on the galla and the development of their image in the literature, see
chapter 3.
46. Note that the introduction and the beginning of the formulaic description of the
galla as demons in source V is also identical to S.
3. F o r m u la ic D e s c r ip tio n o f th e g a l l a as N e t h e r w o r l d C r e a tu r e s 47
The g a l l a are characterized as netherworld creatures by means o f negated

statements that depict typical habits of human beings or divinities. Thereby,
the g a l l a are excluded from both. They appear as creatures that are neither
human beings nor gods. In conjunction with their habitat in the netherworld
and their malevolent behavior they are treated as demons. These descriptions
appear in stanzas o f different lengths and their fixed syntactic pattern makes
them a formula.
Alongside the group of descriptions molded in this formula, there also are
descriptions of the g a l l a in poetic imagery. These do not imply demonic
features and could also portray human beings. The different treatments of the
g a l l a in the literature may be of significance because, at least theoretically, it
may indicate changes in their image through the course of time. Considering
that the formulaic descriptions are found in such varied literary genres as
laments and incantations, the different images could also be influenced by
generic factors. The questions is, therefore: W hat is the origin o f the g a l l a -
m otif in the literature, and how, why, and when was their formulaic descrip-
tion as demons developed?
The complex variety of the images o f the g a l l a is found in myths and
laments that relate the death ofDumuzi. Since their operation is best disclosed
by the context o f I D and D D , and these myths are also based on old traditions,
they seem to provide the best framework for an explanation. Presumably, the
g a l l a was originally a historical function in the city administration. There-
fore, the clue should lie in the meaning o f death at the hands o f the g a l la .
3.1. S ig n ifica n ce o f D e a t h a t th e H a n d s o f th e g a l l a
The texts ascribe the death ofD um uzi to g a l l a or bandits and, sometimes,
even to both. However, in principle death at the hand o f the g a l l a is funda-
mentally different from being kihed by a bandit. In I D the g a l l a were dele-
gated to implement the verdict o f the Anunna, the highest judges, and they
acted as the arm o f the law. Consequently, death by the g a l l a signifies a
punishment for a crime committed earlier. A death by bandits, on the other
hand, is accidental and so the dead person is an innocent victim.
47. The term “formula” seems more suitable than “topos” or “m otif’ because of the
fixed frozen structure of each phrase. In a topos, and especially in a motif, the idea
is fixed but the structure of the phrases and even the wording may be modified.
Thus, by “formulaic description” I refer to the structural syntactic characteristic of
the passage. As a literary theme these formulaic descriptions are a motif.
The difference between the g a l l a and bandits is best illustrated in I D , the

only source that offers a concrete reason and justification for Dum uzi’s death:
it was punishment for celebrating when he should have been mourning
Inanna’s death. It appears that the activity of the g a l i a according to I D is based
on an ordinary judicial concept: they emerge as representatives o f the judges,
checking that Inanna would fulfil the terms stipulated by the judges for her
release and arresting the guilty Dumuzi. Since the g a l l a who arrested Dumuzi
came with Inanna from the netherworld, they attained a demonic image.
The appearance o f the g a l l a as official delegates, on the one hand, and their
origin in the netherworld, on the other, suggests that the concept o f their
function was adopted from historical reality, transposed to mythological real-
ity, and that the plot o f I D is the origin of the g a l l a -m otif
However, two problems remain to be considered. First, the g a l l a also play
the role o f captors in laments where Inanna is not mentioned. Second, their
formulaic description as demons (ZD 297-305, 361-67) also appears in D D ,
which is the finest example o f the independent tradition ofD um uzi’s death.
If we assume that I D combines an Inanna myth with the independent tradi-
tion about Dum uzi’s death, then D D must be earlier than I D . Consequently,
how can the g a l l a -m otif originate in I D and still be part of the earlier DD?
3.2. T h e g a l l a - ' M o t i f in th e F r a m e w o r k 0 / th e T r a d itio n o f th e Y o u n g D y i n g G o d
The role played by the killers o f the young god is intrinsic to the myths that
elaborate this them e.48 It remains invariable whether they are characterized
as historical or mythological beings. I D , however, is unique among all the
versions of this theme because it offers important additional information:
(a) I D is the only text that presents the g a l l a as deputies, discloses the
identity of those who sent them, and specifies their place o f origin.49
(b) ID gives the reason for the arrest and death o f the young god.
We learn from I D 285-306 that the g a l l a are delegates o f the Anunna and
come from the netherworld. Dum uzi’s offense is explained by the following
episode, which describes the search for a substitute by Inanna and the g a l l a
( I D 307-58, 359—67). These two episodes elucidate the appointment of the
48. This theme is the core ofDumuzi’s story in ID but also the Leitmotifo f the laments
for different incarnations of the young god. Those known to us concern the death
of Dumuzi, Damu, and Ningiszida.
49. Note that in other compositions these details are not explicidy mentioned. W e
know them simply because we are acquainted with the mythological theme in
general and with the plot of ID in particular.
g a lla and their characterization as demons: as officers of the law, commis-

sioned to implement the decision of the court, they arrested Dumuzi because
he committed an offense against Inanna. Being residents of the netherworld,
the g a l l a cannot be human but must be netherworld beings.
In the two episodes that precede the account of the common tradition
about Dum uzi’s death, I D adds new information about the g a l l a and the
circumstances of Dumuzi’s arrest. This information is unique to I D and
endows the common tradition with a new dimension, that of cause and effect.
Moreover, it provides the missing link between the common tradition of
Dum uzi’s death and the involvement of the g a l l a . This link is a natural devel-
opment of the plot of I D and it makes sense only against its background.50
Therefore, both the involvement of the g a l l a in Dum uzi’s death and their
characterization as netherworld demons derive from the I D myth.
DD, on the other hand, is inconsistent in its characterization of Dumuzi’s
captors, both in regard to their capacity— bandits or officials— and to their
nature— historical or mythological beings. They are identified as sa-gaz
“bandits” (DD 45), lû - h û l - g â l “evil m en” (DD 51), g a l l a , and as five pairs
of men from different Sumerian cities. Yet, the interesting point is that, as
g a l l a , Dum uzi’s captors appear once as mythological creatures, in their
formulaic description as netherworld demons (DD 110-18), but otherwise as
deputies of the law who came to carry out an arrest (e.g., D D 81—89). Presum-
ably, the editor o fD D was aware o f this inconsistency because the formulaic
description of the g a l l a as netherworld demons is introduced w ith an asser-
tion that they were a mixed group o f m en (DD n o ). This statement explains
and harmonizes the contradictory descriptions.
The conflicting descriptions of Dum uzi’s killers attest that the surviving
copies of D D combine various literary traditions about the circumstances of
his death. Since, in addition, Dumuzi is an innocent victim and Inanna is not
even mentioned, the plot is in keeping w ith the tradition of his undeserved
death in the sheepfold and gives no reason to infer an execution by the g a l la .
For these reasons we may conclude that the existing copies o f D D represent
a later stage in the literary development of the myth, that this stage may have
been later than I D , and that it may have borrowed the formulaic description
of the g a l l a as netherworld demons from I D .
50. Note that all the members of this section are closely connected in functional and
causal relations. The Anunna and the galla belong together as representatives of the
judicial and executive arms of the administration. The deities encountered by
Inanna belong with her circle and are supposed to mourn her. The relationship
between these deities, on the one hand, and the galla and Inanna, on the other, is
based on the principle of reward and punishment.
3.3. I D ’s D e v i a t i o n f r o m th e I n d e p e n d e n t T r a d itio n o f D u m u z i ’s D e a t h
The story ofD um uzi’s death is known in two fundamentally different tradi-
tions. The first ascribes his death to the g a l l a , as in I D . According to the other
tradition, he was the innocent victim of bandits who killed him in the sheep-
fold or on the steppe with his grazing sheep. This tradition is best represented
in “Inanna and Bilulu.”51
Nuances in the texts, in particular the various characterizations in D D ,
suggest that the function of the g a l l a can be separated from their description
as demons. To that effect points ersemma no. 97, which includes Dum uzi’s
prayer to U tu and the g a l l a ’ s pursuit of him, also points to that effect, but does
not describe the g a l l a in demonic terms.5253These compositions do not asso-
date Dumuzi’s death with Inanna’s journey to the netherworld and he
appears in them as an innocent victim. It seems, therefore, that the charac-
terization of the g a l l a as netherworld demons is not inherent to their original
description. How, then, could Dum uzi’s death be attributed to the g a l l a in
the first place?
The identification of Dum uzi’s captors as g a l l a in compositions that
portray him as an innocent victim, unrelated to Inanna’s adventure, suggests
that the g a l l a - m otif is not original to the independent tradition about his
death. It seems; to have been introduced into it only after the story of
Dumuzi’s death was combined with Inanna’s myth to create the compre-
hensive myth of I D . si M oreover, the texts that ascribe Dum uzi’s death to
g a l l a but do not include their formulaic description as netherworld demons
suggest that the formulaic description was developed after the myths o f
Inanna and Dumuzi were already combined and integrated into I D , at a later
stage of elaboration.
These suggestions mean that the final version of I D reveals at least two
stages o f literary elaboration. In the first stage, the independent tradition,
narrating the pursuit of the bandits of Dumuzi, the devastation o f the sheep-
51. Jacobsen, 1953.

52. Not only Dumuzi, “Ningiszida’sJourney to the Netherworld” tells of Ningiszida,
who was carried to the netherworld by the galla —his galla are not demonic figures.
53. The possibility that ID combines two originally separate myths was already men-
tioned by Sladek, who also observed the dichotomy of Inanna’s story and that of
Dumuzi’s (Sladek, 1973,26-27) •However, unlike my suggestion that Inanna’s story
ends in fine 284, Sladek splits ID at line 358 and does not discuss the possibility that
lines 284—3 57 were composed specifically to combine the two myths. Interestingly,
Sladek noticed that the term kar does not appear in ID after line 306 (op. cit., 58 note
1). But, he did not notice that line 306 repeats line 285, both the framework of a
literary unit, and that fine 290 is a variant of fines 285/306.
fold and his death, was combined with a myth about Inanna’sjourney to the
netherworld and her rescue owing to Enki’s plan. To this stage I assign the
composition of the two consecutive episodes (literary units), which describes
the intervention o f the Anunna, the dispatch o f the g a l l a , and the search for
a substitute. Therefore, at that stage the identity o f Dum uzi’s captors was
changed from the bandits to the g a l l a . In the second stage o f literary elab-
oration, the g a l l a -m otif was developed; their formulaic description as
demons was composed and added to the first episode and to the following’—
Dum uzi’s story. That source S does not include the formulaic description for
the second time in Dum uzi’s story, but has instead a parallel to I D 295-96
(“Those who went toward Dum uzi. ..” and so on) indicates that the formu-
laic description indeed belongs to a later stage o f literary elaboration.
3.4. D e v e l o p m e n t o f th e g a l l a - M o t i f in th e L ite r a tu r e
The formulaic description o f the g a l l a as netherworld demons appears in I D

twice: in relation to Inanna when she exits the netherworld and then in rela-1
tion to Dumuzi after Inanna hands him over to the g a l l a . The repetition
signifies that one o f the two attestations was interpolated. Since the g a l la
become demons because they are netherworld creatures, the formulaic
description is inherent to the account o f Inanna’s exit from the netherworld.
Its recurrence in the account o f Dum uzi’s arrest, however, contributes to the
literary balance o f the myth but does not add to the story.54 Therefore, the
formulaic description may have been added to Dumuzi’s story in a secondary
use. This conclusion is reinforced by the version o f source S, because it does
not repeat the formulaic description o f the g a l l a as netherworld demons in
the account of Dumuzi’s arrest. Its absence does not impair the plot and
conforms to versions o f the story that describe the g a l l a without demonic
features. Therefore, it seems to me that rather than regarding the absence as
an omission, source S represents a relatively early version o f I D , when the
formulaic description was added to the account o f Inanna’s exit from the
netherworld but before it was added to Dumuzi’s story.55
The idea that the formulaic description o f the g a l l a as netherworld demons
was composed and added to I D at a later stage o f literary elaboration is further
54. Note that most versions o f the independent tradition about Dumuzi’s death ascribe
his arrest to the galla, although they are not described as demons.
55. Like ID 282—84 drat conclude Inanna’s rescue due to Enki’s plan. These lines, as
mentioned earlier in 2.2.1, conclude Inanna’s myth in a way that does not allow the
plot to progress naturally and are, therefore, a remnant of an earlier tradition, which
was omitted from later editions of the text.
ï n a n n a ’s d e s c e n t t o t h e n e t h e r w o r l d 285
reinforced by the text tradition o f ersemma no. 97. A correspondence

between I D and the last passage o f the ersemma sheds more light on the intri-
cate development o f the g a l l a -m otif in the Sumerian literature. The ersemma
elaborates on the killing o f the innocent shepherd Dumuzi in the sheepfold
by seven g a l l a , while he was looking for pasture and water for his flock. It
ends, however, w ith a short passage describing Inanna’s furious raging against
Dumuzi, sharply contrasting her long and bitter wail for him that begins the
ersemma (11.1—27). H er anger is unwarranted and thus it contradicts the main
theme of the ersemma as well as its main body, which conforms to the inde-
pendent tradition. Inanna’s hostility toward Dumuzi derives from and
belongs to the plot of I D only. Therefore, I D must have been the source of
the last part o f the ersemma. Inanna’s unwarranted anger indicates that the
ersemma is dependant on the text tradition o f I D ; some other details may
indicate this as well.56
Several elements of the ersemma indicate a dependence on I D , but ofrele-
vance here is that it ascribes Dum uzi’s death to the g a l l a . Yet, the formulaic
description o f the g a l l a as netherworld demons, so common in various Old
Babylonian compositions, is absent from the ersemma. Therefore, it must
have followed a version o f I D that included the two episodes that link
Dumuzi’s myth with Inanna’s myth and that introduced the g a l l a - motif, but
is earlier than the creation o f their formulaic description as netherworld créa-
tures. In other words, the absence o f the formulaic description o f the g a l l a
from ersemma no. 97 suggests that the formulaic description o f the g a l l a in
I D was composed at a later stage o f elaboration.
A number o f similarities and parallels point to a connection between D D
and I D at the level ofliterary editing. I D 246—47 and I D 273—74 have an exact
textual parallel in D D 131—32 and D D 142—43. In D D these lines describe the
reward offered to Gestinanna and the friend in return for disclosing Dumuzi’s
hiding place. In I D these lines describe the gift given by Ereskigal to the
k u r g a r a and the g a l a t u r a as an act o f hospitality, in gratitude for their visit.57*
58
56. The involvement of seven galla as in ID 352 and unlike the five galla in DD 250-
58. Compared with the concise description of the devastation of the sheepfold in
ID 351-53, the long stylistic description in the ersemma (lines 40'—46') is a sign of
a literary elaboration of an earlier shorter version. This short version could well be
the description in ID 351—53. Textually, the ersemma’s line 120 has a close parallel
in ID 293-94, and line 113 parallels fine 348. For an extensive discussion of the text
tradition of ersemma 97 in comparison with ID, see chapter 3.2.1.2/c, textual
remarks 2.
57• A. Drafkorn-Kilmer, “How Was Queen Ereskigal Tricked? A New Interpretation
of the Descent of Ishtar,” UF 3 (1971): 403.
286 THE IMAGE OP THE NETHERWORLD
Textual similarities are found in I D 294, which depicts the big g a l l a as gi-
d u b - b a - a n , and D D 63, which describes the big g a l l a climbing down the
g i- d u b - b a - a n . M ore striking is the matching of I D 368=DD 152. In both
myths this line introduces the description ofD um uzi’s desperate flight, which
is at the core o f the independent tradition. O f relevance to our discussion is
the similar introduction to the formulaic description o f the g a l l a as nether-
world demons:
ID 295-96:
lû e-ne-ra in-si-re7-es-am /
lu inanna-ra in-si-re7-es-am
ID 3 59-60:
lu e-ne lû m u-un-ne-re7-es-am
lu ddumu-zi m u-un-si-re7-es-am
D D 110:
lugal-ra lu mu-<si>-re7-es-àm lu he-he-a-m e-es
The similar introduction strongly suggests a relationship between the two
myths at the level o f literary editing. T o that effect it is rather significant that
source S also has a similar phrase (11. 78-79): lu n i n - e [ m u - u n ] - s i- r e -
e s-a m / dd u m u - z i [ m u - u n ] - s i- r e 7-es). However, in ms. S it does not
introduce the formulaic description o f the g a l l a . Its occurrence in all the
sources indicates that this phrase is inherent to the description o f the chase and
that the formulaic description o f the g a l l a as netherworld creatures is a later,
secondary addition.
The above-discussed points suggest that the g a l l a - m otif and their formu-
laic description as netherworld creatures derive from the plot of I D and were
generated by the purpose of the story. Therefore, I D is not only the origin
of the g a l l a - motif, but also o f their formulaic description. The g a l l a - motif
may have been transmitted in the literature in one of two ways.
One possibility is the spiral course. First, the independent tradition about
Dum uzi’s death was appended and adapted to a myth about Inanna. At that
stage the two episodes were inserted between them, to introduce the need
for a substitute and to narrate Dum uzi’s offensive behavior, as opposed to
other divinities ( I D 285-307 and 307-67). At that first stage, the identity of
Dum uzi’s killers was established as the g a l l a , since they were deputies of the
Anunna’s court. However, their nature was not yet demonic. Then, the new
interpretation o f Dum uzi’s capture in I D returned to the independent
tradition58 and generated a change in the identity o f Dumuzi’s killers from
58. Some laments.

bandits to the g a l l a without demonic characteristics. In the second stage, the

formulaic description was composed and added to the account of Inanna’s
exit from the netherworld. This stage is reflected by source S o f I D , which
includes the formulaic description in the account of Inanna’s exit from the
netherworld, but not the chase after Dumuzi. In the third stage of the literary
elaboration of I D , the formulaic description of the g a l l a as netherworld créa-
tures was repeated in the description of Dumuzi’s arrest. This stage is reflected
in sources U and W. W ith this new elaborated form of Dumuzi’s myth, the
formulaic description o f the g a l l a as demons penetrated into the texts based
on the independent tradition, which have nothing to do with Inanna, such
as DD.
A second, slightly different scenario is that the formulaic description was
already composed in the first stage, when Dumuzi’s myth was adapted to I D ,
but only in the episode that narrates Inanna’s exit from the netherworld. It
was not yet included in the description ofD um uzi’s arrest (a version similar
to that of source S). This form ofD um uzi’s myth (that is, the last part o f I D ) ,
presenting non-demonic g a l l a , penetrated the independent tradition and
influenced ersemma no. 97.
APPENDIX 2
DUMUZI AND GESTINANNA
T h e THEME OF “Dumuzi and Gestinanna” (henceforth D G ) is the capture

of Dumuzi by the g a l l a as a substitute for Inanna. This topic is common to
DG and I D , but the two stories fundamentally differ on the nature of the
events that lead to the pursuit o f Dumuzi. According to D G , the g a l l a delib-
erately came directly to Inanna in Uruk, ordering her to go to the nether-
world. In her bewilderment the horrified Inanna gave them Dumuzi as a
substitute. From then on the plot continues along the general outlines of
Dumuzi’s myth: Dumuzi appeals to U tu for rescue; his looks are changed; and
he escapes the g a l l a . Thereafter, they catch Gestinanna, torture her, and
eventually catch Dumuzi as well.
The text diverges dramatically from the tradition of I D because the imme-
diate blame for Dumuzi’s death is shifted to the g a l l a ; whereas Inanna
emerges as merely indirectly responsible. The question is, therefore, how did
the firmly established version of the events that preceded Dumuzi’s death
become so transfoimed? The text was composed during the Old Babylonian
period, when the g a l l a was one o f the worst evil spirits o f the netherworld,
those who hunted innocent victims on the road. Presumably, therefore,
whoever composed D G used the materials of the older Sumerian mytho-
logical tradition o f I D , but reworked the story, adapting it to the contem-
porary image o f the g a l l a . Thus, D G was based on the story o f I D , but
according to the model of the incantations against evil spirits— the focus is on
the g a l la , their malevolence, and their activity that aimed at picking up an
innocent victim and carrying him back to the netherworld. That the text is
known from a single source suggests that this inverted interpretation of the
events was unconventional, outside the mainstream of religious and literary
traditions.
A copy o f the text was published in U E T 6/1, 11. A preliminary trans-
literation and translation was published by Samuel N. Kramer in P A P S 107
(1963): 515—16 and 492-93 (resp.). The text was edited in Sladek, 1974,226—39.
289
a. D G 1-9
The g a l i a decide to come to U ruk and order Inanna to go to the netherworld.
1. gals-la-tur ka ba-a-si-bad-re6 gal3-lâ-gu-la-ra gù m u-na-dé-V
2. gâ-nam -m a-an-zé-en ur-kù-dinanna-ka-sè ga-da-Te^-en-dè-en;
3. gal5-lâ unukl-sè ba-ni-in-ku4-re-es kù-dinanna-ke4 mu-ni-in-
dab5-bé-dè
4. gâ-nu dinanna kaskal-zu-sè ni-ba gen-na kur-sè e‫ ״‬-dè
5. ki-sà-ge4 tum-a-zu-sè gen-na kur-sè e‫ ״‬-dè
6. ki-deres-ki-gal-la-sè gen-na kur-sè e,,-dè
7. tug-m e-kù tug-pàla-a tug-nam -nin-zu nam-ba-mu4-m u4- run'
kur-sè [etI-dè]
8. m en -k ù m e-rte1-KA-silim-masag-zu-aum-ta-gâ-ar Tur-sè1[e‫ ״‬-
dè]
9. rhd-li-a igi-zu su la-ba-ni-in-du7 kur-sè 1”e^-dè1
1. The small g a l l a opened his mouth saying to the big g a l l a ‫׳‬. :
2. “Come, let us go to the lap o f pure Inanna.”
3. The g a l l a entered U ruk determined to seize pure Inanna.
4. “Come Inanna! go your way yourself, descend to the k a r !”
5. “Go to the place that the heart carries you! descend to the k a A ”
6 . “Go to the place of Ereskigal! descend to the k u A ”
7. “D o not don the holy m e garment, the royal gown, your gown of
queenship, descend to the k u r \ ”
8. “R em ove from your head the holy crown, the magnificent oma-
ment, descend to the k a r \ ”
9. “D o not perfect your face w ith a wig, descend to the k a A ”
C o m m e n ta r y
L ifte 3 . Both verbs are constructed with the infix / - n i - / , the first: ba-
n i- in - k u 4‫ ־‬re -e s is intransitive h a m tu and the second: m u -n i-in -
dab5-b é - d è is m a m transitive. These constructions can be explained as
3rd pi. + locative (or as causative construction corresponding to Akka-
dian St [compare OBGT: M S L 4, 84:145, 112:41]. This however, is
more complicated, especially with regard to the first verb). That the
corresponding noun has the suffix / - s è / instead of /- a / indicates that
the scribe was thinking of the Akkadian term an a. As for the second verb,
by use of the m arû the scribe may have sought to express the intention
of the g a l la , the reason they had come to Uruk.
L i n e 4 . g â -n u is an unusual imperative (normally we expect gen-na).
It is notable that we can find such a construction in the two related texts,
I D 76: g a l-lu and D D 5: g a r-ù . Instead of e ^ -d è , we expect the
D U M U Z I AND GESTINANNA 2ÇT
imperative. Perhaps it is merely a mistake or borrowed from a version

ofI D 287 in which the Anunna state that Inanna must hand over a substi-
tute for herself (compare D G 25-26 in the following section b. below).
Concerning the verb eTt, the text was composed in the Old Babylonian
period, when the netherworld was no longer identified with moun-
tains—it was definitely a subterranean part of the cosmos—and k u r was
no longer a geographical term but a name for the netherworld. In addi-
tion, the perspective o f I D was from g a r n i r a i the top of the mountain,
so Inanna could only descend.
L in e 8. u m -ta -g a -a r is analyzed as u -im -ta -g a r. In third-millen-
nium Sumerian the prefix / u - / denotes the prospective. Compare I D
173 and Dumuzi’s prayer to Utu to change his hands and feet so that he
would be able to escape the g a l l a .1Here, however, this form denotes the
imperative. In that use the form occurs in Old Babylonian incantation
texts, in the instructions for the ritual (compare U H F 353-56, 506-7,
673. 723-26, 787, 790, etc.).
L in es 7—9. Compare these instructions to ersemma no. 97 (of Inanna and
Dumuzi) 56-59 (Cohen, 1981, 76-77), where the g a lla order Dumuzi
to remove his royal attire and follow them naked, barefoot, and empty-
handed.
b. D G 1 2 -2 8
The g a l l a intend to frighten and arrest Dumuzi and Dumuzi’s prayer to Utu:
12. kù-dinanna-ke4 m u-un-bur-bûr-re-es [mu-un-dab5-]bé!-dè-es
13. din a n n a n i-t e - n a dd u m u -z i su -sè T a - a n - s u m 1
14. g u r u s-e 81h n a h -a g ir i-n i im -m a - a n - g a r - r e -e n - d è - e n
15. g u r u s-e 8“é s-a d s u b - b u - d è - e n - d è - e n 81sg û g û -n i g a r - r e - e n -d è - e n
16. uraduubri(IGI.DIM) uruduk ib ir 1lrudusu k u r -m a h -e ig i- n i-s è b a -a n -si-
ib -T l-iP
17. urud‫״‬h a -z i-in -g a l-g a l-la ù -sa r i-a k '-e-d è(N E )
18. g u r u s-e m u - n i- in - g u b - b u - d è - e s m u - n i-in - tu s -d è - e s
19. t û g - g u n 5- n a - n i s u b - b u - d è - e n - d è - e n US GUM g u b - b u - d è - e n -
rdè-en'
20. gurus-e â-na mu-un-lâ-e-dè-es Ul8es-hu!-hul mu-un-si-in-ak-es
21. tug-ni-te-na igi-na m u-ni-in-dul-rù1-dè-es
22. gurus-e dutu-ra an-sè su-ni ba-an-si!-zi!
23. dutu ku-li-zu ga-e-me-en sul-me-en za-e mu-zu
24. nin9-zu nam-dam-sè ba-an-tuk-a
1. The different versions of the prayer are collected in Alster, 1972, 114-15.
25. e-ne kur-sè e‫ ״‬-dè

26. mu e-ne kur-sè e^-dè
27. gâ-e ki-gar-ra-bi-sè kur-sè ba-ab-sum-mu-dè
28. dutu di-ku5 nig-si-sâ za-e-m e-en nam-ba-lul-dè
12. They rushed at the pure Inanna [in order to se]ize her.
13. Inanna, in her horror, handed Dumuzi over to them.
14. “The lad, we will put foot stocks on his feet.”
15. “The lad, we will throw a net on him! W e will put neck stocks on
his neck!”
16. A spear, an axe? and an enormous lance were raised to his face.
17. They were sharpening the big axes.
18. The lad, they plotted to raise him up, they plotted to sat him down.
19. “W e will throw his colorful gown, we will raise...”
20. The lad, they planed to bind his arms, a garment o f horrid bonds
they made for him.
21. They conspired to cover his face with a mantle of fear.
22. The lad raised his hands to heaven, to Utu:
23. “Utu, I am your friend, I am a young man you know,
24. Your sister whom I took for a wife,
2$. She must descend the k u r .
26. Because she must descend the k u r
27. (It is) I she proposes to give to the k u r as a substitute.
28. Utu, you are a righteous judge, please do not deceive!”
C o m m e n ta r y
m u - u n - b û r - b û r - r e - e s :b û r h a m ä t u “hasten” “rush” ( C A D
L in e 1 2 .
H, 62fF., s. v . foam ätu A) as translated by Sladek, rather than P S D : “(the
demons) released the holy Inanna” ( P S D B, 191 , s . v . burE). As I under-
stand the plot, at this point the g a lla had not yet seized Inanna, but were
about to do so and, therefore, they could not release her. The recon-
struction and translation of the second verb is a suggestion based on line
3 (and compare with I D 350). [m u -u n -d a b s-]b é!-d è-e s: dab5 reit-
erates and so emphasizes the intention and the purpose of the g a lla as
stated in line 3. If this line relates to line 3, it could also explain the super-
fluous ergative in k ù - din a n n a -k e 4. The / - d è - / in the second verb
probably stands for the prospective (- ed-), in contrast to the first verb,
which signifies an actual action of the g a lla .
L in e 15. Both verbal forms in this line are impossible: imperative + suffix
of 1st pi. In the translation I follow the example of the preceding line.
8”es-ad n a jibalu “net” ( C A D N /i, 134). InErimhus III 21 we find [x]-
T E -la = sa-fya-su m “catch in a net.”
DUMUZI AND GESTINANNA 293
L in e 1 6 . IGI.DIMistobereadumduu b ri d a ’im u “spear” (Proto-Diri 113—

1Sa, C A D D , 2 6 lex. sec.). More problematic is tlruduk ibir, which is a
wooden chip or kindling wood ( C A D K, 330, s .v . kibirru B). Since all
the implements in this line are made ofbronze and two of them are kinds
of weapons, and in the following line the g a lla are sharpening their axes,
this is probably also a weapon. Akkadian kibirru also has the meaning
“ax” but corresponds to Sumerian uruduSEN.DU-ûs-sa (Hh XI 404,
M S L 7, 145, and C A D K, 330, s .v . kibirru A). It is not impossible that
the Old Babylonian scribe had the Akkadian kibirru in mind but
confused the Sumerian term. unjdusukur(IGI.KAK) = su ku rru “spear”
“lance” ( C A D S/3, 233).
L in e i j . For ù-sar, see a comprehensive discussion in Cooper, 1983,
245-46.
L in e 1S. Both verbs are constructed in the causative according to the
convention of the OBGT, reflecting Akkadianization. In third-millen-
nium Sumerian the causative of an intransitive verb was not constructed
by means of the infix / - n i - / but with the ergative.2 Excluding the
second verb in line 20, all the verbs in Unes 18—21 contain the /-ed-/. I
suggest that it signifies intention and, therefore, this passage describes
what the g a lla plotted against Dumuzi.
L in e 19. Ipresumethat tu g -g u n 5(LUM)-na-ni is not necessarily a kind
of a garment, but g u n s may be an adjective that describes the garment.
Klein suggests that guns is a phonetic writing for gùn barm u “multi-
colored.” The meaning ofuS GUM is not clear.
L in e 2 0 . tû g -e s “cloth of rope” is taken as a metaphor for the fetters
with which the g a lla tied Dumuzi. h u -h u l: The replication of the
adjective “evil” intensifies the expression. Note the element / - d è - / in
the first verb and its absence from the second.
L in e 2 1 . An alternative translation is possible: “They conspired to cover
his face with his own garment.”
L in e 2 5 . According to the plot, Inanna had not yet gone to the neth-
erworld. Therefore, if e‫ ״‬-dè is not a scribal error,3 presumably it is a
participle that expresses a compulsory prospective action. It conforms
with the beginning of the text, according to which the g a lla forced the
journey to the netherworld upon Inanna.
2. The examples with / - n i - / in Thompsen, 1984, 146-47 seem to be locative, not

causative.
3. Influenced by one of the versions of the Anunna’s protest against Inanna’s release
from the netherworld in ID 287.
c. D G 47-52
The galla search for Dumuzi:
47. gal5-lâ ddumu-zi-dè mu-ni-in-kin-kin-NE mu-ni-in-nigin~na-es
48. g a l5-la -tu r g a l5- lâ -g u -la -r a g ù m u - n a - d é - e - N E
49. gal5-lâ arhus nu-tuku ad-da ama 1mn^ ses dam dumu nu-tuku-
me-es
50. u4-me-da u4? kalam-us-gar-ra an-ki-ta ri-a-bi
51. za-e-ne-ne gal5-lâ<-m e>-en-zé-en lu zà-ga!-ni gi-sukur!-gin7!
52. su -g a r-sa 6-g a n u - t u k u - m e - e s sa6- g a -h u l n u - z u - m e - e s
47. The galla, looking for Dumuzi they turn to and fro.
48. The small galla says to the big ga lla‫־‬.
49. “The galla have no mercy, they have no father, mother, sister,
brother wife or son.
50. Since ever, since the day that the land was established and heaven
separated from earth,
51. You, you are galla, like a reed corral at the side of man.
52. They show no favor, good and bad they do not know .”
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e 47. m u -n i-in -k in -k in -N E : th e first verbal fo rm marks an im perfect

a ctio n o f w h ic h D u m u z i is th e o b ject. T h er efo re , th e suffix / - e / fo llo w -
in g his n am e, an ergative m arking, is an error.
L in e 4 8 . Note that th e verb g ù m u-11a-d é-e-N E is b y m istake in the
plural; th e sm all g a lla is a sin gle speaker.
L in e 50. u s -g a r-ra “established”; compare “Nanse Hymn” 139 in
Heimpel, J C S 33 (1981): 90, and Alster, 1974b, 87:50. u4-m e -d a is
related to m e-da m a ti “whenever” (compare u4-d a u4-m e -d a -sè
s u m -m a m a -ti-m a and see also Sjöberg, J C S 26 [1974]: 170).
U n e 5 1 . z a -e -n e -n e is probably a mistake for z a -m e -e n -z é -e n .

The suffix / - e n - z é - e n / in gal5- lâ - e n - z é - e n does not occur with
nouns. It probably should be die enclitic copula m e - e n - z é - e n and
rendered as “you g a lla officers...” For the image of the g a lla as a reed
fence, compare I D 293-94, “The Death of Dumuzi” 47, and ersemma
no. 97: 120. The attestations of these literary images are related.
i. I n a n n a ’s E n c o u n te r w i th th e g a l l a (ll. 1—9 ) —b e tw e e n D G a n d I D
The relation between D G and I D is indisputable— o f all the renditions of the

story about Dumuzi’s death only these two texts link it with Inanna. Some
DUMUZI AND CESTINANNA 295
even maintain that D G is an U r version o f I D . There is a reason to assume

that D G is based on the materials o f the plot o f I D and is, therefore, o f later
date.4 DG, in general, keeps to the framework of the plot o f I D and both
myths tell that Inanna handed Dumuzi over to the g a l l a as her substitute and
narrate the search for him. However, there is a fundamental difference
between the two texts. The first part o f I D , Inanna’s story, was completely
omitted from DG, that is Inanna’s voluntary decision to go to the nether-
world until she is rescued due to Enki’s plan. In addition, there is not even
an allusion to the Anunna’s verdict that Inanna must submit a substitute for
herself and the dispatch o f the g a l l a to implement their decision. Also, that
part of I D that combines the two myths was overlooked by whoever
composed DG. The sole remnant o f these events is the assertion that Inanna
handed Dumuzi over to the g a l l a . Instead, D G begins with a quotation o f the
g a lla , proposing to approach Inanna in U ruk (11. 1— 2); their arrival in Uruk
follows, where they demand that she go to the netherworld (11.4—9). It implies
that Inanna did not choose to go to the netherworld voluntarily.5
Since the narrative begins immediately, lacking an introduction or back-
ground for the coming events, one may suspect that D G is but a sequel o f a
story that began in a tablet that has not been preserved. The abrupt style can
justify the assumption that D G is a part o f I D 6 were it not for two crucial
elements o f the story: first, the g a l l a catch Inanna in U ruk (1. 3) and second,
their demand that she not don her official attire (11. 7—9). These elements are,
indeed, based on the materials from the plot o f I D , but the events are abridged
and the materials distorted and twisted in a way that dramatically changes their
meaning. Therefore, these two components do not conform to the plot o f
the first part o f I D and cannot form its sequel. Instead of the stylized intro-
duction of the narrator about Inanna’s desire in heaven and the netherworld,
there is a shortcut: the g a l l a approach Inanna directly in U ruk and order her
to go to the netherworld according to her desire. Instead of the detailed
description o f Inanna’s donning her attire and the equally long description of
her undressing at the gates o f the netherworld, we have, again, a shortcut:
Inanna is instructed in advance not to don her attire. It appears, therefore,
that, according to DG, Inanna never left U ruk on a journey to the nether-
world. The function of this passage remains similar to that o f the first part of
4. This version ofDumuzi’s prayer to Utu (see D G 23-28, especially 25-27, discussed
below) reflects the conclusion of the plot of ID. It differs not only from the version
of the prayer there, but also from its version in DD and ersemma no. 97.
$. However, note that Inanna’s list of m e includes a descent to the k u r , suggesting that
her descent was a part of her entity, rather than a question of will.
6. For instance Kramer, PAPS 107 (1963): 492.
I D , namely, to introduce the story of Dumuzi’s death and explain why he was
handed over to the g a l l a and killed. But however insignificant the shortcuts
may seem, the g a l l a s ’ demands actually relieved Inanna of her determination
to appear victorious in the netherworld and Ereskigal of her resolve to subdue
Inanna. The events narrated at the beginning of D G form a logical sequence,
yet they are not integrated into the plot of I D . Rather, they develop in parallel
as an alternative interpretation to the myth about the death of Dumuzi.
2. D u m u z i Is S u b m it t e d to th e g a l l a a n d H i s P r a y e r to U t u (ll. 12—2 8 )
The first part of the text diverges from the plot of/D by presenting the journey
to the netherworld as an initiative of the g a l l a that was imposed upon Inanna.
The passage lines 12-28 departs from the plot of I D on three main counts.
First, Inanna handed Dumuzi over to the g a l l a out of fear, not as revenge or
punishment. Second, the g a l l a are not characterized by their formulaic
description as mythological creatures, but as particularly wicked, malicious
characters. Third, Dum uzi’s prayer to U tu is based on a different reason, Utu!s
duties as a judge.
W ith regard to Inanna, D G differs significantly from I D . Inanna plays only
a passive role in the events; the blame falls directly on the g a l l a . They seem
to have caught Inanna by surprise and she seems to have panicked. In her
terror she directs them to Dumuzi. As for the g a l l a , the omission of their
formulaic description as netherworld creatures seems odd. In view ofits wide
use, and mainly its attestations in the Old Babylonian incantations against evil
spirits, their demonic features were probably common knowledge. They
were certainly not considered human or divine here. Presumably, their
mythological features that relate mainly to their habits were self-evident.
Instead, the text concentrates on their malicious character through an elab-
orate description of their cruel plan to torture Dumuzi after catching him.
This very tendency is further developed in the description of the g a l l a tortur-
ing Gestinanna (11. 60-63). h seems, therefore, that the emphasis put on their
viciousness underlines a different dimension o f their character that is very
central to the plot of DG; it shifts the responsibility even farther away from
Inanna to the g a l l a . The utmost cruelty of the g a l l a complements their
aggression against Inanna at the beginning of the plot and exhibits her as an
innocent victim.
No less interesting is D G ’s version o f Dumuzi’s prayer to Utu. It is closely
related to Dumuzi’s prayer in I D , D D , and ersemma no. 97.7 At the same
7. The different versions of the prayer were compared in Alster, 1972, 114-16. Note,
however, that the version of the ersemma is rather fragmentary.
time, it introduces two innovations compared with the other three versions.
The first, strangely enough, is that Dumuzi assigns to Inanna full responsibility
for his capture by the g a l l a (11.25-27). The second is the emphasis placed upon
Utu’s role as a judge and his obligation to do justice.
Dumuzi’s prayer in I D , D D , and in ersemma no. 97 does not link his arrest
by the g a l l a to Inanna’s descent to the netherworld. In I D it is contrary to the
logic of the plot. O n the other hand, the prayer in D G ties Dumuzi’s appeal
to Inanna’s descent to the netherworld, although D G depicts her as an inno-
cent victim o f the g a l l a and Dumuzi’s protest that she wants to hand him over
as her substitute is not supported by the text.8 The link with her journey to
the netherworld and especially Dumuzi’s claim that he was given as her
substitute are problematic, because the first part of D G shifts the initiative
from Inanna to the g a l l a and the way they approached her in U ruk indicates
that she has not yet been to the netherworld. If Inanna has not been to the
netherworld before and did not commit any mortal offense, why would she
need a substitute?
Dumuzi’s accusation against Inanna is inconsistent with the events that
lead to his prayer according to the version of DG; it makes sense only against
the background o f the plot o f I D . Therefore, this prayer is the best evidence
that D G was created from the materials of the plot of I D . It is striking that in
D G the prayer is faithful to the plot of I D , whereas in I D the prayer is incon-
sistent with its own plot, yet could well serve the plot of DG. These incon-
sistencies imply that, indeed, the prayer in D G was concocted from the
materials of I D , and that in I D it was taken from a myth that did not involve
Inanna in Dum uzi’s death.
The second novelty of this prayer is the appeal to U tu as a judge and his
obligation to do justice. In the versions o f D D and I D , Dumuzi appeals to Utu
only because he is the brother of Inanna, his own brother-in-law, that is,
because of family ties. However, Dumuzi’s appeal in D G is not based merely
on the family connection but on religious reasons: U tu’s divine office and
Dumuzi’s devotion. Thus the prayer reflects the image of U tu in the texts of
the second millennium onward as a judge, particularly as judge of the neth-
erworld.9
8. Note that whereas the phrasing of Dumuzi’s complaint has no parallel in ID,
somewhat similar terminology appears in “The Death of Dumuzi” 51-52 (Kramer,
1980b).
9. Compare line 28 to the “Incantation to U tu” 26: du tu d in g ir n ig -si-sâ -sâ h é-
a andline 22: du tu d i-k u 5 du tu k a -a s -b a r (Alster 1991, 41-42). Also compare
with the “Hymn to U tu” 3-13 (Cohen, 1977, 6).
T he innovations introduced to D um uzi’s prayer in D G have some chro-

nological value. The m ention o f substitute makes evident that D G was,
indeed, influenced by and dependent upon the story o f I D and, therefore, of
later date. The appeal to U tu as judge departs from the previous versions,
which complied with his conventional presentation in Sumerian mythology,
the brother o f Inanna, and reflects the concept o f his role in the Semitic
pantheon prevalent in the literature from the second millennium onward.
This shift signifies that the text was composed in the Old Babylonian period.
3. D e s c r ip tio n o f th e g a l l a (ll. 4 7 - 5 2 )
T he g a l l a are treated in D G rather elaborately compared to other texts that

narrate the story ofD um uzi’s death. D G describes their disposition and activ-
ity in m ore detail and at greater length, which exposes their tm e nature. The
descriptions o f the g a l l a are based on the common m otif o f binding the hands
and arms and on their formulaic description as netherworld creatures.
However, just as elements o f I D were transformed to shift the focus from
Inanna to the g a l l a , so these themes were transformed to present their image
as the ultimate evil.
The version of D G to the formula that describes the g a l l a as netherworld
creature, lines 49-52, is a prime example o f how existing material was trans-
formed to serve the objectives o f a text. Lines 49 and 52 keep the structure
o f the existing formula, forming a framework that identifies the source and
its function. The transformation is already appreciable in line 49: it reduces
to one line the poetic style and volume of the original version, summarizing
the g a l l a ’s lack o f family ties to the point. W ithin the framework, lines 50-
51 are new additions to the formula. In a paraphrase o f I D 293-94 (description
o f the g a l l a who escort Inanna out o f the netherworld), these lines assert that
the disposition o f the g a l l a had been established at the creation o f the world.
Thus, this passage represents a dramatic development o f the g a l l a - motif,
giving it a new dimension. It shifts the emphasis from their social and
emotional behavior to the universal essence o f their existence, proclaiming
their inherent eternal maliciousness. This development indicates that the
g a l l a was known only as an evil netherworld spirit and that its historical, offi-
cial role in the administration o f the city-state had been forgotten. Such a
perception o f the g a l l a was formed at the beginning of the second millen-
nium. Therefore, this transformation is not merely a literary elaboration. It
reflects an update of the existing materials about the g a l l a , adapting it to their
current image.
The perception o f the g a l l a at the beginning o f the second millennium was
the basis for the modification o f the common m otif o f binding the hands and
the arms. This m otif was expanded and developed into a ruthless plot to
torture Dumuzi (11. 14—21). W ith the description of their encounter with
Gestinanna, the notion o f the g a l l a ’s intrinsic evil and cruelty reaches its
climax (11. 60-63). The extent of their cruelty toward Gestinanna is unique
to this text. A close reading o f the tortures, especially line 61, brings to mind
the gestures of mourning rituals known from I D and D D . 10 Perhaps the
passage was influenced by descriptions o f mourning (as in I D ) and inverted
to deliberate hostility against the traditionally mourning sister for the pur-
poses of this story.”
The general framework o f both D G and I D is the triple cord that links
Inanna, Dumuzi, and the netherworld. However, whereas I D focuses on the
personality of Inanna, D G centers on the nature of the g a l l a . The g a l l a drive
the plot; their activity occupies most o f the text (44 of the 73 lines); and their
wickedness wends it way like a crimson thread throughout the entire text.
The g a l l a ’s offensive character is the starting point of the story, when they
conspire to dispatch Inanna to the netherworld. This image intensifies as the
plot develops, culminating with the torture they inflict on Gestinanna. The
arbitrary decision by the g a l l a to dispatch Inanna to the netherworld diamet-
rically opposes the story o f I D , where, in their search for a substitute, they urge
Inanna to return to her city.12 However, it conforms to their description in
the incantations against evil spirits13 and, presumably, is configured according
to the same concept. Consequently, in D G Dumuzi is handed over to the
g a l la not as revenge or a punishment but out offear. Not only is he the victim,
but so is Inanna, who plays merely a passive role in the events. Compared to
the incantations, however, D G is far more explicit as to the evil nature o f the
g a lla . The excessive cruelty of their plan to torture Dumuzi and their treat-
ment o f Gestinanna are unprecedented. No less significant is the statement
of the small g a l l a that their (bad) nature had been established at the creation
of the world. This assertion demonstrates the total demonization of their
image and indicates that the author was unaware that the g a l l a was once an
official of the state. O n the basis of the g a l l a ’s total demonization, even
beyond the descriptions of the incantations, one can safely conclude that the
text was composed well after the U r III period.1023
10. ID 37-39, 179-80, 31920‫ ־‬b; DD 242-44; U E T 6, 22:14-15; C T 15, 21;1517‫־‬

(ersemma no. 88 53-55).
11. As a sort of black humor.
12. ID 310, 333, 343.
13. See in particular UHF 170-73, appendix 6/a.
D G makes use o f typical motifs o f I D but leaves out stages in the devel-
opment of the plot and literary elements such as detailed descriptions orrepe-
titions. The chosen motiß are reworked into condensed statements that partly
preserve the literal texture, but not necessarily the meaning. The shift offocus
from Inanna to the g a l l a completely changes the meaning ofthe story. Show-
ing understanding to Inanna’s motives, even vindicating her, contradicts the
central concern o f I D . O n the other hand, with respect to the Inanna-
Dumuzi’s relationship, the plot is in harmony with the laments and the poems
about their love.'4 As for the image o f the g a l l a , it conforms to the incan-
tarions. It seems, therefore, that the incantations ofthe U d u g h u l- s e r ie s served
as a model for the activity o f the g a l l a . Since the g a l l a appear in these incan-
tarions for the first time in the Old Babylonian period, D G must have been
composed at that time. This conclusion also explains the appeal to Utu in his
capacity as judge.14
14. In light of the importance attached to the sacred marriage rite and its continued
celebration for generations, it seems that the love of Inanna and Dumuzi over-
powers the tradition that she was responsible for his death. Therefore, it is possible
that an individual would try to overturn the myth of ID and shift the blame to the
g a lla .
APPENDIX 3
D u m u z i’s D r e a m
DUMUZI HAD A DREAM that his sister Gestinanna interpreted for him. In the
dream, Dumuzi foresaw his death in the sheepfold at the hand o f bandits.
Consequently, Dumuzi sought a place to hide from those who were seeking
to take his life. After a series of escapes, his friend disclosed his hiding place
to the pursuers, and so Dumuzi was caught and killed by five g a lla in the
sheepfold. The ominous dream was fulfilled; Dumuzi could not escape from
his predestined fate.1
a. D D 110-29
This section describes those who pursued Dumuzi.
no. lugal-ra lu amu-<si>-re7-es-àma lû-bhe-he-a-m e-esb
n i. u anu-zu-me-esa a hnu-zu-me-esb
112. azi-dub-dub-baa nu-gu7-me-es
113. aa-bal-bal-aa bnu-na8-na8-me-esb
114. a kadra bni-duI0-gab su cnu-gid-i-me-esc
115. a ur-dam bni-duI0-ge-esb nu-si-ge-me-es
116. a dumu n1-ku7-ku7-da ne nu-su-ub-ba-me-es
117. asumsar1‫ ־‬bni-SE§-àmb zû cnu-gub-bu-me-esc
118. lu ku6 nu-gu7-me-es lu ga-rassar anu-gu7-me-esa
119. alugal-raa dumu-adabkl- bab min-àm cm u-un-si-re7re-esc
120. a S1skisi1!5 (û-Gl'R)a ba-su-ru-ug-gab c ^ sdala(IGI.GAG)c da-hab-ba£l
121. su-ni a®1sbansur-raa beme-nib cé-gal-lac
122. alugal-raa dumu-aksakkl min-àm bm u-un-si-re7re-esb
1. Alster, 1972. The composition is known from Old Babylonian sources. Their wide
distribution (over 60 manuscripts from Nippur, Ur, and Kis) testifies to the myth
being rather popular. The edition of the text was published by Alster in 1972• For
recent translations, see Jacobsen, 1987,28—46;J. Bottéro and S. N. Kramer, Lorsque
les dieuxfaisaient les hommes (Paris, 1989)1 300—12\ H. Vanstiphout, Helden en Goden
van Sumer (Nijmegen, 1998), 229—40.
301
302 T H E [M A GE O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
123. * nfa^J-nim-gûda^1gu-ba-la-a
124. * lugal-ra dum u-unu^-ga min-àm m u-<un>-si-re7<re>-es
125. ®1kukul-sag-kudâ ur-ra la-a
126. alugal-raa bdumu-ûrikl-mab min-àm cm u-un-si-re7re-esc
127. atüg-sen-naa kar-ra gâl-la
128. ah1gal-raa dum u-nibru^ min-àm m u-un-si-re7re-es
129. " lu lû-ra kas4-ma-ni-ib amas-é-tùr-sè <mu-un>-si-re7re-es
Sigla according to Alster, 1972. (no) a—a: a: [ -r]e71e-es-àm; d: [ ]-re7-es-a; i:
mu-re7-[].b—b:a: 11é-a-hé-mc-cs. (in ) a—a: So V,f,i;a: nu-ku-me-es,b—
b: So a; d: nu-zu-a. (112) a—a: So i; a: zi-dub-dub. (113) a—a: So i; a: a-bal-
bal. b—b: a: nu-nag-me-es. (114) a: a inverts lines 114—15. b—b: So i; a: nl-
du10-ge4. c—c: a: nu-sù-dè-me-es. (115) a: See line 114. b—b: a: ni-duI0-ge4~
/és. (116) a: a omits. (117) a—a: a: sum5ar-ma; 1, F1[ ]-e. b—b:So a; k: ni-SES-
a; i,F': ni-SES-e. (118) a—a: F1: V-guy. (119) a—a: a: lugal-la. b—b: Sok; a,
i, 1, P omit, c—c: i: mu-si-re7-es. (120) a—a: e: ®15kisi^-a. b—b: i: a-su-ru-ga;
F': ]-su‫־‬ru-ug-,ga-àm; e: su-ru-ub-ba. c—c: e, F': ^dala-a. d—d: F: a-hâb-àm.
(21‫ ) ז‬a—a: F': R'sbansur-ra-àn1; e: glssakir-ra. b—b: e: etne-a-ni. c—c: F1: é-gal-
la-àm. (122) a—a: e: lugal-àm. b—b: i: mu-si-re7-es. (123) a: So iye, 1, komit
this line. (124) a: So i; e, 1, k omit this line. (125) a—a: So e, i; 1: 815tukul-sag-
k11s-da. (126) a—a: So i, 1; e: lugal-àm. b—b: So e; i: dumu-ûri111; 1: ûribl. c—
c: So e; i: mu-si-re7-es. (127) a—a: So i, 1; e: tug-tàn(GA+K(D)-na. (128) a—a:
So k; e: lugal-àm. (129) a: So e.
110. The men who went toward the king were a mixed (group of)
men.
h i . They know no food, they know no water,
112. Eat no sprinkled flour,
113. Drink no libated water.
114. They accept no nice gift,
115. They do not satiate a spouse lap with pleasure,
116. They do not kiss sweet children.
117. They do not taste bitter garlic,
118. They eat no fish, they eat no leek.
119. The two natives o f Adab went toward the king,
120. A boxthorn in parched land, thistle in moldy water (they are),
121. His hand — to the table, his tongue — in the palace,
122. The two natives o f Aksak went toward the king.
123. W ith the flies bead2 of the g u d u -priest hanging on the neck,
124. The two natives o f U ruk went toward the king.
2. The reconstruction [n]a+-nirn is based on the assumption that the compound

described a necklace of beads shaped like flies and that it was a part of the attire of
the gudlA-priest. Such a term, however, is not mentioned in the of list H{116. The
symbolism of the fly and its relation to death was discussed recently in Draffkorn-
Kilmer, 1987.
D U M U Z I ’S D R E A M 303
125. W ith head-cutting weapon bound to the loins,

126. The two natives o f U r went toward the king.
127. Bright garment on the quay,
128. The two natives o f N ippur w ent toward the king.
129. (Saying) one to the other: “Go out there!” they reached the
sheepfold, the pen.
i. In co n sisten t D e s c r ip tio n s o f D u m u z i ’s P u rs u e rs
Those who went after Dumuzi, seeking to take his life, have a central role in
the story. However, until the actual pursuit, the narrative is inconsistent with
regard to their identity and description. In the interpretation of the dream
they appear as both bandits (sa-gaz in line 45) m d g a l l a (11. 59 and 63). Then
they appear as evil men carrying hand and neck manacles (11. 81—82), which
portrays them as historical figures and their role as officers of the law. Thus
their characterization corresponds to the identification o f the pursuers ac-
cording to the supposed meaning of the term in historical reality (see in detail
chapter 3, sections 3.2.1.1 and 3.2.1.2/d). Last, they are described in the
passage quoted above by the formulaic description o f the g a l l a as netherworld
demonic creatures and then as five pairs o f men, natives o f Sumerian cities,
that is to say, first in mythological terms and then in historical terms.
The agglomeration o f diverse descriptions indicates that the text o f D D
was constructed from elements o f various literary traditions about Dum uzi’s
death.
The events o f D D take place in the a r a l i desert, a known, actual geograph-
ical area between Badtibira and Uruk. Excluding the formulaic description
of the g a l l a as netherworld creatures (11. 111—18), the protagonists appear as
historical figures. Inanna takes no part in the plot and Dumuzi is portrayed
as an innocent victim. These literary features suggest that the narrative was
based on a tradition o f Dum uzi’s death in which bandits attacked the sheep-
fold, as in “Inanna and Bilulu.”3 Since the role o f the g a l l a and their descrip-
tion as mythological creatures makes sense only in the context o f I D , I surmise
that our version o f D D was elaborated and written down after the myth of
I D was compiled; the role o f the g a l l a was inspired by I D ; and it was super-
imposed on the tradition o f Dum uzi’s death at the hand o f bandits (see a
detailed discussion in appendix 1/e, textual remarks).
3.Jacobsen, 1953.
2. C o n fig u r a tio n o f i D D 1 1 0 —2 8
Alster already remarked that this description o f the g a l l a is an interpolatic

of two pre-existing literary units.4 Indeed, the description combines tv
fundamentally different units. The first, lines h i —18, describes the g a l l a
mythological creatures who are neither human nor divine. This unit rec
pitulates the formulaic description of the g a l l a as demonic netherworld ere
tures and has parallels in many other texts. Therefore, it is obviously ;
independent descriptive unit. All the more so, since at the core of the comp!
sition is the tradition that Dumuzi was the victim of an attack by bandits (c
the fundamental difference between a death by g a l l a and bandits, see appei
dix 1/e, textual remarks 3.1). The second unit, D D 119-29, describ
Dumuzi’s pursuers as a group o f men, natives o f five Sumerian cities. Th<
are characterized by means o f their clothes or similes that typify their beha’
ior. This unit describes them in historical terms and, thus, is fundamental
different from the first unit, which portrays them in mythological tern
Therefore, the second unit proves to be independent from the first. D D 1 1(
defines those who chased Dumuzi as a mixed group o f men and, thereby,
offers a solution to the inner contradiction that emerges from the descriptic
o f the g a l l a . Consequently, line n o b reflects the stage o f editing in which tl
two independent descriptions were combined and integrated into one lite
ary unit.
The combination o f two independent descriptions within one litera
section signifies that at least one is a later addition to the narrative. How, the
was the description formed? Was the whole section interpolated at the san
stage of literary elaboration or during different stages? If it was integrated
separate stages, which description was the earlier and which was added at
later stage? One can propose two alternative possibilities:
(a) The early source did not contain any o f these units, but a she
description o f the pursuers or just a brief comment, which was lat
replaced by the section in question.
(b) The early source contained one unit and the other was added late
2.1. E a r l y S ou rce.
If lines 110—28 are an interpolation, what was the version of the early sourc
The demonic image of the g a l l a befits their role and place of origin accordii
4. Alster, 1972, 41.

D U M U Z I ’S D R E A M 30:
to the plot o f I D but not according to the plot of D D . However, ms. S o f I D

proves that an elaborated description o f the g a l l a or their formulaic descrip•
tion as netherworld creatures is not necessarily an integral part o f the stop
about Dumuzi’s death. In the account of the pursuit of Dumuzi and his arrest
ms. S does not include the formulaic description o f the g a l l a . Instead, befori
Dumuzi’s prayer to U tu, ms. S has simply “The men who w ent toward thi
queen went toward Dum uzi” (11. 78—79), immediately followed with thi
description o f Dumuzi’s terror, in parallel to D D 152. Therefore, in analog
to ms. S o f I D , it is possible that the early source o f D D also mentioned briefly
those who chased Dumuzi. Interestingly, the first half of D D 110a “The mei
who went toward the king” is almost a duplicate o f the brief mention o f tht
g a l la in ms. S and of the introduction to the elaborated description in I D 295-
96 and I D 359—60 (see in detail appendix 1/e, textual remarks 3 and especially
3.4). In short, the story o f the search for Dumuzi and his killing has a versior
that does not include the formulaic description o f the g a l l a as netherwork
demonic creatures. Perhaps, then, the early source o f D D also had just a brie
comment about those w ho pursued Dumuzi.
Previously, however, I noted the similarity o f D D 110a to I D 295—96 anc
I D 359-60, which also serve to introduce the description of Dumuzi’s pursu-
ers. In theory, then, D D 110a could be an integral part o f the formulai(
description o f the g a l l a that was carried over from 7D into DD. The weaknes:
ofthis possibility is that in D D n o Dumuzi is designated by the epithet lu g a l .'
The epithet l u g a l does not occur in I D (although I D 349 describes Dumuz
sitting on his throne as a king). Therefore, it is not certain that D D 110a wa:
taken with the description o f the g a l l a from I D .
Dumuzi has the epithet l u g a l while described as a shepherd also in ersemm;
no. 97:50, 56—59.567 The ersemma even mentions symbols o f kingship. Thi!
deviation from the spirit o f the composition, and in particular some sem-
blance between DD 110a and line 50 of the ersemma, suggests that the l u g a l -
motif was implanted in both compositions. It is only in “ Inanna and Bilulu,’
when Inanna laments Dum uzi’s death and calls him l u g a l , that the epithei
suits the spirit o f the text. The theme o f “Inanna and Bilulu” is anchored ir
the love o f Inanna for her husband Dumuzi; the title l u g a l expresses theii
mythological and ritual relationship.8The epithet l u g a l may be linked to the
5. Kramer, 1980a, 304.

6. Dumuzi is always the lugal so far as S K L and the sacred marriage rite are concerned,
but not always in the lamentation literature.
7. Cohen, 1981, 76—77.
8. In particular with reference to the sacred marriage rite, which in the context ol
Inanna’s mourning is highly relevant.
306 T H E IM A GE O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
historical tradition about Dumuzi the shepherd, king of Badtibira according

to the S K L . 9 Its occurrence in DD, in ersemma no. 97, and in “Inanna and
Bilulu” may be a remnant o f this old historiographic and mythological tradi-
tion. Although the origin o f the epithet t a g a l remains uncertain, and inter
textual influence is quite possible, its emergence in different contexts suggests
that it was inserted into each composition independently. Therefore, I
surmise that D D 110a, “The men who went toward the king, ” probably was
in the early source o f D D in analogy to the brief comment o f ms. S o f ID .
The description o f Dum uzi’s pursuers ends in line 128. However, the
passage D D 119—28 describes them in terms o f actual reality, as natives of five
Sumerian cities. Lines 119—28 form a tightly framed literary unit by using the
same fixed phrase “The two natives of...w ent toward the king” from the
beginning to the end. Since it is not in harmony with the previous description
o f the g a l l a as mythological creatures and it is enclosed by easily distinguish-
able boundaries, this second literary unit seems to be an independent cluster,
thematically as well as structurally. D D 129, which seems the natural sequel
to line 128, actually introduces the next episode, D D 130-44, about the
capture of Gestinanna, the friend, and the bribe they were offered in return
for betraying Dumuzi. Y et, this episode is thematically related to the episode
that preceded the description of the g a l l a . In lines 91—109, Dumuzi implores
his sister and his friend not to disclose his hiding place to those who seek to
take his life and they take an oath to that effect. Since the description o f the
pursuers consists o f two unrelated literary units (110-18 and 119-28) and is
inserted between two consecutive episodes, either the first or the second unit
is plethoric; together they do not add to the plot but impede its integrity.
D D 129 is an introduction to the following theme; D D 110b is probably
a later addition that serves to unify the two conflicting descriptions of the
pursuers (see below); and D D 110a is not necessarily a part of the formulaic
description of the g a l l a , but could be the version of the early source. It is possi-
ble, therefore, that originally line 110a was followed by line 129. If we leave
out the description o f Dumuzi’s pursuers, D D noa+ 129 links the episode
about the oath taken by Gestinanna and the friend to the episode that
describes the attempt to bribe them (DD 91-109 with D D 130-44). Thus the
9. Alster, 1972, 129 and n. 1. Note that according to “The Death ofDumuzi” 15-16
and 35-36 (Kramer, 1980b), Dumuzi was the son of Lugalbanda and Ninsun.
However, this genealogy probably derived from the tradition about the king
Dumuzi of the first dynasty ofUruk, who was the successor to Lugalbanda (SKL,
88:12-15). Lugalbanda’s spouse, Ninsun, is mentioned as Dumuzi’s mother in the
lament BE 30/1, 1 ii 5. In DD his mother is Duttur.
D U M U Z I ’S D R E A M 307
plot appears in an uninterrupted sequence. In other words, D D 111—28 sepa-

rates two closely related episodes. Therefore, instead of the tw o-unit section
that describes D um uzi’s pursuers, perhaps the early source o f D D briefly
mentioned them and their direction. This short comment could be similar to
lines noa+129 or even these very lines, i.e., “The men (who) went toward
the king / (Saying) one to the other: ‘go out there!’ they reached the sheep-
fold, the pen.”
This reconstruction allows for the possibility that the formulaic description
of the g a l l a as netherworld creatures is a later addition to D D . Still, it neither
discloses the origin o f the second unit with its pairs o f natives o f Sumerian
cities nor the reason for blending o f two units so different from one another.
However, it suggests that the wording o f line n o a (the m ention o f l u g a l )
dictated the structure of the second unit and, therefore, the second unit was
adapted to n o a . D D n o b must have been added when both units were
combined into one descriptive section, because it explains the merging o f
two different characterizations o f the pursuers.
2.2. O r ig in a l a n d L a t e r M a te r ia l
If the early source had one unit or part o f it, what is original to D D and what
was added later?
I infer that the formulaic description o f the g a l l a as netherworld creatures
originated in the plot o f I D . From there it was taken over and inserted into
other texts, including D D (and other versions of Dumuzi’s myth, see in detail
appendix 1/e, textual remarks).
The second unit, D D 119—28, has no full parallel in the literature and so
itis difficult to assess its origin, content, and relationship to the text. The char-
acterization of each pair has the nature of a popular saying. Three out o f the
five could well be considered interpolations: in line 121 the third person
singular is in disagreement with its subj ect, the two natives o f Aksak (1. 122);
in line 125 the description of the Urukeans is comparable to I D 292, describ-
ing the g a l l a who walked beside Inanna out of the netherworld; line 127 has
an exact parallel in the “Enlil H ym n.”ro In addition, the total o f ten men
disagrees with the number o f those who eventually devastated the sheepfold,
five, doubling it. Also, the stylistic properties o f the second unit point to a
deep literary elaboration. The designation “the two natives o f G N ” in lines
119,122,124,126 and 128 replaces and specifies the general appellation hi of
line 110a. The title l u g a l and the verb are common to these lines and to D D
110a, creating a five-member synonymy parallelism. Structurally, l u g a l de- 10
10. S G L I, 12 line 31 with commentary on p. 38.

fines the passage as a compact unit, harmonizing it w ith D D 110a, which

introduces the entire section. Yet, D D n o b , which defines Dum uzi’s pursu-
ers as a mixed group ofmen, harmonizes the firs t with the second unit. Hence,
not only the second unit but also line n o b bears the marks of a literary elab-
oration.
Two points, one thematic and the other structural, suggest that at least part
o f the second unit was in the early source. Thematically, the description of
Dum uzi’s pursuers as human beings conforms both to their descriptions as
bandits and as evil men (at the beginning o f the text) and to the literary tradi-
tion that ascribes his death to bandits (to which this myth is actually affiliated).
Structurally, the parallelism formed by the repetitive phrase is asymmetric.
The structure of the unit can be illustrated as: A j-X -X j-A^-X-A j-X -A ^X -
A y T he asymmetric structure could be the result of a later expansion of the
unit, either by adding the descriptions o f the pairs to the five attestations of
the repetitive phrase or by adding more sub-units of the repetitive phrase and
descriptions that increased its number to five. Since there is no good e x p ^
nation for the relationship o f each pair to a given city, their appearance in
pairs, and the integration o f the two completely different descriptive units to
describe the pursuers, we cannot assert that the entire second unit is an inter-
polation."
Perhaps the repetitive phrase, or part o f it, occurred in the early source and
later it served as a framework for the literary elaboration that further devel-
oped and expanded the second unit. In that case, we have to conclude that
the formulaic description of the g a l l a as netherworld creatures was added to
this section later, and at that time D D n o b , which defines the pursuers as a
mixed group of people, was also added.1*
11. Textual variants, mainly the omission of lines 123—24 in some sources, suggest that
the number of pairs, and maybe their city, was not fixed, but that at least part of the
repetitive phrase is original to the early source. Admittedly, this is indirect demon-
stration by way of elimination.
A PPE N D IX 4
E d in a - u s a g a k e
In t h e D e s e r t b y t h e E a r l y G r a s s
EDINA-USAGAKE, “In the Desert by the E arly Grass,” is the longest lament
for the young dying god. The two central motifs of the lament are the depar-
ture of the young god to the netherworld and the search for him by his
mother, or his sister, or his wife, who follows him mourning. The lament is
known in Sumerian copies from the Old Babylonian period and bilingual
editions that date to the first millennium.1 None of them is fully preserved.*27
I. For the list of manuscripts see Cohen, 1988, 668. Herein, Sigla are according to
Cohen. To his list add the Old Babylonian tablets from Kis, P R A K D, 41 and S K
27, which parallel some parts of the lament, especially the passage that probably
relates to a ritual, with the names of gods who are incarnations of the young dying
god, as well as dead kings and their places of burial. In the parallel section, the text
from Kish mentions only Ibbi-Suen, of the U r III dynasty, and Isbiera, the first king
of Isin (col. ii 1-4). S K 26 has the full list of Isin’s dynasty and at its end there is room
enough to reconstruct the names of the kings of Larsa (in col. vii 26'; see Cohen,
op. at., 677, f+194, the name is probably Damiqilisu). U r III kings are not mentioned
in this source. However, they may have been mentioned in the lines missing at the
end of col. vi and the beginning of col. vii. From S K 27 the end o f the list is missing
in col. ii and its continuation at the beginning o f col. iii. The rest of the list includes
some names that were not mentioned in the other sources: Amasilama, Ninazimua,
Belili, Gestinanna, and three more unidentifiable names (col. ii 8—17). It seems,
therefore, that these texts are part of the large lament and that the differences
between them and our main source, S K 26, reflect different editions that originated
in different places and times. For a fuller list of manuscripts, see Alster, 1986, 20.
Alster found that some of the manuscripts join: E+F+H belong to one tablet (K
4950 is the beginning of col. i and K 4903 continues R m 220 and forms the lower
right/col. ii); G+I (Sm 1710+Sm 1366+Sm 585 continues K 4954). The lament has
been known since the beginning of the century. In 1907 Zimmern published an
edition of sections taken from the bilingual version according to 4R2 30, 2, SBH 37,
80, and BA 10, 30 (Sumerisch-babylonische Tamüzlieder, 204—21). Another bilingual
source, R m 220, was published by Frank in 1931 (ZA 40 [1931], 81ff.). For a
complete edition of the lament, see Cohen, 1988, 668-703. Fora translation of the
textseejacobsen, 1987, 56-84. In addition, Jacobsen discusses the lament, including
a translation ofsome passages, in the framework of the myth about the young dying
309
310 T H E IMAGE O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
The text is arranged in sections (k i- ru - g u ) but the num ber varies. Moreover
the arrangement of the sections in the different sources varies, which suggests
that the text was freely modified. Subsequently, the lament appeared in
several editions that differ in the number o f sections and their arrangement.
For that reason, and although the lament comprises some fixed motifs, a
reconstruction o f a fixed plot is impossible.*2 That the Old Babylonian source
already refers to several young dying gods3 and also mentions Amasilama the
sister ofNingiszida, Ninazimua his wife, and Gunura Dam u’s sister4indicates
that it was based on various laments.
ir û -sa g -g a , “lament of the early grass” is mentioned in a list of offerings
for cultic purposes in the ninth year o f Ibbi-Suen.5 This administrative text
proves that by the U1‫ ־‬III period the performance o f the lament was part of
the regular cult. A copy from that period, however, has not yet been recov-
ered. Tw o features of the Old Babylonian sources may be relevant to the form
of the text and the tradition on which it was based. First, both the grammar
and the orthography are corrupt, which suggests that they were not written
down by an expert scribe. Second, although the text concerns typical south-
god in Jacobsen, 1976, 63-66, and as reflecting a cultic drama in 1975, 67 and notes
no. 20-27. A literary and generic study of the lament was published by Alster (1986).
2. The appearance in each of the Old Babylonian sources of lists of gods and kings,
with their place of burial, is an example of a fixed element. However, the discre-
pancies between the lists and especially in the number of dead kings testify to the
vitality of the lament as a ritual that was actually performed in different periods and
places. Since it was performed, I infer that the structure of the lament was modular
and, at least in the Old Babylonian period, the number of stanzas and their order
was not yet fixed. More evidence of this modularity is found in the relationship
between “The Messenger and the Maiden” and TIM 9, 15 (see chapter 1, section
1. 1.1.2 b) and between the latter and S K 26 with its bilingual parallel. Apparently
the first or second section of Edina-usagake was integrated into TIM 9, 15 (for a full
score see Alster, 1986, 27—31).
3. See especially the list of burial places in S K 26 vi 23-41 with reconstructions
according to P R A K II, D 41 i 20 - ii 4.
4. S K 26 ii 11-13.
5. U E T 3, 242, r. 3 (IS 7). For more sources, see Jacobsen, PAPS 107, 478. Another
U r III list, U E T 3, 273:15,17 (no date), which records offerings to u-sag dnin-
[ ] andto u - s a g dn in -A N -[ ], refers to a different cultic ceremony, not a lament
but a spring ritual celebrating the new growth. The component / dn i n - / in both
names indicates that this celebration was not connected with Dumuzi, but probably
withNingal. Compare Old Babylonian U ET 5, 7661•. 3. See also Sallaberger, 1993,
183. In C T 58 , 21:24-25, e d i n - û -sa g -g â , n u m u n -û -s a g -g â , andse-nu m u n-
u -sa g -g a seem to relate to the harvest, probably a mourning ritual to Dumuzi.
EDINA-USAGAKE 3 11
Sumerian deities, the Old Babylonian manuscripts are probably from the
north. Consequently we may wonder who put these texts into writing and
in what historical circumstances. W hen searching for answers we should also
consider the immigration o f southern priests into the north, similar to the
immigration of Inanna’s priests from U ruk to Kis by the ninth/tenth year o f
Samsuiluna, or the introduction ofthe Eridu cult into U r.6This phenomenon
is an example o f an historical event that brings about a geographical distri-
bution o f traditions.
a. SK 26 iii 4-197
T he mother, worried because her son has disappeared, intends to look for
him. H er son says that he will not be handed over to her. Consequently the
wailing mother is determined to stand at the city gate to complain and wail
in public.
4. a[am]a-gana ab amar-ra gù nam-me / i-bi-zu gar-ra-àm-ma
BM 98396:2$: ama-gan âb amar-ra gù nam-me i-bi-zu mar-àm-ma
la ta - n a - g a - g i
5. âb amar-ra agù nu-gi4-gi4:1/ i-bi-zu gar-ra-àm-ma

BM 98396:26: âb-amar-ra.gù nu~gi4-gi4-ra
la < t a - > s a s i - i
6 . 1‫׳‬d uimr'-zu bli-bi-ir-rab nu-mu-ra-ab-zé-m èn

7. arù'-m u-un-si-ke4a nu-m u-ra-ab-zé-m èn
BM 98396:27: ù-mu-un~si-ke4 nu-mu~ra-ab-zé-èm-e
u l i-n a -d i-k i
8. [ù-m ]u-un-aKA-ke4a nu-mu-ra-ab-zé-m èn

BM 98396:29. ù-mu-un~KA-ke4 nu-m u-ra-ab-zé-èm -e
9? [mu-lu-si]r-ra bu!k 1! li-bi-ir-re / [ma-da t]e m u-un-tak4!-a
10. [li-bi-ir-re aù-m ]u-un-ès!-a-ke4a [ma-da te bmu-u]n-tak4!-ab
11. a[me-er-si gu-17]buranun-na-kaa
12. a[ur-mu in-bad dam-mu]a bba-ra-an-gab
6. See in detail D. Charpin, Le clergé cl’ Ur au siècle d’Hammumbi (1986), 414-18.

7. Cohen 1988, 672, b+49~b+63 (ms. A). Translation: Jacobsen, 1987, 66-67. The
text is Old Babylonian. The exact provenance is unknown, but it probably comes
from the north. The following passage is reconstructed according to the bilingual
sources, the sigla according to Cohen: G = K 4954, which joins the bottom of I;
H = R m 220; I = obverse: Sm 585+ASKT 16, reverse: Sm 1710+riSJCT 16; M =
T C L 6, 54 r. !off.; N = BA 5, 34:6ff; BM 98396 is an Old Babylonian ersemma of
Ninlrursaga, Kramer, 1982a, and C T 58, 5.
31 2 T U E IM A G E O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
13. 3[zé-eb-mu in-bad dum u-mu]1 bba-r 3-an-gab

14. a [ka-li-bi-ir]-ra-ka ga-an-gub
15.3 [a mu-lu]-mu ga-àm-du
16. ‫[ ״‬a gurus bgi]-gi-bib cga-àm-duc
17. ‫[ ״‬âm-sa6-ga-mu bgi-gi]-bib cga-am-duc
18.3 [ama-gan-me-en gu4-da su8-ga]-mu bil-lâ-bi bga-àm-dub
19.3 [me-li-i-a m u-lu]-m u u4-m i-ib-du, ,-ga-ta /
[me]-li-i-a ta àm-gi-gi
BM 98936 = C T 58, 5, pis. 4-5. (4) a—a: M, N: ama-gan-mèn. (5) a—a: M:
gù na-an-gi4-gi4. (6) a—a: I, M, N: tu-mu. b—b: I, M: li-bi-ir-re. (7) a—a: So
N; I: ù-mu-un mg-si-ga; M: ù-mu-un mg-si-ka j,e_e! nu-[ ] (8) a—a:
I: gi-AK-a. (9) BM 98396 adds two lines (end of its text): 1. 29. im-ma-al gii-
i7-da-ke4i-bî-zu gar-ra-àm-nia; 1. 30. am-a-ra-li gu-edin-na-ke4 i-bi-zu gar-
ra-àm-ma. These lines appear also in the bilinguals, I: 10—12, M: 18—20, and
N: 10-11. b—b: I: ù (M o. 26: ama-gan-mèn ù li-bi-ir-re nia-da-[ ] ). (10)
a—a: I: ù-mu-un-si-ga; M o. 28: ù-m.u-un-si. b—b: I: mu-da-a[b- ]• (n ) a—
a: H: me-er-si gii [ ]; I: nie-er-si gii 17burnunk‘-ke4. (12) a—a: reconstructed
after H. b—b: I: ba-ra-àm-[ga]. (13) a—a: reconstructed after H. b—b: I: ba-
1a-àm-'ga14) .‫ )״‬a: I adds: ù ü-bi-ir-ra nia-da te n1u-ra-ab-tak4!-à[n1]. (15) a: H,
I: this line continues the previous line. (16) a: reconstructed after H. b—b: G,
H: gig-bi. c—c: H: ga-an-dug4; G: ga-a[n- ]. (17) a: reconstructed after H.
b—b: H: gig-bi; G: [ gi]g-bi. c—c: G: ga-an-dug, a-mu-l[u-mu]; H: ga-an-
dug4. 118) a: reconstructed after H. b—b: G: ga-an-d[ugj. (19) a: reconstructed
after ÈL
4. “The birth-giving mother, cow, do not low for the calf, set your
face toward me!
5. Cow, do not cry to the calf, set your face toward me!
6. The herald (l ib i r ) will not give me, your son, to you.
7. The lord ( e n s i ) will not give me to you.
8. The lord of the prayer(?) will not give me to you.”
9. “W oe mourner, the herald, [what] has he left for me?
10. [The herald, lor]d of the temple(?) [what has he] left for me?
11. [In Girsu, on the bank of [the Euphrates]
12. [He opened my thighs] and took away [my husband],
13. [He opened my knees] and took away [my son].
14. [At the gate o f the herjald I will stand forth
1$. [(and) ‘W oe to] my [man]!’ I will say,
16. [‘W oe to this lad]!’ in pain I will say,
17. [‘My delightful one!’ in pa]in I will say.
18. [The birth-giving mother I am,] ‘My [driven like an ox]!’ burn-
ingly I will say,
19. [‘Woe] my [man]!’ After I have told him ‘W oe!’ what will he
answer?”
E D IN A -U SA G A K E 313
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e s 6—8. For the Akkadian translations, see T C L 6 , 54 r. 13—17 and

A S K T 16:4-9. u m u n -s i-k e 4 is the Emesal-form of énsi. The Akka-
dian rendering bel n a ip a n ti “lord of destruction” is an interpretation
based on his assumed function in the plot and it indicates that he was
considered a netherworld demon, l i- b i- ir is the Emesal-form of
n im g ir “herald.” The Akkadian rendering g a llû proves that the trans-
lator indeed considered him a demonic netherworld creature, u m u n -
KA-ke4 is an Emesal-form as well, but the title has not yet been iden-
tified. The Akkadian rendering bel d ä ik i “lord of killing” is also a later
interpretation. Note that modern translations follow the Akkadian
version.8 However, the mother’s decision to stand at the city’s gate to
mourn and complain in public and to demand an answer from the
responsible officials points to actual reality. Two members of the Sume-
rian version name distinct historical administrative titles. The third,
um u n -K A -k e4, is unknown, but this passage is its only attestation in
the written sources.9Since this obscure term is identical in all the sources
for this passage, one can make three assumptions:
(a) This office ceased to exist before the Pre-Sargonic period and,
therefore, it is not fo.und in the extant texts. Since, however, no
dramatic change occurred in the administration of the state economy
during Early Dynastic II—III, this assumption is doubtful.
(b) An early error occurred in an early written source, which was then
transmitted up until the Neo-Babylonian period. For the original
version we can offer two possibilities. First, the office in question is
the nu-KA, mentioned in a list from Abu-Salabikh.10 The Emesal-
form should be m u-KA but erroneously the /m u - / was changed to
u m u n and consequently the genitive suffix / - k e4/ was added. How-
ever, this possibility assumes a chain of scribal errors. A second possi-
bility is that a sign was omitted between KA and /-k e 4/ . ‫ ״‬Since the
8 . Foru m u n -K A -k e 4 Jacobsen, 1 9 7 6 , 6 4 , translates “the lord who slew him,”

Kramer, 19 8 2 3 :2 9 “The lord, the killer.” In his last treatment of Edina-usagake
Jacobsen renders it “the lord, chiefherdsman” (1 9 8 7 , 6 6 :10 4 and note 1 3 ). Jacobsen
assumed an early error, which he did not specify (perhaps ù -m u -u n -k a -< b a r-
>ke4 since KA.BAR = “herdsman”).
9 . In that it differs ffom the galla-ofS.ee. That the galla retained historical traces is
indicated at least by the evidence for gallagal. In addition, the term gal5‫־‬la is
attested in many texts, including lexical lists. Therefore, although one may still argue
that it is a literary mythological creature, it is not obscure.
1 0 . M SL 1 2 , 1 9 :1 5 2 .
314 TME IMAGE OE T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
same writing is attested in all the sources, both early and late, we have
to further assume that all the manuscripts derive from one early Old
Babylonian written source that was also the source of S K 2 6 and the
ersemma of Ninhursaga.112 However, a possibility that is based on
scribal error in an Old Babylonian copy is problematic, because “the
lament of the early grass” is mentioned in a text already from the ninth
year of Ibbi-Suen. In addition, there is a good chance that the tradition
of the Old Babylonian sources was transmitted orally and that we are
looking for a ghost copy.
(c) The title is identical to du m u n - sùd - de to be read u n iu n -sù d e -
ke4 meaning “lord of praying.”13 The drawback to this assumption is
that such an office is not mentioned in the lexical texts and, therefore,
it is not functionally harmonious with the other two official functions.
Yet, considering the poetic nature of the text, it may not have been
a formal historical office but an imaginary literary figure, a metaphor
that personifies the recipient of the mother’s protest. According to this
assumption the three lines form a complementary parallelism in which
the first two members indicate actual officials and the third describes
their metaphoric function from the perspective of the mother, the
recipient of her prayer. The assumption that it is a literary figure rather
than an actual official is more tenable, because it presupposes a gap in
our own knowledge, not a scribal error. Moreover, in other passages
u m u n -s ù d -d è is the lib ir (see the bilingual version 4 R 2 30, 2:17
section c. below and also the Old Babylonian source S K 45:9). We
cannot exclude the possibility of a connection between these passages
and our um un-K A -ke4. In principle, the literary interpretation
partly corresponds to the Akkadian rendition, which appears to visu-
alizé all three as literary figures.
L in e s 9 —19. This passage centers on the intention of the mother to call
upon the lib ir (11. 9—10, 14). It has no parallel in the ersemma of Nin-
hursaga, which ends with “cow, set your face toward me” (1. 30). Also,
line 6 with lib ir has no parallel in the ersemma. The additional attesta-
tions of the lib ir and the development of the subject indicate that E d in a -
u sagake was not the source for the parallel passage in the ersemma. The
11. As in my guess that Jacobsen’s translation “chief herdsman” derives from ka-<bar>-
ke4. However, I cannot safely reconstruct the missing sign.
12. Since S K 26 was not the source of the first-millennium editions, the mistake must
have been attested in its source as well.
13. This suggestion was offered to me by J. Klein.
following passage contains some phonetic readings: note du for du‫ ״‬/
dug4 (1• 15), g i-g i-b i for g ig -b i (11. 16-17).
L in e 9. All the readings in this line are difficult: u and li are according
to a collation by Alster and the translation is tentative, te is taken as
Emesal for ta “what?” m a-d a as the Emesal-form of the personal
pronoun ga-da. The reading tak4! (not tuk) is uncertain, but seems to
conform to the Akkadian translation in A S K T 16, r. 9-10+Sm 1710: i-
z i-b a -a m -m a . Jacobsen translates “The man, cause of dirges, the lord
constable” (1987, p. 66). His translation implies that the herald is respon-
sible for the death of the young god. However, neither the syntax nor
the context indicates this meaning. The mother determines to perform
the burial rite for her son, asks for his body, and turns to the mourner
protesting against the herald.
L in e 1 0 . The second word can be an error for u m u n -s i-k e 4 (énsi); it
can also be ès “temple” and the title “lord of the temple.”
L in e 1 1 . me-er-si is probably the Emesal for Girsu. Jacobsen suggests that
two cities were named Girsu, and that this one— not associated with
Lagas (Tellö)— was on the banks of the Euphrates and was the original
cult center ofDamu. Jacobsen’s suggestion is based on his interpretation
of the name Girsu. He assumes that the name means “prisoners’ camp”
and, therefore, several places could bear that name. His chain of assunrp-
tions has no direct evidence in the sources. Whether Jacobsen is right
or not, the name Girsu points to the source for the tradition of this
passage as the south of Sumer (see discussion under textual remarks to
chapter 1, section 1.1.1.1/a).
L in e 12. g a is the Emesal- form of turn, Akkadian babälu (h a m tu ) (see
M S L 4, 27:5). This line refers to the lost husband and, thereby, it corre-
sponds to the model of Inanna’s laments for Dumuzi.
L in e s 1 6 - 1 ‫ ך‬. Note the variants ofthe late bilinguals! The differences indi-
cate that the corrupted phonetic Old Babylonian version of S K 2 6 was
not the source of the late edition of the lament.
L in e 18. [gu4-da sus-g a]-m u : In ms. H the Akkadian version translates
“I the mother who gave birth driven like an ox.” In the Sumerian ver-
sion, however, the suffix /- m u / indicates that the son, not his mother,
was driven like an ox, in other words, “my driven like an ox,” which
perhaps signifies something like “my chased son.”
316 THE IMAGE O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
b. S K 26 iv x 9 :4‫־‬
This section describes the mother walking to the netherworld in search of her
son. t
1. [al-di ga-da-an-gen gurus-m e-en/ ha-ra-n]a nu-g[14‫״‬g14]

2. a 'gurus1 gurus-^da-[mu-mu]
3. i-in-di i-in-di gaba-kur-ra-[se]
4. u4-zal u4-zal kur-m ud!-s[è]
5. a-urin-a sub-ba ù-m u-un na-sè
6. a-tu, e,-silim-ma nu-zu-sè
7. kaskal àm-ma-an-du til-til-le-sè
8. SÎR-da ù-m u-un nigin-sè
9. mas-gân gudu4-ge18-ne-sè
1. “Ifwished, let me walk with you, you lad, the road of no return. ”14IS
2. “O h lad, lad, [my Da]mu.”
3. She goes, she goes toward the edge of the mountain (k u r ).
4. The day is ebbing, the day is ebbing, toward the dark/frightening
mountain ( k u r ) .
5. To the lord who lies cast in water and blood,
6. To him who knows no purification and healing water.
7. To the road that finishes the one who walks it.
8. To the ... of the surrounded lord,16
9. To the residence of the anointed ones.
14. Cohen, 1988,673 C+66-C+74 (ms. A),Jacobsen, 1987,71. The OldBabylonian text
is reconstructed according to ms. E (K 4903), whichjoins the bottom of ms. H (Rm
220). For the late bilingual edition, see below, section c. The Sumerian version of
the bilingual underwent some changes, probably to adapt it to contemporary belief.
15. The translation “wished” is based on the assumption that a l-d i is the participle of
a l- d u ‫( ״‬compare ID 191-94). However, / - d i / can also be the Emesal-form of
gen and the prefix / a l - / would mark the Stative or intransitive form of the verb.
16. The translation “the surrounded lord” is tentative. It assumes that the elem ent-na-
was omitted after nigin. sir-d a appears in Akkadian as a Sumerian loanword
denoting a pole ofa chariot or a sedan chair. See C AD S, 312 s. v. sirdû. This meaning
does not fit the context. Cohen suggests the reading kés (but no translation). A
possible meaning to his reading “bind,” relates to the motif of the bound hand and
arms, which is current in the laments for the young dying god. In the literature we
find a description ofDumuzi being surrounded by the galla who killed him (see DD
156 and “The Death ofDumuzi” 44-45 [Kramer 1980b]). This description appears
before the one describing the binding of his arms.
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e 2 . Only one divine name, Damit, is mentioned here, contrary to

the late bilingual version of the text (see below), which lists no less than
nine names of different young dying gods. I conclude, therefore, that
this part of E d in a -u sa g a k e was originally a lament for Damu.
L i n e j . The verb di is the Emesal-form of gen (h a m tu sgl., see MSL4,
27:3). The reconstruction of the terminative /- s è / is based on the
context. It denotes the direction in which the mother walked and con-
forms to the structure of the following lines. Cohen reconstructs / -ke4,
probably according to U rn a m ira b i (see Cohen, 1988, 563:144). Since,
however, the k u r there marks the origin of the enemy, whereas here it
marks the destination of the mother, the sources differ in meaning. The
Sumerian term gab a “breast” is used as a metaphor to designate the edge
or boundary in front of the onlooker when it relates to geographical
features, as in the expressions gaba-a “edge of the water” of g a b a -a -
ab - b a “edge of the sea” referring to the seashore.17Being a synecdoche,
it signifies that the netherworld was visualized as an actual mountain.
Accordingly, I render g a b a -k u r-ra “edge of the mountain.”
L in e 4. The reading m ud is based on a collation by Alster, m ud =
d a ’m u , p a lä h u . The Sumerian version of the bilingual has kur-B À D -
na-sè. Since S K was not the source of any later edition,18 and despite
the usually unreliable Sumerian of the bilinguals, k u r-ùn(B À D )-na-
sè may well reflect the original version, because k u r -ù n - n a “high
mountain” was a common expression.19 A description of the nether-
world as a high mountain adds to the other images of the netherworld
as a mountain (see chapter 2, sections 2.1.1 and 2.1.3), including gab a-
k u r-ra in this passage. Unfortunately, we cannot support this assump-
tion by a third and more reliable Old Babylonian source. If this was the
original version, then a chain of changes may have occurred in the
course of transmission. However, how ùn orBÀD evolved into m ud
(whether via BAD to be read m ud d a m n or otherwise) is unclear.
L in e 5 . The reading is reconstructed according to the late bilingual. The
phonetic complement / - n a - / in i - s i - i s - n a-sè indicates that the
reading of the Old Babylonian Sumerian source should be e4‫ ־‬u r in - na,
“in water and blood,” rather than a-ses-a, “in bitter water.” The loca-
17. SBH 101, r. 4. For more examples, see in Wilcke, 1969b, 34-35.
18. There is enough evidence for this; see, for example, the following line 5 or lines 25-
27 of the bilingual edition (below), which has a better Sumerian version.
19. Discussion and references in van Dijk, 1960, 105 and Sjöberg, 1969, 57 to 1. 30.
318 THE I M A G E O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
tive /-a / after u rin instead of the better /- n a / of the late version indi-
cates that this manuscript was not the source of the bilingual text.
Most striking, perhaps, is the connotation of this verse. Water and
blood are associated with birth and the one who lies in water and blood
is likened to a newborn baby. This impression is reinforced by the next
verse, in which the young dying god had not yet been washed. Since
Damu is called gurus, his description as lying in water and blood is not
self-evident. Interestingly, Jacobsen maintained that Damu was not “a
young man of marriageable age” but a small child.20This image emerges
from a lament for Damu, TCL 15,8 (Römer, 2001, 189ff.), particularly
the beginning of k i- r u - g u 6 (translation injacobsen, 1976, 69), where
Damu is described as a baby. Being a small child rather than a gurus,
it is possible that he was a baby, which may explain this description. In
this case, it also supports the view that the text originally pertained to
Damu. Since the sources are no earlier than the Old Babylonian period,
and by then Damu was already associated with the cult of Ninisina, it
is possible that his original character had been forgotten. Whatever the
case may be, Damu was a young dying god. The dominant image of the
young dying gods was that of a gurus, and in the Old Babylonian
compilations of the laments the particular characteristics of each were
blended.
The death rate of newborn babies was surely quite high in ancient
times and lines 5-6 seem to be an image of a newborn child who was
not yet washed. Therefore, perhaps the death of children was a consid-
eration in the development of the aspects of the young dying god.
c. 4R 2 30, 2:11-35 + Sm. 214821
11. al-di ga-da-an-gen gurus-me-en har-ra-an nu-gi4-gi4
12. t u - k u - u m - m a a l - la k e t- l u ü - r u - u h la ta -r i
13. a gurus ur-sag dum un-a-zu
14. a gurus gurus-mu dda-m u-mu
15. [a] gurus [du5-mu umun-mu-zi-da]
16. [a] gurus d[alla umun-sa-pàr]
20. On “water and blood,” see in detail M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its
Mediterranean Setting (Gronigen: STYX, 2000), 125—26, with previous literature.
On Damu the small child, see Jacobsen, 1976, 25 and 27. I assume that Jacobsen
based his suggestion on the text of C T 15, 26-27 and T C L 15,8, rather than on the
meaning of the expression “water and blood.”
21. Cohen, 1988, 688, e+88-e+104 (ms. E) . The Neo-Assyrian bilingual parallel to the
above-cited Old Babylonian source. This late edition of the text is significant and
interesting precisely because of its Sumerian version.
E D IN A -U SA G A K E 3 ‫ז‬9
17• [a] gurus li-bi-[ir umun-sùd-dè]

18. [a] gurus distar[an i-bi-suba]
19. [a] gurus mu-lu sir-[ra-an-na]
20. [a] gurus dama-usumgal-[an-na]
21. [a] gurus ses-ama dmu-tin-[an-na]
22. [in]-di in-di gaba-kur-ra-[se]
23. i l- l a k ip - la k a n a i - r a t e r - s e - [ tim ]
24. [uj-zal-e u4-zal-e kur-BÀD-na-sè
25. u s - ta - b a r - r i : äs a m a f i r - ta - b i- s ü a n a e r - s e - tî m i - t u - t i
26. i-si-is-na-sè u4-sub-ba-na-sè
27. n i - is - s a - ta m m a - li i- n a wm"'" i m - q u - t u - m a in a i - d ir - ti
28. itu nu-silim-ma mu-zu-sè
29. in a a r -lji la m u - f a l - l i - m u s a t - t u - s u
30. kaskal la-ba-an-da-til m u-lu-u18-lu-zu-se
31. a -n a h a r-ra -n i g a -m i-r a t n i-s i : m u -p a -s i-h a t a -m e -lu -ti
32. sir-da-mu umun-na-sè
33. a - n a s ir - h i sâ b é -lt
34. mes ki-a-na-sù nu-m u-un-da-pà-rda1
35. et-lu ana erseti1‘ m -u q -ti sâ la in-nam -m a-m
The Akkadian version:

12 . “And now I, the lad, go the road o f no return.”
13■ O h lad, the warrior Ninazu,
14. O h lad, m y lad, my Dam u,
15• [Oh] lad, [the son Ningiszida],
16. [Oh] lad, Alla the lord o f the net],
17• [Oh] lad, the herfald U m unsudi],
18. [Oh] lad, Istara[n the shining eyes],
1 9. [Oh] lad, Mulusirfanna],
20. [Oh] lad, Amausumgalfanna],
2 1 . [Oh] lad, the brother o f m other Gestinfanna],
23• H e goes, he goes to the depth o f the netherw orld,
25• H e ... : Samas rem oved him dow n to the land o f death.
27• H e was full o f grief on the day he fell unto m isfortune,
29. (W ith)in a m onth, w hich does not com plete its year.
31• T o the road that terminates hum ankind: soothe hum anity,
33• T o the wailing o f the lord.
35• T h e lad to the far-off land that is not seen.
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e 1 2 . The major difference between the Old Babylonian Sumerian

and the Neo-Assyrian Akkadian versions emerges in the first line: it is
the young god who talks rather than his mother (as in the Old Baby-
Ionian version). Thus, the following passage describes the young god on
his way to the netherworld contrary to the Old Babylonian source,
which relates the journey of the mother who went after him.
L in e s 13—2 1 . The list of nine different incarnations of the young dying
god is an expansion of the Old Babylonian version in which Damu alone
is mourned. Similar lists of different figures of the dying young god were
integrated into other laments (e.g., “Ningiszida’sJourney to the Neth-
erworld”). The version of the Old Babylonian source in which the
mourning mother follows her son, Damu, to the netherworld was
preserved in line 14. Since the late version describes the journey of the
son, the cry “my Damu” in line 14 conflicts with the context; it demar-
cates the expanded list of names as an interpolation and emphasizes the
modification of the text. Especially intriguing among the incarnations
of the young dying god is the one mentioning Ninazu, an important
netherworld deity in the middle of the third millennium whose cult
center, Enegi, was devoted to the cult of the dead.22The passage in I D that
describes Ereskigal as the mourning mother with the epithet “mother
ofNinazu” testifies to Ninazu once being a young dying god andEreski-
gal a figure of the mourning mother.23 Note also line 17: [a] g u ru s li-
b i-[ ir u m u n -sù d -d è ]. If the suggestion to read S K 26 iii 8 (text a.
above) um un-sùde(K A )-ke4is justified, they may have been related.
L in e s 2 2 - 2 3 . I■1 both Sumerian versions, the end of the line is broken.
In the Ninvite manuscript there is room for only one sign. C A D A / 1 ,
301 lex. s .v . a lä k u reconstructs /- k e 4/. However, the terminative /- s è /
seems better. A suitable meaning for the reading i- s i t for the second verb
in the Akkadian version is not apparent. A better reading may be i-la k ,
as in the first verb, in agreement with the Sumerian version. Another
possibility is i-rid, which, however, would be an anomalous form of arädu .
L in e s 24—2 3 . The Akkadian erset m itü ti “land of dead” indicates that the
translator read the Sumerian source k u r- u g5-n a - s è. Yet, the phonetic
complement / - n a / suggests that the Sumerian source read k u r-
ùn(BÀD) -n a-sè, which translates into Akkadian sa d û elû “high moun-
22. See especially Sjöberg, 1969, 27—28, Temple Hymn no. ! 4■

23. ID 230-35, G E N 200-5, DUr 100, and DGil, the doxology o f the Tell-Haddad
version.
E D IN A -U SA G A K E 32.1
tain.” For a discussion of kur-B À D -na, see van Dijk, i960, 105 and
Sjöberg, 1969, 27. Both the Sumerian “high mountain” and the Akka-
dian “land of the dead” describe the destination of the young dying god,
namely, the netherworld. The Akkadian version is based on the writing
of the Sumerian version and attaches to it the same geographical mean-
ing. Y et, it empties the description of its physical and topographical
properties, probably because the description of the netherworld as a
high mountain contradicts the prevailing concept that it is subterranean.
Since the ersemma of Ninhursaga (1.2.1b) describes the k u r as a real
mountain and, in the present source, the destination of the mother is
g a b a -k u r-ra , which refers to the place where the mountain touches
the level ground, we have reason to suggest that the early Sumerian
source, indeed, had “high mountain.” ReadingBÀD withthevalue ugs
is due, perhaps, to the big chronological gap between the creation of the
Sumerian source and its Akkadian edition, during which the image of
the physical shape of the netherworld was transformed.
The Akkadian version reflects the editor’s exegetic and scholastic
approach to the text. The pair u4‫ ־‬zal u4‫ ־‬zal was perceived as one text
and one commentary. The first was translated u sta barri —the dictionaries
disagree on the root of the verb but not on its meaning. Von Soden
understands it as the St öf h e m (“be hungry”) in the meaning “aushar-
ren,” “endure,” “persevere,” “persist” etc. ( A H w 123). The C A D sepa-
rates this form from b e m and relates it to b itm “continue in existence”
etc. ( C A D B, 279—81 s .v . b itm ) . The second occurrence of u4-zal was
perceived as an explanation of the first: u4 = clUtu, zal = irta b isu . Von
Soden takes it as a form of rabû IV “descend” (A H w 940), yet this is the
only example of zal = rabû and a unique attestation of the G-stem
instead of the D-stem. Since von Soden omitted the pronoun -sYi, he
changed the meaning of the sentence “Samas descended to the land of
death.”
L in e s 26—2 7 . i-s i-is -n a -s è is a phonetic writing of e4-$E§ with a
phonetic complement /n a /, which indicates that the reading should be
u rin “blood” rather than ses “bitter.” It seems, therefore, that the
editor had an uncorrupted text that was better than our Old Babylonian
sources. In addition, we can deduce again that our Old Babylonian
source, S K 26, was not the source of this edition of the lament, since it
omitted the phonetic complement /- n a / .
The rest of the line has been rewritten on the basis of the original
elements (see above text b. line 5). ù - m u - u n “lord,” a word that any
scribe certainly knew, was not simply omitted but replaced by u4 “day”
and, thereby, was fitted into the comprehensive structure of lines 27—
29 as a couplet and correlated with itu “month” and m u “year.” The
Akkadian version is longer than the Sumerian and is based on two of its
central components: sub “fall” as the cause, and e4-$E$, read i-si-is,
and interpreted as “grief’ as the end result. For [i-s] i-is n issa tu “grief,”
see C A D N /2, 274. m a-li derives perhaps from reading the Sumerian
terminative / - s è / (in e4-$E $-na-sè) as the Sumerian si = m a lu .
The Akkadian version is longer and fir-removed from the Sumerian.
The variances, or rather deviations, disclose the editor’s intention. In the
bilingual sub and i - si - is are placed in a schematic symmetrical pattern,
harmonious with the structure and the rhythm of the original Sumerian
source. This pattern forms a framework for the Akkadian version, at the
same time revealing an aspiration to retain some loyalty to the early
Sumerian source. The relationship between the Old Babylonian and
Ninvite Sumerian versions, on the one hand, and the relationship
between them and the Akkadian version, on the other, testify to the
Akkadian version being based on components of the early Sumerian
version, but the late Sumerian being adapted to the Akkadian version.
Therefore, the Akkadian version is not a translation but a new inter-
pretation and adaptation of the Sumerian source.
L in e s 2 8 —2 9 . The itu of the late Sumerian version derives from e4- tu
in the early source. It is an additional indication that the early source was
not corrupted. The rest seems corrupted, but the examples that reveal
traces of a correct Sumerian source suggest that here again the Sumerian
version was adapted to the Akkadian. Thus ,n u -silim -m arep laced e4-
silim -m a andm u.-zu-sè replacednu-zu-sè. The Akkadian version
of line 29 rounds offline 27 and the two constitute a compound sentence
that holds three members. The first member, 27a, is the main clause,
describing the emotions of the departed god. The following two are
temporal clauses that comprise a sequence of three terms for time: day,
month, year. The last member is connected with the first by the
pronoun - s u for 3rdp. sgl. and thus closes the circle. It appears that here,
too, the Akkadian version is not a translation of the Sumerian source.
The combination day-month-year is a literary formula24 that the editor
may have wanted to apply to this context. That the Akkadian resulted
in a rather awkward sense points to the editor’s attempt to preserve the
original Sumerian components as far as possible, while, at the same time,
modifying and adapting the Sumerian to the Akkadian version.
L in e s 3 0 —3 1 . The Akkadian version clearly reflects a scholastic, exegetic
approach to the Sumerian text; the second member of the line is an
explanatory comment on the first. The two members are an interpre-
24. Compare Lugalbanda 259, and C A D S/2, 204.

E D IN A -U SA G A K E
tation of the assumed meaning of the early Sumerian source, namely,

that the road to the netherworld is death.
Lines 34-35■The phonetic similarity of the late Sumerian version to the
Old Babylonian25 indicates, again, that the editor used an accurate
source. The same phrase is attested in three other first-millennium bilin-
guals, where it was copied and translated according to the Old Baby-
Ionian version. Compare:
S K 26 iv 9: mas-gân gudu4-ge18-ne-sè
with:
B A 5, 674, 30, K 3479:19: [ ]-ge-ne-ka:sè
B A 10, 112, 30, K 3311:9‫ ׳‬: mâs-gan-gu[du4]-rge1-[ ]
S B H 80:2': [ ]-gudu4-ge-ne-ke4
B A s, 674, 30, K 3479:20: [ j /<7 pa A i -A

B A 10, 112, 30, K 3311:10': in a m a f - [ ]
S B H 80:3‫ ׳‬: [ ] sû p a - s i- s i
These editions indicate that a good, uncorrupted tradition of the text
was still available in the middle of the first millennium and the trans-
lations indicate that the Sumerian version was well understood. That the
Akkadian version is grammatically correct and that it creates an integral
account supports my assumption that its Sumerian source was not trans-
lated but modified intentionally to adapt to an Akkadian text and, at the
same time, was kept as close as possible to the early original.
In line 34 the Sumerian phrase was changed to something phoneti-
cally similar but with a significance that would suit the episode that the
late scribe had in mind, m a s - k â n was transformed into m e s-k i-a -n a ,
and g u d u 4 was read sù. The roughly similar sign may indicate that the
scribe used a written source. However, whereas k i-sù is a prevalent
Sumerian expression (see chapter 1, section 1.1.1.1), m e s -k i-a -n a -s ù
is gibberish—an artificial aggregation ofwords to echo the early Sume-
rian source. The second member of the phrase “which is not seen” is an
addition to the early Sumerian source and, consequently, the late Sume-
rian version was expanded as well. Thus, also the Sumerian version of
this line was not copied mechanically from the early source but
rephrased carefully to harmonize with the Akkadian.
25. The phrase recurs in S K 26 ii 5.

T e x tu a l R em a rk s
As opposed to the Old Babylonian Sumerian version, which describes the

m other following her son to the netherworld, the Akkadian version describes
the son on his way to the netherworld. The change o f subject resulted in
changes to the text itself. The late Sumerian version preserves some
semblance to the original, but it is mainly phonetic, while grammatically and
syntactically the text is corrupt. Since the other three late bilingual editions
preserve the Old Babylonian Sumerian version, the possibility that the scribe
did not know or understand it seems remote. Unlike the Sumerian, his Akka-
dian version is a literary and conceptually coherent and complete compo-
sition. Line 12 introduces the destination o f the journey and sets the tone of
this section and lines 13-21 introduce the subject of the wail, an extended list
o f local incarnations o f the young dying god. Lines 23—25 refer to the desti-
nation o f the young god; lines 27—29 describe his emotions within temporal
dimensions; and lines 31-33 characterize the route to the netherworld. Line
3 5 is a summary o f the section. Structurally, line 3 5 concludes the whole unit,
closes a circle, and creates a literary framework; in one statement it combines
the subject o f the wail (e tlu ) with his destination. Thereby, line 35 links up
chiastically with the first part o f this section, with lines 13—21, which intro-
duce the subject, and with line 12, which depicts his destination. In addition
to the bigger, outer framework o f the section, lines 13—21 are also set in aliter-
ary framework: the list o f names o f the young dying god is framed by line 12
and lines 23—25, which describe his destination. The return to the destination
o f the young god in lines 23—25 underscores the subject and singles out the
list o f names as an interpolation. The meaning o f line 34/35 is completely
different from its Old Babylonian Sumerian parallel. Yet, the phonetic and
orthographic similarities between the two Sumerian versions, against the
correct Sumerian version o f this line in three other late manuscripts with
proper Akkadian translation, indicate that the source for line 34 was not
corrupted but intentionally changed.
Although the subject o f the Akkadian version is the young god not his
m ourning mother, three out o f the seven lines o f this passage (23, 31, 3 3) are
not significantly different from the early Sumerian source and integrate into
the sequence o f the Akkadian text. It seems, therefore, that when the Sume-
rian original conformed to the ideas and the knowledge of the late editor, he
made hardly any alterations. His attempt to closely follow the Sumerian orig-
inal indicates that he considered it as a reliable Sumerian source. Otherwise,
there was no point in trying to preserve the phonetic semblance. Yet, the
significant modifications that the editor introduced into the Sumerian text
and the coherent episode that he produced in Akkadian suggest that he
EDINA-USAGAKE 325
reacted to the tradition o f the Sumerian source, thinking it needed amend-

ment. Consequently I infer that his edition reflects a late concept of the myth
o f the young dying god.
d. K 4954 o. 2 '-6 '26
2'. ama-gurus-a u a-gin7 i-tus-'en1 a-bi [ ]
u m - m u e t- lim k i - i t u - u h b i m e - e k i- [ i]
3'. u-bi i-bi-bi hul-lu m u-un-ma-al u-bi 'a'-[gin7 1-gu7-en]
a - k a - l u s u - û p a - n u - s û l e m - n R i- b a - à s - s u - ü a - [ k a - l u h i . . . ]
4 '. a-bi i-bi-bi hul-lu m u-un-m a-al a-bi a-gi[n? 1-na8-na8]
m u - u h i - n u p a - < n u > - h 1 - n u l e m - n i f i- b a - â s - s û - u m e - e - s [ u ]
S ', u sa-du‫ ״‬-ba-ta ba-ni-in-gu7-a-m u ama-m[u ...]
a - k a - l a s k is - tu a m - s a - l i a - k u - l u u m - m [ i . . . ]
6 '. a ni-m u ba-ni-in-dé-a-m u ama-mu n[a-...]
m e - e r a - m a - n i- ia à s - q û - û u m - [ m i ...]
2'. M other o f the lad, the food! H ow you were sitting. Its water!
[How you were sitting.]
M o t h e r o f th e la d , h o w y o u w e r e s ittin g . W a t e r [ ]
3'. This food, its appearance is bad. [How could you eat] this food?
T h is f o o d its a p p e a ra n c e is b a d . [ H o w c o u ld y o u e a t t h i s f o ] o d ?
4 . This water its appearance is bad, [how could you drink] this water?
T h is w a te r its a p p e a ra n c e is b a d . [ H o w c o u ld y o u d r in k th ] is w a te r ?
5'. The food that he made me eat since yesterday [m]y mother [should
not eat]!
T h e f o o d th a t I a te sin ce y e s te r d a y , m y m o th e r [...]
6 ' . My own water, which he made me pour, my mother should no[t
drink] !
M y o w n w a te r w h ic h I p o u r e d , m y m o th e r [...]
L in e 2 ’. In the Akkadian version I would expect a k a lu before k i- i, in

parallel to m e -e and to the Sumerian version. See also P S D A/I, 19.
L in e s 3 —4 ’. The young dying god describes the quality of his food and
water in a couplet of symmetrically parallel phrases.
U n e s s ’- 6 ’. A couplet referring, again, to the food and water o f the
speaker, in symmetrically parallel phrases. The second member of both
lines is broken.
26. Cohen, 1988, 685, C+39-C+44 (ms. G) and copy on p. 828. Alster, 1986, 25.
Translations: Jacobsen, 1987, 65-66:87-92; Klein and Shiphra, 1996,407:87-92 (in
Hebrew).
326 TM E IM A G E O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
My interpretation is based on the assumption that each couplet forms

a synonymous parallelism and that the two couplets are complementary
parallels to one another. Thus, lines 5'—6' do not reiterate lines 3'—4' but
develop the theme. Lines 34—‫ '׳‬refer to the quality of the nourishment
and a rhetoric question states that it is inedible. Lines s ' —6 ' continue the
theme, converge on its origin, and end with a result: the mother is
warned not to consume the food and water. Y et, the parallelism within
lines s ' —6 ' is defective. The Sumerian and the Akkadian versions main-
tain a thematic parallelism, but structurally only the Sumerian verses are
parallel, which may indicate that they preserved the original source.
However, the significance of the Sumerian version is far from certain
and it is still doubtful whether it is trustworthy. But, since it is the only
source for that passage, I shall treat it as original, despite my skepticism.
L in e 5 ’. Jacobsen, Alster, and P S D A/I, 21 translate according to the
Akkadian version: “The food I have eaten since yesterday.” Cohen
translates in the causative: “My one who had fed (me) food just yester-
day. ” According to the Old Babylonian grammatical texts the Sumerian
verbal form b a -n i- in - g u 7-a -m u is in the causative with the general
meaning “feed” ( M S L 4,102—103:70—84). Verbal forms beginning with
the ch a in b a -n i-in - were rendered in the Akkadian S-stem, forexam-
pie, M S L 4, 84:145 and 112:41. Therefore, the Akkadian version is
different: the verb is in the G-stem. The 1st p. sgl. can be explained by
the possessive suffix / - m u /, which indicates that the action was done
to the speaker, who is the second subject. A literal translation o f the
Sumerian line would be “The food that he made me eat since yester-
day.” Line 5' complements line 3' o f the previous couplet: first the son
identifies the bad food as his nourishment since yesterday and then he
warns his mother against eating it. This would justify a reconstruction
of the negative verbal prefix / n a - / in the break at the end o f the parallel
line 6' so that the two members of the line would relate as cause and
effect.
Following the interpretation of the verb, presumably the one who
caused the son to be fed with inedible substances is the official who holds
his body, probably the herald (lib ir ), to whom the mother decided to
turn to demand the body.
L in e 6 ’. Parallel to line 5', it concerns the water. The broken second
members probably parallel one another; the verbal forms are identical.
However, line 6' deviates from the composite structure of parallelisms
in lines 3'—6'.27 The verb in the first member of line 6' is dé “pour,”
27. Lines 3'—4' and lines s '~ 6 ' each form a synonymous parallelism and the two couplets
form a complementary parallelism. Whereas the first couplet shows a perfect
EDINA-USAGAKE 327
not nag “drink,” and the Akkadian version has the transitive verb Saqû
“water” and “libate” ( C A D 5/2, p. 26) rather than fa tû “drink.” In this
context I would expect “which he made me drink (nag)” in parallel to
“which he made me eat (gu)” rather than “which he made me pour.”
The choice of dé indicates that the young god, indeed, speaks about the
water libation for the dead. That the mother should not consume it
supports the reconstruction of the prohibitive prefix /n [a]~ / at the
break of line 6' and the end of both lines “my mother should not eat/
drink.”
The import of line 6' creates a problem beyond the structural imper-
fection. Unless dé is a scribal mistake for nag, the Sumerian version
with “which he made me pour” and the Akkadian asqu signify that the
spirit of the dead had to pour its own libation. Moreover, the direct
object: a ni - m u , Akkadian m ê ra m â n ïy a , “my own water,” suggests that
the dead drank his own urine. Since the netherworld lacks water, it
seems logical. But this is a major problem, because there is no evidence
from Sumerian sources for eating or drinking excrement.28 Although
this source is from a late period, one cannot discard off hand the possi-
bility that it reflects the early original idea, however unique. Therefore,
the couplet must be evaluated within its context.
In analogy to the Old Babylonian version of S K 2 6 , this episode has
to be placed in the lacuna after S K 2 6 ii 17, after the description of the
search for the young god, and before his mother decides to claim his
body from the city officials. In the following episode, on the reverse of
K 4954 (which joins mss. H and I Rm 220 and Sm 1366 resp.) we read
the complaint of the mother at the gate of the herald. In the Old Baby-
Ionian edition, the complaint of the mother appears in S K 26 iii 9ff. S K
26 iii 2-3 parallels K 4954:7'—8' and the broken S K 26 iii 1 should be
parallel to our line 6'. When we turn to the previous episode in S K 26,
the end of col. ii describes the sister who went to search for her dead
brother (up to S K 26 ii 17). Between the previous and the following
episodes in S K 2 6 , there is a lacuna of at least six lines. Given that S K
26 iii begins with lines 6'—8', the beginning of the obverse of K 4954
should be placed in the lacuna.
synonymous parallelism and line 5' is a complementary parallel of line 3', the
synonymous parallelism in lines 5'-6' is defective and, because of the verb d é , Une
6 ' deviates from the parallelism with line 4'.
28. The nourishment ofthe dead in the ancient Near East was treated by Xella, in Alster,
1980, T5T-60, especially notes 19-20.
!28 T H E IM A G E O F THF; N E T H E R W O R L D
If this reconstruction is correct and the separate sections of the lament

had been combined into a linear plot,29 then this episode takes place
before the mother received the body and before she performed the ritual
to release the spirit from it. Therefore, the son was talking before he
received his proper meal o f funerary offerings. Since the lament evolves
around the death and the funeral ritual, the idea that before the ritual was
performed the spirit had to eat excrement is not so strange. Perhaps the
remark of the dead son that he was fed with bad food since the previous
day points to the same idea. If, indeed, the dead spirits were reduced to
the humiliation of eating their own excrement, it is no wonder that the
performance of funeral rituals and the offering of provisions was so vital.
29. Constructing the lament from separate sections allows great flexibility in its com-
position. The fact is that we find some sections to be independent compositions. At
the same time it stands to reason that when a few sections were asembled into a
single composition their arrangement would yield a logical plot.
A PPE N D IX S
U rnam m a A
T he D ea t h of U r n a m m a
URNAMMA A (henceforth D U r ) , in about 240 lines, relates the premature

death o f Urnamma, king o f Ur, his arrival in the netherworld, and the out-
come for himself, his fa
mily, and his kingdom. It ends with a bitter protest by Inanna against the great
gods, because they altered his destiny despite his loyal service to them.
The identity of the author is not certain; it may have been commissioned
by his wife' or by Sulgi. Considering the tone o f the lament, it would be quite
reasonable to ascribe it to his wife. It is natural for a wife to lament her
husband, children their father, and people their king. However, the thematic
structure of the text suggests that there is more to the text than the grieving
of a wife. Since in life Urnamma embodied Dumuzi and identified with him,
the text was molded according to the pattern oflnanna’s laments for Dumuzi.
In that framework the lament of the actual wife couples with the parallel
mythological motif, transcending the personal tone. Umamma’s lament for
himself seems analogous to Dum uzi’s prayer to Utu, both thematically and
with respect to the premature death. But more than self-pity, the detailed
account of his work for the benefit o f the gods and his people build the basis
for, and justifies Inanna’s protest against the great gods for changing his fate.
Thus, what appear to be disparate topics form a comprehensive theological
issue about the decree o f destinies and the reward for piety.12 The detailed
1. Wilcke, 1969a, 86 maintains that it is his wife. For thematic reasons, especially
Umamma’s rank in the netherworld, I suggest that it was later expanded by Sulgi.
For the latest edition, see Fliickiger-Hawker, 1999, with previous literature.
2. Inanna also protests against Enlil in the balag Enemani-ilu-ilu. Since this theme is not
prevalent in the Inanna-Dumuzi literature, unlike her lament or Duniuzi’s com-
plaint to Utu, I am not sure that it should be compared to DUr. Note that the same
issue, the decree of destiny by the great gods, is also at the center of DGil. The
subject of both DUr and D Gil is the death of a king. In both, the deceased king was
appointed judge and made the equal of deities: Urnamma to Gilgames and Gilgames
to Ningiszida and Dumuzi. In both cases, the high status in the netherworld seems
329
330 THE iM AGE O f T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
description ofU rnam m a’s experience in the netherworld and his appoint-
m ent as a judge equal to Gilgames fills about a third o f the whole text (74 of
242 lines). In such elaborate form, this section can hardly serve to represent
a w idow ’s lament. Urnamma received his reward in the netherworld; he kept
his lifetime status and was made the equal o f a deity. In addition, placed
between the lament of his wife and his own self-lament, the events in the
netherworld break the sequence oflamentations and grievance. By reflecting
so favorably on the future o f a king in the netherworld, this detailed descrip-
tion also has a twofold theological message: Urnamm a’s gaining the status of
a god signifies that there is a reward for devotion and that the reward is after
life. This message, however, has little to do with the widow but much with
his successors. Considering that later his wife SLA- tu r n was deified by Sulgi*3
and that Sulgi deified himself, I infer that Sulgi commissioned an addition to
the text, the initiation of Urnamma in the netherworld and his appointments
by Ereskigal, in preparation for his own deification.4*
a. DU r 61-87
61. [sipa-zi-ur]-dnamma m e-li-e-a nam-mu
62. a-ra-li ki-sûr ki-kalam-ma-sè
63 ur-dnamma dum u-dnin-suna-ka hi-li-na ba-da-tum
■
64. érin lugal-da T -re 7~es-a Ir mu-da-ab-us-e

65. dilmunkl-gin7 rkuri ki-nu-zu-na ^m â-bi ba-da-ab-su
66 . su‫ ״‬-ni rx-x3 -e és ba-da-ab-ku5
67. g1sgisal g1sgi-mus g,szi-gan gal-la-bi gu-guru5ba-ab-dug4
68 . gis [x-x]-na kisib ba-da-tab gissag-kul-bi ba-ku5
69. [x-x-x] igi11sè? ba-da-gar sahar-ses-a ba-DU
70. lugal-re?1 [anse?]-ni ba-da-dûr-ru anse ki m u-un-di-ni-ib-tum
71 ur-^[nam raa]-e? anse-ni ba-<da-dûr-ru anse ki m u-un-di-ni-ib-
•
tum>
72. [x]-kalam-ma-ke4 ba-da-bal tés-kalam-ma ba-kur
73 rkaskaP-[kur]-ra in-ti sù-ga-àm
■
to be a compensation: Urnamma, for his premature death despite his devotion, and
Gilgames, for being mortal despite his achievements and divine mother.
3. Steinkeller, ActaSum 3 (1981): 77-78. I presume that the actual wife of Urnamma
could not be identified with Inanna because Inanna’s rank in the pantheon was too
high. But just as with the sister Gestinanna, the wife becomes a part of the cult of
Dumuzi.
4. Since the text does not state explicitly that Urnamma was made a deity like
Gilgames, I infer that it dates earlier than Sulgi’s deification and anticipates it.
THE DEATH OF URNAMMA 331
74• lug[al-da ] glsgigir ba-da-sû har-ra-an im-ma-da-sùh su nu-um -

ma-nigin
75• [ur-dnamma-da] ^1sgigir ba-da-sû har-ra-an im-ma-da-sùh su nu-
um-ma-nigin
76. ri1- rdu81-g[al-k]ur-ra imin-bi nig-ba ba-ab-sum-mu
77. lugal-mu-tuku ba-ug5-ge-es-a
78. isib ]u-ma[h] nin-dingir-ugs-ga mas-e ba-dab5-ba
79. lugal gen-na-ni un m u-un-zu-us kur-ra za-pa-ag m u-un-gar
80. u r-V m m a gen-n[a]-ni <un m u-un-zu-us kur-ra za-pa-âg mu-
un-gar>
81. lugal-e gud im-ma-ab-gaz-e udu im-ma-ab-sar-re
82. ur-dnamma gisbun-gal-gal-la ba-si-in-dur-ru-ne-es
83. û-kur-ra ses-àm a-kur-ra m un4-na-am
84. sipa-zi garza(PA.AN)-kur-ra-ke4 sà-ga-ni m u-un-zu
85. lugal-e nidba-kur-ra-ke4 gis im-ma-ab-tag-ge
86. ur-dnamma nidba-kur-ra-ke4 gis im-ma-ab-tag-ge
87. gud-du7 mâs-dr^ udu-niga en-ne ab-lal}s-a
61. “ [The faithful shepherd, Urjnamma, oh, what is it?
62. To a r a l i , the terrible place, the place of the land (Sumer),
63. Urnamma, the son of Ninsun, was brought in his prime.
64. The soldiers who accompanied the king follow him with tears.
65. Like Dilmun, it (the army) sunk his boat in the k u r , the place
unknown to him (or: his boat sunk with him).
66. His hands ... it (the army) cut the rope.
67. The oars, pole, and rudder that were there — it cut off.
68. In its [door] it attached a seal?, it cut its lock.
69. [x x x] it removed? and he stood on bitter ground.”
70. The king was sitting on his? [donkey?], the donkey was buried with
him,
71. Ur[namma] was <sitting> on his donkey, <the donkey was buried
with him>.
72. The ... o f the land was turned with him, the dignity o f the land
was changed.
73. The road o f the k u r is a desolate path.
74. W ith the king the chariot was covered, the road twists he cannot
advance,
75. W ith Urnamma the chariot was covered, the road twists he cannot
advance,
76. He gave gifts to the seven [gate]keepers of the kur.
77. The famous kings who had died,
78. The dead i s i b , l u m a h , and n i n d i n g i r , who had been chosen by the

oracle,
79. Announced the coming of the king to the people, a tumult arose
in the k u r .
80. <Announced> the coming o f Urnamma <to the people, a tumult
arose in the k u r > .
81. The king slaughtered oxen, many a sheep.
82. Urnamma seated them at a huge banquet.
83. The food of the k u r is bitter; the water o f the k u r is brackish.
84. The faithful shepherd, his heart knew the rites o f the k u r .
85. The king sacrificed the offerings of the k u r ,
86. Urnamma sacrificed the offerings of the k u r ,
87. Perfect oxen, perfect sheep, fattened sheep that had been brought.
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e 6 1 . nam -m u m i[-(«-/«] “What is it?” used in direct speech. See

M SL 4, 42:156.
L in e 6 2 . The current expression k i-s a g -k i s a k - k i - e “place of rites”
(from sa k k u , see M S L 13,177, Izi C iii 11—12; CADS, 78) seems hardly
suitable; see Flückiger-Hawker, 1999,169, commentary on this line. In
D G i l , M:49 k i-sa g -k i describes the assembly of the gods and, there-
fore, is not relevant for this attestation (discussion in Cavigneaux, 2000,
39-40). Therefore, I tentatively read the line as two complementary
parallel members and prefer the reading k i- s u r ! to k i-s a g -k i (the
second ki in the compound k i-k a la m -m a -sè , which also explains
the genitive postposition before the terminative). Compare with the
lament for Damu, for in both texts this expression describes a r a li (P B S
1/1, 5:36, see chapter 1, section 1.1.1.1/a); also compare with D U r 40.
[ ] lu g a l-k a la m -m a -k e 4 é -s u r-ra b a - a n - te, which parallels line
41. ur[1kl-m ]a im -te u r - dnam m a ê -K A -ra-ah -a [b a -]k u r
Is a r a li a name for the netherworld? Urnamma’sjourney to the neth-
erworld is described in detail in lines 70-75, followed by his entrance,
activity, and appointment in the realm of the dead. The account of the
events in a linear sequence implies that line 62 cannot refer to the neth-
erworld—not before he has made the journey. Therefore, it belongs
with the mourning scene in Ur. a r a l i is the actual steppe where Dumuzi
was killed and where his body cast off. Considering that Urnamma
embodied Dumuzi in the sacred marriage rite and that D U r was molded
according to the pattern of Dumuzi-Inanna myths, I infer that the place
where his dead body was laid before the funeral was symbolically named
a r a li in parallelism with the dead Dumuzi. In other words, the identity
of Urnamma as Dumuzi in life was maintained after death: the king was
THE DEATH OF OK MAMMA 333
brought to Ur and, as with Dumuzi, the place where he lay dead was
called a r n li. In addition, kalam -m a~sè is a term of actual geography
that indicates that a r n li is a place in Sumer itself. The parallels to Dumuzi
also echo elsewhere in the text. Note the strong protest against the great
gods that was raised by his wife Inanna; the version of Susa counts Gestin-
anna among the gods who receives gifts and her epithet is “the sister of
the king”; Dumuzi himself is “the beloved husband of Inanna” and
second to Ereskigal, although in the netherworld he ranks lower than
the deities who were mentioned after him. Therefore, I infer that a r a l i
in D U r is not a name for the netherworld, but a metaphor that symbol-
izes the location of the body. As long as Sumer existed as a national
entity, the myth of Dumuzi’s death was remained alive and the scared
marriage celebrated. It stands to reason that the meaning of a r a li was still
known, a rn li became a name for the netherworld later, intheOldBaby-
Ionian period, when the actual meaning had been forgotten.‫׳‬
L in e s 6 4 —6g. This passage is poorly preserved and the translation is tenta-
tive. I surmise that the description of the shattered boat is a metaphor
for the king’s death.5The main problem is, however, that the verbs are
transitive and the subject is obscure. If we assume that Urnamma is the
subject, then the king brought death upon himself. Ifit is not Urnamma,
who is it? Kramer already pointed out the possibility that Urnamma was
killed as a result of treason in the army in reference to lines 52-67
(Kramer, 1967, pp. 104, 121). Since lines 65—69 seem to signify the
inflicting of death, I propose that the subject is é rin , the army in the
collective and, therefore, “it.”
L in e 6 6 . I read és eblu “rope” as a part of the boat.
L in e 6 7 . The verb g u -g u ru 5— dug+“cut down” is not attested in lexi-

cal lists. See, however, Michalowski, L S U r 195, 408, 412, 444.
L in e 7 0 .The reconstruction anse is based on the parallel line 71.
However, see also Civil, A u O r 1 (1983): 51-52.
L in e 7 2 . té s-k a la m -m a is attested also in “The Curse of Agade” 122
(Cooper, 1983, 56). Perhaps the first sign in this line should be recon-
stmcted as galga or me.
L in e 7 3 . i n- ti = a la k tu (M S L 14, 251:97).
L in e 7 8 . Note that the priests are not mentioned by name.
5. A boat is a common metaphor for life (see in numerous sayings). A sunken boat as
a metaphor for destruction appears also in “The Curse o f Agade” (Cooper, 1983,
54‫ ־‬55:108).
334 T HE IMAGE O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
L in e 8 3 . For the first member P S D A/I, 19 reads m un4-< n a -> àm . I

prefer not to restore the reading and leave it as ses. For a m un(-n a ,'
compare L S U r 9 (Michalowski, 1989).
Lines 64—75 describe the destruction of a boat and the burial ofUrnam m a.
Kramer interpreted it as the funeral processio n (Kramer, 1967,104). The logic
of it is clear. The passage begins with the assertion that Urnamma was brought
to a r a l i and it includes a description of burial, perhaps with donkeys. Also,
Flückiger-Hawker understands a r a l i as “netherworld,” where Urnamma
vanished in line 62 (p. 95). But a journey to the netherworld begins with the
burial, and that happens in lines 70—75. Therefore, I assume that lines 31—69
describe the events in U r and the mourning of the people.
The destruction of the boat is a metaphor for the actual death ofUrnamma
and forms part of the wail, which begins in line 61 in the direct speech. Lines
56—59, where K^ramerfound a hint of treason, present the mourner’s account
of the facts. Lines 70-75 relate the burial and outline Urnamma’s journey to
the netherworld in a chariot. A chariot harnessed to two donkeys was found
in Pu-abi’s grave, PG 800 of the royal tombs of U r.6 These finds suggest a
parallel to the description of Urnamma’s burial. Both the finds in her grave
and the lament for Urnamma suggest that the donkeys and the chariot were
buried for the purpose of transportation to the netherworld and that the way
begins in the grave.
Lines 76—87 describe the entrance ofU rnam m a to the netherworld, the
banquet, and the offerings he presented to the gods of the netherworld. Lines
88—131 specify the gifts he gave to the main netherworld gods. Lines 70—131
are, therefore, one unit that describes Urnamma’s experience in the neth-
erworld, from his burial until the last rites he performed. The account seems
to be based on actual burial practices, which included the offerings of food
and drink for the banquet, the placement o f different objects in the tomb for
the use o f the deceased, and his gifts to the gods. Since all these events describe
the activity o f a dead man, they happen in mythological reality. The double
meaning of the description indicates that the actual burial practices also had
a mythological value. Thus, this passage illustrates a junction between myth‫״‬
ological and concrete realities.
6. U E II, 73—91, pi. 36.

THE DEATH OF U RN A M M A 335
b. DUr 92—96
92. 8|sgîd-da kllslu-ub-DAG-si-mè-a i-m i-tum hus-an-na
93. k‫״‬sE.fB-ùr ki-ûs-sa â-nam-ur-sag-gâ
94. [z]a-ha-da nig-ki-ag-deres-ki-gal-la
95. dgilgames lugal-kur-ra-ke4
96. sipa-dur-namma-ke4 é-gal-la-na gis im-ma-ab-tag-ge
92. A spear, a leather bag in battle gear and a mace: (named) T he Fury
of An,
93. A shield that is set up on the ground: (named) The Arm of Valor,
94. A battle-axe: (named) The Beloved of Ereskigal,
95. T o Gilgames, the l u g a ! o f the netherworld,
96. The shepherd Urnamma sacrifices in his palace.
C o m m e n ta r y
This passage is of special interest because of the relationship of the Ur

III kings to the kings of the first dynasty of Uruk, particularly to
Gilgames (the arrangement of the list and the position of Gilgames and
Nergal in it are discussed in detail in appendix 8/a, section 1.2).
L in e 92. I assume that the; weapons presented to Gilgames bear names
and that each line ends with the name of a weapon, rather than with a
description of it. Thus, h u s -a n -n a is the name of the mace. Other
views are Kramer’s: “an awesome heavenly mace” (1991, 203:92);
Fliickiger-Hawker reads p irig -a n -n a , translating “an i m i t u m -
weapon (with) a celestial lion.”
®1sg1d-da a rik tu “spear”: C A D A/2, 267; M S L 6 , 74:240 (Hb VI):
Sjöberg,J C S 21 (1967): 275; Eichler, J A O S 103 (1983): 98 withnote 27.
See also Römer, S K I Z , p. 162 and id e m ; A f O 40/41 ( 1993/ 94) : 24-28.
Kramer translates “long bow.” The question about the type ofweapon
is not yet settled.
k‫״‬slu -u b lu p p u “leather bag”: M SL7,132:194 (HhXI); C i v i l , A O A T
25 (1976): 91 and note 32.
dag-si isrenderedby the dictionaries with the Akkadian term takifiu m
/ ta k s û and translated “donkey saddle” (see C A D D, 35, s .v . d a k fiu , and
A H w , p. 1308). Civil assumes that it is a sort of hook for hanging bags
(Civil, 1987, 47). It should designate an item that relates to a leather
bottle and is used in battle. In such a context it occurs in “The Curse
ofAgade” 246, where Cooper translates “stand” (Cooper, 1983,63:246,
and discussion on p. 25 5). The term seems to indicate a sort of an under-
carriage supported by a girdle and in our context it may indicate a part
of the battle gear to carry the leather bottle. It is conceivable that a
donkey saddle was equipped with such an item.
336 TH E IMAGE OF T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
“shield”: EichlerJ/ 4 O S 103 (1983): 95-102. Klein,

L i n e 9 3 . kusE .Î B - ù r
1981, 102 to line 188, translates “sling.” Civil, A u O r 5 (1987): 22 note •
12 suggests the writing kuse1'Bm. See also Selz, 1989, 508, 4:6.
L in e 9 4 . z a -h a -d a is a type of a battle-axe (see M S L 6, 86:20-22).
Wilcke assigned this line to Ereskigal’s section (Wilcke. 1969a, 825 [his
line 93]) and, for unspecified reasons, his list does not include Gilgames.
In analogy to the rest of the gifts given to Gilgames, I suggest that Ereski-
gal here is a component in the name of the axe, while the following deity
is Ereskigal, as reconstructed by Kramer. The name of the axe indicates
that Ereskigal was, indeed, the supreme ruler of the netherworld and the
function of Gilgames and Nergal as lu g a l and en lil at the top of the list
is due to their military function rather than an indication of their actual
rank in the netherworld.
L in e 9 5 . The title lu g a l-k u r-ra -k e 4 shows the influence of the histor-
ical-literary tradition about Gilgames, best described in “Gilgames and
Akka,” where Gilgames appears as lu g a l whenever he is referred to as the
commander of Uruk’s army. For reasons of clarity, since Ereskigal is the
queen of the netherworld but Gilgames is neither her husband nor a king
in the English sense of the word, I prefer to leave lu g a l untranslated.
A P P E N D IX 6
In c a n t a t io n s a g a in st E v il Sp ir it s
O ld B a b y l o n ia n U d u g h u l
T he INCANTATIONS of the U d u g h u l - s e n e s focus on the dangers posed by the

seven evil spirits and the means to oppose it.1 The bilingual version consists
ofsixteen tablets, but the Old Babylonian sources are known as individual or
small collections of a few Sumerian incantations. Since these sources do not
end with the name of the incantation and the tablet’s number, they must date
earlier than the edition o f the series. At the same time, the small groups of
incantations suggest the beginning of a series edition.
a. U d u g h u l: 170—73
170. rudug'-hul sila-a.su bar-ra-àm nam-tag-tag-rdè?-e?1
171. a-lâ-hul sila-a su bar-ra-àm lû-ra in-sù-sù-e
172. gidim-hul sila-a su bar-ra-àm lu-a ad6-sè in-ak-e
173. gal5-lâ-hul sila-a su bar-ra-àm lu-a in-kar-kar-re
170. The evil u d a g , which is set free in the street, seeks contact.
171. The evil a l a , which is set free in the street, envelops the man.
172. The evil ghost, which is set free in the street, turns the man into
a corpse.
173. The evil g a l l a , which is set free in the street, snatches the man
away.
Lines 170—73 describe a step-by-step tactic by which the evil spirits, roaming
in the street, take over their human victim: they make contact, encircle, kill,
and, lastly, snatch the body. Each step is attributed to a different spirit. The
meaning of this description is that the evil spirits search for victims and stick
1. The bilingual version from Assurbanipal’s library was published by Thompson in

1903-4, as C T 16-17 (copy), transliteration and translation: Demis and Evil Spirits
ofBabylonia. The Old Babylonian sources were edited by Geller (198 5). The sources
included in his edition parallel tablets III—VIII of the Neo-Assyrian-period series,
which served as the model for arranging the individual incantations as a sequence.
337
to innocent people who accidentally encounter them. The galla is in charge

o f the final stage; he snatches the corpse and takes it away to the netherworld.
The transfer o f the victim to the netherworld is also the role of the galla in
the laments for the young dying god. Excluding I D , all the laments portray
the young god as the innocent victim of a group of ga lla .2 W e may assume,
therefore, that the source for the image o f the galla in this incantation is their
role in the laments for the young dying gods. The unequivocal assault on an
innocent victim in the incantation reflects the full demonization of the galla.
b. U dughul 250-52
This incantation is partly preserved in the Neo-Assyrian bilingual edition of
the series (C T 16, 9 i 1-10).
250. a-ra-li-a gin [mu]-run1-n e -re1-gar
251. 'uru gal-la1 kâ m u -'un1-n e -re1-gal
252. abul dutu-su-a-sè è-mes
250. In arali the path is laid out for them,
251. In the grave the gate is open for them,
252. They leave toward the gate of sunset.
here denotes netherworld. Originally, a r a li was the name

L in e 2 5 0 . a r a li
of the grassland between Uruk and Badtibira, where Dumuzi’s flock
grazed and where he was killed (Jacobsen, 1983,195g). In mythological
narratives about Dumuzi’s life and death, it is employed in this meaning
(see especially DD) and we can safely conclude that it belongs to the
mythological traditions of Dumuzi. In the course of time the concrete
geographical meaning of a r a li probably blurred; it was perceived as the
location (in general) where the young god was killed and so became one
of the names for the netherworld. Beginning in the Old Babylonian
period, it is used exclusively to denote the netherworld. This incanta-
tion was, therefore, composed during the Old Babylonian period.
L in e 2 5 1 . urugal(ABxGAL) denotes literally “big city.” In lexical texts:
u ru g al = qab ru , ersetu (see M S L 13, 30:386-87; M S L 14, 361:162-62a).
However, the bilingual texts consistently translate “grave” (see C A D Q,
17—18, lex.). In the Sumerian texts the term is rarely used and its meaning
is ambiguous. In two Isin hymns for Nergal it signifies “netherworld”
(Römer, S K I Z , 91:19, and B L 196:29, Suilisu and I s m e -D a g a n T resp.).
2. In I D the g a lla were sent on a specific assignment and Dumuzi was handed over
to them for celebrating while Inanna was dead, instead of mourning her.
I N C A N T A T I O N S A G A I N S T E VI L S P I R I T S 339
However, in Lugal-e 329 it seems to denote “grave”3and in the laments

u ru -g a l for “grave” occurs once in “The Death of Durnuzi” 41
(Kramer, 1980b) and once in a lament for Damu ( B E 30/1, 2:35, PBS
1/1, 5 and P B S io4, 286-88; see also chapter 1, section i.i.i.ia ). In
U d u g h u l 303 Geller translated u ru g al “grave.” In the lament T I M 9,
15:30 (the section that parallels Old Babylonian E d in a -u sa g a k e: S K 26,
i 8'—18') U N U -gal may stand for urugal, but the meaning is obscure;
the following sequence k i - rsud’l-ra fits as a description of the neth-
erworld. Yet, if it refers to a body that was not properly buried, it may
denote “grave.” It appears in a list of things that the young dead man
would not be able to see and, thus, the meaning “netherworld” is ques-
tionable. u ru g a l/u ru g a l is a component in Nergal’s name. Given the
limited number of examples that unquestionably mean “netherworld,”
it may have originally been a euphemism for “grave,” and the less fre-
quent meaning “netherworld” developed from a later interpretation of
the tenu in connection with the writing of the name Nergal and his role
in the pantheon.4
3. Lines 329-30 appear to form a parallelism that corresponds to the body-spirit

dichotomy. Therefore, with regard to the body, I prefer “grave” to “netherworld.”
Jacobsen, suggested the reading u n u g i with a meaning “ritual” instead ofu ru g al
(seminar at the Hebrew University injerusalem, 1985).
4. The common assumption is that “netherworld” is the original meaning o fu ru g al
(Lambert, 1980, 60 and n. 3). The logic of this assumption is that all the spirits
assemble in the netherworld and live in a sort of urban community. This is supported
mainly by the Emesal-form of Nergal’s name, ‘'um un-ABxGAL. Lambert
maintains that the meaning of Nergal is “lord of the underworld” (“big city” BiOr
3° [1973]: 356, and, subsequently, Z A 80 [1990]: 40-52). The question whether the
component nè(G IR ) originally denoted en “lord” has no decisive answer yet. The
problem is that u ru g a l appears in texts from the Old Babylonian period and later
(mainly incantations). If indeed u ru g a l “big city” is an Old Sumerian euphemism
for “netherworld,” how can we explain its absence from Sumerian compositions
concerning the netherworld, such as laments and myths, or that it was not written
simply u rugal? O f all the names of the netherworld that include the component
/- g a l / , only kigal is found in Sumerian texts datable to the third millennium (see
I D I; Sjöberg, 1969, 27:182, and. 28:190). It is also strange that in the bilingual texts
the term was consistently translated “grave,” although in the lexical texts it was also
equated with ersetu. O f interest is that, in the meaning “netherworld,” the term
appears in Old Babylonian hymns to Nergal. Therefore, the question remains
whether it is a late etymology of his name. It seems to me more likely that, rather
than “netherworld,” u rugal (together with u ru g a l) was a euphemism for “grave.”
This suggestion may explain its absence from literary texts that deal with the
netherworld but rarely describe burials. In addition, during the second half of the
third millennium the position of Nergal, the war-god, became more important in
the pantheon of the netherworld. However, he was not yet the main netherworld
Structurally lines 250—51 form a complementary parallelism: the

passage begins in a r a li (netherworld) and ends at the gate on the border
between the realm of the dead and the world of the living. Therefore,
on the basis of literary considerations, I prefer the meaning “grave,”
contrary to Geller’s “Hades.”
L K A 82:8-12 is an Akkadian translation and commentary to the
passage cited above. This late parallel makes an interesting comparison,
since it reflects the developments that occur between the Old Baby-
Ionian and the Neo-Assyrian periods in the perception of the grave in
relation to the netherworld.
11. in a a -m -a l-le -e Se-pa i - h k - < k a > - m m a -a sâ d a - a - k i s u - n u!
12. in a q a b -ri b a -a -b i ip - tu - u m a -a in a Kl-fi b a -a -b i ip - te - tu - u
11. In the a r a li they set foot: for murder are they!

12. In the grave they opened a gate: in the netherworld they opened
a gate.
In the Old Babylonian Sumerian version these lines are part of a comple-
mentary parallelism, which counts two consecutive stages in the spirits’
way out of the netherworld. First, they are in the netherworld (a ra li) and
the road that connects it with the entrance to the realm of the dead is
prepared for them (1. 250). The second stage is in the grave ( a r a g a l)
where the gate is opened for their exit into the world of tire living (1.
251). The third line (1.252) sums up the case: the road is laid and the gate
is open so the spirits leave the netherworld toward the gate of sunset,
which is a metaphoric euphemism for “grave.” The commented Akka-
dian version differs from the Sumerian in its structure and meaning. The
last member, which describes the actual movement of the spirits out of
the netherworld, was omitted. Note, however, that the third member
of the Sumerian version is the dramatic climax of the passage and its
crucial point: the exit is the purpose and result of the preparations, which
links the three members of the parallelism in a causal relationship. The
omission of the third member dissociates the first two from one another
and leaves a static disconnected two statements. L K A 82 is an excerpt
that includes an Akkadian translation and commentary for the first five
lines of the incantation. Read as an independent source, it outlines the
character of the evil spirits and, therefore, its purpose explains the choice
deity. Therefore, it is hard to assume that his name would denote “lord of the
netherworld.” On the other hand, however, the title “lord of the grave” befits his
character, both as a war-god and as a netherworld deity. In this way, as sa qabri, his
name is explained in the god-list AN : A n n Sa am ëli 76 (Litke, 1998, 234:76 [CT 24,
4‫ ז‬:66]).
of phrases. For a depiction of the evil spirits the sequence of events in

the Old Babylonian incantation was irrelevant and, therefore, it was
modified into statements.
More than merely a later parallel, it is the translation to Akkadian and
the commentary that are interesting; they expose the gap in concept
between the Neo-Assyrian text and its Old Babylonian Sumerian
source. Line 11 was translated v erb a tim and thus, the Sumerian g iri—
gar “lay a path” was rendered “set foot.” This translation overlooks the
road between the grave and the netherworld and, thereby, diverts from
the Sumerian concept, which separates the netherworld from the grave
and sets a distance between them. The commentary for line 12 concurs
with the translation of line 11, but accentuates its import: it explicitly
identifies the grave with the netherworld. Thereby, the Neo-Assyrian
source exhibits a deep change in the concept that was held in the Old
Babylonian period.
L in e 2 5 2 . abul du tu -s u -a -s è “the gate of sunset” is a metaphor, a
euphemism for the grave rather than a geographical reference point. It
signifies the entrance to the road that leads to the netherworld and, when
applied to people, this roads begins everywhere.
c. U dughul 284—86
The same Old Babylonian incantation (Neo-Assyrian bilingual parallel: C T
16, 9 ii 4-9).
284. dn[in]-rgestin dub'-[sar-ma]h a-ra!-li nu-me-a
285. giri-'kur’-'ra-ke^ nu-un-ku4-ku4
286. e—rsir1- ‫ז‬1‫ר יס‬- [ke4 nja-'an'-ta-bal-e
284. W ithout Ningestinna the gre[at scjribe of the a r a l i
285. He does not enter the road of the k u r , 5
286. He will not cross the path of the netherworld.
This passage forms the second part of the incantation and concludes it. The
evil spirits fail to kill their victim and to bring him into the netherworld. The
account outlines the passage to the netherworld in terms that are diametrically
opposed to the situation described in lines 250-^52. The reversed situation is
given a vivid expression by the verb ku4, which denotes “enter” contrary to
5. Despite a temptation to render giri-kur-ra-ke4 “foot of the k u r," giri here is

“road” or “path.” The foot of the mountain (ku r) is kur-ur-ra. Literary consi-
derations also point to “road” in harmony with line 250 of the same incantation.
342 I III‫ ׳‬IM A G E O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
the verb è “go out” in line 252. k u 4 describes the entrance to the road and
the journey itselfis bal “cross.” Thus, lines 285—86 describe a reality in which
an outer gate gives access to the road leading to the netherworld, in the oppo-
site direction to the description o f lines 250—52, where a path leads from the
netherworld toward the outer gate. According to line 251, the outer gate was
located in the grave. The same idea is implied in line 285 by the verb k u 4
“ enter,” which suggests a confined space. And, since the evil spirits failed to
kill the victim, it is clear that the road of the netherworld, which the man did
not enter, begins at the grave. Structurally, lines 285—86 complement one
another by describing two consecutive actions. They agree with the descrip-
tion in lines 250—52 both structurally and with regard to the geographical real-
ity they reflect. In both passages of the same incantation a grave marks one
end o f a road between the netherworld and the world o f the living.
d. U dughul 468—471
468. gal5[-la-e-ne galj-la-e-ne
469. gal5[-lâ tés nu-zu i]min-mes
470. i[bila-dili-mes am]a-dili-mes
471. l[u-kin-gi4-a d]eres-ki-gal-la-mes
468. They the galla, they the g alla,
469. The gal[la, who know no shame,6 s]even are they.
470. H[eirs of equal status7 are they], (of) one mofther] they are.
471. They are messengers] of Ereskigal.
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e 470. The designation ibila of the seven galla against the second
member of the same line implies that the incantation considered them
as the firstborn of Ereskigal. Metaphorically, it indicates their central
role in the administration of the netherworld. Their role as messengers
of Ereskigal corresponds with their function in I D .
6. The reconstruction of this line is based on C T 16, 14 iv 17, See also TOS 11, 70 ii
8. For the shameless galla in the lamentation literature, see OECT 6, pi. 15 14—
15 (lament of the mourning mother; perhaps belongs with Edina-usagake).
7. The reconstruction is based on YOS 11, 70 ii 9 and C T 16, 13 iii 5. dili = gitmälu
“of equal status.” The second part of the sentence should be rendered “(of) one
mother” unlike Geller’s “they are mothers of equal standing.” The one mother is
Ereskigal of the following line.
I N C A N T A T I O N S A G A IN S T EVIL SP IR IT S 343
e. U clu g h u I 768—69
768. B: udug-'huP a-lâ-hul [gidim-hul gal5-lâ-hul] / kur-ta [im-ta-è]
C: [udug h]ul a-lâ hul gidim-hul / gal5-lâ-hul kur-ta im-ta-è
i s - tu e r - s e - [ tim ] û - s û - n i
769. B: du6-kù kur-idim-[ta sà-bi im-ta-è]

C: du6-kù kur-idim-ta sà i-i[m]-ta-è
768. The evil u d u g , evil a l a , [evil ghost, evil g a l t a came out of the k u r ,
76g. From the holy mound, the source mountain, from its midst they
came out.
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e 7 6 9 . T h e verb è is neutral with regard to the direction o f the move-

ment inspace. The expressions du6- k ù a n d k u r-id im are attested in
a bilingual hymn to Samas from the Neo-Assyrian period ( 5 R 50: 3—6):
3. kur-gal kur-idim-ta um-ta-è-na-zu-sè
4. iX-tu X â -di-i r a -b i-i Xà-ad n a g -b i in a a -s i-k a
5. du6-kù ki-nam-tar-tar-re-e-ne um-ta-è-na-zu-sè
6. iX-tu X â -di-i a-Xar X i-m a -a -tu m i[n a ] a -s i-k a
3. In your coming out of the big mountain, the source mountain,
5. In your coming out of the holy mound, the place of deciding
fates.
In the incantation, k u r-id im “source mountain” and du6-k ù “holy
mound” signify the origin of the evil spirits, which is the netherworld.
In the hymn, on the other hand, they denote the location where the sun
rises; the Akkadian version o f the hymn renders k u r as well as du6= sa d u
“mound.” It seems, therefore, that it stands in contradiction to the
concept of the Sumerian source. But the hymn praises the god at
daylight, when the sun rises on the world. It demonstrates the Akkadian
convention to render k u r ersetu only when it referred to the nether-
world, but k u r sa d û when the context was not related to the nether-
world.
f. U dughul 841-54
841. én é-nu-[ru]
842. [ud]ug-hul e[din-zu-sè]
a n a s e - r i- k a
a-lâ-hul red1if-zu-s[è]
843. gidim-hul edin-zu-rsè1
galj-lâ-hul edin-zu-sè
Em n a - r u - u q
844. ku'a - r‫״ ״‬,‫־‬,/c‫ ״ ^ ־‬-ga-la-zu

su h[é]-bi-in-ti
rl e - q p - m a
845. suku-i-zu
su h é -T f-in -ti
846. ki-gub-ba-ma‫־‬an‫־‬za‫־‬az‫־‬ka! zu
dutu-è-da nu-me-a
u l s i- it sa m -si
847. ki-gub-ba<zu> dutu-su-a-sè nu-me-a
e -rib d < s a m si>
848. ü - g a 7 ma~kal‫־‬ka- z \1
û-gu7 gidim-e-ne-ke4
m a - k a l e - te - m i
849. a-nagmas‫־‬qlt‫־־‬k!1-zu
m a s - t i - i t e -té r n -m i
a-nag [gid]im-e-ne-ke4
850. l[u-ù]lu dumu dingir-ra-na
851. ub-ta ba-ra-an-da-gub-gub-bu-dè
in a t u - u b - q l la t a - a z - z a - z u
852. da-ta ba-ra-an-da-tus-e-dè
853. sà-uru-ka nam-ba-nigin-e-dè-en
854. ki-ùr kur-ra-ka-ke4
kukku-zu-sè gen-ba
841. Enuru incantation.
842. Evil u d u g — [to your steppe]!
Evil ala — to your steppe!
843. Evil spirit — to your steppe!
Evil g a l l a — to your steppe!
844. Take your leather bag.
845. Take your food offering.
846. Your place is not in the East,
847. Your place is not in the West.
848. Your food is the food of the spirits.
849. Your drinking water is the drinking water of the spirits.
850. As for the man, son of his god,
851. You will not stand with him in the comer,
852. You will not sit with him at the side,
853. You may not roam inside the city.
854. Go to your darkness, at the base of the netherworld (k u r )
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e s 844—4 5 . Geller interpreted s u h é - b i - in - ti as a Stative and trans-

lated “Indeed, your leather bag is taken away, and your food offering is
taken away.”8 However grammatically justified his interpretation may
be, the context demands the opposite. It is when the food of the spirits
is taken away that they are forced to appear in the world o f the living.
The purpose of the incantations is precisely to counter this threat, there-
fore why invite it? In addition, lines 848—49 emphasize that the spirits
should feed on the offerings of the dead, which are in the netherworld.
Thus, lines 844—45 signify that the evil spirits must take and be satisfied
with their own food, which is the food of the spirits, and that they have
no reason to come to the living. Consequently, we should comply to
the context and hence render: “take your leather bag... .take your food
offerings” (so is also C A D N /i, 379b).
L in e s 8 4 6 ~ 4 y . Compare line 846 du tu -è - d a with line 847du tu -s u - a -
sè. Both suffixes, the comitative and the terminative, are superfluous.
The Neo-Assyrian version, C T 16, 25 iv:13, 15, omits the suffixes and
also does not repeat k i-g u b in the second sentence, having k i-tu s
instead.
L in e 8 5 2 . In u b - 1a the suffix is a graphic variant of the comitative / - d a / .
L i n e 8 5 4 . k i-ù r d u - m - \ u L s u ] “base” “foundation”; fo rk i-ù r-ra n i - rib

K l - ' tin t' “entrance of the netherworld,” see M S L 17, 221:21— 22 (Anta-
gal G). The double-genitive construction in k u r -r a -k a - k e 4 is faulty.
The scribe either assumed that k i-ù r is a genitive construction (perhaps
confusing it with k i-ù r-ra ) or inserted the postposition /- k e 4/
mechanically. The Neo-Assyrian version is better (also for lines 846—
47): C T 16,2 6 :3 1 :k i-[ù r]-k u r-ra -s è ....Presumably,itwas based on
another source of the incantation. The translation suits the Neo-Assyr-
ian version, which was rendered in Akkadian: 'a n a ' [d u -ru ]-u S —s û KI - t i
(ib id ., 1. 32). Compare to G E N 164 d u r -k u r -r a -s è “bottom of the
netherworld.” Here, too, it seems to reflect a notion that the bottom of
the cosmos has more than one level.
The incantation to prevent the evil spirits from coming into the world
o f the living offers a three-dimensional perspective of the cosmos: hori-
zontally, east to west, that is, the surface of earth to its full extent, and
vertically, from the world o f the living down to the depth of the neth-
erworld.
8. See his commentary on p. 136. suku kummmatu “food portion.”

APPENDIX 7
D e d ic a t io n I n s c r ip t io n s
a. T w o D e d ic a tio n I n sc rip tio n s o f S u lg i to th e E s i k i l T e m p le in E s n u n n a 1
Two inscriptions, one in Sumerian and the other in Akkadian, were found
impressed on bricks in secondary use in a private house in Esnunna. The
Sumerian version follows the pattern common to Sumerian inscriptions of
the period: it begins with the god’s name, then the name of the king and his
titles. The Akkadian inscription begins with the name o f the king and his titles
and then the name o f the temple and its god.
a /1 . S u m e r ia n I n sc rip tio n
i. dnin-a-zu 2. lugal-a-ni 3. sul-gi 4. nita-kala-ga

5. lugal-uri5kl-ma 6. lugal-ki-en-gi ki-uri-ke4 7. e-sikil
8. é ki-âg-gâ-ni 9. mu-na-dù
For Ninazu his king, Sulgi, the strong man, king o f Ur, king o f Sumer
' and Akkad, built for him the Esikil, his beloved house (temple).
a/2. A k k a d i a n In sc rip tio n
i. sul-gi 2. d a -n ü m 3. sàr un5kl 4. « sà r

5. k i - ib - r a - ti m 6 . a r - b a - im 7. ba.dim 8. é-sikil
9. b it dtispak 10. in is - n u n ki
Sulgi, the strong, king o fU r and king o f the four regions, fashioned the
Esikil, the house of Tispak in Esnunna.
The one inscription is not a translation o f the other. In accordance with the
applied languages, three principle differences emerge: in structure, in phras-
ing, and in the name o f the benefited god. Jacobsen pointed out that each
inscription represents a specific literary tradition, the one Sumerian and the
i. Jacobsen, Assyriological Studies 6, 1934, 20-28. Steible, 1991/2, 155 and 161.
347
o th er Akkadian. T h e Sumerian inscription is m odelled according to the char-

acteristic pattern o f the Sum erian dedication inscription, especially the title
“king o f Sum er and Akkad.”2 T he style o f the Akkadian is in the traditional
pattern o f the inscriptions o f the kings o f Akkad and Sulgi’s title “king o f the
four regions” is know n from the inscriptions o f Naramsin. Jacobsen also
noted that the Akkadian inscription no t only m entions the city’s name,
Esnunna, but also conforms to the orthography o f the O ld Akkadian period.
O n the basis o f these inscriptions, Jacobsen concluded that, during the O ld
Akkadian period, Tispak took the place o f the Sumerian god N inazu in
Esnunna. His conclusion implies that the m ention ofN inazu in the Sumerian
version is an archaism. This conclusion is debatable for several reasons. First,
dedications to gods w ere m ade for practical purposes, as specified in the
inscriptions. Therefore, it is unlikely that the inscriptions w ould not reflect
contem porary practices. N inazu was still w orshipped in southern Sum er and
appears as a w ar-god in Sulgi hym ns (Sulgi D and Sulgi X). Since there is no
point in dedicating a temple to an absent god, it is m ore likely that, during
Sulgi’s time, N inazu and Tispak w ere w orshipped side by side in Esnunna.
If anything is anachronistic, it is the style o f the Akkadian inscription rather
than the m ention ofN inazu. H ow ever, in his 2 8 th year, Sulgi adopted the
Akkadian title “ king o f the four regions,” w hich coincides w ith the title o f
the Akkadian inscription. Thus, it appears that either the O ld Akkadian tradi-
tion was still in practice at Sulgi’s tim e or that Sulgi revived it.3
W e should evaluate the pair o f inscription in the fram ework o f Sulgi’s
effort to unify, under his rule, the w hole o f M esopotam ia and incorporate the
Semites w ith the Sumerians. Each inscription appeals to a specific cultural
group ofinhabitants and, at the same time, the focus on one tem ple sym bol-
izes their unification as equals. It m ay be significant that, to date, only tw o
pairs o f inscriptions have been found, one pair concerns a temple in the heart
o f the north (Kutha) and the other in the Diyala region (Esnunna). T h e Akka-
dian version o f the inscriptions and the choice o f the particular temples, in the
tw o regions that are densely populated by Semites, dem onstrate the propa-
gandist intention o f Sulgi. T hat no such pair concerns a tem ple in the south
o f Sum er suggests that this was not necessary, that Sulgi’s reign in southern
2, For a discussion of the philological typology of Sumerian building inscriptions, see

Hallo, H U CA 33 (1962): 15-16.
3. Assuming that the inscriptions of Naramsin were still standing in Nippur, the
revival of his style is as possible as its continuity. However, the Sumerian version
of the pair of inscriptions to the Emeslam (see b/2 below) exhibits the influence of
Akkadian on Sumerian and, thereby, suggests that the Akkadian scribal traditions
were well-established during the U r III period.
DEDICATION INSCRIPTIONS 349
Sumer was self-evident, but not so among the Semitic inhabitants o f northern
Mesopotamia. For that purpose he showed his care for these particular
temples and announced it not only in Sumerian as was customary, but also
in Akkadian.
b. T w o F o u n d a tio n I n s c rip tio n s o f S u lg i to th e E m e s la m T e m p le in K u t h c d
An Akkadian inscription on a black stone tablet, measuring 7.5x5 cm, found

in Nineveh. A hole in its upper right corner and the ragged back suggest that
it was in secondary use as a pendant, probably as an amulet. The Akkadian
inscription indicates that originally the tablet was a foundation inscription o f
Sulgi to the Meslam temple o f Nergal in Kutha. A Sumerian version o f the
inscription was found on a Neo-Babylonian clay tablet (C T 9, 3, no. 35389).
b /1 . A k k a d i a n V e rsio n
i. sul-gi 2.
d a - n tim 3. /drurikl 4. ù s à r 5. k i - ib - r a - ti m
6. 7. ba.dim
a r - b a - im
rev. 8. é-mes-lam 9. b i t [ n è ] -e r i-g a l 10. b e -[lt\-s u
xi. i[ n gu-du8]-akl
Sulgi, the strong, king of U r and king o f the four regions, fashioned
Emeslam, the house of Nergal his lord in Kutha.
b/2. S u m e r ia n V e rsio n in a N e o - B a b y l o n i a n C o p y
obv. i. sul-gi 2. nita-kala-ga 3. lugal-uri5kl-rna

4. lugal-ki-en-gi ki-uri 5. é-mes-lam
rev. 6. é-^mes-lam-ta-è-a 7. gu-du8-akl 8. m u-dù-a
9. s a m u b b i 1“ 4na-rû-a libir-ra
xo. s a é mes-lam q i-r ib gu-du8-akl
11. im-gid-da m db ë l- u b a llit( D lN ) “ dub-sar
Sulgi, the strong man, king o f Ur, king o f Sumer and Akkad, built
Emeslam, the house of Meslamtaea in Kutha.
Colophon: W hich is (written) on an ancient stele o f Emeslam in Kutha.
One-colum n tablet of Bel-uballit, scribe.
4. Thureau-Dangin, SAKI, 190f—g; Steible, 1991/2, 156—57.

i. S u m e r ia n V e rsio n
There is no doubt that the Akkadian inscription is original. As for the Sume-
rian version, bearing in mind the pair o f inscriptions about the Esikil in
Esnunna (a/1 above), there seems to be no reason to doubt the statement o f
the colophon that it was copied from an ancient inscription. Y et, the text
differs from the traditional pattern o f contemporary Sumerian dedication
inscriptions, especially when compared to Sulgi’s dedication inscription to
the Esikil. The traditional text begins with the name o f the god with the dative
suffix / - r a / and does notm ention the name o f the town. O n the other hand,
Sulgi’s titles “the strong king” and especially “king ofSumer, and Akkad” and
the verb dù, agree with the traditional phrasing o f the Sumerian inscriptions
and differ from the Akkadian inscriptions. A few examples o f the same
pattern5 suggest that the Sumerian text is not a late translation o f the Akka-
dian, but an Akkadianism of a Sumerian inscription that originated at the time
o f Sulgi himself. That the divine names are in harmony with the language also
suggests that the Sumerian version on a Neo-Babylonian tablet is a copy of
the original from the Ur III period.
Similar to the dedication inscription to Esikil, each inscription adjusts the
god’s name to its language. The Sumerian addresses Meslamtaea, whose name
testifies to an inherent association with Emeslam; the Akkadian addresses
Nergal. That Sulgi’s name does not bear the divine determinative, on the one
hand, and his royal title, on the other, implies that the inscriptions were dedi-
cated in the first half of his reign, surely before his 28thyear. In analogy to the
pair of dedication inscriptions to the Esikil in Esnunna, these inscriptions do
not prove that Nergal and Meslamtaea were already one and the same god.6
O n the other hand, the association with different languages could indicate
that Akkadian-speaking people worshipped Nergal and Sumerians wor-
shipped Meslamtaea.7 Therefore, I suggest that proclaiming the care for
Emeslam in Akkadian, in addition to the usual Sumerian inscription, may
demonstrate Sulgi’s propagandist strategy: drawing the Semitic population o f
northern Mesopotamia toward him and, thereby, extending his kingdom
5. Such as the dedication inscription to the Ehursag (Sulgi 5) and to Ninsusina (Sulgi
6) (Steible, 1991/2, 158-59 and 160-61 [resp.]).
6. As no one would claim that Ninazu and Tispak are and always were one and the
same god.
7. For more detailed discussion o f each deity, based on the textual evidence from the
Early Dynastic until the end of the U r III periods, see appendix 9/i (Nergal) and
appendix 9/j (Meslamtaea).
D HDIC AT IO N IN SC RI PT IO N S 35‫ז‬
and unifying the whole region under his rule (like the case o f Esikil, see
above, a/1).
2. T h e E m e s la m a n d N e r g a l
In the second millennium, Meslamtaea was assimilated with Nergal. But his
existence as a distinct god, separate from Nergal, is attested in numerous offer-
ings-lists from southern Sumer. It is only from Sulgi’s time that Nergal is
mentioned in texts from southern Sumerian centers and even then not as
often as Meslamtaea. Sjöberg suggests that Temple Hymn no. 36, for the
Emeslam temple,8 received its final touches in the U r III period, since by then
the identification o f Meslamtaea with Nergal was already underway and,
thus, it was not necessary to mention Meslamtaea in the hymn.9 These two
dedication inscriptions, which associate Nergal with the Akkadian version
but Meslamtaea with the Sumerian, contest this suggestion. Since the temple
hymns were composed in Sumerian, the name Meslamtaea is more consistent
with the U r III evidence, if not alone, then at least alongside Nergal. The
deviations of Temple Hym n no. 36 from the rigid structure of the temple
hymns in the cycle and the writing K1S.UNU “the abode o f K1S” — a recurrent
pattern o f place names— suggest that originally the hymn was dedicated to
another temple o f Nergal and that the references to the Emeslam were inte-
grated into it during a later elaboration. In other words, thepresent OldBaby-
Ionian copies o f the hymn represent a later, revised edition o f the text, which
adapted it to the religious concept current in the Old Babylonian period.10
For the details see appendix 9/i.
Although Nergal was a Sumerian god, his cult did not penetrate the Sume-
rian cult centers in the south until the U r III period, when the cult of Meslam-
taea was still dominant. Yet, Nergal’s divinity dominates the hymn to the
Emeslam. In view of his importance for Naramsin, it stands to reason that his
cult was more prevalent in the north.11 The first manifestations of Nergal in
Old Akkadian inscriptions date to Naramsin and coincide with his deifica-
tion. A self-deification is a religious reform that may have also involved a
change in the status of Nergal, who appears to be the leader o f Naramsin’s
victorious army. Consequently, we may speculate that Naramsin promoted
Nergal and, for that reason, transferred his cult to the central temple o f Kutha,
to Emeslam, from K1S.UNU. It is not impossible that the original patron deity
8. Sjöberg, 1969, 44:457-67.'

9. Sjöberg, 1969, 11-12.
10. In any case, not earlier than the second half o f Sulgi’s reign or after his deification.
11. For which we do not have documentation as we do for southern Sumer.
352 THE IMAGE OF THE NET HER WORLD
of the Emeslam was, indeed, Meslamtaea or Lugalmeslama and that Enhe-

duanna composed the hymn to Nergal while he still resided in his temple in
K1S. UN U .12
c. D e d ic a tio n In sc rip tio n o f L u ’u tu , e n s i o f U m m a , to E r e s k ig a l 13
The inscription on a clay cone was probably a building inscription. T o the

best o f my knowledge, this is the only dedication inscription to Ereskigal in
our possession. Lu’utu, the governor ofU m m a in the Old Akkadian period,
calls Ereskigal “the lady of the place of sunset,” but states that her temple was
built in the east, the place where the sunrises and fates are decided.
I. deres-ki-gal 2. nin ki-utu-su.-ra 3. lû-dutu
4■ "énsi ummaki-ke j
5-a dum u-dnin-in-sm- ka-ke4 6. nam- ti-la-ni-sè
7• ki-dutu-è
8. ki-nam-tar-re-da 9. é m u-na-dù 10. gaba
11. aa bî-in-gi-11T
12. m u-bi 13. pa bl -in-è
(4) a—a: A: 11. 4-5; B: omits -ke4• (5) a: So B; A omits the line. (11) a—a:
So A; B omits -in-.
To Ereskigal, the lady of the place o f sunset: for his life, Lu’utu, e n s i
ofU m m a, son o f Ninisina, built a temple in the place of sunrise,, the
place where fates are determined. At the front (of the temple) he
installed water14 and made its name shining.
The dedication of temples or objects to the gods for the welfare o f the donator
was customary in Sumer. However, a dedication to Ereskigal is unique.
Lu’utu’s dedication inscription concerns us on three counts: first, the geo-
graphical references are given in cosmological terms, and since Lu’utu’s antic-
ipation is actual, his geographical designations should also carry a certain sense
12. If this was the chain ofevents, then by the Ur III period Meslamtaea could have been
assimilated in the north and it wasjust a matter oftime before this assimilation would
be sanctioned in the south, where the cult of Meslamtaea was more dominant.
13. Steible, 1991/2, 343 (Lu’utu 1) and 344 (Lu’utu 2); IRSA, 121IID 2b. The first copy
of the text was published by Clay (YOS 1, no. 14), and the second by Gadd (C T
36, 3, no. 109930). The lines are numbered according to the version ofLu’utu 1.
14. The combination a-g i(n ) is uncertain. Literally it means “set up water.” Sollberger
assumed that it refers to a decoration of the front and Steible interprets it as a drain.
DEDICATION INSCRIPTIONS ‫ ר‬.‫ו ־‬
‫גג ג‬
o f actuality that reflects the geographical concept o f the netherworld; second,

by virtue o f Ereskigal, the text links two opposing cosmic regions that relate
to the opposition o f life and death and so these, too, become coupled; and
third, the inscription can be dated with certainty to the Old Akkadian period.
The designation o f the place where the temple was built as “the place of
sunrise”15 antithetically parallels Ereskigal’s epithet “lady o f the place of
sunset.” “The place o f sunset” is a metaphor, a euphemism for the nether-
world or grave. The two geographical terms are poetic designations with a
religious meaning, but perhaps applied for literary reasons. Ereskigal’s epithet
“lady o f the place ofsunset” indicates that she is the queen of the netherworld.
But the additional designation for the place o f the temple “where fates are
determined” likens Ereskigal to the gods o f heaven. Thus, the inscription
describes Ereskigal with two antithetical properties: queen in the realm o f the
dead and, at the same time, the authority to determine destinies that is aposi-
tion in the world o f the living. Contradictory as it may seem, this is not the
only source for this divine property. A similar image also emerges from the
Old Babylonian Nungal hymn that implies that Ereskigal had in her hands the
authority to perform the river ordeal (i7- l u - r u - g u ).16A third source for this
image is an incantation against evil spirits, U d u g h u l 352-57, which places the
decision on the fate o f the patient with Ereskigal. The fusion o f opposite fiinc-
tions in Ereskigal’s divine image, poetically symbolized by her association
with the place ofsunset and ofsunrise, is not completely illogical. It is possible
because the gods ofthe netherworld are instrumental in bringing about death
through plagues, illness, wars, and the like. Thus, they do determine destinies,
thereby exercising a major influence on life. This line of thought is vividly
demonstrated by the evolution of Nergal’s divine nature from a fierce warrior
to a netherworld god.17 Yet, Nergal’s leaving heaven to become the major
15. For the Sumerians, “East” had a deep religious significance, no doubt connected to
a cosmological-mythological concept. See Klein 1990b, 102-3 forSulgi R and more
references in pp. 115-16. Placing the main entrance at the eastern wall ofthe temple
relates to the actual cultic activity in the building. Here, however, Lu’utu states that
the temple itself was built in the east. More than indicating an actual place, his
remark seems to express a cosmological speculation, carrying a theological
significance, wider than the mere cultic practice.
16. Sjöberg, 1973, 32:67. a m a -u g u -m u k ù - de r e s - k i-g a l-la -k e 4 m e -n i (var.:
GAL) m a -ra -a n -b a (var.: m a -ra -n i-b a , rna'-r[ ] “My mother, the pure
Ereskigal, gave me her m e.” The hymn implies that Ereskigal herself was in charge
of the divine ordeal.
17. This statement does not exclude the possibility that Nergal was connected with the
netherworld from the very beginning. All the properties were there, but their
netherworld god and Nungal’s assuming the m e o f Ereskigal signify the

tendency toward distancing the opposing realms from one another, suggest-
ing that, in the second millennium, the notion o f composite properties was
abandoned. That it survived in the incantation literature such as U d u g f tu l 352—
357 and U d u g fa u l 284-86*18 may be due to a rigid transmission.
The geographical-cosmic terms o f the inscription bridge the contrasts in
the divinity o f Ereskigal: she is in the place o f sunset,19 literally the west, and
in the place o f sunrise, literally in the mountains east o f Sumer.20 From the
perspective o f the contemporary believer, the practical purpose o f the inscrip-
tion requires that these seemingly opposite places should harmonize. Presum-
ably, therefore, the inscription mirrors a comprehensive cosmological
speculation. Apparently, a common denominator is that the places o f sunset
and of sunrise are beyond the horizons o f living human beings; they mark the
perimeter o f the territory o f darkness and, thereby, could be related to the
realm o f the dead. From this perspective the actual geographical definition is
in the eye o f the beholder. East and west are the antithetical ends o f the
cosmos. However, one can look also at the vast region between and beyond
these points as the region beyond the mountains where the sun sets and rises,
that is, the land where the sun stays at night and where the planet Venus disap-
pears. Beyond the boundary o f the horizon lay the unknown, where the
mythological opposites could meet. The power to bring about death, which
qualifies a netherworld deity to decide fates and, thus, likens him to the gods
o f heaven, is the divine property that associates the two contrasting notions.
This property was probably reserved for the head o f the pantheon, Ereskigal,
relative weight changed: in the earlier periods he appears mainly as a warrior and
in later periods he appears mainly as a netherworld god.
18. Udughul 284—86 (Old Babylonian): “W ithout Ningestinna, the great scribe of
arali, he does not enter the road of the kur, he will not cross the path o f the
netherworld” (and the Neo-Assyrian bilingual edition, C T 16, 3:95). Apparently,
the scribe of the netherworld had a list of those who were destined to die. The
patient in question was not on the list. In view of the above references to Ereskigal
and the task o f the scribe to write down or read documents, it seems that Ereskigal
made the decisions on the list.
19. Well attested in Akkadian myths and incantations from the second millennium
onward.
20. The same link is made in ID. At face value, ID 82-83 implies that the two notions
are contradictory, because the gatekeeper asks Inanna why she is going to the
netherworld if she is of the place of sunrise. In her image o f the planet Venus, as the
evening-star she moves westward and ends her course in the sky at the top of the
mountains. After few days o f invisibility, she shines as the moming-star in the east
(detailed discussion in chapter 2, section 2.2.1).
DEDICATION INSCRIPTIONS 355
and later also for Nergal.21 Thus, the separation between the world o f the
living and the realm o f the dead is strictly maintained. But within the myth-
ological world o f the gods, Ereskigal seemed to operate on both sides. As for
the actual geographical import o f the inscription, we should distinguish
between speculation about where exactly the mythological netherworld was
and where the actual temple was built. The building o f the actual temple is
an historical event; perhaps, therefore, “the place o f sunrise” was actualized
in a place at the east side o f a sacred precinct.
Lu’utu’s dedication to Ereskigal is the earliest explicit evidence for Ereski-
gal’s role in determining destinies and the earliest historical evidence for her
role as queen of the netherworld. The objective of the dedication signifies
that, for Lu’utu, Ereskigal had two contrasting aspects, which are further
symbolized by her place in both ends o f the cosmos. Since Lu’utu served as
ruler ofU m m a between the reigns ofManistusu and Naramsin, we can date
his concept to the middle o f the Old Akkadian period. H ow prevalent this
concept was is unknown, since the evidence is scarce and inconclusive. It
seems, however, that we have here signs ofSemitic influence. The association
of the netherworld with U tu ’s movements, which pertains to the idea that
he descends to the netherworld at night and judges the dead, became prev-
aient only during the second millennium, after the Semites overpowered the
Sumerians. The southern Sumerian mythological laments show no inclina-
tion to associate the netherworld with the place o f sunset, but with the m oun-
tain area k u r . At the time of Lu’utu, the presence ofSemitic inhabitants in
southern Sumer increased dramatically and the Akkadian rulers exercised
hegemony in southern Sumer. Furthermore, several centers o f Akkadian
population encircled Umma and it is clear that the Semites influenced Sume-
rian culture through their contacts with the local population. Nevertheless,
we are not yet in a position to decide whether the inscription reflects an inner
evolution within the Sumerian religion, a Semitic influence on Sumerian
cosmological thought in general, or a middle way that fused two separate
theological speculations.
21. I suppose that this is the meaning of Nergal’s epithet clE n - lil- k u r - r a - k e 4.
APPENDIX 8
T h e L is t s o f N e t h e r w o r l d G o d s
T h e GODS OF TH E N ET H ER W O R LD are included in all the god-lists and most

o f them are grouped together, which makes their affiliation clear. The late
systematic lists, from the first millennium, also specify their rank or position
and add spouses and children, many of w hom are unknown from elsewhere.
Therefore, the actual cultic significance o f these gods has to be corroborated
by other sources, preferably o f a narrative nature.
Three Sumerian literary texts include a list o f netherworld gods: D U r ,
D G i l , and “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum.” The function o f the
lists in these compositions establishes not only the affiliation o f these gods to
the netherworld, but also their role and rank and that they were actually active
in cultic practice. The lists are not completely identical; the differences may
reflect a theological situation in a given place and time. An analysis o f each
list has to be based on comparisons to other lists and, therefore, some repe-
titions are unavoidable.
a. “The Death of Urnamma” (D U r)1
Soon after Urnamma’s arrival in the netherworld, he offered presents to its

main deities, to each in his own palace. The text reports the offerings in the
following order: Nergal ( D U r 88-91), Gilgames ( D U r 92-96, citedin appendix
5/b), Ereskigal ( D U r 97-101), Dumuzi ( D U r 102-5), Namtar ( D U r 106-9),
Husbisag ( D U r 110-13), Ningiszida ( D U r 114-19), Dimmeku (cllmïT‫ ״‬c-kù)
( D U r 120-22),2 and Ninazimua ( D U r 123-28).3 Because the list includes
spouses, it is the longest and most comprehensive of the three.
1. Flückiger-Hawker, 1999 with previous literature, and see also appendix 5.

2. This passage is difficult. It is not structured like the passages concerning the other
the deities and the identity of Dimmeku (d d,mPIme~kù) is not at all certain. In
appendix 9 , 1 discuss all the sources for this name. Most significant is that the Old
Babylonian god-list, T C L 15, 10, overlooks Dimmeku or the like altogether, does
not assign Namtar with a daughter, and that the two Nippur sources of D U r divert
from the formulaic phrasing, which implies that Dimmeku did not have its own
palace. Therefore, I suggest that Dimmeku is not a god, but a deified object. Since
357
35^ THE IMAGE OP THE NETHERWORLD
Since the text describes the actual funeral ritual from the perspective o f the
dead king, the list reflects the structure o f the pantheon o f the netherworld
at the time, that is, during the U r III period.
1.1. W h o Is M is s in g ?
Compared to the lists o f “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum” and D G i l ,
Bitu the gatekeeper is missing. However, according to D U r 6‫ ך‬Umamma
presented gifts to the seven gatekeepers o f the netherworld. In the sequence
o f events, it occurred upon his arrival in the netherworld, but before the
banquet he had prepared for the inhabitants. The significance o f this proce-
dure is not quite certain. The number seven brings to mind the description
o f Inanna’s entrance to the netherworld through seven gates (the myth was
known in the U r III period as evidenced by the U r III fragment Y O S 11, 58).
But I D refers by name to one chief gatekeeper, the same Bitu who is listed
in the other two god-lists. Since the reference to seven gates is unique to I D
and since it has an important function in the development o f the plot, the idea
o f seven gatekeepers may have been deduced from the story o f I D . Also, the
position o f a chief gatekeeper probably belongs to the original plot o f I D ,
because someone must have communicated with Ereskigal to receive her
instructions and the most suitable figure would be the chief gatekeeper.
Therefore, the absence ofBitu is significant. It indicates that in Ur, during the
U r III period, the position o f a single or chief gatekeeper had not yet been
established among the major netherworld deities.
Less striking is the absence ofEtana, the legendary king ofKis, who was
included only in “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum.” That he is absent
from D U r and D G i l indicates that these two lists belong to the same theo-
logical tradition, probably southern Sumerian, whereas the elegy reflects
another, probably Semitic or northern tradition. The points where D G i l
differs from DUrsuggest that it is a somewhat later development of this tradi-
tion. Note that in the seventh tablet o f the Gilgames epic Etana is mentioned
among the residents o f the netherworld.
Ninazu is not mentioned in any of the three lists. That during the third
millennium he was one of the main netherworld deities does not need further3
DIM means also “figurine,” the passage in D U r may specify gifts presented to a
figurine that was related to the cult of Ningiszida and was placed next to his statue.
See appendix 9 /e.
3. DUr 128-32 is badly preserved. The remains do not allow a reconstruction of the
offerings pattern. Ninazimua most probably ended the list.
T H E LISTS (IF N E T H E R W O R L D G O D S 359
proof. In light o f the hymn to his temple Egida4 and the myth “Enlil and
Ninlil,” we have reason to conclude that during the U r III period he was no
less important than Ningiszida. Also Old Babylonian god-lists include his
name (and his spouse Ningirida) in the circle o f netherworld deities.5There-
fore, his absence from all the lists is puzzling.
His affiliation with the pantheon o f the netherworld is observed in the
epithet o f Ereskigal “m other of Ninazu.” It is attested in the list o f the gods
to whom Um amm a offered gifts and in the doxology o f D G i l (the Meturan
version, line 305).6 His absence is particularly puzzling with regard to D U r ,
because this text can certainly be dated to the U r III period and, at that time,
his cult center in Enegi was still active. At face value, his exclusion from the
lists implies that he was no longer a netherworld god. But, then, we have to
assume that not only his divine properties were altered, but also the nature
o f his cult. And while the references to Ninazu in Sulgi hymns D and X offer
a sense of a war-like character, the incantations against snakes indicate that he
was still a chthonic god. In view of the contradictory evidence, on the one
hand, and the conservative tendency o f religious traditions, on the other, I
assume that this is a case o f parallel theologies. The list probably reflects a devi-
ation o f the official court theology from contemporary popular religious
practice. Namely, the cult o f Ninazu continued according to the old tradition
while in the court theology, which is reflected by royal hymns as well as by
D U r , his divine nature was altered. Since, however, his original character
could not be ignored, his affiliation with the netherworld was preserved in
the epithet o f Ereskigal. The same considerations are probably also applicable
for D G i l , since there are reasons to assume that it was also composed (maybe
commissioned) during the U r III period.
4. Sjöberg, 1969, 27 (Temple Hymn no. 14).

5. In the comprehensive Old Babylonian list of TCL 15, 10, 400-2 Ninazu with his
family in lines 400-2 is followed by Ereskigal and Allatum in lines 403—4 andTispak
in line 405. Namtar and his wife are in lines 408-9, Meslamtaea and Ninsubur in
412-13, and Nergal in 418. Thus, Ninazu seems to head the netherworld section
of this list. In the Old Babylonian Nippur list S L T 122, Ninazu is placed in col. iii
8 directly after Ningiszida (1. 4), Gisbanda (1. 5), Azimua (1. 6), and Dimmeku (1. 7).
That Dimmeku appears both in S L T 122, and the lists o f D G i l and D U r could
indicate an intertextual relationship among the three texts. Theoretically, it is
possible that S L T 122 and D G i l were influenced by the list of D U r .
6 . Note the doxology o f the Nippur source N 3 “Gilgames en Kulaba... z à -m i-z u
d ù g -g a -à m (Cavigneaux, 2000, 23). For more references other than the three
compositions, see appendix 9a and k.
1.2. N e r g a l a n d G ilg a m e S
Most interesting in this list are the places o f Nergal and Gilgames, because they
take their position at the head of the list. All the evidence shows that Gilgames
is of secondary rank compared to most of the deities m entioned in the list and
that Ereskigal was the ruler o f the netherworld, also according to this very
source. Nergal’s position is also not self-evident and, therefore, the titles E n lil
and l u g a l of the netherworld need explanation.
1.2.1. G ilg a m e S , lu g a l- k u r - r a "L o r d o f th e N e th e r w o r l d " ?
Unlike Nergal, who was a mainstream major netherworld god from the Old
Babylonian period onward, the rank o f Gilgames in this list raises questions
about his real status in the netherworld and about the compilation o f this list.
If the list was organized according to the hierarchical principle, then he seems
to be of higher status than Ereskigal. N ot only is he mentioned before her,
but he also has the title l u g a l “lord/king,” wheras Ereskigal is listed third and
rather than a royal title she is the “mother o f Ninazu.” Gilgames is already
present in the Early Dynastic god-lists from Fara, most probably as a neth-
erworld deity, but he has never been head o f the pantheon. Moreover, D U r
138 and 143-44 testify that it was none other than Ereskigal w ho determined
Urnamma’s status in the netherworld. By Ereskigal’s decree, Umamma was
made the equal o f Gilgames and both of them acted as judges. Then, who is
superior to whom?
The gifts that Ereskigal received from Umamma indicate that, despite her
place and epithet, she was, indeed, regarded as queen of the netherworld.78
Therefore, the details o f this very text rule out the possibility that the list was
organized according to the hierarchical principle.
1.2.2. O r g a n i z i n g P rin c ip le o f th e L i s t a n d S t a t u s o f G i l g a m e i a n d N e r g a l
Nergal opens the list with the epithet “ E n lil of the netherworld,” followed by
Gilgames as “ l u g a l o f the netherworld.” Both titles express supreme lead-
ership. Since the text implies that Ereskigal was queen of the netherworld, and
an incidental order of the list is improbable, the arrangement o f the god-list
in D U r could not have been hierarchical. The list of gods in D U r is very similar
to the beginning o f the list o f gods to whom the dead Gilgames offered in
D G i l . s The latter has the following order: Ereskigal, Namtar, Dimmeku, Bitu,
7. D U r 97-99 specifies her gifts: a royal gown and an object for the m e, the two
definitive symbols of kingship.
8. Cavigneaux, 2000, 23:9-13. Note that following is a simple god-list with collective
offerings. That part, a short list of the ancestors of Enlil, parallels the beginning of
T HE LISTS OF N E T H E R W O R L D GODS 36t
Ningiszida, and Dumuzi. Naturally, Gilgames is not mentioned, but neither

is Nergal. If, indeed, the epithet “ 07‫־‬/// o f the netherworld” implies the head
o f the pantheon, then the absence o f Nergal from an Old Babylonian list
while he appears earlier in D U r o f the U r III period is odd‫״‬
W hat was the status o f Gilgames and what does the title l u g a l indicate in
this context? Furthermore, since Ereskigal is queen o f the netherworld, why
is Nergal at the head o f the list and what does his epithet “ E n lil of the neth-
erworld” signify?
The fundamental discrepancy between the two lists is in the incorporation
o f Nergal, because from Ereskigal onward the lists are in agreement9 and that
section in both lists seems to be organized hierarchically. It appears, therefore,
that D U r did not completely neglect the hierarchical principle, but that
Nergal was added to a standard list o f netherworld gods in which he was not
automatically included. Since his position in the list cannot be due to hier-
archical considerations, it must have been for thematic reâsons. Conse-
quently, the differences between the two compositions, rather than the
similarities, probably dictated his incorporation. Both compositions deal with
the death of kings and describe offerings to the gods o f the netherworld. But
their theme is essentially different, particularly the circumstances o f their
deaths. D G i l deals with Gilgames’s attitude toward death, implying that he
died o f natural causes.10 D U r , on the other hand, treats the untimely death of
Urnamma by the sword. Since Nergal was, first of all, a god o f war, his divine
nature is linked to the death o f Urnamma. Therefore, this very theme suggests
that his position at the head o f the list is related to the circumstances o f the
Umamma’s death. A possible analogy to Nergal’s position here is found in the
list of “The First Elegy of the Pushkin Museum” (see below, 8/c). Also, in
the elegy Nergal opens the list o f netherworld deities with the epithet “ E n lil
of the netherworld.” The lamented Nanna was not a warrior, but was killed
in an act of violence. The thematic principle, which may explain Nergal’s
incorporation into both D U r and “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum,”
may also explain Nergal’s absence from the list o f D G i l .
Gilgames is included in the list o f “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin Museum”
as well, though not as second after Nergal but as fourth after Ningiszida,
the Old Babylonian god-list in T C L 15, 10, and is analogous to the much more
elaborated later list A N =T« h«j (CT 24 pi. 4). The addition ofEnlil’s forefathers to
the list o f the gods of the netherworld is a sign o f later elaboration, which implies
that the full list dates to the Old Babylonian period and suggests that the section of
the netherworld gods is earlier, maybe even U r III as is the date of D U r .
9. D U r adds spouses.
10. See also Klein in Acta Sum 12 (1990): 64-65.
362 T HE IMAGE OF T HE N E T H E R W O R L D
before Bitu and Etana. His title is kalag “the mighty.” This list is different
in content from the other two; yet, it seems to combine thematic with hier-
archical principles. Gilgames was deified owing to the historical and epic
recollections of his exploits as the ruler of Uruk. His position in the list was
probably determined by his relative status in the pantheon and his epithet
k a la g reflects his past fame as king o f Uruk. An additional indication o f the
same considerations is found in a fragmentary list of netherworld deities from
an Old Babylonian hymn to U tu that ends with Gilgames as e n s i o f the neth-
erworld and Etana as n u b a n d a . 11
In view o f his incorporation into a number o f lists o f netherworld deities,
one would expect to find Gilgames among the gods w ho received presents
from Urnamma. It stands to reason that his elevated position as second in the
list is due to political, propagandist considerations. The kings o f the U r III
dynasty associated themselves with the early kings of U ruk and, in particular,
with Gilgames, whom they regarded as a brother. Therefore, the upsurge of
Gilgames’s status in the netherworld pantheon also enhances the importance
and prestige of Urnamma, his “brother.” But l u g a l o f the netherworld?
1.2.3. O n th e M e a n i n g o f E n lil a n d l u g a l o f th e k u r
The epithets “ E n lil of the netherworld” and “ l u g a l of the netherworld” seem

to indicate supreme authority. Since, however, Ereskigal is surely the queen
of the netherworld and the position ofNergal and Gilgames at the head o f the
list is due to thematic considerations, what could be the significance o f their
epithets?
The epithet “ E n lil o f ...,” as well as the expression “to exercise 6U//ship,”
reflects rulership and extended authority, mainly with respect to decision-
making.12 But the assumption that being E n lil o f the netherworld made
Nergal the ruler o f the netherworld is incompatible with the texts that portray
Ereskigal as its queen, especially with I D , where he is not even mentioned.13
11. Cohen 1977, 14, 73-78.

12. Compare the hymn to Nergal TCL 15, 26:32 (van Dijk, i960, 36). Van Dijk holds
a similar view of the e«///ship in MIO 12 (1966): 61.
13. Wiggermann’s assertion (RIA 9, 221) of the Nergal-Ereskigal dichotomy, based on
the interpretation of their names, that Nergal represents the afterlife of the soul in
the “big-city” and Ereskigal the decaying body in the “big-earth” presents a nice
schema but needs proof The written evidence, particularly o f a narrative nature,
does not support such a separation. Moreover, the sources indicate that the '
Sumerians made a distinction between grave and the netherworld—the body re-
mains in the grave whereas the soul passes to Ereskigal’s domain. See, for example,
the experience of Urnamma in D U r . Also, the assumption that Gu4-g a l-a n -n a
T HE LISTS OF N E T H E R W O R L D GODS 363
It is particularly difficult in connection with D U r , because this text associates

symbols o f kingship with Ereskigal and attributes the title l u g a t to Gilgames.
Thereby, it suggests that neither E n lil nor l u g a l indicate kingship.
Although the epithet “ E n lil o f the netherworld” endows Nergal with the
image o f a ruler, the presents that he received from Urnamma do not symbol-
ize kingship like those presented to Ereskigal. Nergal received weapons.
These presents testify that Nergal was considered a warrior rather than the
ruler o f the netherworld. Indeed, Nergal was first and foremost an important
war-god and, in that aspect, he was known as the head o f Kutha’s pantheon
from the time o f Naramsin onward. As a war-god he is connected with the
netherworld.. However, only beginning in the Old Babylonian period does
his status in the netherworld prevail, parallel to a decline in his position as a
heavenly god. Still, even after this development reached its conclusion,
Ereskigal kept her position as the ruler o f the netherworld. And Nergal who
became an indubitable netherworld deity kept the characteristics o f a war-
god.
Nergal’s &7///ship is not elucidated even against the background o f the
developments in his divine properties. All the more so since the list o f D U r
was compiled prior to the Old Babylonian period, reflecting the image o f
Nergal during the U r III period. Therefore, the epithet “ E n lil o f the neth-
erworld” cannot simply indicate the head of the pantheon ofthe netherworld
in analogy to Enlil the head o f the Sumerian pantheon in Nippur. Yet,
Nergal’s predilection to determine destinies by the edge ofthe sword, in his
capacity as a violent war-god, endowed him with one of Enlil’s aspects. Thus,
the main manifestation of Nergal’s divine power, scattering death, made him
partially comparable to Enlil and explains his epithet “ E n lil o f the nether-
world.”
Gilgames, unlike Nergal, was always a minor netherworld deity, even
w hen he is called l u g a l . Although he already appears as a deity in the Early
is Nergal still needs to be proved. Against their identification is, first of all, the feet
that Nergal does not need to hide behind another name or epithet. He was
connected with the netherworld and since, by the Middle Babylonian period, he
was considered as Ereskigal’s spouse, his elevation to that status may already have
begun in the late Old Babylonian period. Therefore, if it were Nergal, the text
would probably call him explicitly by name. But the text is certainly older than the
Old Babylonian period and, before that period, Nergal was neither a major
netherworld god nor Ereskigal’s spouse. Their marriage occurred later and this
change in his divine properties was explained by the Middle Babylonian Akkadian
myth “Nergal and Ereskigal.” Therefore, we have to look for another deity. Who
it was I cannot state with certainty, though I suspect that G u4-g a l-a n -n a is
probably Enlil (see Katz, 1995, 23022).
Dynastic god-lists, his elevated position was mainly due to his special status
as patron ofUrnam m a and his dynasty. This status, however, derives from the
historical recollections about his past that were transmitted down to the U r
III period. The literary-historiographic tradition about Gilgames can also
explain his epithet “ I u g a l o f the netherworld.” In the short tale “Gilgames and
Akka,” Gilgames appears both as e n and I u g a l .4‫ י‬This combination seems
tautological since e n was the title o f the kings o f U ruk and I u g a l was that o f
the kings ofother Sumerian cities. However, a close reading ofthe text reveals
that Gilgames was designated I u g a l only when he acted as commander o f the
Urukean amiy; otherwise he was e n ofKulaba.'5The tradition ofthe war was
known in the U r III period;'6 the tale may have been composed or written
down during that period and the distinctive use ofthese titles was intentional.
Presumably the title I u g a l in the list o f gods is connected with the tradition
about the part played by Gilgames in the war against Kis. The promotion of
Gilgames to the second position after Nergal with the title “ I u g a l of the neth-
erworld” enhances the sense o f the list; thematically it corresponds to the
circumstances o f Urnamma’s death in a military function and politically it
underscores the status of Gilgames, the patron deity o f the dynasty. Thereby,
it serves the propagandistic objective of the composition, to elevate the status
ofUrnam m a through the image of Gilgames and the mutual relationships of
the two kings.
1.3. E r e s k ig a l a n d th e R e s t o f th e L i s t
Ereskigal is in the third position and, beginning with her, the composition of
the list is quite obvious: the main gods o f the netherworld and their spouses.
Some divine epithets, however, seem peculiar.
1.3.1. E r e s k ig a l
The gifts that Ereskigal received from Umamma, a royal gown and an object
for the m e , testify thatshe was queen of the netherworld. Yet she is not n in -
k u r - r a but “m other ofNinazu.” This epithet strongly suggests thatEreskigal
was originally a local image o f the mourning m other (like Ninhursaga, Lisin,
and Duttur) and that Ninazu was originally a local incarnation o f the young
dying god (like Damu, Dumuzi, and Ningiszida).1415617 This epithet may have
14. Katz, 1993.

15. For a detailed discussion, see op. dt., pp. 28-30.
16. The reference in Sulgi O 49-59 (Klein, 1976).
17. Convincing evidence to that effect is in the passages that describe Ereskigal as the
mother who mourns her son: I D 230-35 and G E N 200—5.
T HE LISTS OF N E T H E R W O R L D GODS 3 (‫ י‬5
been preferred for two reasons. First, because Ereskigal was not first but third
on the list after the E n lil and the l u g a l o f the netherworld. Second, since
Ninazu is not on the list, this epithet preserves his connection with the neth-
erworld.
1.3.2. D u m u zi
The epithet ofDum uzi is “the beloved husband o f Inanna.” His gifts include
a variety of sheep and a golden scepter o f e n . The epithets e n and “the beloved
husband of Inanna” also describe him in the hymn to his temple in Badtibira.18
Therefore, it seems likely that these epithets derive from the tradition about
Dumuzi the shepherd who ruled Badtibira before the flood.19 At the same
time, the scepter of e n also fits the Uruk tradition, about Dumuzi the king
o f the first dynasty o f U ruk.20 In any case, it is based on a tradition that did
not blame Inanna for Dum uzi’s death, but cherished their love. The king of
U r is the living image ofDumuzi; presumably, this is the reason for Dum uzi’s
elevated position right after Ereskigal. Dumuzi’s epithets and the gift o f a
golden scepter o f e n emphasize the identity of Urnamma as Dumuzi in the
sacred marriage rite.
1 . 3.3. N in g is z id a
The epithet sul u r - s a g creates an image of Ningiszida as a young warrior

and, therefore, it is close to his original divine character, that o f the young
dying god. From a chronological point of view, it indicates that the list was
compiled before Ningiszida became g u - z a - l a - k u r - r a - k e 4, “chair-bearer
o f the netherworld,” namely, before the Old Babylonian period.
1 . 3 .4■ N in a z im u a — G e stin a n n a
The wife of Ningiszida bears the title “scribe of a r a l i , ” which is better known
as the epithet of Gestinanna, the sister ofDumuzi. Most interesting, therefore,
is that the name Gestinanna is listed only in the version from Susa, where her
epithet is “sister o f the king.” Since the king is the living incarnation of
Dumuzi, the epithet reflects the original genealogy o f Gestinanna. Structur-
ally, the list of Susa makes Ninazimua and Gestinanna two names for one
deity, but preserves their separate original identity, the wife o f Ningiszida and
18. Sjöberg, 1969, 30:217 (Temple Hymn no. 17).

19. S K L 72 i 15.
20. Ibid., 88 iii 14.
366 T H E IMAGE OF T HE N E T H E R W O R L D
the sister of Durnuzi. It is difficult to establish whether Gestinanna was added

independently in Susa or omitted from the N ippur sources.212
b. “T h e D e a t h o f G i l g a m e P ’ (D G i l )“
The list of gods is fully preserved in Nippur source N r N 3.has a few parallels
in the version of Tell Haddad, but the doxology is different: N 3 praises
Gilgames and the Tell Haddad (Meturan) version, Ereskigal. Since the sources
from Nippur are fragmentary, it is impossible to reconstruct a N ippur version
or even establish that there was a single version and to compare it to the
version from Tell Haddad. Thematically, the narrative deals by means of
dreams with the death of Gilgames, which is a comm on literary m ethod of
foretelling the future. Some details are in common with D U r , including the
content of the list o f the netherworld gods, suggesting that it was composed
during the U r III period. However, that the list was extended with an addi-
tional list of gods and that some remarks about the death o f Gilgames have
an extended universal significance indicate that the text was elaborated later,
during the Old Babylonian period.
Thematically, the list o f gods should be divided into two groups. The first
group, N 3:c>—13, includes the names o f gods who were traditionally men-
tioned within the netherworld pantheon, in the following order: Ereskigal,
Namtar, Dimmeku, Bitu, Ningiszida, and Durnuzi. The second group,
N 3:14—22, is a list ofEnlil’s ancestors, followed by Sulpae, Sumugan, N inhur-
saga, the Anunna and the Igigi of the sacred mound, and a group of high
priests (N3:23—25). The later is comparable to D U r 78 and is fully consistent
with the list of dead priests in the “Hymn to U tu .”23 The composition of the
second and third groups indicates that the god-list as a whole dates to the Old
Babylonian period.
21. Since the U r school imitated the literary tradition of the Lagas school, it is not
impossible that the original version that was composed in Ur listed Ninazimua alone
and that Gestinanna was added independently in Susa. This and related issues are
treated in chapter 3, section 3.3.4 and appendix 9/f.
22. Cavigneaux 2000 with previous literature,■ English translation: George, 1999, 195—
208; review, N. Veldhuis, J C S 53 (2001): 133-48. Our understanding of the plot
is closer to that put forth by Cavigneaux and George. Whether it is a dream and its
solution, as Cavigneaux and George suggest, or its materialization, as Veldhuis
suggests, depends on who built the tomb of Gilgames— and both are possible. If it
was Urlugal, as Veldhuis suggests, then the dream materialized, but if Gilgames
prepared his own tomb and the ritual is the epilogue, the dream was solved.
23. Cohen, 1977, lines 58-63.
T H E L IS T S O F N E T H E R W O R L D G O D S 367
2.1. A n c e s to r s o f E n l i l a n d th e P r ie s th o o d
The incorporation o f the gods o f the second group is rather intriguing. The
ancestors o f Enlil are known as chthonic deities from later texts and are not
included in “The First Elegy” or D U r . Ninhursaga, Sulpae, and Sumugan
were not netherworld gods at all.
The deities o f this group also appear at the beginning of a long list of gods
invoked in Enlil’s balag E l u m g u s u n ,2i where, following Enlil’s ancestors, are
Ninhursaga and Sulpae e n - g1sb ans u r -r a .2425 Since Ninhursaga and Sulpae are
not netherworld gods, their incorporation into the list of D G i l suggests that
it was taken from the god-list o f the balag.26
The chthonic deities and their role in Sumerian cosmology and theogony
were studied extensively by van Dijk in “Le m otif cosmique.”27 In a detailed
analysis of the god-lists, he convincingly demonstrates that the presentation
of these deities as Enlil’s ancestors is a development later than the Old Baby-
Ionian god-list of T C L 15, 10, a system that was introduced by the thinkers
who conceived A N = A n u m . Van Dijk also concludes that (being a later devel-
opment) this théogonie system is not Sumerian. Y et, he does remark that this
concept already appears in DG!728 and some other Sumerian texts, which
means that this concept was conceived during the Old Babylonian period.
24. Cohen, 1988, 272£F., and also in Zibum ziburn ofEnlil, Cohen, 1988, 347fr.; Black,
B1O44 (1987): 44. That same list in the same order occurs also in the balag Mutin
nunuz dima of which no Old Babylonian copy has been unearthed yet, only Neo-
Assyrian (cf. Cohen, 1988, 234—35, lines 252-58).
25. These deities appear in the balag in lines 174-80. Compared with D G i l the order
of names in the balag is 1,2, 3,4,7, 8, 5,6,11,9, 10,14,12. Sumugan, who in D G i l
is no. 13, appears in the balag in line 264. Ninhursaga’s position after Enlil’s ancestors
is explained by the genealogical principle of the god-lists that identify her as Enlil’s
wife. The god-lists include Sulpae in her circle, because he is her husband according
to the old local Adab tradition.
26. The incorporation ofSumugan in the list is, therefore, independent from the balag.
Sumugan is the god of wildlife o f the steppe and, therefore, he was probably
associated with the netherworld. One explanation for his incorporation between
Sulpae and Ninhursaga is that in Adab, where they form a couple, Ninhursaga has
the aspect of mother of wildlife (Jacobsen, 1976, 105) and, thus, Sumugan (or
Sakkan), a god of wild animals, is associated with her. Note that Sumugan is also
mentioned by Enkidu in his netherworld dream in Gilg. VII, iv 49, where he appears
next to Etana. This may indicate an Akkadian influence on D G i l , as is the Akkadian
form of that god’s name.
27. Van Dijk, 1964-65.
28. Op. cit., p. 12, n. 21.
Evidently, the compiler o f the Old Babylonian Nippur list S L T 122 was not
familiar with this new concept either, which may indicate that the list o f
source N 3 o f D G i l is later than both Old Babylonian god-lists.29
The list ends with a group of priests that is identical to the list o f priests in
the Old Babylonian hymn to Utu. It was probably customary to offer gifts not
only to the gods o f the netherworld but also to the priesthood. In this context
they are listed in the hymn. In D U r the dead king made the offerings to the
priests when he entered the netherworld and this list is shorter (see the
comparative table in chapter 3, section 3.1.4).
The reason for the incorporation o f Enlil’s genealogy after the main neth-
erworld deities remains obscure. Does it serve a purpose that cannot be recog-
nized because of the fragmentary state o f the text or does it relate to the plot
o f the narrative? Is it incidental or is it a theological message concerning Enlil
and the pantheon of the netherworld? One may speculate that it was initiated
because o f Enlil’s role in the dream of Gilgames about his death. In view of
the offerings to the priesthood and that it is also indicated in D U r and the
hymn to Utu, perhaps late in the Old Babylonian period it became customary
to perform offerings for the ancestors ofEnlil as well. They are not, however,
mentioned in the fragmentary hymn to Utu.
2.2. F ir s t G r o u p o f N e th e r w o r ld D e i ti e s
At the beginning of the god-list is a group o f the traditional major gods o f the
netherworld. As a group, isolated from the full list, it is comparable to the lists
o f both D U r and “The First Elegy.” In content, it is closer to D U r than to the
list o f “The First Elegy,” but the order of the gods is somewhat different. It
does not include spouses, and the description o f the offen ngs is not as detailed
as in D U r , although the chosen terms may be instructive. The different order
may have a theological significance with chronological implications, since it
reflects changes in the status o f deities.
2.2.1. W h o s e P o s itio n Is D if f e r e n t f r o m D U r ?
At the head o f the list is Ereskigal. It confhms the assertion that she is the queen
o f the netherworld as in DUrand, therefore, with her begins the count of the
29. The name Sumugan, after Enlil’s ancestors, also points to a later date or, at least,
Akkadian influence. However, source N j may well be a late Old Babylonian
elaborated version of a third-millennium composition. An illustration of this situa-
tion is the better-preserved I D , where, at the beginning of the text, each source has
a different number of temples, indicating that the list o f temples is a later inter-
polation of an existing list in another text.
T H E LISTS O F N E T H E R W O R L D G O D S 3^9
gods in the list. Namtar rises from third to second place, next to Ereskigal.
Dimmeku rises from its position after Ningiszida to third place, after Namtar.
Following is Bitu, who was not mentioned in the god-list o f D U r , although
when Urnamma enters the netherworld he meets a group o f seven gate-
keepers. Dumuzi fell from second position, after Ereskigal, to last position,
after Ningiszida, who descended from his position after Namtar and his wife
to the one before last. Missing from the list are Nergal and Ninazimua; he was
no less than “ E n lil o f the netherworld” and she was not merely a spouse, but
the chief scribe of the netherworld.
The absence o f Nergal is odd. Since the list ofEnlil’s ancestors was added
during the Old Babylonian period, we have reason to expect Nergal’s name
as well, if not following the original version then due to later elaboration.
Therefore, his absence suggests that he was not yet considered a netherworld
god.3° And since Gilgames died o f natural causes, not in battle like Urnamma,
Nergal was not involved in his death and there was, then, no reason to include
him.
The decline o f Dumuzi to the end o f the list can be explained against the
background o f his particular relevance to the U r III kings, who represented
the incarnation ofDum uzi. Since Urnamma was identified with Dumuzi, he
himself was “the beloved husband of Inanna” as well as o f his mortal wife.
That Dumuzi is doubly relevant for Urnamma and that D U r is a real, historical
lament justifies the position ofDumuzi next to the queen o f the netherworld.
Therefore, his position in D G i l probably reflects his traditional relative status
rather than a decline.
Ningiszida’s position as one before last, after Dimmeku and Bitu, marks a
decline compared with his place in D U r and “The First Elegy.” The absence
o f Ninazimua is probably related to this, and may provide a clue to their status.
Her position in D U r as the chief scribe o f a r a l i justifies her inclusion in any
god-list. But this function indicates that she was identified with Gestinanna,
and suggests that it was based on Lagas literary tradition.3031 Therefore, her
omission from the lists o f D G i l and “The First Elegy” indicates that this Lagas
literary tradition did not survive long and, by implication, neither did her
status and the status of Ningiszida. Yet, the cult of Ningiszida was well estab-
lished in Sumer. The mythological sources portray him as a young dying god,
a property that he shares with Dumuzi and that would explain their position
30. Keeping in mind that the text was copied and elaborated in the Old Babylonian
period, Nergal’s absence from D G i l is highly significant for evaluating his divine
properties and reconstructing his role in the pantheon.
31. See in more detail in chapter 3, sections 3.3.4, and appendix 9/d and f.
together in D G i l . In the Old Babylonian period, Ningiszida was appointed

chair-bearer of the netherworld and appears as a major netherworld god.
Therefore, the list of D G i l probably reflects a tradition that is earlier than the
Old Babylonian period. However, compared to the status of Ningiszida and
his circle in D U r , this tradition is different from the Lagas convention, which
seems to have been adopted by Sulgi and applied in D U r . In DGi/Dimmeku’s
repositioning from next to Ningiszida to after Namtar also alludes to a differ-
ent view of the position o f Ningiszida.
Dimmeku remains obscure. The earliest reference, in D U r , creates the
impression o f a deified cultic object. However, its placement in source D after
Dumuzi and before Namtar and its receiving gifts in its own palace in the Susa
version is confusing. The Old Babylonian god-lists generate more confusion.
The comprehensive list T C L 15,10 overlooks Dimmeku, which suggests that
it is not a deity and S L T 124 has dDIM.ME, that is, Lamastu.32T he diverse allu-
sions suggest that, already in the Old Babylonian period, there was confusion
with regard to the character o f Dimmeku. However, in most sources,.and the
earliest, it is somehow associated with Ningiszida. Therefore, the association
with Namtar and its elevation to a higher position suggest a lapse in the cult
of Ningiszida, probably still in the U r III period.
2.2.2. P a r tic u la r F e a tu re s o f D G i l a n d C h r o n o lo g ic a l C o n s id e r a tio n s
Tw o features stand out in comparison with D U r and “The First Elegy o f the
Pushkin M useum.” First, contrary to D U r , D G i l has no detailed description
of the gifts that the gods o f the netherworld received. Different sorts of offer-
ings are specified, but the terms are general (ig i-d u 8, k ad ra, nig -b a), and
for Dimmeku (u6-d i, “surprise”). For the rest o f the gods and priests on the
list there is no individual reference. But ig i- d u 8m u - u n - [ ]in line 26 prob-
ably refers to all of them collectively. Second, contrary to both D U r and “The
First Elegy,” D G i l does not add the epithets o f the gods.
The brief reference to the offerings is probably due to the different back-
grounds to the text. D U r was based on an historical event, describing the
actual funeral ritual of Urnamma. It stands to reason that the commodities for
Urnamma’s ritual were documented like any other expenditure, so that the
presents for the gods could be listed in detail. D G i l , on the other hand, is a
literary work o f fiction and, therefore, the narrative describes the custom but
is restricted to general terms for offerings and gifts.
W hy this literary text skips the epithets o f the gods is difficult to explain,
especially since the list is preserved in one source only (N3). W ithout epithets,
32. The scribe also corrupted the name Ninazimua.

T H E LISTS O F N E T H E R W O R L D G O D S 37‫ז‬
the full list resembles the convention of single-column god-lists, as the begin-
ningof T'CL 15,10 and afewbalags.33 In analogy to the lists ofD U rand “The
First Elegy,” the structure, comprising three distinct groups, suggests that an
existing list of netherworld gods was extended by an additional two, the first
according to the god-lists and the other following the lists of priests as in the
“Hymn to U tu .” The two additional groups indicate that source N 3 was
compiled during the Old Babylonian period. The group ofnetherworld gods
o f D G i l is closer to the tradition of D U r than to that of “The First Elegy.” It
is not impossible, therefore, that it was based on a tradition of the U r III
period. And since the full list was compiled in the Old Babylonian period, the
epithets were omitted to adapt to the two additional groups. It is also possible
that the group of netherworld gods was rearranged according to contem-
porary theological notions concerning the status o f the deities.
The sources o f D G i l date to the Old Babylonian period, but there can be
no doubt that they were reworked in that period. To that effect point the
passages common to sources from Nippur and Tell Haddad, on the one hand,
and the different ending and doxology, on the other.34 The issue is whether
the composition was composed during that period. One cannot exclude the
possibility that D G i l was composed in the Old Babylonian period. However,
it is more likely that a narrative in Sumerian about Gilgames would originate
in the court o f the U r III kings. Because of the fragmentary state of the
sources, any speculation about the development o f the composition has to be
based on content. The god-list is undoubtedly late. Also, it seems to me that
the attitude toward death, its treatment in universal terms, and the relation-
ship between the conduct during lifetime and the status in the netherworld
may date to the Old Babylonian period. However, some aspects, such as the
list of netherworld gods, suggest an earlier origin and in essence the theme of
the narrative is reminiscent of D U r . Both compositions deal with the death
of a king with great achievements. They differ in the time and circumstances
o f death: D U r deals with the fate of an actual king who died in military action
and D G i l with the fate o f a king who died o f natural causes. But in the after-
life both kings were assigned to lead the spirits of the dead and were appointed
judges in the netherworld.35Both appointments were compensation for their
33. See above 2.1 on the list ofEnlil’s ancestors.

34. It may be no coincidence that the account of the funeral ritual for Gilgames is remi-
niscent of the funeral ritual that Gilgames himself performed for Enkidu in the
Akkadian Gilg. VIII.
35. Against this view, Veldhuis maintains that it was Enki who rendered judgment for
Gilgames, rather than a statement about the future appointment of Gilgames on two
counts: the verbal forms are in the indicative unlike the precative in line 81 and the
achievements during their lifetime. As Urnamma was made the equal of

Gilgames, Gilgames himself, who was already a m inor deity in the Early
Dynastic period, was made the equal o f Ningiszida and Dumuzi. A related
additional common issue is on a theological level: both compositions deal
with the changing o f the king’s destiny by the great gods. The case of
Urnamma is stated explicitly in the text. In D G i l it has been overlooked so
far: Gilgames was born mortal (compare N,v 18), but because o f his great
achievements Enlil and An decided to grant him immortality. This decision
was overturned in the assembly after Enki reminded the gods of their sworn
statement after the flood that humanity is destined to die.36 The discussion of
following line 83 is a direct speech to Gilgames (JCS 53 [2001] : 134). But if Gilgames
was not appointedjudge, in what capacity would his word be as weighty as the word
of Ningiszida and Dumuzi? Also, the issue was the mortality of Gilgames and his
function after life. Therefore, the decision of the great gods is not merely a question
of rendering justice as in a trial, and not simply a decision by Enki against Enlil and
An, it is about the fate that was allotted at birth to Gilgames by Enlil (compare N,
vi 18 for kingship, not immortality‫)׳‬. In addition, it seems that following the
interpretation ofVeldhuis a statement with n a m -ta r would be more suitable than
d i-k u 5 / / k a-as-b ar. So who is the speaker ofline 83 and who is the subject of
line 82? The verbs in line 82 are, indeed, in the indicative, but in the mam-form that
signifies that the action takes place in the future: “he will passjudgment.” Gilgames,
appointment to judge, is confirmed in source N , vi 18—21. Assuming that the direct
speech in hne83/173 is not a mistake, there are two possible speakers. Itcouldhave
been said by Enki to the assembly in the affirmative to emphasize that the decision
is definite and in line 83/(M)173 he promises Gilgames high status to cheer him up.
But it seems more likely that it is Enlil, although the change o f speakers is not marked
by the text. I suggest that Enki concludes his response to Enlil in line 81, and then
Enlil announces in the assembly the final decision about the status of Gilgames and
afterward he speaks directly to him. According to D U r Gilgames was ajudge in the
netherworld, because Urnamma was made his equal judge. The importance
attached to the role of the king to render justice is made manifest in more than one
ofSulgi’s hymns (see especially SulgiX 142-47, Sulgi F 25-26, SulgiB 264-65, and
Sulgi C 102, where Sulgi compares himself to Istaran as the supreme judge of the
land).
36. Enki’s speech was not carried in vacuum; it is an answer to Enlil’s speech about
Gilgames’s great achievements. Only against the background o f Enlil’s intention to
grant Gilgames immortality, can we understand Enki’s reference to the oath after
the deluge. The crucial phrase between their speeches is 66/156: e -n e -s è dG ilga-
mes m u -ra n a m -b a -tù m . It concludes Enlil’s speech in the assembly. All
previous translations may have missed the point. It says: “Now Gilgames, because
ofyour name you should not be taken away.” The meaning of mu “name” in the
general context of Gilgames is well known to those who are acquainted with his
adventures. It is explicitly stated in the beginning of “Gilgames and Huwawa”:
T H E L IS T S O E N E T H E R W O R L D G O D S 373
the great gods in the assembly also signifies that no matter how great the
achievements o f a king, he remains mortal. This idea is also relevant for D U r ,
because the protest against Urnamma’s untimely death is emphasized by the
enumeration of his great deeds for Sumer and the gods. A second theological
issue emerges from Enki’s statement that Gilgames is destined to die despite
his divine mother; this is according to the fate allotted to him at birth— he is
fated for kingship, not for eternal fife. In principle, this argument addresses
the death o f a deified king. Since Gilgames is the patron deity of the third
dynasty o f Ur, conceivably the text uses his example to work out the
approaching death of one o f its deified kings. It is irrelevant for Umamma,
but in the interest o f Sulgi.
An U r III source is also suggested by the god-list, although indirectly. The
compact group o f netherworld gods contains the same names as in D U r . Their
place at the beginning of the list suggests that it is a pre-existing unit. The
different order can be explained as an adaptation to the subject matter and
contemporary theology of the Old Babylonian period, when the two addi-
tional groups were integrated into the list. Apparently Ningiszida was not yet
chair-bearer, but still an incarnation o f the young dying god next to Dumuzi;
Dumuzi’s position at the end may signify that the king no longer embodied
him.37 However, we have to bear in mind that in D U r t h e position ofDumuzi
was probably adapted to the theological purpose o f the lament: that Urnamma
is Dumuzi allows his wife Inanna to protest and demand justice in the assem-
bly ofthe gods. Compared to the list of “The First Elegy, ” which dates to Old
Babylonian N ippur as well, an additional oddity is that U tu is not mentioned
in this context. In the Old Babylonian period U tu played a major role in
securing the well being o f the dead and, i £ D G i l dates to that period, we expect
his active role in this context.38 The last point is the doxology o f the Tell
Haddad version, “Ereskigal, mother o f Ninazu, your praise is sweet.” It is odd
because in the Nippur source N 3 the z à -m i subscript is for Gilgames “ e n of
“Since no man. can escape life’s end, I will enter the mountain and set up my name”
(translation: George, 2000, 151). That the speech of Enlil counts all Gilgames’s
achievements and concludes with this phrase emphasizes again the importance of
death in the tales about Gilgames.
37. Since the sacred marriage rite was still celebrated by the kings of Isin, but there is
no evidence for the celebration ofthe sacred marriage rite as ofthe first Babylonian
dynasty of Hammurabi, the list of N 3 could be even later than the Isin dynasty.
38. Gilgames is advised to allow Utu to appease his angry heart when he dies, so that
he would not arrive angry in the netherworld. Since Enlil refers to his anxiety before
his death, it is not obvious to me that this single reference to Utu has anything to
do with his function as judge of the dead.
374 T H F. I M A G E O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
Kulaba,” and in the other zà-niü for Ereskigal the myth o f I D she has no
epithet. As “m other of Ninazu” she is described also in G E N 2 0 1 , but the first
attestation o f this epithet is in the netherworld god-list o f D U r . In the Old
Babylonian forerunner of the U d u g f o u l - in c a n t a ti o n (U d u g fo u l 3 0 8 ), her epithet
is “wife ofN inazu.” Given the limited number o f attestations o f a m a - n i n -
a - z u - k e 4 and that the earliest attestation is in the god-list of D U r , it is not
impossible that the lament for Urnamma was the source of the doxology of
the Tell Haddad version.
c. "F irst E l e g y o f th e P u s h k in M u s e u m ’’39
A group of netherworld gods is listed in the Old Babylonian sources of a

lament by Ludingira for his father, the scribe Nanna, who died in Nippur.40
Ludingira was away from Nippur when he learned about the death of his
father. First he describes his father, then his own reaction to the bad news, and
then that o f his family and the town to the death. In the last part o f the lament,
he expresses wishes for his father’s well-being in the netherworld— wishes
that the gods of the netherworld would look after him and wishes for a favor-
able future for his living relatives.41
88. dutu-en-gal-a-ra-li-ke4
89. ki-kûkku u4-sè ù-m u-ni-in-ku4 di-ku5-zu 1-ku5‫־‬dè
9 0 . dnanna-a u4-nâ-a nam-zu hé-tar-re
91. dnergal aden-lü-kur-ra-ke4a bigi-bi-ab csa6-nic
92. ak i!?- n in d a - g u 7‫ ־‬ù ~ n e a m u - z u h é - p à - d è û - bd u IO h é - r i- ib - g u 7- e b
93. su !-b a r-ra n in -k u r -r a h é - m e - e n arhus h u -m u -r a -a n -T U K U .T U K U
94. ak i-n a g a - d u IO- g a é - z u h é - n i- ib - u s - x a
95. é -a N IM -ta h é - b i- in - K U - x / en dn in -g js-z i-d [a ]
39. Kramer, i960. Since the publication of Kramer’s first edition, some five partial
duplicates have been published in Sjöberg, 1983.
40. The circumstances of his death remain vague, although the son describes them.
According to lines 3-10, the father was ill, but lines 15 and 21—22 imply that it was
the result o f a violent act. The act ofviolence is indicated by the expression ki -1 u l-
la in lines 15 and 21. An Akkadian gloss has i-na sa-ga-al-ti, murder or massacre.
Since k i- lu l- la here occurs in apposition to “in Nippur,” Wilcke’s doubts as to
the meaning of this expression do not seem warranted here (Wilcke, 1969b, 79—81
and n. 337).
41. The variants (sigla according to Sjöberg, 1983): (91) a—a: D: ‘1en-lil-kur-ra-ka. b—
b: So D; A: igi-bi-sè. c—c: So D. (92) a—a: A: SUL?; D: ki-tar-gu7. b—b: So D. (94)
a—a: So D. (96) a—a: So D; A: sà?-zu?. (97) a—a: So A; D, E: dbi-ti ù de-da-na.(98)
a—a: So A; D: sùd-zu. b—b: So A; D: hé em DU [ ].
T H E LISTS O F N E T H E R W O R L D G O D S 375
96 . kala-ga dgilgames “silim ha-ra-a[n-sum‫]־‬

97. “mbi-du8 ù e-ta-na” a-dah-zu [he-me-es]
98. dingir-ku1‫־‬-ra-ke4 asùd-dèa bmu-ra-[ab?-bé?]b
88. Utu, the great lord of arali,
89. After he turns the dark place into light he will judge your case.
90. May Nanna decree your fate on the day o f the disappearance of the
moon.
91. Nergal, Enlil o f the 104r , be pleasing to his eyes!
92. May he call your name in their place of eating bread, may he feed
you good food.
93. May you be adopted by the lady of the kt4r, may she have compas-
sion for you.
94. May your house follow the place of drinking sweet water.
95. May ... in the house from above(?)... / The lord Ningiszid[a].
96. May the mighty Gilgames [grant] you peace.
97. May Bitu and Etana be your allies.
98. May the gods of the netherworld pray for you.
C o m m e n ta r y
L in e 8 8 . In U tu’s epithét as a judge of the dead, a r a l i is a name for the

netherworld. It indicates that the geographical concept of a r a li was
transformed from the original actual reality, the steppe between Uruk
and Badtibira, to a mythological reality. The original actual meaning of
a r a li became blurred during the Old Babylonian period, perhaps in
connection with some change or decline in the cult of Dumuzi. This
change is made manifest when the Babylonian kings did not celebrate
the sacred marriage and Dumuzi was relegated mainly to popular reli-
gion. In addition, all the textual evidence for Utu’s role as the judge of
the dead dates to the Old Babylonian period.
L in e 8 g . Compare to the hymn to U tu’s temple in Sippar, Sjöberg, 1969,
46:489. The prefix /ù - / in ù - m u - n i- in - k u 4indicates the first of two
consecutive actions and, therefore, Utu bxings light to the netherworld
first and then passes judgment; The idea that Utu lights the netherworld
stands in contradiction to the belief that the netherworld is dark. There-
fore, it has to be considered a metaphor.
L in e g o . u4-n a is the day of the disappearance of the moon, Akkadian
ü m b u b b u li (see C A D B, 298). This line voices the notion that the moon-
god Nanna was also functioning as a judge of the dead during his disap-
pearance from the sky.
L in e g i . sa6- n i is the imperative, in contrast to the precative elsewhere.
The use of the imperative here is puzzling.
376 T H E IM A G E O F T H E !N E T H E R W O R L D
L in e g 2 . For k i-n in d a -g u 7, see Sjöberg, 1969, 122:384, and Römer,

S K IZ , 185:160. I understand this line to be associated with Nergal,
otherwise it could mean “may your name be called in the place of eating
bread, may you eat good food.”
L in e g 5. s u -b a r-ra liq u tu “adoptedson.” See Q 4DL, 208 and Sjöberg,
H S A O , 221. The reading of the verb T U K U .T U K U in th e meaning
ra!>û is uncertain (see Edzard, Z ^4 61 [1971]: 2 1 6 n. 22).
L in e 94. Presumably the verb is tis “follow” “join” “reach.” I under-

stand the phrase as a wish that his household, namely the family
members, would provide him regularly with drinking water.
L i n e g s . The relation between the two members of the line is perplexing.
The meaning of the first member is obscure. It seems to be a contin-
uation of the previous line. But after the invocation ofNingiszida, there
is no room for a verb in the precative. So what was wished ofNingiszida?
Therefore, maybe the first member is related to Ningiszida. But then the
phrase diverts from the general pattern, where first the name of the deity
is called and then the wish expressed.
L in e g 6 . Ms. A has an Akkadian gloss i-n a d a - n a - ti f a - la - m u , which suits
version D, against Kramer’s reading sà?- z u ?. Kramer followed the
Akkadian gloss in translating kala-ga “in strength.” However, the
epithet k ala-g a for kings indicates more a political than physical
power. Note the epithets ofGilgames in related texts: in D G i l Gilgames
is destined to be s a gi n a of the spirits; in D U r he is 1u ga 1- k u r - r a ; in
the “Hymn to U tu” (Cohen, 1977) é n s i-k u r-ra ; and in an incantation
against the Lamastu (Y O S 11,88:33) lu g a l-g id im -m a . All the epithets
signify political leadership, kala-ga appears in the compound n ita
k ala-g a as the title of the king in royal inscriptions from the Old Akka-
dian period. It was assumed by Utuhegal and the kings of the third
dynasty of Ur.
U n e g y . The name of the gatekeeper o f the netherworld, Bitu < bl-tux,
derives from the Akkadian verb p e tû (see A. Cavigneaux and F. Al-
Rawi, R A 74 [1982]: 189-90; K. Deller, N . A . B . U . [1991/1]: no. 18,
14-16; K. Nashef, N . A . B . U . [1991/4]: no. 97, 67. See also chapter 3,
section 3.3.5). The Akkadian origin of the name points to Semitic influ-
ence on the Sumerian concept of the netherworld. Bitu’s name is not
preceded by a divine determinative, perhaps by mistake, due to his
appearance together with Etana. Bitu is mentioned also in the list of
netherworld gods who received presents in D G i l . In D U r his name does
not appear among the fisted gods of the netherworld. A passage that was
not fully preserved states that Umamma gave presents to the seven gate-
keepers of the netherworld.
T H E L ISTS O F N E T H E R W O R L D G O D S 37 7
Etana appears among the inhabitants of the netherworld in the “Hymn

to U tu” as the n u b c m d a of the k u r (Cohen, 1977) and inEnkidu’s dream
in the seventh tablet of the Akkadian Epic ofGilgames—in both sources
without the divine determinative. Etana is absent from the god-lists.
However, the Neo-Babylonian incantation P B S 1/2,112 o. ii 67 has clE-
ta -n a . Etana appears with the divine determinative in another Neo-
Babylonian incantation, published by Ebeling,21rOr21 (1953): 388, line
77. An Old Babylonian forerunner of the incantation (CT 44, 32—33)
has been poorly preserved and the remaining text does not in-clude
Etana’s name. In analogy to his mention among the inhabitants of the
netherworld, note that in D U r the dead king of Ur was also received in
the netherworld by “famous kings who had died” (1.77) and Ur-namma
himself was given an official position though he himselfdid not become
a divinity.
L in e g 8 . d in g ir -k u r - ra in the singular makes no sense as the end ofthe
list. Perhaps it is a mistake, perhaps the collective.
3.1.1. L ite r a r y C la s s ific a tio n
The content of this lament and its literary style give rise to the question ofthe
S i t z im L e b e n ofthe text. Personal details ofthe protagonists, their names and
professions, the whereabouts of the deceased and his son during the event,
and the lack of mythological materials mark this as a personal composition.
Thus, it seems to be a lament for a specific actual person. But the character
ofthe sources indicates that this is a literary text, to all intents and purposes.
Ms. A contains two laments, one for the father and the second for the mother
o f Ludingira, while all the duplicates are single tablets, each inscribed with
only part of the text.42 Since none of the duplicates is fully inscribed, their
most intriguing feature is the division o f the text. Ms. B has lines 1—26 on both
sides ofthe tablet, but the reverse is inscribed to about two-thirds o f its length
and, therefore, lines 1—26, seem to be a free-standing section. Ms. D has lines
91—112 on both sides of the tablet, but the reverse is inscribed to one-third
ofits length, so lines 91—112 also seem to be a free-standing section. The same
is true for the remaining two sources. Unlike the first part ofthe text, which
includes personal details, the last part is phrased in a general manner. It begins
42. Ms. B (CBS 14063+N 4205) contains the first part of the text (11. 1—26). Source D
(UM 29—26-19) contains the last part (11. 91-112). Two more manuscripts have
probably only the last part: E = N 3285 has o. 93-103, r. 109—12, and F = Ni 9771
has o. 109—12.
37« T H E IM A G E O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
with a prayer to the gods o f the netherworld and ends with a prayer for the
well-being of the relatives of the deceased. The style, the content, and its
separate attestation in three sources suggest that the last part forms an inde-
pendent formula that was integrated into “The First Elegy.” Consequently
I conclude that despite the specific personal details “The First Elegy” is an
entirely literary text. It may represent a genre parallel to the literary letters.
Kramer, who also commented that the personal names seem to be typolog-
ical, already expressed doubts about the historicity o f the text.43 W e may add
that the full edition of source A, with a pair o f laments— one to a father and
one to a mother— also creates the impression o f a pre-designed scheme.
3.1.2. T h e L i s t o f G o d s I n v o k e d b y L u d in g ir a
The list of gods called by Ludingira appears in three more sources as an inde-
pendent text. The list includes the following names in the following order:
Nergal, Ninkura, Ningiszida, Gilgames, Bitu, and Etana. Also mentioned is
d i n g ir - k u r - r a . W hen we compare this list to those of D U r a n d ' D G i l ,
immediately noticeable is that “The First Elegy” overlooks the names Ereski-
gal, Namtar, and Dumuzi. O n the other hand, it includes Etana. Excluding
Nergal and Gilgames, who were omitted from D G i l , the elegy shares with
D U r only Ningiszida and with D G i l only the names Ningiszida and Bitu.
3.i .2.1. W h o Is A b s e n t a n d W h o W a s A d d e d ?
The absence o f the name Ereskigal is the most striking. Since the U r III
period, she is attested by name in all the texts that m ention the gods of the
netherworld, although not always explicitly depicted as queen o f the neth-
erworld.44Judging by the dedication inscription o f Lu’utu, in Old Akkadian
Um m a Ereskigal was already regarded as the ruler o f the netherworld.45 n i n -
k u r - r a ofline 93 literally means “Ereskigal.” Yet, in the Old Babylonian
43. Kramer, i960, 50-51, and 71 n. 10. Lipin, on the other hand, tried to establish the
historical circumstances of the father’s death (ibid., 44-45). If this is a literary text,
then there is no point in trying to pinpoint the historical event.
44. Ereskigal is already attested in an Old Sumerian document from Lagas in association
with Ninazu (DP 51, ii 6-iii 5 ofUkg. year 2). Her divine function is not indicated
by that text, but the association with Ninazu leads us to assume that it was related
to the netherworld.
45. C T 36, 3; Steible, 1991, vol. II, 343-44, Lu’utu 1-2; cf. appendix 7/c. Ereskigal is
not mentioned in the Early Dynastic god-lists of Fara and Abu Salabikh and,
therefore, it is not certain that in the Early Dynastic period she was universally
known as queen o f the netherworld.
T H E L IS T S O F N E T H E R W O R L D G O D S 37 9
period Ereskigal’s queenship was so deeply established that it is inconceivable

that she would be seriously invoked by an epithet rather than by name. That
Ereskigal is not n i n - k u r - r a is indirectly implied by the absence ofNamtar.
Namtar was the vizier o f Ereskigal and his omission from the list can only be
explained by the absence of Ereskigal, to whose circle he is affiliated. If ni n -
k u r - r a is a proper name as the invocation suggests, then it is certainly not
Ereskigal.46 Since the list names Nergal as head o f the netherworld pantheon
a n d n in - k u r - r a immediately after him, shestandsforhisspou.se, rather than
Ereskigal.
The absence ofDumuzi is also o f great significance. In the Old Babylonian
period his function was conclusively determined as the only young dying god
in the Babylonian pantheon. Thus, he appears in D G i l and in the list o f D U r ,
where he also has the epithet “beloved husband of Inanna.”47
From the Old Babylonian period onward, Dumuzi featured mainly in
popular religion, so perhaps his absence signifies a decline in his status in offi-
cial theology. Yet, the absence o f Ereskigal and Namtar well suggests that
there may be more to it; all the more so in view of the invocation ofEtana.
It seems as if the list o f “The First Elegy” deviates from the theological tradi-
tion of southern Mesopotamia, which was carried on from the U r III to the
Old Babylonian periods. If so, its origin can hardly be in any o f the old reli-
gious centers o f southern Sumer.
46. dn in - k u r - r a is attested in an Old Babylonian school text from Uruk with a list of
gods (W 16603, iii n ‫ ; ׳‬see A. Cavigneaux, Uruk: Altbabylonische Texte aus dem
Planquadrat Pe xvi-4/5, 1gg6 [AUW E 23], no. 154). dn in - k u r - r a succeeds Nin-
amas, Ningestin, Ninmas, and Ninti and is followed by Lisin. The association of
these female deities with the dying god as sister or mother links Ninkura to the
netherworld. At the same time, the context implies that Ninkura is not Ereskigal.
See also the discussion in appendix 9/a.
dN in - k u r is attested in Early Dynastic god-lists from Fara (Krebernik, 1986,
189, SF 5-6:12), recording the delivery of dairy products to some deities (Martin
et al., 2001), nos. 102 r. ii 4 and 105 o. ii 3. It may be significant that no. 105 o. i
5 records a delivery to dLu g a l- m e s -lam, the god oftheMeslaminKutha, and most
probably a chthonic deity. Following dN in - k u r , in this list, 105 o. ii 4, is dN u -
m u s-d a , the main deity o f Kazallu, also in northern Sumer. At face value this
offering-list suggests that dn in - k u r is a northern deity as well and, therefore,
perhaps she was the third-millennium northern counterpart ofEreskigal. However,
at present, the evidence is too sparse to evaluate the connection among the three
deities and draw further conclusions.
47. The Weidner god-list o f the Old Babylonian period, which is generally arranged
according to genealogical principle, lists him in Inanna’s circle; but his mother
Duttur appears in the circle ofEreskigal (AfO 2, 4 iv 22).
3^0 T H E IM A GE O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
T h e incorporation o f Etana m ay be significant, because he represents a

non-Sum erian segment o f the population. A ccording to the historiographic
tradition, Etana was a king o f the first dynasty o f Kis, that is to say, o f the
Semitic population o f Sumer. T h e legendary tradition about his ascent to
heaven riding on an eagle is illustrated by a glyptic m o tif on cylinder seals o f
the O ld Akkadian period. T he fact that it appears first in Akkadian glyptic and
then in the Akkadian literature o f the second m illennium suggests that this
legend was Akkadian in tim e and space and that it was n o t forgotten bu t trans-
m itted continuously for five hundred years am ong the Semitic inhabitants.
T he com m ents about Etana and Enmebaragesi in S K L show that old tradi-
tions about the kings o f Kis w ere know n in southern Sumer. But, despite
close contact betw een Sumerians and Semites from the early third m illen-
nium on and although Semites already acted as scribes in Early Dynastic Abu
Salabikh, traditions about the kings o f Kis did n o t find literary expression in
Sumerian and the upsurge o f w ritten Akkadian traditions begins in the O ld
Babylonian period, after the Sumerians ceased to exist as a nation.1!8
T h e incorporation o f Etana into the list o f “T h e First Elegy” indicates,
therefore, an Akkadian tradition rather than a tradition that originated in
southern Sumer. A nd yet he is n o t the only representative o f a Semitic tradi-
tion. Also the gatekeeper, w hose nam e B itu derives from the Akkadian verb
petû , is at hom e in Semitic tradition.4849 Perhaps their appearance together is
n o t coincidental.
Ningiszida is the only deity w ho appears in all the lists. His epithet e n indi-
cates that he was n o t yet the chair-bearer and his position as third on the list—
in D U r and D G i l he is one from the last— suggests a relative importance.
Bearing in m ind that Ningiszida was also at hom e in the highly Sem itic-popu-
lated Esnunna, this position may well reflect his status am ong the Semitic
population o f northern M esopotamia.
Apparently, Gilgames is the only genuine southern Sum erian figure on this
list. Thus, the absence ofEreskigal, Namtar, and D um uzi isolates this list from
the local traditions o f southern Sumer and supports the contention that its
source originated in the north. This conclusion is also supported by the
absence ofD im m eku, w hich is attested in the fists o f D U r , D G il, and in the
48. Note that the large corpus ofSumerian literary texts from Kis has not yielded any
tale about Etana, which seems to signify that the tradition about him was, indeed,
oral.
49. Yet, the mention ofBitu is less significant because in the image of the netherworld
as a big city the position of a gatekeeper is self-evident. It is his Akkadian name that
points to Semitic influence.
THE LISTS OF NETHERWORLD GODS 381
Old Babylonian N ippur god-list S L T 122 iii 7, S L T 123 iv22 (‘1dim-urn), and
S L T 124 iii 29 (dd1m-me) (between Ninazimua and Ninazu).
The key for dating the list seems to rests with the odd one out, Etana. W hy
and when was he included among the main deities o f the netherworld? Since
we miss some links in the evolution o f his image, a date cannot be established
with certainty. Y et, the age o f his legend and its fundamental principle could
point to a relative date. The central idea o f the legend about Etana is his desire
to beget a successor. In practice, it means the preservation o f his name for
generations to come and in principle it equates to eternal life. Thus Etana’s
legend makes him comparable to Gilgames, whose legendary tradition
evolves around his own quest for eternal life. It is my impression that the quest
for eternal fame brought Etana into the company o f the gods and, therefore,
that the list may have been as early as the U r III period.50 If, however, Etana
was included on his own account by those who preserved the Akkadian tradi-
tions for generations (orally?), then this list could reflect an independent
Akkadian tradition even earlier than the U r III period.51 And if dn i n - k u r -
ra signifies the spouse o f Nergal, rather than Ereskigal, then the list is certainly
earlier than the Old Babylonian period.
N o less than the date, the composition of the list remains puzzling. That
Nergal heads the list and Gilgames is included in it, but Ereskigal and Namtar
are missing, suggests that it was organized along thematic considerations.
Namely, according to the circumstances o f death. A list headed by Nergal as
“ E n lil of the netherworld” befits laments for victims of war or murder, as is
the case of Nanna and Urnamma.52 Unlike Urnamma and Nanna, Gilgames
50. It would be too speculative to assume an earlier date than that. A clue for the date
may be found in S K L , because this is the earliest written source to mention Etana’s
flight to heaven. Against the background of the ideological platform of S K L and
the characterization of Gilgames, its earliest version may have been composed at the
time ofUtuhegal, after his victory over the Gutians (see Katz, 1987, 113-14). This
date was also proposed by Jacobsen ( S K L , 128-41, especially 140—41). .Wilcke
relates the S K L to Urnamma (see “Genealogical and Geographical Thought in the
Sumerian King List” in Behrens etal. (eds.), 1989, 557-71, especially p. 566 andn.
41. It is not impossible that among the measures that Sulgi took in order to integrate
the Semitic north into his kingdom, important northern figures, such as Etana, also
received recognition in southern Sumer.
51. Gilgames was included in the Sumerian pantheon about two generations after his
supposed time, as in the god-list from Fara, SF 1, XIII, 13:7'. At least theoretically,
Etana could have undergone the same development on the basis of his own
endeavors.
52. The evidence forNergal’s elevation to the head of the netherworld is no earlier than
the Middle Babylonian period. Assuming that the myth of “Nergal and Ereskigal”
died o f natural causes and, therefore, Nergal, who represents the violent
aspect o f death, is missing from the list o f netherworld gods in D G i l . 5i*53
reflects the last stage, when his position was already established, our written sources
do not allow a date earlier than late in the Old Babylonian period. Notwithstanding,
he was related to the netherworld before, but not as its ruler.
53. Note that in G E N 236—37 Gilgames says that it is not Nergal who seized Enkidu,
that he did not die on the battlefield, but that it is the netherworld that caught him.
The order of his words points to a relationship between Nergal and a death on the
battlefield and, therefore, an act of violence. In lines 238—40, Enki instructs Utu to
open a hole for the spirit of Enkidu to come up. This indicates that, at the time of
composition, Nergal was no t perceived as an authority or leader in the netherworld.
Therefore, it is interesting that the late Akkadian version replaces Utu’s name by
Nergal, which points to his later as well as earlier position in the pantheon of the
netherworld, and the transformation of his status.
APPENDIX 9
G ods of t h e N eth erw o rld
T H IR D -M ILLEN N IU M and O ld Babylonian god-lists include quite a few

deities in the pantheon o f the netherworld. These lists alone, however, are
insufficient for a detailed description of the individual deity. First, they are
unilingual and, therefore, not explanatory, and, second, they are arranged in
a combination of theological, genealogical, geographic, and lexicographic
orders. Consequently, the purpose o f many deities remains obscure because
the genealogical principle dictates that gods are grouped into families and
some o f the names represent spouses and children who do not have an obvi-
ous divine function. In addition, the lexicographic principle requires the
grouping together o f different names and epithets o f one and the same god.1
Some of these names probably belonged to local deities whose names were
preserved in ancient oral or scribal traditions, but who later, after a process
o f syncretism, were assimilated with gods of the same type. This lexicographic
principle also resulted in the listing of clusters o f names that begin with the
same component, such as lu g a l or n in , even when they do not belong
together. No less problematic is the geographic order. Here, local traditions
were probably integrated regardless of the affiliation o f the deities to the neth-
erworld or their function.2 The theological principle is employed as a super-
I. In the most comprehensive Old Babylonian list, T C L 15, 10, the important gods
are listed with all their names and some of their epithets. See, for example, at least
seven names for Dumuzi in lines 267—73, Ereskigal in lines 403—4, or Inanna from
line 197 through line 214 and probably further. S L T 122, ii 17-22 also lists under
Inanna reference to places of her cult.
2.. A fine example is the inclusion of Ningiszida and his wife Ninazimua in the Old
Babylonian list of TCL 15,10: 303—4 with deities ofLagas rather than with the gods
of the netherworld,, which is their natural place. An interesting case is that ofDamu.
He, too, was included in the Lagas group (1. 298), although from the Old Babylonian
period onward we find him in Isin as a healing-god within the circle of Ninisina.
Presumably his incorporation among the Lagas deities was based on the part of
Edina-usagake in which his mother mentions Girsu on the Euphrates as her city (S K
38 3
384 TME IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
structure for the different organizational considerations and the general

objective is to group the deities according to type and status. Consequendy,
lists usually begin with the principal gods o f heaven, An and Enlil and their
circles, and, at some point, netherworld deities are grouped together.*3 The
theological principle must have been the main guideline, but it was not
observed rigorously, because other organizational principles were vital for
either representing the structure o f the pantheon (such as the genealogical
principle) or for the practical task ofcompiling a comprehensive list in writing
(the lexicographic and the geographic principles).4 Consequently, certain
recognized netherworld gods are listed outside the netherworld section, in
keeping with their genealogical, lexicographic, or geographic relationships.
The earliest god-lists o f Early Dynastic Fara and Abu-Salabikh5 add the
problem o f readings to the complicated structure: many god names cannot
yet be identified. Some netherworld deities were detected but not grouped
together and other well-known netherworld deities do not seem to appear
in the lists, such as the name Ereskigal.
The earliest bilingual lists, o f the Kassite period, are undoubtedly based on
earlier sources. However, these are longer and further elaborated. Thus, these
lists reflect the point up to which Babylonian theology had developed at that
time. Considering the long span o f time and that even the Old Babylonian
unilingual lists probably reflect developments that occur during the end o f the
third millennium, the late lists cannot serve as the ultimate source for a study
o f the Sumerian pantheon(s) in the third millennium.
The most reliable sources for the study o f the Sumerian netherworld
pantheon and the function o f its members come from other genres, mainly
the literary texts. Short lists o f six to eight netherworld deities were embedded
in D U r , in “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum,” and D G i l . These lists
are organized thematically and include useful details about the pertinent
deities. Offering-lists constitute another important source. These lists do not
specify the divine function o f the named deity, but when we already know
it from other sources we can locate its temples and evaluate the extent o f its
26 iii 11, see appendix 4/a). Note that in S R T 6, i 12-16 Damu is described as the
son of Ninisina, a healing-god, and lord of Girsu.
3. In T C L 15, 10 from line 400 with Ninazu. As pointed out above, not all nether-
world gods are included in that group. Van Dijk holds a slightly different view on
the organization of the lists (see A cO r 28 [1964-65]: iff).
4. Long comprehensive lists could not have been compiled without the help of local
scribal traditions, which led to the geographic principle. The lexicographic prin-
ciple is a means of collecting as many names and epithets as possible.
5. Fara: Krebemik, 1986; Abu Salabikh: O IP 99, nos. 82—84, 86-90.
GODS OF THE NETHERWORLD 385
cult in practice. In addition, these lists are datable. Hymns to deities are a less
reliable source, because the texts were produced according to relatively rigid
convention aimed at glorifying and pleasing the god, overflowing with exalt-
ing epithets for the benefit o f those who commissioned them. In addition,
they reflect the court theology, which is not necessarily identical to the cur-
rent popular cultic practice. Since, however, hymns to deities usually refer to
the family relations o f the god in question and are datable, we can leam about
the relative position o f a god at a given time and place.
O f all the sources most instructive is D U r with the list o f gods to whom
the dead king offered gifts upon his arrival in the netherworld: the deities are
not only mentioned by name but also characterized in detail and receive
presents that relate to their divine properties. The text has the rare advantage
ofhaving a precise date and place o f origin. Y et, we have to keep in mind that
it could reflect the contemporary theology o f the U r III court. The literary
lists are analyzed and discussed in detail in appendix 8.
Based upon these lists, I shall discuss here in more detail the main gods o f
the netherworld. The order o f their appearance follows the list o f D U r , begin-
ning with Ereskigal, queen o f the netherworld.
a. E r e s k ig a l
Ereskigal is best known as the queen o f the netherworld from I D . Yet, her
status as the ruler o f the netherworld is first attested in a text from the Old
Akkadian period, the inscription of Lu’utu dedicating a temple to Ereskigal
(see appendix 7/c). In D U r she appears third on the list of netherworld gods,
but the gifts that the dead king offers her— a gown o f queenship and, most
significantly, an object for the m e of the netherworld (11. 97-98)— prove that
Ereskigal was, indeed, the queen o f the netherworld. It is odd that although
Ereskigal is characterized as the queen o f the netherworld, she is third on the
list and her epithet is “mother ofNinazu. ” Even more so since Ninazu himself
is not mentioned in the text. I suggest that the use o f this epithet has to do
with her position as the third deity on the list, after Nergal and Gilgames.
Since the list was arranged thematically, with Nergal and Gilgames as the Enlil
and l u g a l o f the netherworld ahead o f her, another epithet was chosen and
her position was emphasized by means o f the gifts she received. That Ereskigal
was Ninazu’s mother is well documented and D U r must have been quoting
an older source.6
6. Note the description oFEreskigal in G E N 201-5, where she is called “mother of

Ninazu”; compare the parallel description in I D 231-35, where she is simply
“Ereskigal,” but her breast is compared to bur-sagan, the item she received from
Urnamma in line 97.
The earliest attestation of the name Ereskigal is in an offering-list from year

2 ofUruinimgina (DP 51 iii 5), after Ninazu ofEnegi. The list does not specify
that she is his mother, but it makes clear that they belong in the same circle.7
The hymn to Egida, Ninazu’s temple in Enegi, establishes the mother-son
relationship. The hymn also presents Ereskigal as the main netherworld deity
(the netherworld is called “the place o f Ereskigal”).8 This hymn is attributed
to Enheduanna. Although its date is not known with certainty, in light of
Lu’utu’s dedication inscription, it could well have been composed sometime
in the Old Akkadian period.
Against that background, it is remarkable that no Early Dynastic god-list
mentions Ereskigal, whereas Ninazu appears in god-lists from both Fara and
Abu Salabikh and he is the subject o f a z à-m i-h y m n from Abu Salabikh.9
W e may conclude, therefore, that in the Early Dynastic period Ninazu was
higher in rank and that either Ereskigal was introduced into the Sumerian
pantheon sometime later or she was known by another name. It is hard to
imagine, however, that an unknown goddess would suddenly emerge as
queen o f the netherworld and the mother o f a well-known god. Since her
name Ereskigal links her semantically with the netherworld, perhaps she was
known by another name and at a later phase her function or epithet became
the name by which we know her.10A possible candidate is dn i n - k i, by whom
Eannatum made Umma take an oath in the “Stele of the Vultures” r. iii 6-
v 41.11 It states that if Umma were to break the oath, Ninki would bring up
a snake from below (k i-ta) to bite his leg (r. v 32..36). Snakes are related to
the netherworld; it is in her power to dispatch them; and k i is a euphemism
for “netherworld.” From a literary point of view this clause antithetically
parallels the previous one, in which U tu would throw a net from heaven (an-
ta) on Umma. It implies that before Ereskigal (“lady/queen o f the big earth”)
was first mentioned in the written sources, a female deity governed the neth-
erworld: Ninki “lady/queen o f the earth.” In the god-list from Abu-Sala-
7. Selz, 1995a, 132.

8. Sjöberg, 1969, 27:179.
9. S F I ii 10 (Fara); O IP 99, 82, iv 12, and p. 50:128-39 resp.
10. We may expect that Ereskigal as the mother ofNinazu would have been listed even
if she were a minor goddess. Selz proposes to identify Ereskigal with Ninsubur, on
the basis of circumstantial evidence: the attestations of Ninsubur and MesanDU in
close proximity to Ninazu in the Pre-Sargonic offering-lists of Lagas, on the one
hand, and that ofNinazu and MesanDU with Ereskigal, on the other. In addition,
note the meaning of su bur: “earth.” See Selz, 1995a, p. 214, s.p. dnin-a-su, and
264-66 s . p . dnin-subur.
11. Steible, 1982, 140-42 (R4 0 S 5/1).
bikh, Ninki is coupled with Enki12 (later attested in lists o f Enlil’s ancestors),
but perhaps the name Ereskigal is derived from Ninki and that between the
times o f Eannatum and Uruinimgina they split into two separate deities.
G E N 200— 5, which describes Ereskigal’s m ourning in the netherworld,
calls her “mother o f Ninazu.” This may not seem extraordinary considering
that family ties describe relative social status. Since, however, Ninazu was not
mentioned among the gods of the netherworld in D U r , which is the earliest
attestation o f this epithet, “mother o f Ninazu” was probably an anachronism
when applied in both texts. The parallel passage I D 230-35 begins with the
typical description o f the mourning mother: “the birth-giving m other.”13
The following parallel phrase applies her divine name Ereskigal instead o f the
epithet “mother o f Ninazu.” It appears, therefore, that I D illustrates moth-
erhood rather than relative social status. Yet, the characterization ofEreskigal
by the typical expression for m otherhood is odd because there is no fertility
in the netherworld. O n the other hand, if Ereskigal’s epithet “m other of
Ninazu” is related to the other expression, “the birth-giving m other,” we
may infer that both correspond to an image o f Ninazu as a young dying god.
In other words, “the birth-givingm other” and “mother of Ninazu” represent
a memory ofEreskigal as a mourning m other who followed her son to the
netherworld. Correspondingly, Ninazu appears as an incarnation o f the
young dying god.14According to E d in a - u s a g a k e , Ninazu was one o f the local
12. O IP 99, 82 xii 1-2.

13. In the laments for the young dying god, see, for example, the ersemma of Ninhur-
saga (Kramer, 1982a 142*14 and 25) and Lisin’s lament (Kramer, 1982b, 139:40. See
also Alster, 1983, 7).
14. Alster suggested that the passages in ID and G E N relate to the establishing of
Ereskigal’s position at the head of the pantheon instead of Ninazu (op. cit., note 29).
This suggestion does not explain the alternative expression of the mourning mother
in ID . We also have no evidence for the supremacy of Ninazu ofEnegi in the
netherworld. As far as we can infer from the scanty material of that period, there
were several religious centers with local pantheons. Also the Lagas offering-list from
the year 2 of Uruinimgina mentioned above does not prove that Ninazu was the
head of the netherworld, because it may have been a list of offerings to deities of
other cities. During the Old Akkadian period, Ereskigal' was the queen of the
netherworld, at least in parts of southern Sumer, although when and why it hap-
pened or what went before is not certain. In light of these passages we may guess
that it was a development'from a role of the mourning mother who followed her
son to the netherworld, as in the plot of Edinantsagake.
It is interesting that in both narratives her description as a mourning mother
appears in the same context: an account of the entrance of unauthorized beings into
the netherworld. In I D it was in the instructions given by Enki to the creatures he
incarnations of the young dying god.15 Since our sources are not earlier than
the Old Babylonian period— when Ninazu was a minor deity whose original
properties are no longer distinct— one can argue that, rather than a genuine
old tradition, his name was added to the old lament during a later elaboration,
based on recollections of his past status as a netherworld god. While this argu-
m ent may apply to Ninazu, and “m other of Ninazu” may be justified as their
old relative social status, it cannot apply to the image o f Ereskigal as the
m ourning mother, because motherhood stands in contrast to the nature of the
netherworld. Therefore, this passage may be a remnant of an ancient literary
tradition about the lament ofEreskigal for her dead young son. The inclusion
ofD uttur, Dumuzi’s mother, in the circle ofEreskigal in the W eidner god-
list may be significant in this context.10It signifies the affiliation o f the m ourn-
ing mother with the netherworld pantheon and, in analogy, it may apply to
Ereskigal as well. Therefore, we should consider the possibility that when
Ninazu’s mother became queen of the netherworld, her name was changed
to Ereskigal, which actually describes her function and status and that until
then the mother o f Ninazu was known by a different name. If this was the
chain o f events, it occurred in the middle of the third millennium. Thus, it
would be understandable that a written tradition in the form o f a mytho-
logical lament did not survive.
The name Ereskigal is conspicuously missing from the list o f netherworld
deities in “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum.” Since there is evidence
created to rescue Inanna (repeated in the implementation of his instructions) and

in G E N in the instructions given by Gilgames to Enkidu. It is one of the indications
for the intertextual relationship ofID and G E N . Other indications are in the passages
that describe the appeals to Enlil, Nanna, and Enki for the rescue of Inanna and of
Enkidu, and that the name of the entrance to the netherworld, gcm zir , is unique to
these two texts. These elaborate descriptions ofEreskigal are not essential to either
plot and their omission would not damage the wholeness of the story. I suggest,
therefore, that this description is an interpolated topos that was taken from a myth-
ological lament about Ereskigal and Ninazu and was transmitted orally (as in popular
religion). The context of the parallel passages suggests that I D was the inspiration
for G E N , where it seems unnatural and plethoric. That ID states the name Ereskigal
is because the creatures had to approach her in order to revive Inanna. Why G E N
used an epithet instead is uncertain, perhaps to replace (and correct) the version of
ID with the epithet ama-gan, which seems odd for a resident of the infertile nether-
world. Thereby, G E N shifted the meaning to a relative social status, still remaining
loyal to the tradition.
15. S K 26 vi 23—24; P R A K l l , D 41:23-24 (Old Babylonian sources).
16. dTUR.TUR in A fO 2 (1924-25) 4, iv 22 may refer to Duttur. For the writing
TUR.TUR, compare D D 9 in a source from Kis, Alster, 1972, 154.
GODS OF THE NETHERWORLD 3» 9
as early as the Old Akkadian period that Ereskigal was queen o f the neth-
erworld, we tend to identify her with n i n - k u r - r a (1.93), who was invoked
right after Nergal but before Ningiszida and Gilgames. It is possible that n i n -
k u r - r a is a pun on the name Ereskigal. However, in such a context an invo-
cation o f gods by a pun or even just by an epithet rather than the explicit name
is odd. The absence o f Namtar, her vizier and an important figure in his own
right, casts additional doubt that n i n - k u r - r a is Ereskigal. Therefore, I sus-
pect that, although the text originates in Nippur, this list represents another
(perhaps northern or Semitic) tradition o f the netherworld pantheon that
crowns Nergal as its king. Since it dates to the Old Babylonian period, his
consort is not Ereskigal, but n i n - k u r - r a .1718From the fist o f D U r , we may
deduce that, in the U r III period, Ereskigal was not considered the wife o f
Nergal. The OldBabylonian god-lists do not link Ereskigal w ith Nergal and,
therefore, we may infer that the wife-husband relationship is a development
o f either the Middle Babylonian period or o f the very end o f the Old Baby-
Ionian period.
b. D u m u zi
Among the netherworld gods in D U r , Dumuzi appears immediately after

Ereskigal and before Namtar (11.101-5). His high position in the list probably
reflects his relative status in U r at that time, due to his function in the sacred
marriage rite, when Urnamma himself embodied Dumuzi. The gifts he
received include a variety o f sheep and a golden scepter of the e n . 1S “Beloved
husband o f Inanna” and e n are also Dum uzi’s epithets in the hymn to his
temple Emus in Badtibira.19 It seems, therefore, that his incorporation in this
list relates to the tradition of Badtibira, according to which Dumuzi the shep-
herd was killed by bandits in the sheepfold.20 During the Old Babylonian
period, all the local incarnations of the young dying god were assimilated with
Dumuzi. Y et, in D G i l Dumuzi appears last in the list o f principal netherworld
17. The list is discussed in detail in appendix 8/c. Note that whereas Ereskigal is not
mentioned in the Para lists, Gilgames is. Therefore, at least theoretically the list that
includes his name can go back to the Early Dynastic period.
18. Note that the scepter is described as “fit for a za-gin hand,” which may indicate
that the text refers to a statue of Dumuzi. If this is, indeed, the case, it means that
we have here a ritual that was performed in historical reality during the funeral and
that the gifts to the netherworld deities were presented to their statues, in a grave
or a shrine.
19. Sjdberg, 1969, 30:217.
20. The same tradition as “Inanna and Bilulu,” Jacobsen, 1953, 173ff.
39 O THE IMAGE OF THE NETHERWORLD
gods, in the same line as NingiSzida.21 This probably reflects his real status.
The shift in his position, from second after Ereskigal in D U r to last here, may
be due to the different places of origin: Nippur as opposed to U r, where the
king embodied Dumuzi. An additional reason is the different function o f the
texts.22 The reason for his appearance together with Ningiszida is not certain.
It may relate to the idea that both o f them were originally an incarnation of
the young dying god and perhaps the role o f Ningiszida as the chair-bearer
o f the netherworld was not yet universally established. Dumuzi is missing
from the list of “The First Elegy of the Pushkin Museum” (discussed in
appendix 8/c). As in the case o f Ereskigal and Namtar, his absence may indi-
cate a northern origin of the list’s tradition that depicts Ningiszida (mentioned
in line 95) as the young dying god rather than Dumuzi.23
c. N a m ta r
Namtar is listed after Dumuzi in D U r 106-9 and his epithet is the meaning
ofhis name “he who decrees the fates.” In D G i l Namtar appears in the second
position after Ereskigal and before Dumuzi, who is sixth in the list of prom-
inent netherworld gods. Like Dumuzi, Namtar is missing from the list o f gods
invoked by Ludingira in “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin Museum.” His name
is also not listed in the Early Dynastic god-lists o f Fara and Abu-Salabikh;
neither is it mentioned in the Pre-Sargonic documents from Lagas.
In an incantation o f the U d u g i j u l - s e n e s , he is described as the son ofEreski-
gal and Enlil.24 This genealogical reference indicates that he belonged to the
court of Ereskigal and that he held an important position. It seems that
Namtar was second only to Ereskigal, although in D U r he appears after
Dumuzi. N ote that, in the Old Babylonian lament “The Death o f Dumuzi”
57, the netherworld is called “the place where Namtar dwells.”25 His later
21. Cavigneaux, 2000, 23:13 (source N3).

22. D U r is a personal, non‫״‬fictional lament, embedded in real time, directly relevant to
Urnamma, who was himself the beloved husband oflnanna. The particular rele-
vance ofDumuzi to Urnamma justifies an elevated position after the queen of the
netherworld. D G il , on the other hand, is a purely literary composition and, al-
though Gilgames is probably a metaphor for the kings of Ur, it remains a fiction.
It stands to reason that it is D G il, not D U r , that reflects the real position ofDumuzi
in the netherworld. .
23. The cult ofDumuzi from the Early Dynastic until the end of the Old Babylonian
period, mainly according to the offering-lists and other administrative documents,
is the subject of Kutscher, 1990.
24. Geller, 1985, 40, Udughul 360; C T 16, 12 i 5.
25. Kramer, 1980b:57. ki-nam -tar ra -durun‫״‬na, and compare with the name “the
GODS OF THE. NETHERWORLD 39 ‫ז‬
epithet “ s u k k a l e r s e tim ” 26 reflects his old function as Ereskigal’s vizier. Consid-

ering his high rank in the netherworld, his absence from the list o f gods
invoked by Ludingira in “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum” is rather
conspicuous. In view o f his close association with Ereskigal, his absence
suggests that the list in the elegy was based on a different, maybe northern,
theological tradition of the netherworld pantheon, one in which neither o f
them were included (nor was Duniuzi; see also appendix 8/c).
Husbisag is Namtar’s wife and in that capacity she was included in the list
of D U r . At least one o f the gifts she received from Umamma, a comb o f
“wom anhood,” relates to her status as a wife. She is not mentioned in D G i l ,
which does not include spouses, and naturally not in “The First Elegy o f the
Pushkin M useum,” which does not mention Namtar.27
d. N in g is z id a
Ningiszida is included in all three literary lists o f netherworld gods.28 In the

earliest, D U r 118, he is called sul u r-s a g “young hero,” which establishes
the image o f a young god. The damaged part, which specifies his gifts, men-
tions asses and he is called sipa “shepherd.” The epithet u r -s a g is attested
later in two Old Babylonian texts dedicated to him: a dedication inscription
of Rimsin of Larsa and a'balbale-hymn.29 This epithet befits the hymnal
phraseology and his image as a young dying god. Yet, his relationship to
domestic animals seems enigmatic, since his name implies that he is connected
to trees. Cattle and asses are also mentioned in the Early Dynastic zà-m ü-
hymn to his father Ninazu, from Abu-Salabikh.30Therefore, it may represent
an ancient and intrinsic element of his divinity that was not frequently ex-
pressed in the texts, but relates to the fertility aspect of his divine properties.31
place of Ereskigal” in the hymn to Egida, Ninazu temple inEnegi, Sjöberg, 1969,
27:179.
26. For example: K A R 227, r. iii 17; P B S 1/2. 112:64; Ebeling. A rO r 21(1953) 388:70.
In later texts Namtar is also mentioned as a demon that causes disease (see C A D N/
i, 247, s. f . namtam).
27. FJusbisag appears in later god-lists; for references, see R IA 4, 522.
28. See appendix 8.
29. R I M E 4, 284:2 and T C L 15 25:1 ( S G L II, 8iff.) respectively.
30. O/P 99, 50:128-39.
31. His balbale-hymn mentions domestic animals, but not asses (T C L 15 25:13-14 [u8,
sila4, uzu, mas]). But in its first line, Ningiszida is crowned with the epithet en-
sà-tum -a-gàra “lord of field and meadow,” which suits his name. Since in the
third millennium the most pronounced expression of his chthonic nature was his
T he textual evidence suggests that, during the Old Babylonian period, the
divine nature o f Ningiszida was altered. In texts from the Old Babylonian
period onward, Ningiszida is known as g u - z a - la - k u r - r a - k e 4 “chair-
bearer o f the netherworld.” It is not attested in the lament over Urnamma that
came to us in Old Babylonian copies. Rim sin’s dedication inscription has
g u - z a - la - k i- a n - n a ,p which may signify that the role o f chair-bearer was
already assigned to Ningiszida, but the phrasing o f the epithet was not yet
firmly fixed. The most compelling evidence o f this change is in “Ningiszida’s
Journey to the Netherworld.”3233 This myth, constructed in the spirit o f the
laments for the young dying god, tells how Ningiszida was dragged by g a l l a
figures to a boat that sailed to the netherworld, where he was appointed g u -
z a - l a - k u r - r a - k e 4.34
Ningiszida is already attested in texts o f the Early Dynastic III period from
Fara and Abu Salabikh.35 In the god-list from Fara, he occurs in the circle o f
the snake-deity Ninpes. That a snake was his own attribute suggests that he
had been a chthonic god since ancient times.36 His father is Ninazu, the son
relation to snakes and since in the course of time his divine properties developed and
changed, it is unlikely that a much later Old Babylonian hymn would reflect
accurately all the aspects of his original nature.
32. R I M E 4, 284:3.
33. See now Th. Jacobsen and B. Alster, 2000, 315-44.
34. See also 1.3.2.1 /a. The badly preserved passage about the events in the netherworld,
which led to his appointment as chair-bearer of the netherworld, is the reverse of
UM 29-16-222, quoted in chapter 3, section 3.3.3. Line 74' has ki-eres-ki-gal-
la-k[a ] and line 77' has: nam -gu-za-la-kur-ra-sè su-[ni~sè ba-an-sum]
(different from the reconstruction of Jacobsen and Alster). Because Ningiszida is
specifically known by this epithet in the second and first millennia that I conclude
that this must be the content of this passage. For the same reason I also conclude that
this myth is about him and not Damu and that it was created during the Old
Babylonian period to explain the change in Ningiszida’s divine role.
35. In Fara, god-list S F 1iv 7 (Krebernik, 1986,171 and 1984,296 [4]) and a list oftemple
personnel from Abu Salabikh, O IP 99, 53 x: 3, which have a parallel in the Fara text
S F 57. This particular list implies that his cult was active.
36. The best-known example ofhis symbol is the steatite libation beaker decorated with
two entangled snakes that was dedicated to him by Gudea; see Frankfort, Iraq 1
(1934): 10, fig. I ; Strommenger, F ü n f Jahrtausande Mesopotamien (Munich, 1962). An
administrative document from Girsu, dated probably to Gudea, records the alloca-
tion of a snake to him by one dsara-i-sag; see M FN7, 166:1-2 (= I T T 4,7767).
The abundance of texts recording deliveries by Sara-isag, a few with year names
ascribed to Gudea or Urningirsu, suggests that he was a very high official in the
ofErcskigal and a chthonic god as well, and his mother is Ningirida.37His wife
is Ninazimua, who is identified with Gestinanna in the inscriptions of
Gudea.38 The main cult center o f Ningiszida was Gisbanda,39 which was
deserted at the end o f the U r III period.40Circumstantial evidence implies that
Gisbanda was no more than a small village, probably just a cult center.41
The upsurge o f Ningiszida in southern Sumer seems to coincide with the
introduction o f his cult into Lagas by Gudea as his personal god.42 It also seems
to coincide with a certain decline in the official status o f Lugal-URUxKÂR in
Lagas and o f his father, Ninazu.43 From the time o f Gudea and during the Ur
administrative system ofGudea. It is probably a coincidence that a Sara-isa is attested

in a Mesag Sargonic text that deals with the management of the fields in the vicinity
of Sagub (Steinkeller, 1992a, no. 39, and pp. 8-10). On the snake as a symbol signi-
lying the netherworld, see M.-L. and H. F.rlenmeyer, A JO 23 (1.970): 52—62. The
relationship of Ningiszida to snakes and other snake-related deities is treated in
Wiggermann, 1997, 39—42.
37. Ninazu himselfwas related to snakes; see references in Wiggermann, 1989, 121—22
and 1997, 35—37. The earliest evidence specifying that Ninazu was his father is in
Gudea inscriptions; see, for example, Steible, 1991/1,218, St, Ii 4—5. By implica-
tion, then, Ningirida the .wife of Ninazu is his mother. For later texts see T C L 15,
25:4 and 35. When Gudea referred to him as dum u-sag-an-na-kam (Cyl. B
xxiii 18) it is meant to glorify Ningiszida as his personal god.
38. D U r 126-27 indicates that the identification of the two goddess was not limited to
Gudea’s Lagas. For more detail, see chapter 3, sections 3.3.4 (dub-sar-m ah-a-
ra-li-ke4) and section f below.
39. Sjöberg, 1969, 28-29, the hymn to his temple in Gisbanda. A list of burial places in
Edim-usagake names Gisbanda as the burial place of Ningiszida: S K 26 vi 29; P R A K
II, D 41:25. One text, dated to the 8th year of Amar-Sîn, records an expenditure
of sheep to Ningiszida in Gisbanda (JC S 23 [1970]: 106 no. 31). The idea that
Enheduanna is the author of the temple hymns adds a sense of antiquity and
authority to the cycle. Some hymns could well be Old Akkadian in origin, although
not necessarily authored by Enheduanna.
40. LSUr 2 1 0 - 11 (= U E T 6, 128:r. 62-63; Michalowski. 1989, 48).
41. Wiggermann, 1997, 40.
42. According to Falkenstein, A n O r 30, 102, Ningiszida was not a local deity but was
“imported” from outside. Indeed, for the Pre-Sargonic and Old Akkadian periods,
we have up to now only one occurrence of Ningiszida in Lagas—and even that is
in the personal name, Urningiszida, dated to Enanatum I or Entemena. Thus,
Falkenstein’s view may be.justified, though the place of origin is still elusive. See
also chapter 1, section 1.1.1.1 /b textual remarks concerning the association to vine.
43. The reading /u ru b / is still not above doubts (Selz, 1995a, 163, n. 696). The lack
of inscriptions about dedicating buildings and objects to Lugal-URUxKAR from
the time of Gudea and his successors suggests a decline in his status. Yet, his attes-
III period the status of Ningiszida became firmly established. The history of
Ningiszida is rather complicated because ofthe conflicting evidence about his
divine attributes. The attempt to harmonize the various attributes o f
Ningiszida and his family by Jacobsen, 2000, 315-18 is too complicated.
These properties are well attested in the sources, drawing on his basic image
as a young chthonic god, but they do not necessarily complement one
another and, therefore, cannot be harmonized easily. That tree roots resemble
snakes and that both are found under the ground suggest that Ningiszida was
inherently a chthonic god, but not that his divinity epitomized a fusion o f all
the representations. Lugal-URUxKÂR was the image o f Dumuzi in Lagas.
However, the promotion o f Ningiszida by Gudea and the fact that both were
worshipped in Lagas at the same time suggest that although they were the
same type of deity, they were not identical. Therefore, Ningiszida, who was
associated with snakes, probably represented a different aspect o f the young
chthonic god. That a certain Urningiszida is mentioned in a Pre-Sargonic text
tarions in offering-lists ofthat period and during the whole ofthe Ur III period prove
that his cult did not cease and was still practiced. In Pre-Sargonic Lagas, Lugal-
URUxKÂR represented the Dumuzi-type of god and his wife was Inanna (Selz,
1995a, 163-69). A similar role of Ningiszida is indicated by some administrative texts
that record offerings for their sila-si-ga *11*n in-gis-zi-da (the sources, collected
in Sallaberger, 1993, 172, T. 102: I T T 5, 6918, 9507 and 9712, are undated but
ascribed to Gudea). As for Ninazu, his importance in the Early Dynastic and Pre-
Sargonic periods is indicated by the god hymns from Abu Salabikh, which include
a long hymn to him but none to Ningiszida, although his cult was known in Abu
Salabikh (see a list of temple personal O IP 99, 53x:3:isib-tlnin-gis-zi-da). Also,
Ninazu’s name is attested in Old Sumerian texts far more often than that of
Ningiszida, in offering-lists and as a component in personal names originating in
different cities all over southern Sumer. That, too, seems to indicate that Ninazu’s
cult was more important. For Lagas, the cult center of Ninazu was Enegi, as the Pre-
Sargonic offering-lists from Lagas make clear (see for example: D P 43 v 2, ix 8; D P
45, vi 3; D P 46 iii 4 v 3; D P 51 ii 5, v 1; D P 54, v 9; DP; 66, iii 7; for the cult of
Ninazu in Lagas, see also Selz, 1995a, 212-14). The hymn to his temple in Enegi
gives every reason to assume that Ninazu of Enegi was related to the netherworld
and the incantation to Ninazu “king of the snakes” presumably from Enegi (YOS
11, no. 32, and Ur III source P B S 1/2, 131) textually establishes his relation to snakes
(iconographically, this relation is attested in earlier periods). Wiggermann maintains
that Ningiszida and his father Ninazu were originally transtigridian gods (1997); he
may be right. However, that Ningiszida appears in the god-list from Fara in the
circle of Ninpes suggests that in southern Sumer he was related to snakes already in
the Early Dynastic period. Because of the features common to Ninazu ofEnegi and
Ningiszida and since Gudea knows them as■father and son, I do not see any reason
to assume that Gudea “imported” Ningiszida from Esnunna but rather from his
contemporary, closer cultic center, southern Gisbanda.
from Al-Hiba indicates that Ningiszida was no stranger to Lagas. Tw o admin-

istrative texts from the Old Akkadian period suggest that he was worshipped
in Lagas before Gudea, provided they are really earlier: one is the offering-
list M V N 6 , 336 (ITT IV, 7351), which mentions him once before Gestinanna
(0. 9) and again r. 5 as Ningiszida-URUxKÂRkl. The second, M V N 7, 166
( I T T IV, 7767), records the dedication to Ningiszida of 1 m u s - g a -li (abig
snake?) by one Sara-isa. Sara-isa was an official in charge o f the expenditure
of commodities, but the numerous records in which his name appears vary
from the Old Akkadian period (no specific date), through Gudea until U r-
Ningirsu 3. W hether or not Ningiszida was worshipped in Lagas (or Urub)
before Gudea, he is first attested as a prominent member of the Lagas pan-
theon at the time of Gudea and the iconographie evidence points to his asso-
dation with snakes. The background for his promotion in Lagas on account
ofLugal-URUxKÂR may have been a political initiative of Gudea, as was the
case for other major religious reforms that occurred in Mesopotamia and else-
where in the ancient Near East.
Unlike many Sumerian deities whose cult centers were destroyed at the
end of the U r III period, he was not forgotten.44 Ningiszida was integrated
into the Babylonian pantheon using his Sumerian name. In the Old Baby-
Ionian period he was assigned the role of chair-bearer of the netherworld, a
role identified with him in texts bearing on the netherworld and particularly
in incantations, until the final stages ofMesopotamian history in the first mil-
lennium.
e. D i m m e k u (d dîmd i m m e ( P I ) - k ù , d dîmd im m e (P I )" le- k ù )
The identity o f this divine name is enigmatic. It appears in three sources only:
D U r 120-22, D G i l , N 3:x x (d d1mdim m e(PI)-kù), and in the Old Babylonian
god-list from N ippur S L T 122 iii 7' (d dlmd i m m e (PI)- kù, and the duplicate
S L T 124 iii 29: dd î m - m e) .45 The reference to Dimmeku in the list o f deities
44. Compared to his father Ninazu, whose cult seems to have been discontinued and
whose Only practical remnants may have been in incantations against snakes. This
aside, Iris memory survives only in literary and lexical traditions that were integrated
into the school’s curriculum.
45. It is, of course, possible that a deity would be mentioned only a few times and then
disappear from the written sources. This is particularly the case ofnetherworld gods,
most ofwhom did not receive offerings regularly or form a component ofpersonal
names. Ereskigal and Namtar are not found in offering-lists, or as components of
personal names. The exceptions are deities who also had some terrestrial aspects such
as Ningiszida, Ninazu, Meslamtaea and Nergal. The difference, then, is in the extent
to which they were committed to the netherworld.
who received gifts from Urnamma is not phrased with the fixed repeated
formula that characterizes this section. The deviation of Dimmeku from the
regular pattern may be a hint to its identity. In source A, Dimmeku is
mentioned between Ningiszida and Ninazimua and, after specifying gifts, the
text states (1.122) “He gives to Dimmeku, who stands at his side,” presumably
at the side o f Ningiszida. A connection to the circle o f Ningiszida is suggested
by the Nippur god-list that placed Dimmeku after Ninazimua. However,
source D of D U r , also from Nippur, inserts this name after Dumuzi and before
Namtar.46 In D G i l , from Nippur as well, Dimmeku is listed after Namtar but
before Bitu, Ningiszida, and Dumuzi (resp.). In god-lists o f Neo-Assyrian
incantation texts, as well as in AN : A n u m , we find that Namtar has a daughter
dH é - d im - k ù .47 The connection w ith Namtar and the similarity o f the
names suggest that the later H é - d im - k ù is a variant (or a corruption) o f the '
earlier Dimmeku. The incantations are probably based on O ld Babylonian
forerunners.48Namtar’s name was not preserved in the god-lists from Nippur
( S L T 122,123, 124) and, therefore, we do not know if the tradition o f these
lists associated him with a daughter. In any case, it cannot be Dimmeku ,since
this name is connected with Ningiszida. To sum up, the Old Babylonian
sources reflect two traditions: one associated Dimmeku with Ningiszida and
the other with Namtar. The latter seems to persist to the first millennium as
Namtar’s daughter.
W ho, then, is Dimmeku? Three facts seem most instructive for the iden-
tification o f the name. First, the large Old Babylonian god-list, T C L 1$, 10,
overlooks Dimmeku altogether; second, the list does not associate Namtar
46. 3N-T 523 = IM 58534 o. 5'-6'. Its order corresponds to lines 102-4,119, 121,120,
106-11 ofsource A.
47. Litke, 1998, 189, V:221 (C T 25, 5:33). For the incantation, see, for example, S T T
210, o. 15', which duplicates Ebeling, ArOr 21 (1953): 388:73. However, Enki has
a daughter dfcjé-d im -m e-k ù (see Litke, 1998, 101, II 290 [C T 24, 16:36]).
48. The incantation published by Ebeling (ArOr 21) seems to be based on C T 44, 32-
33. Although the latter’s god-list is hardly preserved (some netherworld gods are
mentioned in 32 rev. v'), Lambert is convinced that the god-list in the Neo-Assyrian
incantation is based on it. The Old Babylonian source was pointed out and discussed
by him in JS S 10 (1965): 123-24 and also RIA 3, 478 ad # 1 4 # 1 5 ‫־־‬. Here Lambert
refers to the occurrence o f different writings in different lists for one and the same
name. An additional Old Babylonian source for a daughter of Namtar is the
incantation against Namtar from Tell-Haddad, where her name is given as h a - n a -
d i- ir - b a (CavigneauxandAl-Rawi, ZT85 [1995]: 198 MA: 44). The writingsbi-
tu u -d u -g a l for the conventional bi (NE)-d u s i-d u s-gal (1.42) and h u s-b i for
h u s -b i-s a 6 (1. 43) suggest that the writing of the name of Namtar’s daughter is also
different, or rather, corrupted.
GODS QF THE NETHERWORLD 397
with a daughter;49 and third, the two N ippur sources o ï D U r diverge from the
formulaic phrasing, which implies that Dimmeku did not have its own
palace.50The absence from the OldBabylonian god-list ofboth this name and
a daughter o f Namtar suggests that Dimmeku is not a god but a deified object.
Since DIM also means “figurine ,”511suggest that the passage in D U r specifies
gifts presented to a figurine, a statue that was related to the cult o f Ningiszida
and was placed next to his statue.
The various writing o f the name, in which some omit ME and especially
the Old Babylonian variant DIM.ME, suggest that the sign PI has the reading
/ d im m e / and that perhaps the name should be transliterated 51“1M inim e
(PI)me-k ù (g ). A support for this is the Old Babylonian version o f Atrahasis.
In this version the name o f the ■slain god is We-ila, written dPI- e - i - l a (I 223).
His designation “who had t ë m u ” indicates that PI, géstü(g)., was rendered
(e m u in Akkadian. Yet, të m u also has the reading d im -m a or d im m a in
Sumerian (references in A H w , 1385), probably an early loanword from Akka-
dian. Perhaps, therefore, PI and the phonetic complement m e indicate the
re a d in g /d im m e /.52
£ N i n a z i m u a — G e s tin a n n a
Ninazimua and Gestinanna appear as two names for the same deity in the
inscriptions o f Gudea from Lagas - the wife o f Ningiszida. In D U r Ninazimua
appears to be “the exalted scribe o f arali,” and Gestinanna is mentioned only
in the version from Susa (Sb2r. 10'), with the epithet “the king’s sister. ”53Both
titles befit Gestinanna the sister o f Dumuzi: the first because arali belongs to
the biography o f her brother, this is the area where Dumuzi tended his flock
and was killed; and the second because she is, indeed, the sister o f the king
49. Following Namtar (1. 408) are his wife yusbisa (1. 409), Lugalgirra (410), and
Meslamtaea (412). These two form a different family.
50. The version of Susa adheres to the fomiula, as in line 122a.
51. Sefati, ,RA 81 (1987): 159-60 for the meaning of the sign and some references in the
texts, to which add Civil, JN E S 43(1984): 294 ad 123.
52. On the name Pl-e-i-la in Atra hasls, see J. Bottéro, “La creation de l’homme et sa
nature dans le poeme d’Atra hasîs,” in Diakonojf A V (1982), 24-32; for collected
bibliography, see recently D. Shehata, Annotierte Bibliographie zum altbabylonischen
Atram Ijcisis-Mythos Inüma ilü awilam (GAAL 3;■ Göttingen, 2001), 68-69. Note,
however, some lines that include PI.ME in the Early Dynastic Fara texts VAT
12426 r. ii 7-12 (S F 18) and VAT 12777 v 11-14 (SF 19): PI.ME.KA;
P I . M E .N U .T U B ; P I.M E .D I; PI.M E .N E etc.
53. Fliickiger-Hawker, 1999, 123:127a.
when he incarnates Dumuzi in the sacred marriage rite.54The two names are
missing from “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum” and from the list of
D G i l . Although D G i l does not mention spouses, this is odd because “the
exalted scribe of a m l i ” is an important position.
Ninazimua is known only as the wife of Ningiszida. As such she appears
in god-lists andliterary texts from the early OldBabylonian period onward.55
The earliest attestation of Ninazimua may be in an Early Dynastic III text
from Fara, TSS 629 vi 1' (the signs dingir, a, and mu are preserved). Maybe
her name appears also in the za -m i-h y m n s from Abu Salabikh, where we
can read dnin-a-NE(IZI).56 In the U r III period she appears in some offering ■
lists from Umma and U r where she also had a temple.57That she bears Gesti-
nanna’s title in D U r indicates that the idea o f their association was notlim ited
to Lagas, and that in U r her cult was practiced under her ow n name.
Gudea made Ningiszida his personal god and, therefore, the unity o f Gesti-
nanna with Ninazimua may have originated in Lagas, but the circumstances
remain complex and uncertain. Gestinanna is well attested in Lagas. Some
Old Sumerian inscriptions commemorate the building of Ama-gestinana’s
temple Sagub, probably in U rub.58 The temple is associated with that of
54. The issue of their identification was widely discussed; see Lambert, 1990c, 298-99;
Steible, 1991/1, 349-51 (with references to earlier bibliography); idem, 1991/2, 73—
75 (commentary to St. M); Selz, N .A .B .U . (1997/1): 33-34, no. 4.
55. Old Babylonian god-lists: T C L 15, 10: 303-4; S L T 122, iii 4-6 and 124 iii 26-28.
Literary texts: “Enki and Ninljursaga” for their marriage; see Kramer, B A SO R SS
I 275, and Attinger, Z A 74 (1984); and the badly preserved “Ningiszida and
Ninazimua” (TtiM NE4, no. 4 and U E T 6, no. 27). This myth deals with the death
of Ningiszida in the style of the laments for the young dying god. As the wife of
Ningiszida, she is mentioned also in Edina-usagake, S K 26 ii 12. The abandonment
of their temple in Gisbanda is described in LSUr 2 10 -11. The tradition of their
union and the relation with Gestinanna seems to have been preserved in the god-
lists o f the Neo-Assyrian period that list Gestinanna after Ninazimua; see Ebeling
ArOr 21 (1953): 388:64-66; STTII, 210 o. io' - i 2‫׳‬.
56. OIP 99, 51:184-85. If this is Ninazimua, it suggests that she used to be more
important than Ningiszida, who was not exalted by a hymn. However, this suppo-
sition has no support from other sources.
57. In the long offering-list from Umma, she appears after Ningiszida (TCL 5, 6053 ii
6). For Ur, see, for example, U E T 3, 69:4 (with Ninazu, Ningirida, Ningiszida, and
Alla), ibid., 267 r. ii 6. Offerings for her temple are listed in U E T 3 , 93:9, 931:5, and
1022:4.
58. Selz, 1995a, 20. The reading / u r u b / is tentative; it follows the assumption that
URU xK Â R has a reading u ru b x.
GODS OF THE N ETH ER W O R LD 399
Lugal-URUxKÂR, who was the Lagas manifestation o f Dumuzi,59 and there-

fore, it seems that also in Old Sumerian Lagas Gestinanna was Dumuzi’s sister.
Ninazimua, on the other hand, is not mentioned in Lagas texts before
Gudea.60 W hether or not Ninazimua is a second name for Gestinanna or a
distinct deity whom we have failed to trace in earlier sources, the combination
of both names as the wife of Ningiszida needs clarification. Apparently, when
Ningiszida appears as Gudea’s personal god, the name o f Lugal-URUxKÂR is
no longer attested in building inscriptions, but he is attested in offering-lists.
This situation indicates that the cult of Lugal-URUxKÂR was still observed,
and suggests a sort o f dichotomy: the cult of Ningiszida becoming prominent
in the court theology on account o f Lugal-URUxKÂR, but otherwise, as in
the popular religion, the cult of Lugal-URUxKÂR continuing uninterrupted.
It stands to reason that the interchange of Ningiszida with Lugal-URUxKÂR
in the Lagas court theology was based on their common divine property—
that o f the young dying god.61 Yet, their wives can neither interchange nor
be identified, because Lugal-URUxKÂR’s wife is Inanna, who is higher in
rank than Ninazimua and, therefore, unalterable in status. If Ninazimua was
a distinct deity, she was not known in Lagas. Therefore, the assimilation with
Gestinanna endowed her with a local color and kept the tradition intact: in
their mythological status Ninazimua and Gestinanna are equal, a wife and a
sister o f the dying god. O n the other hand, the assimilation with Gestinanna
and the laments that refer to Amasilama, his mourning sister, suggest that
Ningiszida was an unmarried young god. This is a more likely reason for the
combination Ninazimua-Gestinanna. If Ningiszida was an unmarried young
god then the interchange with Lugal-URUxKÂR required the introduction
o f a wife for him. Since in the mythological laments the role o f sister is parallel
to the role o f wife, and Gestinanna is the sister o f the replaced Lugal-
URUxKÂR, she makes a better candidate than Amasilama for Ningiszida’s
wife. Thus Gudea combined tradition with innovation, and integrated
Ningiszida in the mythological frame o f Lugal-URUxKÂR in Lagas. Since,
however, Gestinanna is well known as the sister of Dumuzi, the necessary
distinction was made by another name, Ninazimua. Semantically, it is linked
to the name Gestinanna through the association with wine, and they are the
same type o f deity. Later, probably in parallel to the rise of Ningiszida’s rank
in southern Sumer, Ninazimua separated from Gestinanna and became a
distinct goddess.
59. Selz, 1995a, 168-69.

60. Coinciding with the upsurge of Ningiszida.
61. See section d. Ningiszida above.
If my suggestion is correct, it explains why D U r lists Ninazimua the wife'

o f Ningiszida as the scribe o f a r a l i . However, that the version o f Susa follows
with Gestinanna as “sister of the king” is puzzling. Firstly, her position imme-
diately after Ninazimua w ith no list o f gifts indicates that they are one deity.
But the title “sister o f the king” points to Dumuzi, who was listed in lines 102—
4, rather than Ningiszida. Secondly, we do not know whether the reference
to Gestinanna was added by the scribe from Susa or omitted from the Nippur
version.6263That U r III scribes since Sulgi imitated Lagas literary traditions,
probably accounts for the title o f Ninazimua in D U r . 61 But Gestinanna is also
absent from offering-lists from Ur, whereas Ninazimua received offerings and
had a shrine in U r.64 The cult o f Ninazimua may also have been taken from
Lagas. However, since religious customs are usually kept conservatively it
seems strange that Gestinanna was either ignored or worshipped under the
name Ninazimua because she must have been known in Ur, and was
worshipped in several Sumerian cities.
The Old Babylonian god-lists separate Gestinanna from Ninazimua and
Ningiszida,65 and in the comprehensive Old Babylonian god-list from the
Louvre Gestinanna appears among the gods o f Lagas right after Damu, and
before Ningiszida and Ninazimua.66 Her role may once have been attributed
62. The Susa version suggests that Ninazimua was, indeed, another name ofGestinanna,
because “king” can refer either to Dumuzi himself or to the king, who played his
role in the sacred marriage rite; his sister is Gestinanna. That same reason, however,
may explain why Gestinanna does not appear in the Nippur version—in Nippur
during the Old Babylonian period “the sister of the king” would not apply to
Ninazimua who is a wife, but to Gestinanna alone.
63. On adopting Lagas literary conventions by Sulgi, see Klein, 1989.
64. Gestinanna is not mentioned in any offering-list published in U E T 3, which may
be statistically telling. For Ninazimua’s shrine in Ur, see U E T 3, 931;1‫ ׳‬, 5‫ ׳‬and
1022:4.
65. For instance, Ningiszida and Ninazimua in S L T 122 o. iii4 '-6 ‫ ׳‬, and for Gestinanna
in r. v 9'.
66. TCL 15, 10:299, and a seal impression of the scribe Ludanu dedicated to Ninisina,
Damu, and Gestinanna in D. Collon, Cylinder Seals, vol. Ill, no. 376. Note that
Damu was formerly an incarnation of the young dying god like Gestinanna’s brother
Dumuzi and, as an unmarried young god, he is moiirned by a sister (Gunura),
another example of the blending o f identities on the basis of common divine
properties. However, whereas Gestinanna is attested in Old Sumerian texts from
Lagas, which perhaps originated in Badtibira and Uruk, Damu was not a Lagas dèity
and in the Old Babylonian period he is better known in the circle o f Ninisina in Isin
(yet, maybe the affiliation to Lagas can be explained by the reference to Girsu in
Edina-usagake, S K 26 iii 11).
C O D S (‫ ק י‬T H E N E T H E R W O R L D 401
to Ninazimua due to their common divine function, or inspired by a trend

to identify these goddesses with one another that is made manifest by the
inscriptions of Gudea. But the late attestations o f Gestinanna as the scribe of
arali reflect the vigor and stability of the early tradition, which overpowered
the deviation in the U r III period.67
g. B itu
Bitu is the name of the gatekeeper o f the netherworld (see also chapter 3,
section 3.3.5). His role is described in I D 78, 90, 94, where he appears to be
the chief gatekeeper of the netherworld, reporting Inanna’s arrival to the
queen Ereskigal. He was not included in the list o f the netherworld gods of
D U r , but line 76 mentions a group o f gatekeepers who received gifts from
Urnamma as he arrived in the netherworld. His name shows up, however,
in the list of netherworld gods invoked by Ludingira in “The First Elegy of
the Pushkin M useum.” In this list he takes the fifth position, after Ningiszida
(3) and Gilgames (4). Finally, in the list of netherworld gods of D G i l he
emerges in fourth position, after Dimmeku, but before Ningiszida and
Dumuzi.
In the closed and isolated realm o f the dead, depicted as a terrestrial city-
state, the function o f a gatekeeper is self-evident. Assuming a linear devel-
opment of the literary god-lists, the general reference to gatekeepers in D U r ,
rather than listing Bitu among the main netherworld gods, suggests that his
status as an individual deity was minor, perhaps in analogy to the terrestrial
city’s gatekeepers. Compared to D U r , Bitu’s rank in “The First Elegy o f the
Pushkin Museum” suggests that he was promoted. However low his position
was, less than Gilgames but superior to Etana, he entered the circle o f the most
important netherworld gods. Proceeding along these lines, D G i l reflects a
further prom otion in Bitu’s status; here, he is in the fourth position and
Ningiszida follows him. It should be noted, however, that Bitu’s high rank
relative to Ningiszida was certainly not maintained after his position as chair-
bearer was universally established.
67. Most probably due to the literary traditions of the Dumuzi mythologies that were
transmitted during the Old Babylonian period.
h. Anunna
Anunna is a general name for a group of gods that occurs in the Sumerian
sources mainly as heavenly gods.68Y et, the long list o f gods in D G i l concludes
with the “Anunna o f the sacred m ound.”69The plot of I D seems more specific
about their divine function: they appear as the seven judges who condemned
Inanna to death. This role gave birth to the widespread assumption that the
Anunna are the judges o f the netherworld. That later sources distinguished
between Anunna-ki and Anunna-anna70 seems to confirm the assumption
that they were a group of netherworld deities. Indeed, judges of the dead are
important because their verdict is essential for the well-being o f the dead. But
the Anunna are not mentioned in D U r , nor in the list of gods invoked by
Ludingira in “The First Elegy of the Pushkin M useum.” For favorable judg-
ment the latter turns to Utu/Samas and Nanna. In fact, the Anunna’s place
in D G i l at the end of the list casts doubts on their association with the neth-
erworld pantheon. Their place right after Ninhursaga, Sulpae, and Sumugan
— none of them a netherworld god— suggests that they, too, were considered
heavenly gods. Literary as well as theological reasons suggest that the whole
section of D G i l N 3:14-22 is an interpolation of an existing list. The main
netherworld gods are listed in lines 9-13, beginning with Ereskigal and
ending with Dumuzi. Each line ends with a type of offering and the verb b a-
a n -la . Lines 14—22 contain just divine names and thus structurally they do
not conform to the pattern of lines 9—13. From a theological point of view,
the list o f gods in lines 14—21 does not agree with the Sumerian sources for
the netherworld pantheon; it begins w ith the ancestors of Enlil and ends with
the Anunna, concludingwith “the great princes ofthe holy m ound” (N3:22).
Therefore, it seems likely that lines 14—22 is an existing list, an abridged or
early version o f a list such as in C T 42, 3 or in E l u m g u s u n .71
68. The sources were collected by Falkenstein, who investigated their identity, number
and function (“Die Anunna in der sumerischen Überlieferung,” AS 16, 127-40).
I cannot stress enough how crucial it is to separate the Sumerian sources from
sources of the late second and first millennia. In later periods the concept of this
group ofgods was widely developed and thus cannot and does not reflect any longer
the original Sumerian idea.
69. Cavigneaux, 2000, 23 o. 21 (N3).
70. This indicates that there was confusion also on the part o f the ancient scribes.
71. See the (longer) list of gods in the Old Babylonian versions of this balag in Cohen,
1988,280ff. e+174—e+271. This list begins with the ancestors ofEnlil and ends with
the Anunna as well. That the list was probably known by heart is suggested by its
omission from NBC 1315, which concludes, instead, i-lu a-di ig-ga-am-nia-ru (1.
e+174). See also appendix 8/b section 2.1 for more details.
GODS OF THE N E T H E R W O R LD 403
W ho were the Anunna and what was their function? The Anunna are not
mentioned in offering-lists, do not appear as a component in personal names,
and we know of no temple of the Anunna as a group; they are attested only
in literary texts. While the Sumerian sources do not allow unequivocal
conclusions about their identity and number, they make manifest the prom-
inence of the Anunna in the Sumerian pantheon— some name An as their
father. It seems, therefore, that Anunna is the name of a group of major gods
at the head of the Sumerian pantheon, that individually each o f them had his
own temple(s), and as individual gods they appeared in offering-lists. The size
o f the group, whether seven or fifty gods, is a typological number and, there-
fore, merely manifests a general theological concept.72
That I D does not specify the affiliation of the Anunna suggests that it was 1
known to the audience. However, it is not self-evident that they were the
judges o f the netherworld. The text of I D does not support such a conclusion.
According to the text they are “the seven judges” without further specifi-
cations. Considering that in the Sumerian sources they usually appear as heav-
enly gods, I suggest that the Anunna were heavenly gods also in I D and that
they functioned as the judges of the Sumerian gods. Inanna’s attempt to steal
the m e of the netherworld, which were assigned to Ereskigal by the great gods
who made her the ruler o f the netherworld, is not merely an offense against
Ereskigal, but also a violation of the world order and, therefore, an offense
against the great gods who determine the world order.73 In historical reality
the punishment for usurpation was death.74 Likewise, endorsed by theolog-
ical speculations, Inanna’s offense was not a matter for the netherworld gods
alone; it required the intervention of the supreme divine judges to condemn
Inanna to death. Thus, the seven judges who were summoned to prosecute
Inanna are not the judges of the netherworld but the judges of the gods, the
Anunna whom we more often find determining destinies. An interesting
parallel is found in “Enlil and Ninlil,” when Enlil is seized and expelled from
72. The extent to which the theologians elaborated on the identity, function, and
number of the Anunna-gods is demonstrated by the first-millennium version of the
balag Elumgusun (Cohen, 1988, 310: c+225 - c+229).
73. Inanna wished to rule the world of the dead as well as the world of the living, thus
unifying the whole cosmos under her reign. In a world strictly divided by the heads
of the pantheon this was inconceivable; it was an assault against their regulation of
the cosmos.
74. Gods granted kingship and, therefore, usurpation was an offense against the gods.
W hen a rebellion is successful, however, it is regarded as the fulfilment of the wish
of the gods.
N ippur by the “fifty great gods” and the “seven gods who decide destinies. ”7s
In their function as judges o f the gods, the Anunna must have had access to
the netherworld as well. Accordingly, in a sirnamsub to Nanna which orig-
inates in the U r III period, we read: [da - n u ] n - n a d in g ir - a n - k i- k a ad
m i - n i - i n - g i - g i - n e “The Anunna, gods o f heaven and earth, confer with
each other there.”*76 It is because they are the judges o f the gods, rather than
o f dead human beings, that Ludingira, for instance, overlooked them and
appealed to Utu/Samas and Nanna. It is possible that sometime during the
second millennium, under the impression o f I D (which was then reworked
into I I D ), the Anunna seemed to be netherworld gods and consequently their
nature and the location of their activity was changed.77
i. N erg a l
From the second millennium onward Nergal appears throughout Mesopot-

amia as the ultimate netherworld deity and the spouse ofEreskigal. His prom -
inent rank in the netherworld pantheon seems to be reflected by the title
“ E n lil o f the netherworld,” attested in D U r , “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin
M useum,” and the Old Babylonian Sumerian incantation Y O S 11, 88:31. At
face value this title implies that Nergal stood at the head of the Sumerian neth-
erworld pantheon. All the more so, considering that in the Emesal god-list
his name appears as u m u n -u r u g a l “Lord of the netherworld.”78It is, there-
fore, most striking that he is not included in the list o f netherworld gods of
the O ld Babylonian edition o f D G i l . Likewise, the Sumerian literary tradi-
tions, known only from Old Babylonian copies, are also silent about Nergal.
In the Sumerian texts, and most clearly in mythological narratives, the ruler
of the netherworld is queen Ereskigal alone. This concept is still preserved
in OldBabylonian god-lists.79 “Nergal and Ereskigal,” the myth that explains
7j. “Enlil and Ninlil” 56-60 (Behrens, 1978).

76. C T 44, no. 16:17; Fliickiger-Hawker, 1999, 272 (Umamma F); Cohen, JA O S 95
(1975): 598. The text is praising Umamma and, therefore, we can safely date the
original to his time. More examples for that point are cited by Falkenstein in his
study of the Anunna (AS 16, 127-40).
77. Their name was augmented by the element /- k i/, but it is unclear whether it was
generated by misinterpretation o f the Sumerian sources, especially ID, or because
the name was regarded as a genitive construction that required the suffix /- ke4/ and
then transferred to Akkadian as /- k i/, or a combination of both.
78. M SL 4, 9:106.
79. In the OldBabylonian god-lists, Ereskigal appears as single; Nergal clearly is not her
spouse. His location in the lists indicates that he was not yet related to her. Compare
T C L 15, 10:403—4 (Ereskigal and Allatum) with 10:418—19 (Nergal andMamitum);
GODS OF THE N E T H E R W O R L D 405
Nergal’s prominent status in the netherworld pantheon through his marriage

to Ereskigal, is even later. This myth— o f Akkadian, not Sumerian, origin—
probably dates to the Middle Babylonian period.
According to the Emesal etymology o f the name Nergal, u m u n -u r u g a l,
the writing o f the name n è - e r i ‫ ״‬-g a l was interpreted as ( e )n -u ru g a l.
However, the transformation o f the com ponent / n è / in his name first to
/ en / and then to the shortened / n / is problematic.80The writing o f Nergal’s
name and its meaning was intensively discussed by Lambert and Steinkeller,
where all the references to the Early Dynastic III and O ld Akkadian attes-
tarions o f the name are cited.81
Presumably, the earliest attestations o f the name Nergal is dKI$.UNU in the
Early Dynastic III god-lists from Fara, Abu-Salabikh, and Ebla.82 Among the
za-m i-hym ns of Abu Salabikh, there is also one to this deity, where the
context hints at an association with the netherworld.83 In an exercise tablet
we read a m a -dKI$.UNU.84IfdKI$.UNU is Nergal, then its attestation in a cycle
o f hymns dedicated to a selected group o f deities suggests that he was rather
S L T 124 iii 15-16 (Nergal and Mami). Ereskigal’s name was not preserved on this
list. In analogy with the list o f T C L 15,10, where Ninazu and his spouse are men-
tioned just before Ereskigal, perhaps she is at the end of this column, after Ninazu,
who appears last before the break or at the beginning of col. iv.
80. Lambert, 1973, 356. The dropping of the first consonant as in N in -a n -n a (k ) to
Inanna may be a normal practice but it is not self-evident that / n è / could simply
be taken as / en /. To that we may add that the name does not preserve any trace
of the genitive suffix.
81. Steinkeller, 1987 and 1990; Lambert, 1990a and 1990b. It is worth noting that
Steinkeller’s initial publication was meant to deal only with the reading of the name,
not with the nature of the divinity. Lambert’s answer brought the meaning of the
name to the fore and, therefore, Nergal’s divine nature.
82. Fara: Krebernik, 1986, 175, vii 20 (S F 1) among deities whose names comprise of
the signs K 1S, GIR, or pirig: Abu-Salabikh, O IP 99, no. 86 i 4' (and probably also
no. 82, i 17); Ebla: M E E 4 (1982) p. 17, X 15'Tav. XV, r. ii 17'andp. 290:806, where
he is equated with m-sa-ap. If the context is indicative, it is worth mentioning that
in Ebla the name follows the major Sumerian deities Enlil, Enki, and Inanna. The
writing K 1S.UNU is discussed in great detail by Steinkeller and Lambert.
83. OIP 99, 48:65-69. The connection with the netherworld may be inferred from the
mention ofEnki and Ninki in line 68. Lambert suggests that this deity’s name was
also applied to his city, that is KIS.U N U , and compares it with Nippur = E N . L1Lkl,
equating it with Kutha (Lambert, 1980, 60). Whether the city K 1S.UNU isKutha,
as Lambert suggests, needs to be proved. The issue will be discussed below in view
of analogous names, better applicable than EN .LlLkl.
84. OIP 99, pi. 140 no. 320 ii 3' and iii 3‫׳‬.
406 T H E IMAGE OF T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
important already in the Early Dynastic III period. That K1S.UNU was rela-
tively important in Semitic circles is indicated by the list from Ebla where he
appears after Enlil, Enki, and Inanna. His divine properties, however, can
only be guessed at. An important step toward better understanding o f the
name Nergal and its development was recently suggested by Wiggermann.85
He points to the occurrence o f dN IN .K I$.U N U in an Old Akkadian inscription
dedicated to the life of Naramsin.86 However, rather than identifying this
deity with Erra, as Steinkeller does,87 Wiggerman argues that it is Nergal and
that the name should be read mn.KI$.‫״‬n,gal. Therefore, KlS is Nergal, the
“bull,” and the reading developed: N IN .Û R U G A L > e n - û r u g a l > Emesal
u m u n -u r u g a l, which indicates that he was a netherworld god.
W ig g e r m a n n ’s p r o p o sitio n ca n also e x p la in th e n a m e KIS.UNU in th e
g eo g r a p h ic a l lists.88 T h e w r itin g KIS.U N U is a n a ly ze d as a d iv in e n a m e + U N U
“ r e s id e n c e ,” m e a n in g “ th e r e sid e n c e o f D N . ” T h is c o n s tr u c tio n is v e r y w e ll
a tte ste d in S u m er , sin c e it ch aracterizes th e w r itin g o f v e r y im p o r ta n t r e li-
g io u s centers: th e n a m e o f U r is w r itte n $ES.U N U kl, m e a n in g th e r e sid e n c e
o f N a n n a (dSES), Z a b a la m is M Ù S .U N U kl, th e r e sid e n c e o f ln a n n a (dM ÙS), and
Larsa is U D .U N U kl, th e r e sid e n c e o f U t u (dU D ). C o r r e sp o n d in g ly , K lS .U N U kl
is th e r e sid e n c e o f dKlS, th at is N e r g a l, an d as su c h it is a tte ste d in th e first lin e
o f th e g o d h y m n fro m A b u -S a la b ik h .89 T h e n atural in c lin a tio n is to e q u a te
KIS.U N U w it h K u th a . T h a t K 1S .U N U rep resen ts th e r e sid e n c e o f th e d e ity o f
th e sam e n a m e can h ardly b e refu ted . T h a t it is K u th a , h o w e v e r , ca n h ard ly
b e su p p o rted . K u th a is k n o w n to b e N e r g a l’s h o m e t o w n fr o m th e tim e o f
N a r a m sin , b u t th e n a m e w a s alw a y s w r itte n p h o n e tic a lly : g u - d u 8- a kl.
C o n s e q u e n tly , w e w ill h a v e to a ssu m e th at th e w r itin g o f th e g eo g r a p h ic a l
n a m e w a s ch a n g ed , co n tra ry to th e a n a lo g o u s g eo g r a p h ic a l n a m e s U r ,
Z a b a la m , Larsa, o r e v e n N ip p u r , all o f w h ic h r e ta in e d th e o ld w r itin g
D N + U N U . T h is in c o n siste n c y w it h th e g ro u p o f g e o g r a p h ic a l n a m e s h in d ers
th e id e n tific a tio n o f KIS.UNU as K u th a . T h e r e fo r e , rath er th an a ssu m in g a
8$. R lA g, 3/4, 215-16,5.1‫׳‬. Nergal. Wiggermann’s suggestion relieves us from the need
to prove that G ÎR ^ NÈ > en = Emesal um un.
86. M D P 6, 6; FAOS 7, 107 Naramsin B2 line 2.
87. Steinkeller, 1987, 164, n. 18a.
88. For the references, see Lambert, 1990a, 44, n. 6.
89. O/P99, 48:65. That was already suggested by Lambert (see above). Since, however,
Lambert read the name as a short form of n è - e r iu-g al, he did not observe the
construction DN +U N U and compared it with EN.LÏLkl (Nippur). In itselfit is a
fine example ofa geographical name written as the name ofits major deity, but not
identical with the construction of this group of names.
change in the writing o f the name, I propose that the location o f the cult
center was changed. Given that dKI$ is Nergal, I suggest that his cult was trans-
ferred from K 1S.U N U to Kutha during the Old Akkadian period.90
An Old Akkadian list from Adah has dKlS.U N U followed by K1S .U N U .91
Though the precise date o f the list cannot be established, at least it links the
evidence o f the Early Dynastic period to that o f the following era, indicating
that in the O ld Akkadian period dKI$ was still related to the place K1S.U N U .
The earliest manifestations o f Nergal in connection with g u - d u8- akl date
to the Sargonic period. A hymn to his temple in Kutha is Temple H ym n no.
36 o f the temple hymns that are attributed to Enheduanna the daughter of
Sargon.92 This literary text is known from Old Babylonian copies only, with
all the possible implications o f a long period o f transmission. A hymn to Sulgi’s
temple with a comment that it was added to the cycle implies that the compo-
sition is earlier than Sulgi and that it was reworked during the U r III period.93
Since hymns to gods and temples were known in writing as early as Early
Dynastic Abu-Salabikh,94 there is no reason yet to doubt that some hymns
were, indeed, composed by Enheduanna, as stated in the colophon (1. 542),
including the hymn to Nergal’s temple. At face value the hym n seems to link
the evidence o f the Early Dynastic period to that o f later periods and to prove
that Nergal’s original cult center was Emeslam in Kutha. In analogy to the
hymn to Egida, the temple ofN inazu ofEnegi (Temple Hym n no. 14:179—
86), it also suggests that Sumer was theologically or religiously divided
90. A deviation ofTemple Hymn no. 36, the hymn to Emeslam (Sjöberg, 1969,44:457-
67) from the fixed structural pattern of the temple hymns may be significant. It
implies that originally it was not dedicated to Emeslam but to another temple of
Nergal and that it may be an earlier one in K 1S.UNU. Since these hymns are
attributed to Enheduanna the daughter o f Sargon this issue will be discussed below
in hght of the Old Akkadian evidence.
91. O IP 14, 196 i 2"—3", ii 5'- 6 '. The orthography is similar to the attestation in the hymn
to K 1S.UNU from Abu-Salabikh.
92. Sjöberg, 1969, 44, Temple Hymn no. 36. Black, 2002, doubts the authorship of
Enheduanna of the whole cycle. Whether or not she composed Temple Hymn no.
36, the deviations of this hymn from the rigid form of the hymns suggests that it
originated in the Old Akkadian period. This hymn is also treated in appendix 7/b,
textual remarks 2. On Enheduanna, see Goodnick-Westenholz, 1989.
93. Temple Hymn no. 9. Line 134 gives the number of the additional lines.
94. The Kes temple hymn OIP 99, nos. 307-11, and Biggs, Z A 61 (1972): 193-207.
Except for the orthography, the Early Dynastic copy does not vary much from the
Old Babylonian copy. This indicates that the text tradition was kept loyally despite
the hundreds of years o f transmission and perhaps also that the religious circum-
stances of the Kes temple had not changed, which made modifications unnecessary.
408 THE I M A G E O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
between north and south. Early and late primary sources that associate Nergal
with an Akkadian-speaking population can support the idea that at EnJjedu-
anna’s time Nergal was the northern counterpart o f the southern Ninazu.
These sources, however, including this hymn itself, do not readily support
the assumption that Nergal was originally the principal god of the Emeslam.
One problem, raised by the writing o f the name Kutha, was treated above:
if K 1S.U N U is the cult center o f Nergal, its writing stands in stark contrast to
the standard phonetic writing of Kutha, g u - d u 8-a, as well as the continual
writing o f place names that were constructed as DN+UNU.
N o less indicative is the deviation o f the hymn to Nergal’s temple from the
rigidly structured framework o f the hymns, which characterizes the cycle.
The hymns open with an address to the temple. There are three alternative
address formulas, by (1) name (TN); (2) epithet; or (3) place name (GN).
W hen the address is not T N , the temple is invoked by name later on, begin-
ning one of the following lines: 2, 3, 4, and/ or in the closing formula. The
closure o f the framework consists o f two consecutive formulas. The first
begins with three alternative invocations: (1) TN ; (2) ès+G N ; or: (3) é+G N ,
+ a statement: m ù s-z a é b i - i n - g u b b â ra -z a d u r b i- in - g a r .95 Vari-
ations are D N - lu g al - T N - é- G N or: T N - lu g a l- z u + epithet-D N - é-
GN. The second formula seals the hymn in é-D N -G N .
Temple Hymn no, 36 deviates from this pattern on all counts. The address
é g is - k é s -d a - k a la m - m a (1.457) is not the name o f the temple. However,
the invocation in the third line (1. 460) is n o tT N as expected, but GN: g ü -
d u 8-a, which complies with the address to (é+)GN. The temple’s name,
m es-la m , is not invoked anywhere in the hymn, but hidden in the epithet
Lugalmeslama attributed to Girra (1. 463), and in the phrase m ù s -z u m ù s-
z a -g in m e s -la m -m a la -a “your platform, lapis lazuli platform, spreading
over the Meslam” (1. 462). This phrase compares the praised temple to
Meslam, rather than indicates that it is the Emeslam. That Emeslam is not
invoked directly by name at all raises the first doubts that it is the object of
the hymn.
In the closure of the framework (1. 466), the beginning o f the first formula
T N or (e)-GN is omitted before m ù s -z a é b i- in - g u b . The previous lines,
following n u n - z u , is a list o f names and epithets o f Nergal ending with
“Nergal Meslamtaea” (11. 463-65). The last line, however, “The temple o f
Nergal in Kutha (gu- du8-a),” conforms to the rigid formulaic framework o f
95. Sjöberg leaves mùs untranslated. Temple Hymn no. 36, line 462: m u s-z a -g in
indicates that it is not suba. Most likely it is “platform,” as Tinney, 1996, line 166,
commentary on p. 160; or “foundation” as George, 1993, 129, no. 829 (in Emus-
kalama).
the cycle, é-D N -G N . This confirms that thë hymn was dedicated to a temple
of Nergal alone.
It appears that the last and the first line, whether an epithet or a name,
conform to the strict pattern o f the hymns. Therefore, they surely reflect the
original version o f the hymn. However, the primary sources o f the U r III
period make manifest that Meslamtaea, whose name indicates an inherent
link to the temple, was the god of the Emeslam, either alone or together with
Nergal.96 Since the last line o f the hymn indicates that it was dedicated to a
temple o f Nergal alone and as a name o f a temple Emeslam is not invoked
even once in the hymn, perhaps the original hymn was not dedicated to the
Emeslam.
Since Emeslam is not invoked in the hymn, we should first consider the
possibility that é - g is - k é s - d a - k a la m - m a signifies a temple name rather
than an epithet. A temple called é -k é s - d a - k a la m - m a occurs in the Old
Babylonian temples list ( O E C T 4, 161 r. iii 34; M S L 11, 142 viii 34).97
Emeslam is attested earlier in the very same list (O E C T 4, 161 r. ii 35; M S L
11, 142 vii 35). Therefore, at least theoretically, they should be regarded as
different temples. It is possible that é - g is - k é s - d a - k a la m - m a is not an
epithet, but the name o f the temple to which the hymn was originally
devoted. This possibility can elucidate the problem o f Emeslam not being
invoked in the hymn and can explain why Meslamtaea is not mentioned
beside Nergal in the closing formula (for Meslamtaea, see section j below).
This means that in the O ld Akkadian period é - g is - k é s - d a - k a la m - m a
was a temple o f Nergal and that Temple Hymn no. 36 was dedicated to it.
The significant deviations from the fixed structure suggest that in the long
period o f transmission, between the Old Akkadian and the Old Babylonian
periods, the hymn was modified to suit the contemporary religious trend.
The extant texts, especially the evidence from Abu-Salabikh and the list
o f gods from Ebla, imply that Nergal was a relatively important deity, in
96. Note especially M V N 13, 682:211m e s -la m -ta -è -a lugal g u - d u 8-a, (Drehern,
Sulgi 48). The theory that Meslamtaea is another name of Nergal is convenient but
not proved yet. Nergal is rarely mentioned in offering-lists from Ur, Drehern, or
Umma. That in few occasions they were mentioned separately on the same list
suggests that they were not identified. Sulgi’s dedication inscriptions to the Emeslam
were taken by some as proof that Nergal and Meslamtaea were the same god, but
the difference in language and the analogy to the pair of dedication inscriptions to
Esikil put this assumption in doubt (see discussion in appendix 7/a, b).
97. Sjöberg comments that this is probably the name of Nergal’s temple in Kutha and
also seems to identify it with the Emeslam (op. cit., p. 135. See also George, 1993,
126 ad 802).
4 10 T HE IMAGE OF T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
particular for the Akkadian-speaking population. It cannot be coincidence,

therefore, that, during the reign o f the dynasty o f Akkad, a hymn would be
dedicated to Nergal’s temple. O ur sources, however, lack contemporary or
specific evidence about the Egiskesdakalama and about Nergal’s residence in
it. Also, we have no information about a temple o f Nergal in Kutha other than
the Emeslam. O n the other hand, we know that in the Old Akkadian period
Naramsin promoted Nergal’s status and that K1S .U N U signifies the residence
ofNergal. In analogy to Temple Hymn no. 16 for Inanna’s temple in Kulaba
(the address in line 198, and the closing formula line 209), I suggest that
Egiskesdakalama was the name o f Nergal’s early temple in K1S.UNU, which
was perhaps a district o f Kutha or a chapel in the Emeslam,98 and that later
the cult ofNergal was transferred to the Emeslam and consequently K1S .U N U
lost its religious relevance. Since Naramsin promoted Nergal’s status, these_
developments can be assigned to his time, after Enheduanna supposedly
composed the hymns.99W hen the hymns were copied in the Old Babylonian
period the status ofNergal as the major god of war and death was well estab-
lished and his temple in Kutha was the Emeslam. Then, presumably, the
name of the temple Egiskesdakalama was regarded as a mere epithet o f the
Emeslam100 and, therefore, the opening o f the literary framework remained
unchanged. By that time K1S .U N U (unlike Kulaba) was probably unknown
or even non-existent. So if it was mentioned, an Old Babylonian scribe (who
must have been familiar with the writing o f names like U r or Zabalam) prob-
ably identified it with Kutha. The invocation of Kutha in the fourth line (1.
98. As a district, it is a name comparable to Kulaba; as a chapel in Emeslam it describes

its function as “the residence ofNergal.” The latter meaning is not very likely since
it deviates from the analogous toponyms, but it keeps Nergal’s residence in Kutha.
It may also have been a specific cult center, comparable to Enegi or Gisbanda.
99. Nergal is not mentioned in the text that describes the big revolt against Naramsin
(Kutscher, 1989,19ff.). I suggest that Naramsin introduced Nergal into the Emeslam
after he repressed the revolt in which Kutha had taken a major part and at least
twenty-five years after Enheduanna had been appointed priestess in Ur. Based on
“The Exaltation of Inanna” 74, Jacobsen concludes that Enheduanna was expelled
from U r by Lugalane during the big revolt against Naramsin (1978/79, 11). If
Temple Hymn no. 36 was composed by Enheduanna after Naramsin subdued the
revolt, then he must have reinstated her to her position. However, in that case, we
cannot explain why the hymn addresses é -g is -k é s -d a -k a la m -m a rather than
invoking Emeslam directly (1.457). This problem and the other deviations from the
fixed structure indicate that the hymn was updated, suggesting that its primary
version was composed before the big revolt.
too. Which is taken for granted by the modern scholars, as K1S.UNU is identified with
no hesitation as Kutha.
GODS OF THE N E T H E R W O R LD 4 n
460), which complies with the formula addressing é-G N rather than T N or
epithet, may b e original but it also can be a later “correction” o f K1S.U N U .
W hen we turn to the last formula, we have to take into account that Nergal
was promoted in southern Sumer by Sulgi’s official court theology and the
increased weight o f the Semitic population. In the Old Babylonian period,
Meslamtaea was still remembered in connection with the Emeslam, but
Nergal was the main god o f Kutha and Emeslam. Therefore, in analogy to
the hymn for Inanna’s temple in Uruk-Kulaba, the original last formula é-
dn e rg a l g u - d u8-akl did not call for a change. Y et, the name Meslamtaea does
not follow the list o f Nergal’s names and epithets in lines 463—64, but is
inserted after the name Nergal inline 465. It suggests that, rather than one god
with two names, Meslamtaea was regarded as an individual deity next to
Nergal in Emeslam.101 The necessary amendments could have already been
made during the U r III period, when the hymn to Sulgi’s temple was inte-
grated into the cycle, or during the Old Babylonian period, when the extant
copies of the composition were made.
From the time of Naramsin onward, Nergal can be safely identified by the
phonetic writing of his name and linked to the city o f Kutha; Historical texts
also point to his divine character. In his Bassetki inscription, Naramsin
mentions Nergal o f Kutha twice, first in what seems to be an appeal o f the
Agadeans to some major gods on behalf o f Naramsin,102and then in the curse
formula, where Nergal has the title m ask i m - lu gal.103 The selection o f gods
addressed by the people and invoked by Naramsin implies that Nergal was
highly regarded by Naramsin. The epithet m a s k i m proposes that Nergal had
a warlike character.104However, whereas Enlil, Inanna (Istar), Sîn, and Samas
were invoked by the predecessors o f Naramsin, Nergal was not.
101. Even Old Babylonian sources do not yield convincing evidence that Meslamtaea
was a second name for Nergal. The name usually appears as one of a pair, but that
it seems to designate a relatively minor deity implies that he was separate from
Nergal.
102. F A O S 7, 81—83, lines 46—56. The meaning of the passage isnot clear. Färber OrNS
52 (1983): 67-72 suggests that this passage relates ofan appeal to deify Naramsin and
the building o f his temple in Akkad.
103. FA O S 7, 81-83, lines 64-66.
104. Cf. Thureau-Dangin, R A 9 (1912): in - 2 0 , iii 1-3: Utuhegal’s inscription that
commemorates his victory over the Guti. Utuhegal states that Enlil gave him
Gilgames as m askim . At that time Gilgames was already a netherworld god.
However, his choice by Utuhegal is most probably due to Gilgames’s affiliation with
the first dynasty of Uruk and his legendary courage and skills as the commander of
the Urukean army. Since Gilgames had never been the most important netherworld
412 T HE IMAGE OF T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
Naramsin credits Nergal and Dagan with the success o f his campaign
against Armanum and Ebla and his domination o f the territories up to the
“Upper Sea” (the Mediterranean).105 Dagan is credited mainly because he is
the god o f the subjugated people and Nergai because he stood at the head of
Naramsin’s army, obviously due to his military character: by the force o f “his
weapon” Nergal opened the way to the west for Naramsin and gave him
these territories. The prominent position o f Nergal during the reign of
Naramsin was not maintained by his successors. Only two late Old Akkadian
dedication inscriptions for Nergal are known, that of Dudu to Nergal of
Apiak and that of Sudurul, both kings of Akkad.106
During the Old Akkadian period the cult of Nergal extended beyond the
heartland o f Mesopotamia.107 Akkadian and H um an foundation inscriptions
of kings of Urkis record the building of his temples. Nergal’s epithet riir
s ä n in ü tim “killer (or: conqueror) o f rivals” in the foundation inscription of
Atalsen king o f Urkis and Nawar indicates that he was worshipped there as
a god of war.108
The manifestation o f Nergal in the god hymns o f Early Dynastic Abu-
Salabikh indicates his importance. But his position was further elevated by
Naramsin. In promoting Nergal, Naramsin brought him to the fore, and his
military achievement accentuated Nergal’s warlike character. It seems that
foUowing the impact o f Naramsin’s successful military campaigns, Nergal’s
esteem gradually penetrated the Akkadian provinces in the northwest. Yet,
as far as our texts allow us to conclude, the culturally self-conscious Sumerian
god, it seems that Gilgames’s status of m a s k i m for Utuljegal and tutelary god of the
U r III dynasty were generated by the historiographic tradition, and especially by his
military reputation. The tale “Gilgames and Akka” and the hymn Sulgi O clearly
point to that effect. A comparison between the literary traditions about-Gilgames
and those o f Lugalbanda, who was also a king o f the first dynasty o f Uruk and later
a deity, suggests that Gilgames became a god in the netherworld due to his military
reputation, which makes manifest the link between the sword and death. Nergal’s
role in the inscriptions of Naramsin brings the link between war and death to the
fore.
105. FA O S 7, 255-64 (with full bibliography).
106. FA O S 7, 121 (Dudu 2) and 122 (Sudurul Bi).
107. Note his appearance in the curse formula ofan inscription pfPuzurinsusinak (F/40 S
7, 328:19, 330:23, and 332:22). Zardamu, king of Harahar, names Nergal as his
tutelary god on a seal inscription (ibid., 386, 4:2).
108. Ibid., 383, 12—13, found in Samarra; 161(/. 382 ofTisatal king of Urkis is in Hurrian.
Note that Nergal’s name is written PIRIG.GAL, but considering that the inscrip-
tion is inexpertly executed the significance is not clear.
GODS OF T HE N E T H E R W O R L D 4*3
states were not affected. The cult o f Nergal is not attested in southern Sumer
before the U r III period. Apart from one inscription in H um an from Urkis,
all the texts in which he is mentioned are in Akkadian, not one is in Sumerian.
The emergence o f Nergal to prominence during the reign o f Naramsin
seems to coincide with the latter’s consolidation o f political power and self-
deification, which was a revolutionary development in Mesopotamian reli-
gion. The innovations of Naramsin, however, were not continued by his
followers. Although Nergal was worshipped in Akkad, he is not mentioned
in the historical inscriptions ofNaramsin’s successors and his prominence was
expressed only in inscriptions from the periphery o f Akkad. Because this reli-
gious development turned out to be an isolated case, the cult of Nergal did
not gain prominence and its pinnacle can be precisely pinpointed in time and
space. It stands to reason that his elevation was part o f a politico-religious
reform introduced by Naramsin after he subdued the great revolt against him
in which Kutha took part.109 In the framework o f this reform, and as a prep-
aration for his own deification, Naramsin elevated the status of Nergal and
presumably transferred his cult to the Emeslam, the main temple o f Kutha,
where he became the counterpart to Meslamtaea.
The first attestations of Nergal in texts from southern Sumer date to the
U r III period. A pair o f dedication inscriptions from the first half of Sulgi’s
reign110 to the deities o f the Emeslam in Kutha (discussed in appendix 7/b)
resulted in the idea that Nergal and Meslamtaea were one and the same god.
However, each god was addressed in a different language: Nergal was ad-
dressed in the Akkadian inscription, while the Sumerian inscription names
Meslamtaea. Since Nergal is a Sumerian deity according to his name, the use
of different languages suggests two ethnic groups within one community
each worshipped its own traditional god, rather than one god with two
nam es."1
109. Kutscher, 1989,20:14'. TheBassetki Inscription commemorates his victory over the
Southern coalition and prepares for his deification (or explains it). The inscription,
which credits Nergal with the conquest ofthe territories west of the Euphrates, dates
to after his deification. It seems, therefore, that there is a close connection between
the deification of Naramsin and the elevation of Nergal. Later, in the Ur III period,
Sulgi adopted Naramsin’s model and his court theologians elevated Nergal in
southern Sumer in association with his own deification,
n o . The absence of the divine determinative before Sulgi’s name suggests that the
inscriptions date before his deification.
i n . N ot only because of the different languages, also because of the comparable pair of
dedication inscriptions to the Esikil in Esnunna. No one claims that Ninazu and
Tispak were originally two names for one deity. Correspondingly, I doubt that
Nergal and Meslamtaea were two names for one and the same god.
414 THE IMAGE OF T HE N E T H E R W O R L D
Nergal is mentioned in three Sulgi hymns: Sulgi X 119, Sulgi S ( U E T 6 /

1 94:9-13) and Sulgi U, an adab-song to Nergal in which chiastic parallelism
suggests that he is identified with Meslamtaea.112 All three compositions
venerate his image as a war-god, whereas a link to the netherworld is merely
implied.1131456A link to the netherworld is made in D U r , where Nergal appears
as the first deity who received gifts from the dead king and his title is no less
than “ E n lil o f the netherworld. ” Though the text establishes his connection
to the netherworld, the idea that, in the U r III period, Nergal was its ruler
contradicts the evidence o f the literary traditions, including the text o f D U r
and of the Old Babylonian god-lists that name Ereskigal as its ruler. There-
fore, rather than king o f the netherworld, the title “ E n lil o f the netherworld”
may express Nergal’s capacity to determine life and death as the principal god
o f war. Against that background, his appearance at the head oftne lists in D U r ,
and “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum” signifies the •violent death o f
Umamma and the scribe Nanna (resp.) by sw ord."4 A small U r III list from
Nippur often gods and their place offunction has Nergal as sixth and his post
as k u r - g a l." 5 One more attestation o f k u r - g a l in relation to Nergal is e n -
k u r -g a l in an adab-hymn o f Suilisu o f Isin."6 Otherwise, k u r -g a l is the
epithet o f Enlil and has no parallel as a name o f the netherworld. Since the
adab-hymn is solely devoted to Nergal’s warlike nature and emphasizes his
close association with Enlil, it is possible that k u r - g a l was intended to unite
two meanings: the image o f an “Enlil” with the name k u r “netherworld,”
thereby expressing the idea o f “ E n lil o f the netherworld.” In that case k u r -
gal describes the actual capacity of Nergal to bring about death as a god o f
war, which links him to the netherworld. Presumably, Nergal’s epithet in
D U r marks his introduction into the south as a distinct netherworld deity.
However, due to the conservative nature o f religion and the predominance
112. Sulgi U is B L 195, published by van Dijk, SGLII, 13—14. But the U r III date is not
certain since the text was assigned to Sulgi based on the restoration o f his name in
line 37 (Klein, 1983, 42, ad n. 80). Other U r III sources relating to Nergal and
Meslamtaea do not support identification.
113. The description of his blood thirst, particularly in the hymns of the kings of Isin,
demonstrates the link between the god of war and the netherworld. In Sulgi hymns,
however, the emphasis is on the achievement of the weapon as the example that
Sulgi follows in battle and, therefore, Nergal’s relation to the netherworld is merely
inferred.
114. This possibility is discussed in detail appendix 8; see section 1.2, especially 1.2.2-
1.2.3.
115. Sjöberg, OrSuec 23-24 (1974-75), !67, 7:6, and copy on p. 181.
116. Sjöberg, Z A 63 (1973): I—13, and lines 39 and 57, with previous bibliography.
C ODS OF T HE N E T H E R W O R L D 415
o f the southern literary traditions, Nergal appears as the ruler o f the ncth-
erworld later, in the middle o f the second millennium.
Nergal’s status in historical reality is reflected by the extant offering-lists
that demonstrate the actual current cultic work. Compared to the nature of
his portrayal in Sulgi hymns and in the lament over Urnamma, his share in
the offering-lists is quite modest. Nergal’s name is rarely attested. It is found
in lists from Umma, but mostly in references to villages around it. Most of the
lists date to the successors o f Sulgi. In terms of the general cultic work,
Nergal’s identification with Meslamtaea seems doubtful. Offerings to Mes-
lamtaea are attested in numerous lists, and in one list from Umma, T C L 5,
AO 6053 (date broken), each o f them is attested separately. The list is in theo-
logical order and the relevant entries are Meslamtaea, followed by Ninsubur
in o. ii 8—9, Lugalmeslama in r. ii 7, and finally Nergal in r. ii 10. Notable is
a text from Drehern from Sulgi’s last year (47/48) that lists Meslamtaea, not
Nergal, with the title lu g a l- g û - d u 8-a. I found Nergal in only one list from
Nippur (Sulgi 41).117 It stands to reason that, statistically, additional texts
would not change this picture.
Nergal is more frequently attested in administrative texts, but in the
compound “Nergal o f (sà) G N .” 118 These documents have four common
characteristics:
1. Each document includes several entries o f “Nergal sà G N ”;
2. The place names that are mentioned are not central cities;
3. The number ofthese toponyms is small, and some o f them appears in
more than one document;
4. These documents date to the last years o f Sulgi, and most o f them to
his successors.
The location of these places seems to be in the vicinity ofU m m a.9‫ ״‬Three
o f the place names are Akkadian and signify a small or seasonal settlement of
an agricultural nature.120 The interpretations o f the names imply that these
117. Offering-list from the ensi of Nippur, Fish Catalogue, no. 54.
118. See a list in Schneider, AnOr 19 (1939), 46 and Forde, N C T no. 37.
119. Von Weiher, Nergal, 8 and n. 10; Steinkeller, 1990, 56; Cohen, 1996, 27-35.
120. In the component a - z a - a r /r u - u m Gelb identifies the Akkadian asärum “court”
“yard” (MAD 3, 71). The component m askan (“threshing floor”) is an Akkadian
loanword from Sumerian and, in this form, it is an abbreviation o f a longer name
(op. cit., p. 269). The name Garsana may have developed from gamfu, an Old
Akkadian writing oîkarâsu “camp,” “encampment” (Sollberger,4/018 [1957-58]:
108; R G T C 2, 52). It is possible that Garsana was originally a station of Akkadian
garrison.
4 16 TME IMAGE OF T HE N E T H E R W O R L D
settlements were founded by Akkadian setders during the Old Akkadian and
the U r III periods. The additional geographical indication was probably
aimed at making a distinction between Nergal’s cult center in Kutha and his
shrines at these locations.12‘ Thus, the administrative texts suggest that
Nergal’s cult in southern Sumer was limited to some small settlements, which
most probably were inhabitant by Akkadians.‘22 This conclusion agrees with
the observation that Nergal’s cult was more at home in northern Mesopot-
amia, especially since he was elevated by Naramsin o f Akkad, and that his cult
extended to territories under Akkadian political influence, but not yet to
southern Sumer. The evidence from the administrative texts, recording
expenditures for practical purposes, points to the same conclusion. That
Nergal and Meslamtaea are listed separately in the same offering-list from
Um m a suggests that they were not considered as one god with two names.
A list from Drehern from Sulgi year 47/48 in which Meslamtaea rather than
Nergal is registered as “ I14g a l Gudua” 1223 implies that for southern Sumer the
principal god o f Kutha was still Meslamtaea. Considering the rare attestations
121. Theoretically, “Nergal sà G N ” can also be interpreted as an identification with a

local deity and a sign of syncretism. However, no name of a local deity is attested.
Lambert suggests that this phrasing is not a name but an epithet “lord o f the
netherworld of GN” (Lambert, 1973, 356). This suggestion can be refuted for three
reasons:
(a) Offering-lists specify the names of deities not their function, particularly in
case o f main deities;
(b) In the entry “Nergal sà G N ” Nergal is proceeded with the determinative
d in g ir and, therefore, it appears as a name not a title;
(c) References analogous to “Nergal sà G N ” are found also in relation to
Meslamtaea, concerning his temples outside Kutha, in Lagas, Gu’aba, and Kisiga.
A document from Lagas that refers to Meslamtaea of Gu’aba (Chiera, STA 10 xii
18) suggests that the lists where he appears without additional geographical indica-
tions register offerings to his cult center in Kutha (or, in the case of Lagas, his central
temple there). That many deities had several temples and shrines and that the lists
were compiled for administrative purposes, necessitated a specification of locality
when it was not self-evident. I, therefore, conclude that additional geographical
references such as “sà G N ” distinguish between offerings for Nergal’s temple in
Kutha and his chapels in the small settlements in the vicinity ofUmma. In analogy
to SET4 i :2-3: dm e s -la m -ta -è -a sà k a r - g u - d u s- a kl, it seems that such entries,
indeed, mark deliveries to a given deity in a specific place and not an epithet.
122. This assumption is highlighted by the situation in Umma, which yielded most of
the tablets pointing to Nergal’s cult in its neighboring villages, but on the other hand
offers very little evidence for his cult in the city itself. See also a remark to that effect
in Cohen, 1996, 29 n. 4.
123. M V N 13, 682:2.
GODS OF T HE N E T H E R W O R L D 417
o f Nergal in the offering-lists and the locations where he was worshipped, as

compared to the prevalence of Meslamtaea, it seems that Nergal was the
Akkadians’ deity, while for the Sumerians Meslamtaea remained the local
god.124 Consequendy, Sulgi’s dedication inscriptions to the Emeslam temple,
in which Nergal appears in the Akkadian version and Meslamtaea in the
Sumerian, were probably offered to two gods o f two ethnic groups, residing
in the same temple, and are not proof that these two gods had merged. In
other words, the different names, different languages, and different ethnic
associations put the idea ofa single god in doubt. Since, in the OldBabylonian
period, Meslamtaea appears as one o f twin gods, I would rather consider the
possibility that, toward the end o f the third millennium, Nergal and Meslam-
taea were regarded as twin gods, an idea or, rather, characteristic that survived
in the divinity o f Meslamtaea alone.
The naturalization o f Nergal in southern Sumer was generated in Sulgi’s
royal court. Until then, neither Nergal nor Meslamtaea features in Sumerian
accounts about military activities. This indicates that the introduction of
Nergal was premeditated.125 By focusing on Nergal’s warlike character, the
royal hymns highlight his cardinal divine property that was demonstrated in
the successful campaigns o f Naramsin. This demonstrable military compe-
tence marks the difference between him and Meslamtaea. The latter was a
chthonic god, probably a young fertility-god. Perhaps he had a warlike aspect
like Nergal, but there is no evidence of a similar reputation to that effect. The
inscriptions of Naramsin invoke several Sumerian deities and yet Nergal, not
Meslamtaea, is among them. This furthers the notion that they were two indi-
vidual gods, in agreement with the evidence of the administrative texts.
Meslamtaea was worshipped in southern Sumer and yet it was Gilgames and
later Nergal, not Meslamtaea, who was featured in accounts of war. I infer,
therefore, that when Sulgi added Nergal as a warlike god to the circle o f the
gods that he venerated, they were worshipped in Kutha side by side. The
reason for adding him and its date may by inferred from the sequence of year
names. From his twenty-fourth year onward the year names record a long
series of victories over cities beyond the eastern bank of the Tigris. These
military campaigns may have been triggered by the destruction o f Der,
124. Nergal is a Sumerian name and, therefore, he must also be Sumerian. That both gods
ofEmeslam have a Sumerian name but Nergal’s cult was more popular among the
Akkadian population of the north and Meslamtaea in the south can be better
elucidated by the assumption that the Akkadian Naramsin transferred Nergal from
another temple into the Emeslam next to Meslamtaea, rather than these being two
names of one deity.
125. The tutelary god with military function was Gilgames.
recorded in Sulgi’s twenty-first year. A year later, in the name of his twenty-
second year, Sulgi appears for the first time with the determinative d in g ir
before his name. The evidence o f the year names suggests a possible rela-
tionship between the consolidation of Sulgi’s royal power and his engage-
ment in military activity. The intensive military activity and Sulgi’s deifi-
cation could explain the incorporation of Nergal into the gods revered by
Sulgi.
The closest parallel to such a complex development is found in the history
o f Naramsin, whose deification, promotion of Nergal to leader o f his army,
and intensive military activity seem to be related. Since, before Sulgi, the only
king who deified himself was Naramsin, it is possible that Sulgi was inspired
by the exploits of the Akkadian king and followed his example, which
resulted in his own deification and the incorporation o f the war-god Nergal
into the imperial pantheon. A possible indication that Naramsin was his
source o f inspiration is that, in his 28th year, Sulgi replaced the royal title
lu g a l k i - e n - g i k i- u r i with Naramsin’s title lu gal a n -u b - d a -lim m u -
ba “king o f the four regions (of the world).”126 It stands to reason that Sulgi
had “imperial” aspirations and acted to consolidate his power early in his
reign. The text ofD f/rand the order o f its god-list seem to reflect these aspi-
rations. By presenting Urnamma as the equal o f Gilgames and a high officer
o f the netherworld, his son Sulgi acquired the theological legitimacy to
become a god himself.
Contrary to literary texts that originated in the U r III period änd present
Nergal as a relatively prominent god, his position in the actual cult o f the main
southern Sumerian centers is negligible. The offering-lists reflect the notion
that Meslamtaea is the main god o f Kutha. That the information from the
administrative texts is incompatible with the literary evidence o f the period
is probably due to the conservative nature o f cultic practices. W hile literary
royal and god hymns pronounce contemporary theological concepts, influ-
enced or dictated by the royal court, cultic work is based on long-standing
traditions and its attitude is conservative by nature. Consequently, while
Nergal was promoted by Sulgi’s court theologians, the routine cultic work
was kept according to the old tradition on which his impression was not yet
stamped. That mythological compositions concerning death and the neth-
erworld fail to mention Nergal actually points in the same direction. Al-
though the old Sumerian mythological traditions were put in writing when
126. Hallo, 1953, 49-54. In its Akkadian version this title appears on a brick from
Esnunna, dated to the first half of Sulgi’s reign, because it lacks the divine deter-
minative. Before Sulgi, this title was assumed by Utuhegal, but not by Urnamma.
CODS o r THE N ETH ERW O R LD 419
the court theologians were already treating Nergal as a major netherworld

deity, Ereskigal alone was the ruler o f the netherworld.127
If Sulgi’s court theologians intended to unite Nergal and Meslamtaea in
one deity, the merger was not universally acknowledged (and thus incom-
plete) before the Old Babylonian period. One reason for the belated merger
could be conservatism and devotion to old Sumerian tradition. Since the
elevation o f Nergal in the pantheon is linked to the military superiority o f
Naramsin, it is also possible that the Sumerian centers avoided his cult out o f
an emotional rejection o f the Akkadian dynasty, based on collective historical
memories. The very same reason could explain why he became an important
netherworld deity.
The Akkadian myth “Nergal and Ereskigal” 128tells about Nergal’sjourney
to the netherworld, his encounter with Ereskigal, and their marriage. If the
function o f a myth is to explain a given phenomenon, then the function of
this myth was to explain how and why Nergal became a netherworld deity.
The very need for this story indicates that he was not remembered as the ruler
o f the netherworld, otherwise that explanation would not have been neces-
sary. Nergal’s absence from the list o f netherworld gods in D G i l suggests that
he was not recognized as a netherworld god w hen this text was compiled (see
appendix 8/b, sections 2.1 and 2.2.1).
127. The proposition that Ereskigal’s husband mentioned in ID is Nergal is based on

concepts o f the second and the first millennia and, therefore, debatable. Since the
husband is not mentioned by name, the probability that it was Nergal is very slight.
Were it Nergal, the important netherworld god, why hide his name behind an
epithet? And why emphasize Ereskigal’s function as the sole ruler of the nether-
world? The myth that established Nergal’s position in the netherworld by making
him Ereskigal’s husband is dated to the Middle Babylonian period; it could have
been created somewhat earlier, but not by much. The name ofEreskigal’s husband
is also hidden behind an epithet in the hymn to Ninazu’s temple Egida in Enegi
(Sjöberg, 1969, 27:182). That the name o f her husband is concealed implies that he
was no longer known as a netherworld deity and conceived of as an unimaginable
candidate. A possible clue is offered by the cosmological introduction to GEN.
Lines 12-13 suggest that Enlil gave the netherworld to Ereskigal as a wedding gift.
In addition, there are two traditions about the genealogy of Ninazu. According to
one, his mother is Ereskigal and his father unknown; in the second, his mother is
Ninlil and his father Enlil. The combination of all the traditions implies that in the
remote past Enlil was Ereskigal’s husband.
128. A. Knudtzon et ai, Die El-Amama Tafeln (Leipzig, 1915, 969fr.); Gurney, AnSt 19
(i960): 105—31; Sh. Izre’el, “New Readings in the Amarna Versions of Adapa and
Nergal and Ereskigal,” in A.F. Rainey et al. (eds.), Kinattütu sa Dàrâti (Tel-Aviv,
1993), 51-68.
It is not beyond doubt that the early writing K1S.UNU translated the same
as the late third millennium n è -e rijj-g a l, particularly in analogy to other
place names o f the same construction. But ifhis name originally signified
“lord o f the netherworld,” it must have been his central aspect, before
Naramsin. However, this function was not expressed by Naramsin and,
accordingly, in U r III texts he appears as a warlike god, while the sole ruler
o f the netherworld was Ereskigal. In light o f the inconsistent textual evidence
for the nature o f his divinity, I see two possible developments: either the
component e r iIt- g a l / u r u g a l in his name is a later etymology ofKlS.UNU
or the old tradition of Nergal’s divine property was ignored by Naramsin and
revived following the decline o f Sumerian nationality in the Old Babylonian
period, in analogy to the revival o f old Akkadian legends such as Etana or
Adapa.
j . M eslamtaea
In some literary texts and dedication inscriptions from the U r III period,
onward to the second millennium, Meslamtaea seems to be one of the names
of Nergal. These texts gave rise to the notion that they were, indeed, the same
god or his different aspects. The administrative texts o f the U r III period,
however, make a distinction between the two. The question is, therefore,
whether they were originally identical or whether this is the result o f a late
development.129 The answer depends on the evidence o f the third-millen-
nium texts and particularly those for administrative purposes, since they
reflect the actual cultic practice, which is based on long-standing local tradi-
tions.130A survey of the attestations of Meslamtaea in third-millennium texts
may, therefore, shedsome light on his position in the Sumerian pantheon and
his relationship to Nergal.
Emeslam, the temple in Kutha, appears as a component in two divine
names registered in the god-lists from Fara and Abu-Salabikh: Lugatmeslama
and Meslamtaea.131 These names appear in two different lists and, therefore,
129. I also deal with this issue in detail in the discussion about Nergal. Here it is discussed
from the perspective of Meslamtaea.
130. That the extant material comes out of arbitrarily selected excavations and, therefore,
is in principle coincidental should not be a problem, because it reflects the relative
prevalence of the deities in the cult of the given sites and, thereby, makes a sample
for the period.
131. L u g a l-m e s-la m -m a: Fara: S F 5 ii 7; S F 6 ii 2; Abu-Salabikh: OIP 99, 84 r. ii 6.
M e s -la m -ta -è -a : Fara: SF 1 xiv 4; Abu-Salabikh: O IP 99, 82 v 2. See also Kreber-
nik, 1986, 183 and 189. Lugalmesiam occurs in an offering-list from Fara that also
registers offerings to AN.AN, Ninkur, Numusda, and NinPAunkengal (Martin et
can signify two different deities or two names for the same god. Sulgi’s dedi-
cation inscription for the Enieslani in Kutha proves that Meslamtaea was one
o f its principle gods. The meaning of Lugalmeslama, “Lord of Emeslam”
indicates the same status. The nature o f their divinity is probably embedded
in the name o f the temple Emeslam, and so depends on its meaning. Stein-
keller discussed the different possibilities, but, as a precaution, left the ques-
tion open.132 Although it remains elusive, all the suggested interpretations
point to a chthonic god, whether lam is a sort of tree (almond) or the neth-
erworld. However, that Meslamtaea was the “arboreal” aspect of Nergal
cannot be supported by the analogy to the specific tree-gods.1331 suggest that
m e s - la m - ta - è - a means “lad who comes out o f the almond tree.” This
interpretation implies that he represented the fruit o f the tree, the almond,
and since the fruit is seasonal, he, too, was an incarnation of the young dying
god.134
ai, 2001, 105 i 5 - ü 5)• These deities are listed together in the small god-list S F $
ii 4-9. Meslamtaea is attested in a list of plots received by temples (ibid., n o v 4).
This suggests that he had a chapel in Fara. However, so far, his name has not been
found in a Fara offering-list. In Abu Salabikh the component m es-la m also appears
in the personal name M e.s-lam -il, who, according to Biggs, was a Semitic scribe
(Biggs, O N S 36 [1967]: 66 and no. 1, and in colophons O IP 99, nos. 116,117, 132).
Note clM e s-É .N U N -ta -è in S F 1, xiv 5'. The name is o f the same type as Mes-
lamtaea, but the analogy is not self-evident.
132. Steinkeller, 1992b, 269-70, n. 82.
133. Some of the references that Steinkeller presents are o f late periods and cannot serve
as evidence for the Early Dynastic beliefs. The lexical entry 1a m ersetu may be a late
etymology, based on the name of the temple m e s-lam precisely because it housed
a netherworld god. Also, the identification with Nergal o f the tree-gods Lugal-asal,
Lugal-sinig, and Lugal-gisimmar is known only from later god-lists. The general
tendency to apply the evidence of later god-lists to the middle o f the third millen-
nium is positivistic in nature and no less speculative than the assumption that early
god-lists represent individual deities on a local basis. Apart from their names, we
know nothing substantial about the cult of Lugal-asal, Lugal-sinig, and Lugal-
gisimmar. It is quite probable that they were chthonic deities and, therefore, later
identified with Nergal. That there was a process of syncretism during the third mil-
lennium does not require proof. Yet, the act of syncretism itself proves the former
existence o f more individual deities of a similar Or parallel• nature. So far, there is
evidence only for the existence of these deities, but no evidence to rule out the
possibility that they were originally individual entities.
134. This may be the reason foi the attestation of his name in a single fragment o f Edina-
usagake from Kis (P R A K I C 138:11-12). However, his burial place is none other
than the cult center of Ninazu: i7-ku1‫־‬-ra e - n e - g i- a -b a “(Since) in the river of
the kur in Enegi Meslamtaea is laid to rest”). Otherwise he is not included in any
list of young dying gods, Old Babylonian or later.
422 THE IMAGE OF T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
Lugalmeslama is the lesser attested o f the two. In the Old Akkadian period
it occurs in E-Lugalmeslama in two documents from Nippur.135136Afterward,
we find two more attestations of Lugalmeslama in a comprehensive offering-
list from Umma dated to the U r III period and in an Old Babylonian god-
list.130
The name Meslamtaea occurs many more times and in a variety of admin-
istrative texts and dedication inscriptions, mainly, however, from the N eo-
Sumerian period. The name is not attested in Pre-Sargonic Lagas, where,
perhaps, he was identified with Mes-an-DU.137 The Old Akkadian period
yields only one piece of evidence for his cult. Nevertheless, it seems signif-
icant, because it is a short offering-list from Adab.138Meslamtaea appears after
Asgi, Iskur, Inanna, Enki, and Ninsubur, suggesting that his cult was part of
the religious activity in this city. Considering the relatively limited Old Akka-
dian documentation o f religious practices in general, that excavations in
Kutha have not yielded offering-lists and that it was probably not a big urban
center before Naramsin, the limited number o f sources is not surprising.
Most of the evidence for the cult o f Meslamtaea dates to the U r III period.
Many offering-lists of this period from Lagas, Drehern, Ur, and Umma
record deliveries o f commodities to Meslamtaea and thus illustrate the persis-
tence of his cult over the course of time.139140
A dedication inscription ofGudea, which commemorates the building o f
a temple for Meslamtaea in Girsu, marks the first attestation o f his cult in
Lagas.‘40 The texts from the U r III period refer to three different temples of
135. A list of workers: Westenholz, Jena, 22, no. 24 ii 1 and an account: idem., OSP 1,
BiMes i, 102 ii 2. The latter is dated to Sargon according to the year name, which
commemorates the destruction of Mari (Hirsch, AfO 20 [1963], 36 iii-iv 20).
136. T C L 5, 6053 r. ii 7 and T C L 15, 10:440 (resp.), See also RIA 7, 149, s.v. Lugal-
meslama.
137. Neither the name Meslamtaea nor Nergal is attested in Pre-Sargonic Lagas. That
Meslamtaea took the place ofMes-an-D U was suggested because both ofthem were
associated with Ninsubur and because there is no evidence that the cult of Mesan-
DU persisted into the late Old Akkadian and U r III periods. See Selz, 1995a, 179,
23, n. 813.
138. OIP 14, 143:9•
139. A detailed list of all the references is beyond the scope of this survey. Thé partial list
in Schneider, AnÖr 19 (1939), 41-42, compared to the references to Nergal’s
attestations in p. 46, demonstrates the quantitative relation between their cults. It
makes manifest the prevalence of the cult of Meslamtaea over the cult of Nergal,
which seems rather limited in scale.
140. Steible, 1991/1, 278 (Gudea 28). Another reference to Meslamtaea from Gudea’s
reign is Statue X, dedicated to Meslamtaea lu g a l-a -n i (ibid., 250—51).
GODS OF THE N E T H E R W O R L D U3
Meslamtaea: in Kutha (Emeslam), in Girsu (built by Gudea), and in Gu’aba

( S T A 10, xii 18). An intriguing reference is found in an offering-list from
Girsu to various temples (M V N 6 , 301 r. i 25), which reads e - dm e s -la m -
t a - è - a 2 - a - b a .I+I Since the list includes offerings to different temples of the
same gods, also in temples or shrines outside Lagas, I infer that it means “the
two temples ofMeslamtaea,” perhaps those o f Girsu and Gu’aba, in the vicin-
ity o f Lagas.‘42 T he location of the temple in an offering-list from Drehern,
dated to the third year of Amarsin, is not specified.‘43 The “gate of Meslam-
taea” was in U r.1412*144145As for the priesthood, the administrative texts m ention the
sanga, n in - d in g ir , and g u d u 4 o f Meslamtaea.‘4s From Girsu there is a
record o f regular offerings to Meslamtaea.14614789A text from Drehern, dated to
Sulgi 36, records a delivery ofa goat from the kitchen to Meslamtaea sà k a r-
g u - d u 8-a k‘.‘47 A description o f the districts o f the U r III kingdom in an Old
Babylonian copy from N ippur says “this is the district of Meslamtaea in
Apiak, certified by Urnamma, the king.”‘48 Finally, a list from Drehern of
small silver jugs to some deities, dated to Sulgi 48, begins with clM e s -1 a m -
ta - è -a lu g a l gu - d u 8- a1“,‘49indicating that Meslamtaea was considered the
141. ITT IV, 7310. The exact date was not preserved. Note the offering to the statute
of Gudea in r. i 28 (probably his icon for ki a-nag).
142. Falkenstein, CRRA/III6, 59, ad fn. 79 already suggested this translation. Falkenstein
proposes that the second temple is that of Kutha. However, it may well be the one
in Gu’aba. Van Dijk, i960, 24, ad fn. 41 translates “der Tempel der zwei
Meslamta’ea.” He mentions this text in relation to T C L 16, 46:17 “say to the two
gods of Emeslam,” referring to Meslamtaea and Nergal.
143• M V N 3, 344:9.
144. U E T 3, 1442:3 (AS 2) and 1109, r. ii 2 (no date).
145. See for example: sanga: M V N 13, 514:4 (Drehern, S 46), Nik. IV, 524:11 (Drehern,
8 48); n in -d in g ir: Nies, UD T 91 335-36 (Drehern, date?); gudu4: M V N 12,
203:2-3 (Girsu, § 47).
146. sâ -d u ‫ ״‬dM e s -la m -ta -è -[a ], M V N 12, 281:2 (S 48).
147. S E T 41:2-3. This reference is similar in structure to the references to “Nergal sà
G N ” (treated above). In analogy, it indicates that the “Nergal” is not an epithet but
a divine name and suggests that such deliveries were made for other temples of the
same god. The text also records deliveries to Uruk and Ka-sahar.
148. Kraus, Z A 51 (1955): 46 ii 20-22. That the original should be dated to the Ur III
period is indicated not only by the reference to Urnamma, but also by the writing
Û R xÛ .K I for û ru m .k i, which was used exclusively in the Ur III period; see the
discussion in Steinkeller,JC S 32 (1980): 25. Apiak is located in northern Sumer, in
the area of Kis and Babylon.
149. M V N 13, 682:2.
main god o f Kutha. A phrase in an Old Babylonian literary letter, addressed

by the daughter o f Sinkasid of Uruk to Rimsin king o f Larsa, suggests that
this was still the situation during the Old Babylonian period: é -m e s -la m
d i n g i r - 2 - a - b i dug4- m u - n a - a [ b ] “say to the two gods ofEmeslam.’” 50
It is inconceivable that such wording would express merely two aspects of
one and the same god. Therefore, we have to accept that it refers to two indi-
vidual gods and that one o f them is surely Meslamtaea.15‘
Administrative texts, which reflect actual cultic routine, indicate that
during the U r III period Meslamtaea was worshipped in the major Sumerian
cities. But, contrary to the administrative texts, we know o f no literary text,
either mythological or hymnal, that is devoted to him. His name is mentioned
in the myth “Enlil and Ninlil,” but in the compound Nergal-Meslamtaea,‘s2
and in the hymn for Nergal’s temple in Kutha (Temple H ymn no. 36).15012153 In
the absence o f an independent tradition that focuses on Meslamtaea, we
cannot establish with certainty the nature o f his divinity,154 neither do we
know his genealogy. The uncertainties are rooted in his position in the
150. T C L 16, 46:17; O EC TV , 25:108, andpp. 4-6.

151. It is noteworthy that Sinkasid built a temple for Meslamtaea in Durum, called
Emeslam (R IM E 4, 460-62, no. 14). Sinkasid built another temple called Enihusil
for his “twin” Lugalirra (ibid., pp. 459-60, no. 13).
152. Behrens, 1978:90. This literary text, known from Old Babylonian copies, is one of
the few sources for his assimilation with Nergal. Yet, this compound o f two divine
names is odd, especially because Nergal existed as an individual deity o f some
importance. So it was certainly not necessary to add the name ofMeslamtaea to his.
Why, then, a double name, and why add Meslamtaea to Nergal? Was Meslamtaea
still worshipped or remembered as an individual deity in the Old Babylonian
period? O r maybe there was an earlier version of “Enlil and Ninlil” about the birth
of Meslamtaea to which the name of Nergal was added in the Old Babylonian
period, because Nergal was the prominent deity o f Kutha whereas the status of
Meslamtaea declined? Considering the different versions for the epithet of Ninazu,
whose status also declined considerably, it seems likely that the Old Babylonian
copies were based on an older version, when the cults of Meslamtaea and Ninazu
was still firmly established and also the nature of third deity, Enbilulu, was known.
However, whether it was about Meslamtaea rather than Nergal is not known.
153. Detailed discussion of the hymn in appendix 7/b, textual remarks 2, and section i
above.
154. “The lad who comes out of the almond tree” (lam lammu “almond tree”) seems
an attractive possibility. Tree-gods seem to be prevalent and the deified image of
the fruit would make him a local incarnation of the young dying god, like
Ningiszida.
GODS OF THF, N E T H E R W O R L D 425
Emeslam, which probably led to his assimilation w ith Nergal.155 However,

the exact circumstances remain speculative. In analogy to the different history
o f Ninazu and Tispak, whose cult remained divided between the north and
south until the fall o f the U r III dynasty, it stands to reason that Meslamtaea
was neglected in connection with the elevation of Nergal by Sulgi’s court
theologians. Court theology must have influenced the school curriculum
and, therefore, mythological traditions about Meslamtaea in Kutha were
probably ignored. This possibility can be supported by two factors. First, if
Meslamtaea was an incarnation ofayoung dying god, at that time local incar-
nations were already assimilating with Dumuzi and their divine nature, as
well as status, changing. Second, unlike Tispak, Nergal was a Sumerian deity
whose cult was common among the Semitic population of Sumer. Being
Sumerian and sharing his cult, center with Meslamtaea makes them inter-
changeable.
In two cylinder seals, one dated to the Old Akkadian period and the other
to Sulgi’s reign, Meslamtaea’s epithet is lu g a l- a - z i- d a -L a g a s a k1.156 This
epithet expresses the warlike property o f his divinity, which is not strange to
chthonic young deities.157 It is also suggested by some maceheads dedicated
to Meslamtaea, two o f them for the life o f Sulgi and one for the life o f Ibbi-
Suen.158 The warlike aspect seems to be the common denominator of
Meslamtaea and Nergal. But it is not enough to establish that they became
assimilated.
155. Note that, in the Old Babylonian period, Meslamtaea often appears as one ofapair
of gods, with Lugal-Irra/Girra; this is probably because for centuries he had shared
a temple with Nergal.
156. The Old Akkadian date is uncertain. It was dated by Boehmer to the Old Akkadian
period for glyptic considerations; see Boehmer, 1965, Abb. 158 (Akk. Ib). See also
Edzard, A/O 22 (1968-69): 17, no. 26:2. Although D. Collon included it with the
Old Akkadian seals (Collon, Cylinder Seals II, no. 121), she wonders whether it may
have been from the U r III period. The evidence from the Pre-Sargonic period until
Gudea in Lagas is not in favor o f the Old Akkadian date, because Meslamtaea is not
mentioned before Gudea’s reign and, therefore, it suggests that the seal is not earlier
than Gudea even if glyptically it may indicate an earlier period. The Ur III seal is
that of Kilulla the chair-bearer (Collon, Cylinder Seals II, no. 470, and Hallo, H UCA
33 [ 1962] :33, Sulgi 47). Sulgi’s name is preceded by the divine determinative, which
points to the second half offris reign, but his title is n ita -k a la -g a lu g al u rikl-
nia, which was used before his 28th year. To his year 28, Hallo dates the change
in title to lu g a l-a n - u b - d a -lim m u -b a “king o f the four quarters.” The first seal
with the new title appears on a tablet dated to year 33. See Hallo, 1957, 53.
157. So are Ningiszida and Ninazu.
158. Steible, 19 9 1/2,19 2-9 3, Sulgi 37 andSulgi 38. Note that in Sulgi 37 the king’s name
has no divine determinative and in Sulgi 3 8 h istitle islu g a l-a n -u b -d a -lim m u -
426 T H E I M A G E O F T HE N E T H E R W O R L D
Two references to the god o f Emeslam and two to the god of Apiak seem
to imply that Meslamtaea was another name of Nergal. Urnamma’s reference
to Meslamtaea of Apiak corresponds to the dedication inscription ofD udu
king of Akkad to Nergal o f Apiak, and Sulgi’s dedication inscriptions to the
Emeslam with Nergal in the Akkadian version and Meslamtaea in the Sume-
rian. The association o f Meslamtaea with Nergal is, indeed, undeniable, and
the symmetry between the two pairs of sources suggests that the different
names correspond to ethnic groups rather than different deities. However, in
the reality ofa culturally mixed and religiously polytheistic society, the corre-
lation can also signify different deities. In other words, Nergal was worship-
ped by the Akkadian-oriented population and Meslamtaea by the Sumerian-
oriented population in the same temple or place.
The ambiguity of the extant material is intensified by the nature o f the
sources. The attestations of Meslamtaea and Nergal fluctuate not only
according to language and ethnic group, but also in the type of texts. Both
deities are featured in dedication inscriptions, but Meslamtaea is attested
mainly in the offering-lists, while Nergal occurs mainly in literary and histo-
riographic sources. Meslamtaea is associated with the Sumerian cult centers
and Nergal mainly with Akkadian settlements. Is it coincidental or inten-
tional? The division along the lines of genre, language, and ethnic group
seems to reduce the distinction between Meslamtaea and Nergal to a question
of merely different names of the same entity; yet, both names are Sumerian.
To the best of our present knowledge Nergal is a Sumerian name and,
therefore, he must have been of Sumerian origin. The writing K1S.UNU
implies that it was his cult center. That the site has not yet been identified is
no argument in favor o f Kutha, which was written without exception pho-
netically gu-dus-akl. It is an additional unidentified cult center, such as
Gisbanda, Enegi, or EN.DlM.GIG.'59 The difference is that those were active
until the end o f the Ur III period, whereas the evidence for K1S.UNU survived
only in the writing o f Nergal’s name. Since K1S.UNU means “the residence
o f K1S,” that is o f Nergal, it can stand neither for e -m e s -la m nor for g u -
d u 8- a1“. According to the textual evidence Nergal was associated with Kutha
since the time o f Naramsin, whose inscriptions suggest that he elevated
Nergal after he subjugated the major revolt in which Kutha took part. It is
possible, therefore, that at the same time Naramsin transferred him to 159
ba that was taken after his year 28. Ibid., 282, Ibbisin 4. The fourth macehead is too
fragmentary (ibid., 302, U r 11).
159. For the latter, it has not even been decided whether it is another writing of Enegi
or a separate cult center. See discussion in connection with Ninazu, below.
Emeslam from K1S.UNU. The possible implication is that when Nergal resided
in KIS.UNU, Meslamtaea was in Emeslam.
This is not the only argument in favor of two different local deities who
were paired only during the Old Akkadian period. If they were two names
for one god, then statistically they should be more equally distributed in the
offering-lists as well as in the literary texts, especially since the names are
Sumerian and the sources are mostly of Sumerian origin, as is the evidence
for Meslamtaea. That they received offerings separately suggests an individual
cult. I propose, therefore, that Meslamtaea was the principle god o f Kutha
when Naramsin transferred the cult of Nergal from K IS.U N U to Emeslam.
Since old religious traditions cannot cease abruptly and vanish, certainly not
in a complex society, both deities were worshipped in parallel until the U r
III period. The offering-lists of that period prove that the cult ofMeslamtaea
did not decline and that of Nergal did not flourish before the Old Babylonian
period.
It is not surprising, however, that, in the eighth year o f Susin, Meslamtaea
received offerings with Laz and Subula.100After two centuries of sharing their
major cult center, half a century after Sulgi prom oted Nergal in southern
Sumer, and at the twilight o f the Sumerian hegemony, Meslamtaea attained
the identity o f Nergal. The assimilation o f Meslamtaea in Nergal is also
reflected by Ismedagan N, which describes Ninsubur as the wife o f the latter.
But the Old Babylonian literary letter T C L 16, 46:17 ( O E C T V, 25:108)
refers to the two gods o f Emeslam, thereby keeping the tradition o f separate
entities. The distinction between Meslamtaea and Nergal is also preserved by
the Old Babylonian god-list T C L 15, xo, which lists Meslamtaea with N in-
subur (11. 412-13)160161 and Nergal with Mamitum (11. 418-19).
The discrepancy between the contemporary literary sources, which
underscore the image of Nergal, and the administrative texts that indicate the
dominance ofMeslamtaea in the regular cult is probably due the gap between
the new official theology and the old popular religious tradition. Nergal was
naturalized in southern Sumer by the court theology o f Sulgi when the cult
ofMeslamtaea was already well established. Since cultic practice is rooted in
old conventions, while literary creativity draws on contemporary theological
160. M V N 13, 99:9—11, 22—25, Drehern, SS 8. In Old Babylonian god-lists, Laz is the
wife of Nergal.
161. Compare with the Old Akkadian list from Adah OIP 143:8-9 and Ur III: U E T 3,
267 r. i 12-16; T C L 5, 6053 o. ii 8-9. That the. two had different wives and that
Ninsubur was an individual deity whose character was changed only during the Old
Babylonian period, is an additional argument against the view that Meslamtaea and
Nergal were always one god with two names.
concepts and is influenced by political predilections and events, the old

customs do not change at the same pace. Thus, Meslamtaea remained repre-
sented in the cult. In view o f the Semitic population’s preference for Nergal,
perhaps the decline o f Meslamtaea parallels the weakening o f the Sumerian
state toward the end o f the U r III dynasty until its downfall.
k. N in a z u
Ninazu was left out o f the three literary lists o f netherworld gods, D U r , D G i l ,
and “The First Elegy o f the Pushkin M useum.” O ther sources preserve
evidence that, in the third millennium, he was a netherworld god o f some
eminence.
Ninazu was the main god o f Enegi162 in southern Sumer and o f Esnunna
in the northern Diyala valley. T he cycle of temple hymns, which is attributed
to Enheduanna, includes hymns to his two temples, but each o f them char-
acterizes him differently. In the hymn to the Egida in Enegi, Ninazu is a neth-
erworld god, whereas, in the hymn to his temple Esikil in Esnunna, he is
portrayed as a Ninurta-type god. Moreover, each hym n attributes to him a
different genealogy, Nevertheless, Ninazu o f Esnunna was originally the
same chthonic god as Ninazu o f Enegi. The dichotomy in Ninazu’s nature
and genealogy could have developed because o f the difference between the
urban nature o f his two cult centers: whereas Enegi was a small village or
probably just a cult center, Esnunna was a city and consequently its main god
attained a warlike character. Also it is possible that his warlike image in
Esnunna was accentuated because o f his association with Tispak, whose orig-
inal character is unknown.
The earliest textual attestations o f Ninazu are in the Early Dynastic god-
lists from Fara and Abu-Salabikh,163 and in the z à - m i-hym n from Abu-
Salabikh. The hymn mentions some kinds o f domesticated livestock, which
demonstrate his association with agriculture.164 In the Pre-Sargonic period
162. Usually written IMkl. That it is Enegi (not Muru as Lambert, 1985, 92) is evident
from phonetic spellings, such as P R A K ll, D 41:23-24 (Edina-usagake), that refer to
the burial place of Ninazu.
163. Krebernik, 1986, 169, S F 1, ii 10; O IP 99, pi. 43, no. 82 iv 12.
164. OIP 99, 30:128—39. The agricultural aspect of the god of Esnunna is illustrated in
representations of a plow on Old Akkadian seals assigned to Tispak by text, or
circumstantially through scenes that show also snakes (see survey in Wiggermann,
1997, 38-39 with nn. 51—55). Considering the text of the hymn from Abu-Salabikh
and the Sumerian myth that ascribes to. Ninazu and Ninmada the introduction of
grains in Sumer, the plow could also originate in the agricultural aspect of Ninazu.
But then we have to assume that he embraced both farming and herding. Since,
GODS OF THE N E T H E R W O R L D 42y
Ninazu’s name occurs in two dedication inscriptions. The first, a clay tablet
dedicated to him for the life ofAannepada king o f Ur, was found in a grave.165
The second was dedicated by a certain scribe and its provenance is not certain,
perhaps Luristan.166 In Pre-Sargonic Lagas, Ninazu appears in several offer-
ing-lists.167 O ne o f the lists also includes Ereskigal (DP 51 iii 5). In this text
and also in D P 203 the offerings are for Ninazu ofEnegi. Ninazu also occurs
as the divine component in personal names o f the Pre-Sargonic and the Old
Akkadian periods. The most common name is Urninazu, attested in Lagas,
Adah, and N ippur.168 For the O ld Akkadian period the primary source about
Ninazu are the hymns to his temples in Enegi and Esnunna . 169 The hymn to
Ninazu’s temple in Enegi characterizes him as a major netherworld god. Its
literary framework opens with an address to the town: “Enegi, the great offer-
ing pipe, the offering pipe o f the place o f Ereskigal” (Temple Hym n no.
14:179). This address signifies that Enegi was consecrated to the cult o f the
dead. Ninazu’s epithet sita6- k i- g a l- la is probably related to that cult (see
chapter 3, section 3.3.7). According to one source, Enegi was designated as
Kutha o f Sumer (Temple Hymn no. 14:180). W hether this was the original
however, the plow appears only on seals from the Old Akkadian period and evi-
dently relates to Tispak, we cannot ascertain that it originated in the iconography
of Ninazu and was taken over by Tispak when he replaced him in Esnunna, unless
earlier evidence comes to light.
165. Steible, 1982, 276, Aanepada 5 (FAOS 5/2).
166. Ibid., 347, Anonym 14.
167. D P 43, v 2, ix:8; 45, vi 3 (Ukg.4); 46, iii 4, v 3 (Ukg. 2); 51, ii 5, v 1, 4-5, viii 5
(Ukg.2); 54, v 9 (Ukg. 2); 66, iii7 (Ukg. 4); 203, iii 6-8 (Ukg. 2); Nik. 1, 258:2 (Selz,
1989, 481, A 4OS 15/1). The latest and most comprehensive discussion of Ninazu
in Pre-Sargonic Lagas is Selz, 1995a, 212—14.
168. For example: Bauer, AW L, 104, no. 7 vi 4 (Lagas, Lugalanda); Nik. I, 307, i 2; D P
153, ix:13 (Ukg. 6); Westenholz, Jena, no. 27 i 6, 34 ii 9, iii 6,10; 39 iii 13; 67 viii
7 (Nippur); Edzard, S R J J 104, 55:13 (Nippur); Steinkeller 1992, no. 45:34 (Sagub);
ibid., no. 25:1 (Umma); OIP 14, 159:2 (dam -gàr, Adab), 118:5 (simug, Adab).
169. Sjöberg, 1969, pp. 27—28, Temple Hymn no. 14 (Egida in Enegi) and 42-43,
Temple Hymn no. 34 (Esikil in Esnunna). It is not certain that Enheduanna was the
author o f the hymns. Since there is evidence that Tispak‫ ׳‬was the main god of
Esnunna in the Old Akkadian period, but the hymn is dedicated to Ninazu, whereas
Tispak is not mentioned, we cannot exclude the possibility that the original version
of the hymn dates to the beginning of the Old Akkadian period. The hymn to Egida
is more problematic. It is surely not later than the Ur III period, but we cannot say
with certainty that it is earlier, although we have no reason to doubt an Old
Akkadian date. Until more information becomes known, I treat these hymns as Old
Akkadian in origin.
version or a later revision is difficult to assess.170 If the analogy to Kutha is the

product o f a revision, then it must have been a “correction” o f an Ur III or
earlier version, which occurred during the Old Babylonian period. If the
analogy to Kutha was in the earliest version, it implies a dichotomy in Sume-
rian theology of the netherworld, the coexistence o f southern and northern
religious trends, namely, that functionally Enegi and Ninazu were the south-
ern counterpart to the northern Kutha and Nergal, or Meslamtaea.171 In that
170. So source C, but the variant ofB: g ù -d é -a “the cry ofSumer” also makes good
sense in this context. The variant of ms. I: g û -d ù -a seems like a phonetic writing
of Kutha g u -d u s-a, but it is dubious since one may expect that any scribe would
be familiar with the spelling of Kutha. Note, in addition, that no source has the
determinative for place names ki. This is also peculiar, especially for sources C and
I, if the text, indeed, intended a geographical name.
171. Admittedly, the analogy to Kutha is difficult because the text of the hymn already
makes manifest that Enegi was a center of the cult of the dead. Therefore, an expia-
nation through the analogy is not necessary. There can be two alternative reasons
for the analogy to Kutha. One is that the cult of the dead was no longer practiced
in Enegi and, therefore, it was necessary to explain its cultic function. This possi-
bility implies that the name Kutha represents a change of the text during the Old
Babylonian period on two counts. First, according to LSUr 206, Enegi was deserted
or destroyed at the end of the Ur III period. Second, in the Old Babylonian period
the status of Ninazu declined considerably and that of Nergal was elevated. There-
fore, the original cultic purpose of Enegi was probably retained only in literary
traditions. Even if something remained ofEgida and Ninazu was still worshipped
there, during the Old Babylonian period the temple and its god were not important
enough to be included in a collection of hymns to selected temples. Hence, in the
case that the analogy to Kutha is a later revision, the early source of the hymn is from
the U r III period or earlier and the original version was probably g ù -d é -a “the cry
(ofSumer).”
A second possibility is that Kutha was attested in the earliest version and that the
analogy is original. I n that case, the phrasing signifies that the author regarded Kutha,
rather than Enegi, as the obvious center for the cult o f the dead. It reflects a northern
cultic preference. This attitude to the division between northern and southern
Sumer suggests a date earlier than the U r III dynasty, which endeavored to unify
Sumer, because this analogy actually emphasizes the dichotomy between north and
south. Also, it may be significant that the counterpart of Ninazu of Enegi is not
Ninazu ofEsnunna but the god o f Kutha. It implies that the division is geographical,
between the cult centers, not between their main deities. At the same time, the
analogy to Kutha rather than Esnunna raises questions about the relations between
Esnunna and northern Sumer. Since also in Esnunna Ninazu was a chthonic god,
perhaps it was a third regional center of the cult o f the dead. Perhaps it is no coin-
cidence that the two dedication inscriptions ofSulgi to Emeslam in Kutha match
the pair to Esikil in Esnunna.
G O D S O F THF; N E T H E R W O R L D 431
case, Entieduanna could have composed the hymn. Since she was Akkadian
in origin, her point o f reference may well have been the northern theology
and, therefore, Enegi is a “Kutha” type of religious center.’72 Finally, for the
genealogy o f Ninazu, in Enegi his mother is Ereskigal but his father’s name
is hidden behind the epithet “great lord” (en -g al). In the hymn to the Esikil
in Esnunna, Ninazu appears as a warlike god whose parents are Enlil and
Ninlil. Yet, it is odd that, whereas the hymnal part o f the text names Enlil
explicitly as his father (1. 431), precisely in the reference to his genealogy, his
father’s name is hidden behind the epithet “great mountain” (Temple Hymn
no. 34:444). The difference in character and genealogy creates the impression
that Ninazu• o f Esnunna was different from Ninazu o f Enegi. But Wigger-
mann already demonstrated that there are no grounds for the assumption that
there were two gods by the name Ninazu. Therefore, Ninazu ofEsnunna and
o f Enegi were one god.172173 The references to the genealogy o f Ninazu of
Esnunna are ambiguous. That e n - gal “great lord” was used to designate the
father o f Ninazu o f Enegi and Ninazu ofEsnunna adds to the ambiguity and
maybe significant. Since the literary sources preserved different and, at times,
contradictory genealogies o f Ninazu, his genealogy will be treated in more
detail after a survey o f the extant textual sources.
During the U r III period-Ninazu is attested in a variety o f sources: offering-
lists to gods and temples, royal hymns, and dedication inscriptions, as well as
some incantations, laments, and myths in Old Babylonian copies. Some
sources probably originated in earlier periods. The attestations o f Ninazu in
these texts indicate that he enjoyed relative popularity in U r III religious life.
The offering-lists indicate that, during the U r III period, the cult o f Ninazu
was practiced in the main Sumerian centers. His cult center in Enegi has not
been excavated. Presumably, it was a small town in the region between Larsa
and U r174 that was destroyed and abandoned at the end o f the U r III period.175
Van Dijk suspects that some texts in Y O S 1 1 originated inEnegi. These texts
are in a foreign language and most instructive is Y O S n , 64 with a non-
Sumerian incantation on one side and a reference to Ninazu’s temple Egida
on the reverse.176The memory o f his temple, the Egida in Enegi, is preserved
172. Ascribing the whole collection of hymns to Enheduanna is doubtful. However,

there is no reason to deny her the authorship of some hymns.
173. Wiggermann, 1989, 121-22 and 1997, 35.
174. R G T C 2, p. 84; Ferrara, 1973, 122; van Dijk, YOS 11, 3.
175. According to LSUr 206.
176. YOS 11, pp. 2-4, and text no. 64. That this particular text originates inEgida seems
indisputable. Its being neither Sumerian nor Akkadian suggests that its origin was
43 TME IMAGE O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
mainly in hymnal and mythological texts.177

A building inscription of Gudea commemorates the building o f a temple
to Ninazu in Girsu178 and a list of rations from Girsu implies that he shared
a temple with Sulpae.'79 Ninazu also had a temple in U r.180 Accordingly,
offerings to Ninazu are registered in texts from Girsu, U r (the majority), and
Drehern.181As a theophoric component in personal names, Ninazu occurs in
texts from more sites. That two months in the calendars of U r and Drehern
are named after the cult ofNinazu, Kisig-Ninazu andEzem -Ninazu,182 indi-
cates his relative importance. Offerings during Ezem-Ninazu pertain to the
cult o f the dead.
To the first halfofSulgi’s reign belongs a pair of dedication inscriptions to
the temple Esikil in Esnunna; the Sumerian version names its god as Ninazu
and the Akkadian names Tispak as its god.183 Contrary to the current infer-
ence from the pair that Sulgi dedicated to Emeslam in Kutha, that Nergal and
Meslamtaea were two names for one god, no one claims that Ninazu and
Tispak were and always had been one and the same god. The textual evi-
dence suggests that, in the Old Akkadian period, Tispak was naturalized in
outside Sumer, implying that Ninazu had foreign connections. His Sumerian name
and his attestations in the texts indicate that he was a Sumerian god. Since
incantations are created for practical purposes, what could have been the use of
incantations in a foreign language for his Sumerian cult?
177. Temple Hymn no. 14 (mentioned above); L S U r206; “Enlil and Ninlil” (Behrens,
1978,line 116); CBS 112:11 (PBS 10/2,13): ElumgusuninCohen, 1988,287, e+242
or Zibum zibum, ibid., 363 a+258.
178. Steible, 1991/1, 354, Gudea 92.
179. M V N 6, 301 ii 5 (date broken). The list is rather general since it registers offerings
to temples outside Girsu and to individual gods. In the last category is a delivery to
Ninazu and Ningiszida together (r. i 7) and also to Ninazu’s big garden (r. i 4). A legal
text from Girsu (Limet, TSU 14:7—8, Sulgi 48a) mentions a gu d u 4-priest ofNinazu.
180. U E T 3, 1393:8' (deliveries o f wheat from different locations to the temple of
Ninazu); 267 r. i 6'; U E T 9,124 r.:6'. The Egida is mentioned in two administrative
texts from Ur: U E T 9, 349:3' and U E T 3, 877:1'. Both texts are badly preserved.
The location of this temple is not mentioned and neither is Ninazu. It is hard to
imagine another temple of the same name in the vicinity o f Ur.
181. For Drehern, see for example M V N 13, 120:5, T C L 2, 5482 i 8 (IS 1). T. Fraymer
suggests that this text is about a royal procession to Ku’ara (unpublished Ph.D, diss.
p. 566).
182. Cohen, 1993, 148-50.
183. Appendix 7/a.
GODS OF TUE N E T H E R W O R LD 433
Esnunna, replacing Ninazu’s as its city’s god.184 That Sulgi related separately
to each of them implies that by the U r III period both Ninazu and Tispak were
worshipped in the Esikil.
The divine properties o f Ninazu are illustrated by the literary texts, which
either describe or imply his varied aspects. The variance in the character of
Ninazu seems to be rooted in the ancient history o f Sumerian religion. In the
lament E d in a - u s a g a k e Ninazu appears as the young dying god of Enegi.185The
text is known from Old Babylonian copies but, no doubt, it was based on a
much earlier tradition.186 O f obvious importance is that Ninazu was incor-
poratedinto the list, that his title is u r-sa g , and that his cult center was Enegi.
These three elements bring together the military and the chthonic aspects of
the divine nature of Ninazu of Enegi. E d in a - u s a g a k e is the only source for his
image as a young dying god. But it finds support in a different, also unique,
184. Tispak is not mentioned in Temple Hymn no. 34, which suggests an early Old
Akkadian date for the hymn to Esikil. This conclusion may be changed when more
Old Akkadian texts from Esnunna are published. The most comprehensive treat-
ment of Tispak is Wiggermann, 1989. See also idem, ! 997, pp. 37ff•
185. In the list of burial places of different young dying gods and their entourages. P R A K
II, D, 41: 23-24: e - n e - g i u ru gurus t u r - r a - k a u r-sa g m u -n a -a -z u a -am -
n u -a -b a . These lines in S K 26 vi 23-24 were badly preserved. Translations:
Jacobsen, 1987, 77; Cohen, 1988, 675, e+148-149. The list includes “the husband
oflnanna” (Dumuzi) in a r a li, Damu (probably in Girsu), Ningiszidain Gisbanda,
Istaran in Etumal, and others. Most intriguing, however, is Meslamtaea, because he
is mentioned only on a small fragment from Kis and his burial place seems to be
Enegi (P R A K I C 138:11-12 + C 108 r. 8): i7- k u r - r a e -n e - g i- a -b a “(Since) in
the river of the kur in Enegi Meslamtaea is laid to rest. ”). Ninazu was listed first, but
whether it is significant is not clear. That Damu and Dumuzi are mentioned in this
list indicates clearly that it is, indeed, a group of local incarnations of young dying
gods. Ninazu is also mentioned in Neo-Assyrian copies ofthe text, in lists of the gods
for whom the lament was recited: 4R2 27,1:3 K4950, ibid., 30, 2 o. 17, r. 1 (K4903),
SBH 37, o. 12.
186. Some parts ofthe lament have direct parallels in individual Old Babylonian laments,
such as the ersemma of Ninhursaga (C T 58, 5) and TIM 9, 15:22ff, which also
includes a duplicate of the ritual in “The Messenger and the Maiden” (see chapter
2.1.5, with textual remarks). Although all these texts are known only from Old
Babylonian copies, they must have been based on much older traditions, since by
that period Dumuzi alone was still worshipped as a young dying god. It seems that
most parts of the lament are taken from laments for Damu and that the references
to Ninazu were added later to the text. Y et, considering his minor status in the Old
Babylonian period—and even more so in the first millennium—there must have
been remnants of an earlier tradition that remembered him as one of the young
dying gods.
literary tradition that describes his mother Ereskigal as the typical m ourning
mother. This tradition is preserved in G E N 200—5 and I D 230-35. G E N
describes the mourning mother, referring to her as “the mother o f Ninazu,”
like her epithet in D U r and in the doxology o f D G i l (Tell Haddad version,
line 305). Considering that Ninazu himself was not included in the lists of
gods from D U r and D G i l , this epithet is anachronistic. I D , on the other hand,
begins with a typical phrase of the laments for the young dying god: “the
mother who gave birth.” But instead of “the m other o f Ninazu,” I D gives
her name as “Ereskigal.” Thus, it characterizes her as a typical mourning
mother (more detailed discussion above, in section a that deals with Ereski-
gal). Both passages seem to be unnatural expansions o f the text and, from a
theological point of view, the image o f Ereskigal as the mourning mother
does not agree with her divine function as queen of the netherworld.18718This
unique tradition, however, corresponds to the incorporation of Ninazu
among the young dying gods in E d in a - u s a g a k e , for which there is also no other
evidence. That two separate literary sources would point to a related religious
tradition cannot be a coincidence. The description ofEreskigal as the m ourn-
ing mother must, therefore, be an interpolation of a passage from an
unknown source, an authentic remnant of a myth that has been lost to us, but
not forgotten by the Sumerians or Old Babylonian scribes. This lost myth
could also be the source of the incorporation o f Ninazu’s name in E d i n a -
u s a g a k e .1SS The scarcity of evidence that Ninazu was a young dying god and
Ereskigal the mourning mother suggests that their divine characteristics were
modified before or during the U r III period.
The U r III texts D U r , D G i l , and “The First Elegy of the Pushkin
M useum” do not include Ninazu in their lists o f netherworld gods. His
exclusion signifies that he was not relevant. Y et, D U r retains a remnant o f his
relation to the netherworld in Ereskigal’s epithet “m other o f Ninazu.” Thus,
it corresponds to the genealogical tradition o f the hymn to his temple Egida
in Enegi, G E N 200-5 and I D 230-35.
187. The typical description of motherhood applied to the queen of the only infertile
place in the cosmos, the netherworld. The parallel between these two passages is one
of three elements that are common to ID and GHVbut have no parallel elsewhere.
The other two are the appeal to Enlil, Nanna, and Enki for Inanna’s release from
the netherworld in ID and Enkidu in G E N and use of the tenn garnir for the
entrance to the netherworld. The unique character of these parallels suggests that
the two myths are dependent; more probable is that G E N is dependent on ID.
188. That in the Old Babylonian period Ninazu was known as king of the snakes shows
that he was still worshipped as a chthonic deity, but it does not imply that he was
also a young dying god.
GODS OF THE N ETH ERW O R LD 435
D U r originated in Sulgi’s court and reflects its theological tendencies. The

image of Ninazu in Sulgi’s court theology is illustrated in two Sulgi hymns,
Sulgi D 307-11 and Sulgi X 91-125.189 Sulgi D describes the military ability
o f the king. Ninazu is one o f seven deities whom Sulgi called upon and took
with him for divine help to the battlefield. Ninazu appears as m u s -h u s
“fierce dragon” and Sulgi attended to him in EN.DlM.GIG.190 Sulgi X relates
the visits o f Sulgi to several temples where he received the blessings o f their
gods. Similar to Sulgi D, Ninazu was called upon in EN.DlM.GIG and his
warlike character is implied by the blessings to Sulgi, which relate mainly to
the king’s military skills.191 The Sulgi hymns clearly characterize Ninazu as a
god of war and only through external evidence do we detect in his epithet
m u s-h u s (Sulgi D 308) the expected link to the netherworld.192 The asso-
dation of netherworld gods to.war is quite reasonable, but not every god of
war is also a netherworld god, or vice versa. Although Ninazu was important
enough to be visited by Sulgi, he was not counted among the netherworld
residents. It seems, therefore, that out o f the various chthonic aspects of
Ninazu, Sulgi’s court theologians selected and magnified the image of the
young warrior (related to the young dying god) to the extent that his chthonic
aspect became negligible.
Against the image of the texts that originated in Sulgi’s court and the liter-
ary lists o f netherworld gods, the Old Babylonian myth “Enlil and Ninlil”
submits a tradition that Ninazu was not only procreated and born in the neth-
erworld, but destined to reside there. Thus, it reinforces the concept of
Ninazu’s chthonic nature. However, it names Ninlil as his mother, thereby
introducing a new element into the history of Ninazu.
The chthonic nature o f Ninazu is emphasized by his aspect o f a snake-god,
which was maintained both in southern Sumer and in the north. His asso-
ciation with snakes is attested in the iconography o f seals from Esnunna at least
as early as the Pre-Sargonic period and textually in incantations against snakes
of the U r III and Old Babylonian periods, some of which are perhaps from
the Egida.193 That Ninazu is the king of the snakes and that snakes lived in long
189. Klein, 1981, 82-83 (Sulgi D) and 140-141 (Sulgi X). Klein considers the possibility
that Sulgi X is the end of Sulgi D (op. cit., 124).
190. For EN .D lM .G IG , see the commentary for Sulgi D 307 on p. 114; Edzard, RIA
5, 64, s.v. IM, and Steible, 1991/2, 145• It is tempting to identify this place with
Enegi despite the different writing. This issue is treated in more detail below.
191. Klein, 1981, 140-41:91-125.
192. For the significance o f the snake as a chthonic symbol, see M.-L. and H. Erlenmeyer,
4 / 0 23 (1970): 52-62.
193. Ninazu appears as the king o f the snakes in YOS 11, 32:4, dupl. PBS 1/2, 131, and
pipe-like burrows provide a palpable sense to the metaphor of Enegi: “great

offering pipe o f the place o f Ereskigal.”194
A myth about the origin of the cultivated wheat and flax in Sumer credits
Ninazu and his brother Ninmada for the introduction o f these plants to the
Sumerians.195 This tradition suits the agricultural aspect o f Ninazu as a
chthonic god and a god of snakes and it may be connected with the repre-
sentations o f a snake-god holding a plow on the O ld Akkadian seals of
Tispak.196
Ninazu emerges from the extant texts as a god with a complex nature; a
warrior, a snake-god, and a young dying god. His chthonic character eluci-
dates each of his aspects. Ninazu’s role as a young dying god explains the basic
dichotomy ofhis divine nature, the image ofa netherworld god who is related
to agriculture, on the one hand, and who is a warrior, on the other. His partie-
ular representations, however, were governed by the purpose o f the partie-
ular texts. Against that background we can explain the characterization of
Ninazu in the hymn o f Sulgi as a warlike god, but not his omission from D U r .
It seems odd that his martial aspect in the Sulgi hymns corresponds to the
image o f Ninazu ofEsnunna rather than to that of the geographically closer
Ninazu of Enegi.197 Since Ninazu ofEsnunna and Enegi were the same deity
with a different local tint, political reasons or a split between court theology
and popular religion may explain this oddity. Sulgi’s dedication inscriptions
to the Esikil in Esnunna and the Emeslam in Kutha suggest that he adopted,
and esteemed, northern religious trends. It may be linked to Sulgi’s aspiration
to expand his political hegemony to the northern territories and to unite
under his throne the Sumerian south with the largely Akkadian-populated
north. That Sulgi visited Ninazu in EN.DÎM.GIG not Enegi, usually written
IM^, remains problematic because both places were in the vicinity o f U r on
see also van Dijk, OrNS 38 (1969): 542ff., which is dated to the U r III period. Van
Dijk suggests to reconstruct “Ninazu” also in YOS 1 1, 30:6 and 7, which is another
incantation against snakes, pointing out the possibility that some of the incantations
published in YO S 11 came from Enegi.
194. Temple Hymn no. 14:179 in Sjöberg, 1969, 27. In “Nanna-Suen’s Journey to
Nippur” 200 (Ferrara, 1973), Ninazu’s wife Ningirida features as the lady ofEgida.
195. T u M N F 3, 5:13ff. -
196. Survey and description in Wiggermann, 1997, 38-39.
197. The hyrnn to the temple of Enegi focuses on the cult of the dead, whereas in
Esnunna the warlike aspect of Ninazu is highlighted and he is associated with the
dragon u sum gal (Sjöberg, 1969,42:434, and Wiggermann, 1989,121 [Sulgi D 308
has m us-bus]).
the canal that leads to Larsa.198 One suggestion is that Ninazu had two shrines
in the same area, EN.DI'M.GIG, which housed the southern shrine of warlike
Ninazu (comparable to Esnunna), and Enegi, which was consecrated to the
cult o f the dead.199However, the textual evidence does not support this prop-
osition. First, EN.DI'M.GIG is the place o f the k i- a - n a g of Abisimti and the
offerings to the netherworld deity Allatum, which strongly suggests that the
site was consecrated to the cult of the dead, similar to Enegi.200 Second, the
administrative text U E T 3, 267, r. i 4-6 records a delivery of a large quantity
o f commodities to the temple of Ninazu with no reference to its location.
Presumably, therefore, the location was obvious, implying that Ninazu had
only one temple near U r.201 Since two Sulgi hymns refer to Ninazu in
EN.DfM.GIG, this must be the destination as the offerings from Ur. Third, the
lament over the destruction ofU r and Sumer ( L S U r 206) refers to the destruc-
tion of Ninazu’s temple Egida, known elsewhere to be situated in Enegi.202
The desertion of the temple is symbolized by the description o f Ninazu
putting his weapon in the corner. Therefore, Ninazu o f Enegi was portrayed
as a warrior, as in the Sulgi hymns. The image of a warrior is also preserved
in the lament E d in a - u s a g a k e , which lists Ninazu with the epithet u r-s a g as
the young dying god of Enegi. Thus, we have evidence for a cult o f the dead
and a warlike Ninazu in both Enegi and EN.DI'M.GIG. Another, more likely
possibility is that EN.DfM.GIG is another logographic writing o f Enegi.203
198. Ferrara, 1973, lines 198 and 209. The hymn makes evident thatEN.DfM .GIG was
the cult center of Ninazu, elsewhere known to be in Enegi.
199. This is the prevalent view, most recently Steible, 1991/2, p. 145, 1.
200. Steinkeller, Acta Sum 3 (1981): 86:3-5 records a delivery ofsheep for the k i-a -n a g
of Abisimti in EN . D IM . GIG and also an offering to Allatum, identified with Eres-
kigal, the mother of Ninazu. Thus, this text corresponds with Temple Hymn no.
14, to Ninazu’s temple Egida, that portrays Enegi as the center for the cult o f the
dead. Note that Steinkeller rejects the identification with Enegi because o f the
writing IMki and suggests the cemetery Diqdiqah.
201. Compare on the same tablet the reference to Ninsubur EN.DfM .GIG: U E T 3,
267, r. i 12, and note that following Ninsubur is a delivery to Meslamtaea: U E T 3,
2671‫׳‬. i 15-16. EN.DfM .GIG housed also a shrine ofGilgames (U ET 8, 21; Steible,
1991/2, 144-45, 3 dedication inscription ofUrnamma).
202. Temple Hymn no. 14 (Sjöberg 1969, 27).
203. So also Wilcke in C R R A I XIXe, 1971, 182 and n. 85. Therefore, I propose to
consider the writing enDI'Mglg, where DfM is the logogram of the name and en-
gig is its reading in accordance with the phonetic writing Enegi. It is impossible,
however, to establish whether the logogram DIM corresponds to the logographic
writing IMki of Enegi.
43 S T H E IMAGE OF T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
Far more problematic than the diverse treatments o f Ninazu’s divine

nature is the question o f his genealogy. The literary traditions are inconsistent
in regard to the identity o f his parents and thus his descent is obscure.204
The sources, sorted according to the identity o f his mother, yield three
traditions. The best attested is that his mother was Ereskigal, which harmo-
nizes perfectly with Ninazu’s chthonic character. The epitome o f this tradi-
tion is Ereskigal’s epithet “mother of Ninazu” in D U r ioo, D G i l 305, and
G E N 201. The most detailed source is Temple Hymn no. 14 to the Egida,
because it also indicates his cult center as Enegi and refers to his father’s iden-
tity, although hidden behind the epithet e n - gal.205206That the identity of the
father was kept obscured may be significant: it corresponds to the reference
to Ereskigal’s husband in I D 86-87 that hides his identity behind the epithet
g u4- g a l- a n -n a “great bull of heaven, ” and to the lists of gods where Ereski-
gal appears to be single.
According to a second tradition, his mother was Ninlil and his father Enlil.
This genealogy is found in two sources: Temple Hym n no. 34 to his temple
Esikil in Esnunna200 and the myth “Enlil and Ninlil.” This tradition is incon-
sistent with regard to the location of the cult center. Whereas the temple
hymn refers to Ninazu of Esnunna, the myth seems to refer to Ninazu of
Egida.207
The third tradition, in an Old Babylonian balbale-hymn to Ninazu, names
his mother as Ninmah, his father as Enlil, his town as Enegi, and his place of
birth as U r.208 Since Ninmab can be used as an epithet, certainly for Enlil’s
204. The genealogy of Ninazu and the problem o f different traditions were also treated
in van Dijk, 1960, 71—78.
205. Sjöberg, 1969, 27-28.
206. Ibid., 42. In line 431 his father appears by name, but precisely the genealogical
section, in line 444, applies an epithet again, Enlil’s epithet ku r- gal. I would expect
that it would be the other way around. Note also that in line 431 e n - gal is the
epithet of Ninazu himself.
207. See “Enlil and Ninlil” 116. Ninazu’s epithet is according to ms. F: lugal é -g id -
da, ms. K: lugal g id -d a while ms. A has: lugal és‫־׳‬g ân a-g id -d a. Behrens
preferred the version o f ms. A, probably because the genealogy suggests that the
myth relates to Ninazu o f Esnunna, rather than o f Enegi. Correspondingly he also
wants to identify the river o f the kur with the Diyala, which would, indeed, suit the
preference o f Ninazu o f Esnunna (Behrens, 1978, 192—94). His arguments, how-
ever, are not convincing; see also Cooper ,JC S 32 (1980): 183. Considering the evi-
dence o f the extant texts and despite the inconsistency in his genealogy, the “lord
ofEgida” in ms. F and its corrupted form in ms. K seem the most reasonable choice,
particularly since ms. A has the component lu g al g id -d a, which can be a corrup-
tion or “correction” o f either ms. F or K.
208. PBS 13, 41:18-21 = S G L II, 57—58, especially lines 18—19. This text also supports
the association ofEnegi with Ur.
wife, it may represent Ninlil or even Ereskigal and, therefore, this tradition
seems eclectic or a secondary development of one of the other two. However,
it is important because it clearly indicates that Enlil is the father ofboth Ninazu
o f Esnunna and Enegi.
The sources about the father of Ninazu divide into two groups: according
to the one his father was Enlil209 and his town Enegi or Esnunna; the second
conceals the name of his father.
The literary sources for the genealogy o f Ninazu are as follows.210
T ext Tow n T em ple C haracter M o th e r F ather
T em p le Enegi Egida Chthonic Ereskigal e n -g a l

H y m n 14
DUr - - - Ereskigal -
GEN - - - Ereskigal -
E d in a - Enegi Chthonic
usagake /young
‫־‬ warrior ‫־‬ ‫־‬
B albale Enegi/ - Fertility? Ninmah Enlil/

Ur e n -g a l
E n lil an d Enegi Egida Chthonic Ninlil Enlil

N in lil
T em p le Esnunna Esikil Warrior Ninlil Enlil

H y m n 34
209. That his father was Enlil may also be inferred from the myth about the introduction
of grains to Sumer, T u M N F 3, 5:22-23. However, it is not clear whether the text
means a real father-son relationship or merely a hierarchical relationship between
Enlil as a great god, on the one side, and Ninmada and Ninazu, on the other.
210. Temple Hymn no. 14 = Sjöberg, 1969, 27-28; Temple Hymn no. 34 = ibid., 42-
43; D lJ r — “The Death o f Urnamma”; G E N = “Gilgames Enkidu and the
Netherworld”; Edina = Edina-usagake; balbale = S G L II, 57—58;
440 T HE IMAGE OF T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
It seems that there were essentially two traditions about the mother o f
Ninazu: one relates him to Ereskigal and Enegi, the other to Ninlil and
Esnunna. The tradition o f the relationship between Ninazu and Ereskigal is
old and well established. It finds its expression in a variety o f texts, o f which
the oldest is the Pre-Sargonic offering-list from the second year o f U ruin-
imgina ( D P 51). The common denominator o f the sources for this tradition
is their silence about the identity o f Ninazu’s father, just as the sources are
silent about Ereskigal’s husband. In I D 87 Ereskigal’s husband is Gugalanna,
a tradition that was continued, reappearing later in the Neo-Assyrian god-list
AN : A n u m (Tablet V 217). Gugalanna, however, is not a name but an epithet,
as in the hymn to Egida, which hides the name of Ninazu’s father and husband
ofEreskigal behind the epithet e n -g a l. That the sources point to Ereskigal’s
husband but hide his name behind an epithet suggests an inclination to
conceal his identity.
The tradition that names Ninlil as the m other o f Ninazu is known from
two sources only: the hymn to the Esikil in Esnunna and the myth •‘Enlil and
Ninlil.” These sources differ from one another on two major points. First, the
hymn relates to Ninazu o f Esnunna, whereas the myth seems to relate to
Ninazu o f Enegi. Second, the hymn characterizes Ninazu as a god of war, a
Ninurta-type god, whereas the myth describes his birth in the netherworld,
thus explaining his chthonic nature. However, in Esnunna Ninazu also had
a chthonic nature and a martial aspect is typical to netherworld gods. Since
originally Ninazu of Esnunna was probably the local image o f Ninazu of
Enegi, and from the Old Akkadian period onward he was replaced by Tispak,
it is possible that the genealogical relation to Ninlil was generated to harmo-
nize with Ninazu’s description as a type o f Ninurta,2“ but initially Ereskigal
was his mother.
The question of Ninazu’s genealogy is finked to two enigmatic identities:
(1) Ereskigal’s husband and (2) the goddess who bore Ninazu. The incon-
sistencies and vagueness o f the sources concerning these issues need to be
addressed. It is odd that, in conjunction with Ereskigal, Ninazu’s father is
anonymous, but elsewhere is Enlil. Yet, the balbale-hymn names Enlil as the
father o f Ninazu ofEnegi, where his m other is Ereskigal according to other
texts. Therefore, it is noteworthy that three sources associate Enlil with the
netherworld: (1) an incantation against evil spirits names Enlil and Ereskigal
as the parents ofNamtar ( U d u g h u l 360); (2) “Enlil and Ninlil,” which explains
the chthonic nature of Ninazu ofEnegi and indicates that his father is Enlil,
discloses, at the same time, a tradition that Enlil himself was once in the neth- 21
2 1 1. So also Wiggermann, 1997, 35.

GODS OF THE NETH ERW O R LD 441
erworld, but managed to escape from it; and (3) the introduction to G E N 12—
13, which tells that the netherworld was given to Ereskigal by Enlil as a gift
when he took the earth for himself.212 The O ld Babylonian balbale-hymn to
Ninazu o f Enegi demonstrates a confusion in regard to his mother, the wife
o f Enlil: his m other is Ninmah, not simply Ninlil nor Ereskigal.213
Since the relationship o f Enlil with Ninlil was established already in the
god-list of Abu-Salabikh,214these references raise questions about the prehis-
tory o f Enlil. The confusion coincides with the anonymity of Ereskigal’s
husband, suggesting the existence o f different traditions and a conscious
attempt to reconcile them.
No lament o f Ereskigal about her young dead son Ninazu has been
preserved. However, the descriptions o f Ninazu as the young dying god of
Enegi in E d in a - u s a g a k e and, in particular, the emergence o f Ereskigal as the
mourning m other in I D and G E N indicate that such a mythological lament
did exist. These unique descriptions, and especially the elaborated portrayal
o f Ereskigal, cannot be incidental. Rather, they seem to be elements o f a
living tradition, recovered from a narrative that has been lost to us. Since it
conflicts with mainstream theology, it is possible that this tradition was never
put into writing, but was transmitted orally in the framework o f the popular
religion.
The sources, however scarce, suggest that in prehistory Ereskigal was an
image o f the m ourning mother and that her son, Ninazu, was the young dying
god o f Enegi. At the same time, the sources, which submit that Enlil was the
father of Ninazu o f Enegi, also imply that he was the husband ofEreskigal.
That Ereskigal was treated mainly as the queen of the netherworld and that
Ninazu’s role as a young dying god was almost forgotten signifies develop-
rnents in the Sumerian pantheon. Moreover, the rank of Enlil also seems to
have changed. Various texts suggest that some time in prehistory, the
Um kean pantheon with An at its head enjoyed hegemonic status in Sumer
and that, although An stands at the head of every god-list, his status declined
in favor o f Enlil and Nippur.215 It is difficult to reconstruct with certainty the
212. If we could confirm Shaffer’s translation “wedding gift,” it would support the
assumption that in prehistory Ereskigal was the consort ofEnlil.
213. Perhaps it is significant that Ninlil is merely a feminine form of the name Enlil and
that, apart from being his wife, nothing is known of her specific divine properties.
214. OIP 99, 82 r. iii' 3-4.
215. Such developments usually occur as a result of shifts in political power and, there-
fore, are to be expected over long periods of time. The best example for such a shift
is the rise ofMarduk to the head of the pantheon in correspondence with the rise
situation in prehistoric times and the complex developments that took place.
Such developments, however, must have influenced the structure o f the
pantheons in Nippur, Uruk, Ur, and related Sumerian centers. Presumably,
the main and most influential god in Sumer, Enlil, could not be associated
with the netherworld. If in prehistory Enlil was, indeed, Ereskigal’s husband,
they had to be separated when he reached the top o f the pantheon. In that
case, each ended up with another consort. Enlil was coupled with Ninlil,
whose name is the feminine form o f his (which in itself seems rather artifi-
rial). Ereskigal was promoted to queen o f the netherworld and the identity
of her husband was masked. It is possible, therefore, that the epithet e n - gal
in the hymn to Egida in Enegi, as well as the designation Gugalanna in I D ,
masks Enlil.210 Perhaps the name o f Enlil’s temple in Nippur, Ekur, is not
coincidental either, but holds remnants o f a past association with the neth-
erworld.
The tradition that Ninazu is the son ofEnlil is well established. It signifies
that Ninazu was highly ranked in the pantheon and may have been Ereskigal’s
predecessor as the main god of the netherworld.317 Although his cult still
flourished during the U r III period, his humble place in the literary texts
suggests a decline in his status. Beginning in the Old Babylonian period he
appears as a netherworld god in god-lists and the incantations that probably
depended on them.**2167218 In the L S U r he was portrayed as a warlike god.219 His
wife was Ningirida220 and his son was Ningiszida.
of Babylon to the hegemony of southern Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian

period.
216. Nergal was introduced as Ereskigal’s husband only during the Old Babylonian
period, after the dramatic political, ethnic, and cultural changes in southern Meso-
potamia.
217. So also Lambert, 1980, 60, based on the tradition of the Weidner god-list.
218. C T 25, 8:13 (which equates him with Ninurta); S L T 124 iii 30 and 122 iii 8; T C L
15, 10:400.
219. LSUr 48—49:206, similar to his image in Sulgi hymns D andX. This tradition seems
to have been kept in the Neo-Assyrian edition of the Udughul-series, C T 16,49:300
(lugal Phukul-ke^) and the god-list C T 25, 8:13.
220. C T 25, 8:14; TC L 15,10:401. Note, however, Ningirima in K A V 63 i 27-28, and
Ereskigal in Udughul 308. The latter must be a mistake, because according to all the
literary traditions he is one genexation after Ereskigal.
BIBLIOGRAPHIC ABBREVIATIONS
The abbreviations ofjournals, Sumerian and Akkadian texts and publications are, in
general, those o f the C hicago A ss y r ia n D ictio n a ry (Chicago and Gliickstadt, 1956-), the
P h ila d elp h ia S u m eria n D ic tio n a ry (Philadelphia, 1984—), and R . Borger, H an dbu ch der
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AHw W . von Soden, A kk a d isch es H andw örterbuch

AV Anniversary Volume
CAD T h e A ssyria n D iction ary o f the O rien tal In stitu te o f the U n iversity o f Chicago
DD D um uzi’s Dream, see Alster, 1972
DG Dum uzi and Gestinanna, see Sladek, 1974
D G il Death o f Gilgames, see Cavigneaux 2000
DUr Death o f Urnamma, see Fliickiger-Hawker, 1999
ED Early Dynastic
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Fs Festschrift
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IsD Istar’s Descent
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1989
Lugalbanda Lugalbanda, see Wilcke, 1969b
PSD T h e S u m erian D ictio n a ry o f the U n iversity M u seu m o f the U n iversity o f
P en n sylvan ia
SF Deimel, 1923
SG L see van Dijk, i960
Sum erische G ötterlieder,
S IA Yang, Zhi, Sargonic Inscriptions fr o m A d a b (Changchun, 1989)
SKL Sumerian King List
T C S III Sjöberg, 1969. .
TH Temple Hymns, Sjöberg, 1969
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In d e x of Gen era l T erm s
A cult 197, 210—11

Abisimti 176, 437 anointing 209
Adab 101, 128, 205, 254, 302, .367, Anu 122
407, 429 Anunna 123-24, 139, 142, 145,
Adapa 420 152, 184, 261,'265, 268-71,
administration 113, 117, 125-26, 273, 276-78, 280-81, 291, 295,
128-31, 142, 150, 154—55, 169- 366, 402
70, 172, 174, 272, 280, 282, Anunna-anna 402
298, 313, 342 Anunna-ki 402
afterlife 8, 182, 184, 204, 235-36, Apiak 423, 426
243, 362, 371 a r a l i 2, 3, 27, 44, 55, 59-60, 63,
Akkad 254, 348, 411-13 103, 109, 125, 162, 164, 170,
Akkadian image 78; literature 380; 174-75, 188, 303, 331-34, 338,
mythology 218, 227; settlers 340, 375, 397, 401, 433
416; topos 55,228-31,236, 238 Aratta 66, 108
Aksak 302 astral bodies 50, 54; image 96-97,
Alla 319, 398 274
Allatum 359, 437 A su su n a m ir 228
almond 421, 424; see also Meslam- 155
A s e r g ita
taea Asgi 82, 101-3, 109, 159, 204-5,
Alulim 118 207, 215, 227, 230-31, 422
Alulu 118 Atalsen 412
Ama-gestinana 398 Atra-hasis 197
ama-dKlS.UNU 405 Azimua 359
ama-Ninazu 374; see also Ereskigal
B
Amasilama 36-37, 44, 155, 161,
173, 309-10, 399 Badtibira 2, 136-38, 244, 254, 303,
Amausumgal 319 338, 3 6 5 , 3 8 9 , 400
An 187,403 bandits 272, 280-84, 287, 301, 303,
ancestors 42; o f Enlil 360, 367, 402; 308, 389
457
458 t h e im a g e o f t h e n e t h e r w o r l d
base of the netherworld 15, 344 clay 197, 218, 227-28, 236, 243
Bassetki Inscription 413 clothes, see garments
bed 206, 207, 209 concept o f death 246
Belili 309 conditions: ecological 225, 229,
binary opposition 43, 48, 110 236; environmental 200, 233,
binding-of-hands 37, 298 236, 238, 243
bipolarity 1, 12-14, 43- 55- 59- 240 cosmic/cosmological 14, 29, 40,
birth-giving mother 1 8 - 1 9 67 ‫־‬, 53-54 99; order 182; percep-
156,312,387 tion 22, 32; perspective 38;
bison 40 realities 44; thought 355; value
Bitu 87, 120, 125, 171, 174- 179- 38; vision of the cosmos 29; see
189, 196, 237, 245, 358, 360, also horizontal/vertical
362, 366, 369, 375-76- 378, court theology 113, 117, 247, 359,
380, 396, 401 3 8 5 , 3 9 9 - 4 11- 4 1 3 - 418‫ ־‬19-
boat 32, 36-37- 40, 240, 392; mod- 425, 427, 435—36; see also the-
els o f 36, 46—47 ology
body 197-98, 201, 206-8, 210, 212, cremation 215
215-16, 221-22, 227, 232, 235, cult 21, 422; of Dumuzi 35, 82,,
315- 328, 339, 362; dichotomy 330, 3 7 5 3 9 0 ‫ ;־‬o f Gestinanna 7;
of body and spirit 199; see also of Lugal-URUxKÂR 399; of
soul Meslamtaea 422; of Nergal■
bottom o f the k u r (Netherworld) 412-13, 422, 427; o f Ninazi-
77- 103 mua 400; o f Ninazu 52, 431-
breath 197-98, 235 32; o f Ningiszida 357, 369-70,
burial 26, 32, 34, 41, 208, 239, 246, 397; cult o f the ancestors 197,
334; customs 15, n o , 112, 197, 210—11; northern cult 53; prac-
210, 245; place 212, 310; rite tice 189, 194, 199, 201, 212,
82, 151, 156, 159, 315 353- 357- 385- 418, 420, 424,
427
C
cult center 3, 5, 7, 21, 38, 44, 56,
chair-bearer of the k u r 116 64, 90- 94- 97- H R 161, 207,
chariot 26, 32, 41, 46, 334 243, 256, 315, 320, 351, 359,
chief scribe o f a r a l i 174, 369; see 410, 426-28, 431, 438; o fN in -
also Gestinanna azu 394, 421; ofNingiszida 393
circumstances of death 7, 212-13, cultic drama 163, 310
215,371,381 cult o f the dead 10, 53- 95- 101,
city gate 33, 38, 311 176, 199-200, 204, 210-12,
city-state 48, 60, n o -1 1 , 113, 126, 255- 320, 429, 436-37
! 51- 154- 56, 175- 177- 194,
1 9 5 , 121, 237-38, 243, 246, D
248, 272, 327, 401 Dagan 91, 412
INDEX OF GENERAL TERM S 459
Damu 2-4, 7, 9, 22, 24, 44, 64, 81, 32, 134- 37‫ ־‬HO, l 5I - 52> 155‫־‬
129, 151, 160-61, 223, 272, 160-61, 163-64, 166, 173-74,
275‫ ־‬281, 310, 317-20 , 332, 202, 210, 221, 223, 244, 263,
339‫ ־‬364, 400, 433 269-70, 272-87, 310, 315-16,
Dannina 85 329, 332‫ ־‬338, 357‫ ־‬361, 364-
darkness 15, 31, 54-55, 223, 225- 66 , 369-70 , 372-73‫ ־‬375‫ ־‬378‫־‬
28, 243, 246, 344, 354 80, 383, 389- 91,394 ‫ ־‬396- 402,
dead: kings 186, 309, 310; spirit 9; 425
young god 44, 83, 97, 126, Durauzi’s cult 202; Dumuzi’s death
129-32, 144, 151, 160, 162, 270, 273, 275, 277, 282, 285-
169, 205, 216, 226, 230 86, 294, 296, 298, 303;
death 323, 329-30; death of a king Dum uzi’s myth 257, 271, 273-
361, 371; of deified kings 373; 75, 277-79, 285, 287; husband
death of deities 26; untimely oflnanna 136;ofBadtibira 137,
361, 373; violent 414 139; of K u’ara 136; prayer to
deification 224, 247, 330, 351, 413, U tu 274-76, 283, 291, 295-96,
418 305, 329; pursuers 304-8
deified king 182-83, 224 Durum 424
deluge 372 dust 54, 218, 223, 225-27, 236, 238,
d e m o n iz a tio n 148, 154, 170, 2 9 9 , 243‫ ־‬246
338 D uttur 135, 137, 151, 364, 388
d eparture o f th e sp irit 2 0 7 - 8
dDÎM.ME 370 E
dd im -u r n 381 Eanna 94, 97, 254
d dimdim m e(IT )me- k ù 395 Eannatum 386
D im m e k u 2 2 2 , 3 5 7 , 3 5 9 - 6 0 , 3 6 6 , earth 12-15, 9 5 9 6 ‫־־־‬
3 6 9 - 7 0 , 3 8 0 , 3 9 5 , 401 east 15-16, 19, 21, 47, 53; borders
d in g ir-k u r-ra 378 of Sumer 170
d ir e c tio n 17, 20 Ebla 127, 406, 412
distance 1, 3, 16, 25-27, 30, 38, 43, edge of the mountain, see moun-
45‫ ־‬47‫ ־‬240, 341 tain
divine: election 265; symbols 255 é-és-dam lists 256
Diyala 348, 428, 438 Egida 52, 95, 175, 207, 255358 ‫־‬,
donkey 26, 32, 40-41, 46, 334 386, 391, 407428-32 ‫ ־‬419‫־‬,
door o f the netherworld 116 434-38,440,442
dream-god 92; see also Sisig Egime 102, 205
Drehern 422, 432 Egiskesdakalama 410
duality 232, 235 Eigarsu 164
Dudu 412, 426 Ekisnugal 97
Dumuzi 2-3, 5, 10-11, 34, 40, 64, Ekur 97, 442
81-82, 100, 125, 127, 129, 131- Emar 119
Emeslam 52 53, 34811‫ ־‬52, 407‫ ־‬, 86, 191-92, 217, 229, 239-40,
413, 417, 4 2 0 4 3 2 ,423-27 243, ,21‫־‬,258-68, 271-72, 285, 296,
436 320, 330, 333, 336, 342, 352-
E m u s 1 3 7 - 3 8 , 389 55, 357‫ ־‬66, 368-69 , 374, 378-
e n 1 1 5 , 1 2 2 - 2 3 , ! 2 5 , 3 6 4 - 6 5 , 380, 81, 383, 386-91 , 393, 401-5 ,
389; o f K u la b a 373 414 , 419-20 , 429 , 431‫ ־‬434,
E n b ilu lu 37 436, 438-42; determining des-
Enegi 5, 52, 95, 101, 161, 171, 175, tinies 355; river ordeal 49, 353;
1 7 6 , 207, 255, 320, 359, 386- unnamed husand 441; mother
87, 391, 394, 407, 410, 419, o f Ninazu 360, 364, 37374 ‫ ־‬,
421, 426, 428-31, 433-42 385,387
E n e m a n i ilu ilu 329 Eridu 85, 97, 118, 136, 311
Enheduanna 52, 171, 352, 386, 393, Esikil 176, 347, 350, 409, 413, 428-
407-8, 410, 428-29, 431 29, 431- 33, 438, 440
Enihusil 424 Esnunna 176, 347, 380, 394, 413,
Enki 14, 31, 33, 42, 44, 85, 95-96, 428 , 432‫ ־‬33, 435, 438‫ ־‬40
100 i, 114, 136, 187, 223, 225, Etana 113, 117-21, 124-26, 171,
230, 251, 257, 263, 265, 270, 189, 195, 358, 362, 367, 375-
272-73, 276-77, 284, 295, 371- 81, 401, 420
72, 382, 387-88, 396, 405, 422; eternal: life 187, 248, 373, 381; rest
journey 40 200
Enkidu 31, 41, 44109 ,89 ,85 ,45‫ ־‬, ethereal entity 201, 204; see also
118-19, 122-23, 182-83, 198- soul
99, 209-10, 213, 222, 263, 265, Etumal 43 3
371, 382, 388, 434; ghost o f 42 euphemism 8, 28, 60, 171, 229,
Enlil 13, 37-38, 44, 101, 114, 122, 238, 244, 339‫ ־‬41 , 386
175, 178- 79, 187, 238-39, 254, evening-star 13, 96, 354; see also
260-61, 263-64, 329, 363, 368, Inanna
372- 73, 388, 403, 411, 419, evil spirits 15-16, 27-28, 35, 41-42,
431, 438-39, 442; o f the neth- 44, 54‫ ־‬56, 59, 76, 78, 98‫ ־‬99,
erworld 116, 360, 362-63, 369, 102, 104-5 , 109, 113, 126, 130,
381, 404, 414; Enlil’s ancestors 141, 144, 145, 147, 155, 157,
371, 387; Enlilship 362; prehis- 198, 218, 225 , 227 , 229 , 232,
tory of Enlil 441 238, 269, 289 , 296 , 299 , 337,
Enmebaragesi 380 340-41, 345
entrance 21, 26, 38, 45, 87, 89-91, excrement 216-17, 327
104, 192-93, 238-39, 242, 264, existence 31, 56, 80, 182-84, 190-
334, 340- 42, 345, 388 : 91, 194, 200-1, 214, 220-21,
Ereskigal 14, 45, 4 8 8 5 ,53‫ ־‬49 , 226,
52‫ ־‬, 231-33, 235, 237, 248, 258
87, 108, n o -1 1 , 121-22, 125- Ezem-Ninazu 432
26, 145, 171, 173, 178-79,185-
INDEX OF GENERAL TERMS 461
F gate 27-28, 30-32, 38, 85, 87-88,

Fara 421 90, 94, 96, 103, 116, 192, 195,
fear o f death 182-83, 247-48 238, 245, 257-58, 340; o f g e m -
feathers 227-28 z i r 89, 93; o f Meslamtaea 423;
fertility 7, 181, 184, 232, 260, 387; o f N ippur 38; of sunset 27-28,
fertility-god 5-6, 417; 50, 238, 340; o f temple precinct
festivals of the dead 42 44; o f cult centers 3 8
figurine 42, 82, 200, 203-4, 206, gatekeeper 87-88, 96, 124, 174-75,
208, 210—11, 397; see also icon, 178, 196, 237, 245, 258-59,
proxy, statue 264, 3 3 1 , 354‫ ־‬3 5 8 , 376, 380,
food and drink 54, 197, 212, 219, 401
229-232, 235-36, 246, 248, Gestinanna 6, 27, 59, 125, 132, 140,
325, 334; see also water 151, 161, 174, 274, 276, 301,
food o f the dead 15, 42; quality, 306, 309, 319, 330, 333, 369,
chapter 4 p a s s im 3 9 3 ‫ ־‬3 9 5 ‫ ־‬3 9 7 - 401
foreign (hostile) country 63, 72—73, G e stin lu b a 3
81, 105-10 ghost, see evil spirits, Enkidu
formulaic description (of the g a l l a ) Gilgames 29, 50-51, 55‫ ־‬89‫ ־‬92 , 94‫־‬
138-39, 141-42, 145, 147, 149, 109, 113, 116, 118-26, 136,
152-53‫ ־‬279-87 ‫ ־‬296, 298, 303- 171-72, 182-83, 185, 189-90,
8 192,195, 198-99, 209-11, 213,
fortifications 192, 237 222, 224- 25, 235, 249, 263,
funeral: offering 123, 221, 328; pro- 265, 329, 335, 357- 58, 360-64,
cession 334; ritual i o - n , 32, 366, 368-69 , 371-73‫ ־‬376-78,
79, 81-82 , 101‫ ־‬2, 104, 116, 380-81 , 385, 388-90 , 401 , 411-
131 ,158-59 ‫ ־‬163‫ ־‬166-67 , 190- 12, 417-18, 437
91, 197-98 , 200-1 , 208-10 , Girra 408
215—16, 221—22, 225, 227, 229, Girsu 4, 5 383 ,315 ,156 ,64 ,44 ,22 ‫־‬,
238, 328, 358, 370-71; cult 392, 400, 422, 432-33
211; customs 235 Gisbanda 5, 7, 3 5 9 ‫ ־‬3 9 3 ‫ ־‬9 4 ‫ ־‬3 9 8 ‫־‬
410, 426, 433
G god-lists 52- 53‫ ־‬170-71 , 357‫ ־‬383‫־‬
see gal5-la
g a lla , 391, 418; Emesal 404; Early
246, 271, 280-81, 283-
g a lla -m o tif Dynastic god-lists: Ebla 409;
84, 286, 298 Fara and Abu-Salabikh: 6, 114,
g a m i n s , 29-31, 4593-94 ,85 ,46‫ ־‬, 36 0 , 36 3‫ ־‬378, 386 , 392, 394‫־‬
97, 104, n o , 192-93 ‫ ־‬240, 253‫־‬ 420, 428, 441; O ld Babylonian
259, 291, 388 172, 1 7 7 ‫ ־‬3 5 9 ‫ ־‬3 6 1 , 3 6 8 , 3 7 0 ‫־‬
garment/ clothing 204, 209, 212, 381, 389‫ ־‬396, 400, 4 1 4 ‫ ־‬422,
219, 221; o f feathers 227-28 427; in Neo-Assyrian incanta-
Garsana 415 tion texts 396; W eidner god-
462 T H E IM AGE O F T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
list 379, 442; in D G i l 120; in I

D U r 115-16, 125, 189, 369 Ibbi-Suen 309, 314, 425
grave 16, 26-28, 32, 35-36, 4 2 4 7 ‫ ־‬, icon 200, 210, 423; o f the dead 42,
61, 81, 100-5, 109-10, 123, 201, 210; see also figurine,
192, 197, 199-200, 204, 207-9, proxy, statue
212, 216, 218, 222-23, 225-29, iconography 429, 435
232-33, 236, 238-40, 242-43, dIG I.K U R 90
334, 338- 40, 342, 389 Igigi 366
great mountain 431 IM kl 428, 436
Gu’aba 416, 423 immortality 119, 188, 197, 233,
Gudea 6, 125, 174, 176, 3 9 2 9 5 ‫ ־‬, 248, 372
397, 399, 401, 422-23, 425,432 Inanna 11, 13, 33, 40, 44, 50, 82,
Gugalanna 161, 362-63, 438, 440, 85, 94, 96, n o -1 1 , 122, 132,
442 137, ! 39, 148, 151, 178, 185,
Gunura 156, 310, 400 192, 221, 228, 238, 289-300,
Gutians 381 307, 315. 330, 333. 338, 354.
383. 388, 390, 399, 401-3, 406,
H
410-11, 422; astral image 96-,
Habur 91 97, 103, 274; Inanna’s journey
Harahar 412 93. 95, 104, 240, 251 p a s s im ;
Harvest ritual 162, 164 Inanna’s punishment 190;
dhé-dim -m e-kù 396 Inanna’s rescue 14; Inanna’s
healing-god 4, 22; see also Damu story 269-72, 275, 277-78,
heaven 12-14, 38, 43, 55; and earth 283, 295
53; heavenly bodies 28 incantations 60, 116, 181, 297;
herald 22, 154, 313, 315, 326-27; against snakes 359; against
see also li-bi-ir lamastu 116; see also index of
horizon 21, 28, 47-48, 54, 61, 66, texts Udughul
189, 257; northeastern 96; incarnations o f the young dying
western 16, 96, 230 god 133, 161, 275, 320, 324; see
horizontal perception 15, 22, 43, also young
49, 53‫ ־‬55, 70, 92‫ ־‬94‫ ־‬96, 99, infertility 258; 388, 434
104, 108, 236, 240, 253, 257, innocent, see victim
345 intellectual development 61, 245—
human: beings 26, 28, 41, 44, 56, 46
59, 221; form 42; spirits 113, Irkalla 85
114, 116, 122-23, 187 Irra 116
husband 315, 333, 3654 ,389 ‫־‬I 9, Isin 4, 383
438, 440-41 Iskur 422
Husbisag 357, 391 Ismedagan N 427
Huwawa 118—19 !star 258, 411
Istaran 64, 275, 319, 372, 433 dKUR 86, 91

Iturungal canal 254 Kurgara 267, 271, 285
Kutha 52348-49 ,254 ‫ ־‬53‫ ־‬95‫ ־‬161‫־‬,
J 351410-11 ‫ ־‬363‫ ־‬379, 405-8 ‫־‬,
journey 32, 43, 46, 256, 334; see 413, 416-18, 420-27, 429-30,
also Inanna, Enki, Urnamma 432, 436 Kutha o f Sumer 52-
judgment: judge 115-16, 121, 125,
53‫ ־‬95‫ ־‬255
175, 185, 187, 225, 292, 297,
300, 329-30, 360, 371-73, 403; L
judge of the dead 28, 50, 54, lad who comes out of the almond
181, 184, 186, 188, 190-91, tree 421; see also Meslamtaea
195‫ ־‬223 , 225 , 229, 236, 239- lady of the place of sunset 239, 352-
40, 242, 245, 355, 375; judges 53; see also Ereskigal
o f the gods 185; judicial system Lagas 4, 125, 128, 174, 177, 315,
150, 156, 191, 195, 237; justice, 369‫ ־‬378, 383, 387, 390, 393-
social 186-87 95‫ ־‬397-400 , 416, 422-23 , 425,
429
K Larsa 51, 139, 278, 309, 406, 424,
Kanisurru 85 431‫ ־‬437
Kar-gu-du8-akl 423 Laz 427
Kes 101, 205 leper 215
king 119‫ ־‬121-25 , 135-39 ‫ ־‬142‫־‬ libation 230; pipe 42, 207-8, 227,
162, 172, 185-87, 191-92, 195, 239‫ ־‬255
230, 244, 247, 330-31, 377; of Lillu 205, 210
Sumer and Akkad 348, 350; of Lisin 18, 38, 364, 379
the four regions 348-49, 418; Lists: see god-lists; of mourning
of the snakes 394, 43 4“ 35; of wom en 155; see also incarna-
U ruk 188; king’s sister 125, 397 tions
kingdom 26 lord of KA 20, 156
kingship 1 3 5 2 0 1 ,190l u g ‫־‬a h36,Gudua
179‫־‬, 416; o f the nether-
403; symbols o f 305, 360, 363 world 115, 360, 362, 364; of
Kisiga 416 the spirits 116
Kisig-Ninazu 432 Lugalasal 421
Kis 254, 311, 358, 364, 380, 388, Lugalbanda 2, 13, 20, 35-36, 50, 65,
406, 421, 423‫ ־‬433 72-73, 83, .108, 136, 210—11,
dKIS 243 223, 306, 322, 412
KIS.UNU 243, 351, 405-8, 410-11, Lugalgisimmar 421
420, 426~27 Lugalirra 424
dKlS.UNU 405, 407 Lugalirra/Girra 425
K u’ara 137 Lugalmeslama 352, 379, 408, 415,
Kulaba 278 420—22
Lugalsinig 421 giving mother, mourning

lugal-u4-su-a 172 mother of Ninazu, see Ereskigal
Lugalusumgal 128 mountain 6 , 20, 23, 25, 40, 47-48,
Lugal-URUxKÂR 3 9 3 3 9 9 ,95‫־‬ 55-56, 60, 63-65, 69, 72-73,
Lulal 270 77, 80, 92, 105, 107-8, h i ,
Lulil 82, 103, 205; see also index of 169, 221, 239, 24O-4I, 244-46,
texts 317, 355; mountain of sunrise
Lu’utu 49, 51-53, 108, 171, 229, 49, 108; high mountain 67,
239, 3 5 2 , 3 5 5 ‫ ־‬3 7 8 , 385 103, 321; edge of the mountain
24, 68-69, 103, 316-17; foot of
M the mountain 23, 25, 47, 61,
Mami 405 65-67, 69, 98, 103, n o , 241;
Mamitum 427 midst of the mountain(s) 78;
man-spirit 205 top of the mountain, 103
Mari 86, 90 mourning: mother 364, 387, 434;
marsh 20-21, 47 of Inanna 34; rituals 299
Maskan 415 muddy water 218
me-er-si 4, 315 Mulusiranna 22, 319
MesanDU 177, 386, 422 M u t i n n u n u z d im a 367
Meslam 349, 379 mythological: bison 40; cosmic
Meslamil 421 reality 69; river 39; qualities of
Meslamtaea 5 2 - 5 3 , 161, 177, 349- the mountains 40; reality 56,
5 2 , 3 59, 3 9 5 , 409, 4 1 1, 413-30, 58, 60—61; region 56
4 3 2 , 437; sa-du423 :‫״‬ mythologization 56, 61, 104, i n ,
Meslamtaea o f Gu’aba 416; o f kar- 147, 244, 246
gu-du8-akl 416
Messenger (the) 9-10, 12, 81, 202- N
3, 209; see also index of texts Namtar 52, 126, 171, 217, 258, 357,
monarchy h i , 113, 189, 237 360,366, 369-70, 378-81, 389-
morning-star 96, 98, 354 91, 39544° ,97‫ ; ־‬daughter of
mortality 31, 124, 179, 183, 187, 396
213, 230, 330, 372-73 Nanna 97, 101, 263, 375, 381, 388,
mother 3, 5, 17-21, 23-25, 32-33, 402, 404, 406
4 1, 44‫ ־‬45, 47-48, 50, 59, 64, Naramsin 128, 244, 348, 351, 406,
66-70 , 72 , 76, 78 , 97 , 107, 126, 410-12, 416-20, 426
130‫ ־‬33, ! 37, 139, 150-51 , 155, necromancy 42-43, 213
157-61, 167, 169, 186-87, 206, Nergal 31, 37‫ ־‬38, 45, 48‫ ־‬49‫ ־‬52‫״‬
216, 231, 239-40, 309, 31X, 5 3 1 6 0 - 6 1 ,157 ,1
313-17, 319-21, 324-26, 328, 176, 189, 233, 239, 243, 263,
359, 379, 386-88, 393, 431, 3 3 9 3 5 7 ,355 ,3
434, 438, 4 4 0 4 1 ‫ ; ־‬see also birth 359-64, 369, 376, 378- 79,3 8 1 -
82, 385, 389,395, 404-22, 424- NIN.KIS.UNU 406

28, 430, 432, 442; Nergal and N inkur 379, 420
Ereskigal: 38, 55, 162, 227, 363, Ninkura 171, 189, 364, 378, 381,
381, 404, 419; of G N 415; of 389
Apiak 412 Ninlil 3 7 4 3 1 ,419 ,238-39 ,
Ninamas 379 435, 438-42
NinaNE(IZI) 398 Ninmada 428, 436
Ninazimua 6, 44, 125, 156, 161, Ninmafr 43 8
174, 309- 10, 358, 365-66,369- Ninmas 379
70, 381, 383, 393, 396-401 NinPAunkengal 420
Ninazu 5, 37, 52-53, 101, 160, 171, Ninpes 6, 392
175- 76, 207, 239, 255, 275, Ninsun 136, 306
319-20, 347- 48, 358- 59, 365, Ninsubur 13, 31, 93-94, 97, 101,
3 7 8 , 3 8 1 , 3 8 4 -8 8 , 391‫ ־‬9 3 , 3 9 5 , 175-76 , 178-79 ‫ ״‬254 , 257 , 263-
407-8, 413, 419, 424-25, 428- 64 , 270-71 , 359, 386, 415 , 422,
442; father of Ningiszida 439; 427, 437
wife of 374; genealogy of Ninti 379
Ninazu 419, 428, 431, 438-40; Nintinluba 5
agricultural aspect 436 Nintinuga 3
Ningestin 379 Nippur 44-45, 87, 97, 114, 199,
Ningestinna 27, 3 54 239- 40, 254, 303, 348, 363,
Ningirida 359, 393, 398, 436, 442; 374, 389, 422, 429, 441-42
wife of Ninazu 374 north: borders of Sumer; 24, 51,
Ningirima 442 240— 41; northwest 255; north-
Ningiszida 2-3, 5-7, 22, 36, 41, 44, ern and southern Mesopotamia
52-53, 64, 116, 122, 125-26, 91, 117; northern concept 53;
129, 160, 172-74, 181, 189, cult 53; pantheon, p a s s i m ; the-
195, 219, 231, 263, 272, 275, ology 431; tradition 161
281, 310, 3 1 9 , 3 2 9 , 3 5 7 3 5 9 ‫־‬, M A b c m d a o f the netherworld 116,
361, 364-66, 369-70, 3 7 2 7 3 ‫ ־‬, 120
376, 378, 380, 383, 390-96, Numusda 379, 420

398-401, 424, 432- 33442 ‫;־‬ Nungal 49, 53
Ningiszida and Ninazimua, 7 ‫־‬ Nungal hym n 52-53, 353
398; Journey to the N ether-
O
world 7, 46, 131-32, :142, 173‫־‬
offerings 209, 216, 218, 232, 235,
219, 231, 272, 320, 392;
URUxKÂRki 395 332, 334, 344, 345; offering-
Ninbursaga 18-19, 21, 23,'44, 67, lists 384, 386, 390, 395, 399-
400,403, 415-18, 421-23, 426-
101, 205, 364, 366-67, 402
27, 429, 431, 440; pipes 436
Ninisina 4-5, 318, 383
Ninki 386, 405 oil 209
ointment 210, 212 resurrection 269, 274, 276-77

one-way road 41, 44; see road reward 247-48, 329-30
overland journey 33 riding 32, 36
Rimsin 391, 424
P ritual 35, 328; see also funeral and
palace 193, 195, 237; g a r n i r 87-88 mourning
passage 36, 38, 100 river 18-19, 21, 38-39, 47, 91, 108,
path of the netherworld 27; see also 219, 240, 438; mythological 39
road river ordeal 49, 223, 353
peak o f the mountain 65, 67 road 9, 17, 23, 26-27, 32, 40-41,
perspective: from Sumer 1,3; o f the 43-45, 47-48, 5 2 , 66, 69, 72,
incantation-priest 15 105, 108, 112, 168, 226, 236,
place: o f Ereskigal 386; of sunrise 238-40, 316, 3x9, 323, 331,
16, 49, 51, 353; o f sunset 21, 340-42; one-way 25; o f no
50-51, 353; see also sunset, return 24, 41 ; o f the k u r 2 6 —2 8 ;
sunrise length o f the road 27, 43
popular religion 388, 399, 441; see route i, 16, 18, 38, 43, 46-47, 238,
also religion 239 , 254 ‫ ־‬256
preservation of the corpse 42 royal tombs at U r 46, 101, 207
priesthood 114, 122, 126, 195, 237,
333- 367-68 S
primordial realm 220 sacred marriage rite 135—37, 244,
provisions 199, 201, 213, 216, 228, 300, 305, 332, 365, 373- 389-
230, 232, 236, 246, 328 398, 400
proxy 204, 209; see also figurine, Sagub 398
icon, statue sailing 32, 36, 47, 108
punishment 37, 138, 256, 258, 261, Sargon 241
263-64, 280, 296, 299 scribal tradition 348
Puzurinsusinak 412 scribe of a r a l i 7, 125, 365, 397, 400;
see also Gestinanna, Ninazimua
R search 17-21, 25, 33, 47, 67, 81-82,
raising the spirits 42 157- 3°9- 316, 327; see also
reed fence 294 young
reform, see religion Semites 52-53, 1x8, 175, 188, 196,
release 205-6, 328; o f spirit 130-31, 223, 348, 358, 389, 406
207, 232 Semitic influence 175, 237, 355,
religion: popular 388, 399, 441; 376; origin 51, 87, 120; panthe-
religious practices 422; reform on 298; population 53, 189,
351- 395- 413; traditions 359; 236, 239, 242, 245, 249, 349-
northen traditions 161; trend 50, 380, 411, 428; scribe 421
409 seven: g a l l à 137, 139, 145, 342;
INDEX OF GENERAL TERM S 46?
gatekeepers 358, 369; gates 45, administrative principles 124;

88, 192, 237, 258-59, 358; and economic reality 182; and
ghosts 42; gods who decide political organizations 194; and
destinies 404; judges 261, 265, political structure 237
402 soul 197-98, 201, 215, 232-33, 235
shape 204, see also icon, proxy, south: Mesopotamia 36, 54-55,
statue 249; Sumer 20-21, 25, 47, 51-
shepherd 117, 119, 136-39, 164, 53‫ ־‬161;
285, 306 spirit 10, 14-15, 26, 48, 79-84, 92,
Sin 37, 411 99, 101-4, n o , 126, 156, 159,
Sinkasid 424 182, 191, 195, 197-20X, 203,
Sinsamuh 223, 225 205, 207, 210, 212-16, 218,
Sippar 51 221-22, 227-28, 232-33, 235,
Sisig 31, 213, 225, 230 263, 327-28, 340; heirless 214;
sister 5, 34, 36-37, 44, 59, 82, iox, unattended 217, 232; see also
125, 132,-33, 140, 148, 151, evil spirits
155- 56, 159- 60, 172-74, 205- statue 166, 206, 210; of Dumuzi
6, 208, 215, 219, 226, 230-31, 389; o f the dead 225; see also
299, 306, 309, 327, 330, 379, icon, proxy, figurine
397399 ‫ ;־‬m otif 132; of Ningis- status symbols 236
zida 36; of the king 333, 365, subsistence 212, 228, 236; see also
400 survival, sustenance
skepticism 199, 231, 235 substitute 34, 41, 132, 142, 144,
sky 13-15, 50, 95-97, 104, 188, 215 148, 203, 238, 269-71, 273- 76,
snake 6, 386, 392-94, 428 278, 281, 284, 286, 289, 291-
snake-god 6, 435; see also king of 92, 295, 297-99; see also icon,
snakes proxy, statue
society: hierarchical 48; organized subterranean 2 1 , 23, 3 2 - 3 3 , 43, 45,
community 195; pre-urban 48; 47, 49, 54, 58- 59, 70, 77, 93,
rural 104, 113; sedentary 9; 101-2, 105, 108-10, 230, 236,
stratified 125 241-42, 244-45, 291, 321;
social: behavior 143; classes 237; community 103; kingdom 56,
equality 190; hierarchy 180, 61, 68; k u r 60; mythological
190; justice 186, 187; order 73, river 39; netherworld 90, 98,
110-11, 113, 121, 180, 187, 104
190; organization 74, 113, 191, Sumer 2, 15-16, 18, 32, 39-40, 43,
232, 236; reality 64, 112, 130, 45, 47- 9, 52-53, 57, 63, 74, 81,
190, 245; standards 182, 184; 91, 94, 97‫ ־‬102, 107-8 , 111-13 ,
status 123-24, 182, 213, 215, 186, 215, 240, 243, 333, 349,
222, 237; structure 104, 191, 432; heartland of Sumer 5, 105,
195, 237; values 190; and 106, 241; borders 55, 76, 78,
96-97; outside 9; s e e also dilemma 122, 247; theological

north, south evolution 65, 242; theological
Sumerian: concept 8; cosmogony intent 38; theological specula-
13; cosmology 367; theology tion 242, 355, 403; theological
191 system 243; mainstream theol-
Sumugan 366-68, 402 ogy 441 official theology 427;
sunrise 49, 108 parallel theologies 359
sunset 49, 51, 53 three-dimension 15
survival 199, 201, 212, 218-19, throne 264; o f dead king 201
231-32, 235-36, 246 Tisatal 412
sustenance 198, 200, 227; see also T is p a k 3 4 7 - 4 8 , 3 5 9 , 4 1 3 , 4 2 5 , 4 2 8 -
subsistence, survival 29 , 436
toll 33
s tomb 36
Sakkan 367 transportation 36, 46
Samas 4 7 , 5 0 , 5 3 , 55, 10 5 , 1 8 1 , 18 6 , tree-god 421
19 1, 19 5 , 209, 2 2 3 , 2 2 5 , 229 , trip o f the spirit 3 3
239 , 245, 3 19 , 343, 402, 404, twin gods 417
4 1 1 ; path 1 5 two temples of Meslamtaea 423
Sara 2 7 0
S e S .U N U 8 7 U
S E S .U N U ki 4 0 6 Ugarit 119
S i r i oi Umma 52-53, 128, 171, 229, 239,
S u b u la 4 2 7 352, 355, 378, 398, 415 , 422
S u d u ru l 4 12 Umunsudi/sude 22-23, 314, 319
Sulgi 115, 121-22, 154, 176, 183, unattended spirits 217, 232; see also
191, 200, 224, 247, 329-30, spirits, evil spirits
3 4 7 - 5 1‫ ־‬3 7 0 ,3 7 2 - 7 3 ,3 8 1, 407‫־‬ undress 192, 209, 221—22, 254, 259,
4 1 1 , 4 1 3 - 1 9 , 4 2 1 , 4 2 3 ,4 2 5 - 2 7 , 261, 264-65, 295
4 32 -33, 4 35-37 universal 183; law 221; message
183, 224; perspective 155; sense
T 164, 183; terms 10,
temple precinct 175, 1 9 4 237 ,95‫ ־‬, U r 9 7 , 115, 1 7 6 , 2 2 6 , 3 0 3 , 3 1 1, 3 3 3 ,
355 3 9 8 ,4 0 6 , 4 2 2 , 431- 32, 438, 442
testicle 205 Û R xÛ .K l 423
The Messenger and the Maiden 8, urban: community 48, 74, n o , 126,
32, 79, 109, 131; 166, 201, 210, 189, 1 9 1 , 1 9 4 ‫ ־‬9 5 , 237 , 246 ,
310; see also index of texts 339; image i n ; reality 194;
theology 191; Babylonian theology society 61, 104; urbanization
384; theologians 233; theologi- 48, 113, 245
cal concepts 418; theo-logical urine 216
Urkis 412 276,280, 282-83, 289, 2 96, 3°3

Urlugal 366 vine-god 7
Umamma 26, 44, 49, 107, 113, ! 15, violent death 414
124, 178, 185, 190, 199, 2x5, viticulture 6
226, 230, 239, 244, 329, 361,
W
3 6 5 , 3 6 9 ‫ ־‬372 ‫ ־‬3 8 1 , 389‫ ־‬9 2 ‫־‬
396, 4 0 1‫ ־‬404‫ ־‬4 1 4 - 1 5 ‫ ־‬4 18 , walk 32-33, 316
423, 426, 437; journey 41 wall 193, 237
U r n a m ir a b i 74, 155, 167, 317 w ar-god/ warrior 6 363, 431
URUxKÀR 398 water 219, 332, 344
Urub 393, 395, 398 water and blood 24, 3 1 6 - 1 8
Uruk 2, 4 4 - 4 5 9 0 - 9 1 ,85 water ,77 ,66libation
‫־‬, 327
93‫ ־‬95‫ ־‬n i , X15, 124-25, 136- W e-ila 397
3 7 295 ,289 ‫ ־‬148, 244 , 254 ‫־‬. west 15, 28, 4 7 , 50, 53; western gate
297, 302-3, 306, 311, 335, 338, 28; western horizon 16, 96,
362, 400, 424, 442 230; western sky 50
usurpation 179-80, 185, 262, 264- wife 44, 125, 139, 151, 156, 1 7 4 ‫־‬
65, 403; usurpers, 190 231, 309, 329, 333, 399, 427
Utanapistim 119, 235 wind 198, 228, 235
U tu 28, 31, 40, 50, 175, 181, 185- wiping with bread 209
86, 188, 191, 195, 223, 225, witchcraft 34
229, 236, 239, 245, 263, 292, world of the living p a s s im
297-98 , 300, 3 5 5 ‫ ־‬373‫ ־‬375‫־‬ Y
382, 3 86, 402, 404, 406; see also
Samas young: god 83; dying fertility-god
Utuhegal 381, 411-12, 418 7, 18, 22, 44, 64, 161; dying
god 4-5, 10, 19-22, 32, 36, 48,
V 205, 231, 248, 272, 309, 316,
Venus 61, 90, 9 5 1 0 3 - 4 ‫ ־‬97 ‫־‬, m > 3 1 8 , 3 2 0 - 2 1 , 3 2 5 , 3 3 8 , 3 6 5 ‫־‬
240, 257-58, 2 7 4 -7 5 3 5 4 ‫ !־‬see 36 9 , 373‫ ־‬3 7 9 -9 2 , 39 8 -4 0 0 ,
also evening star, Inanna 421,424-25, 433-37, 4 4 1 ; cap-
vertical 13, 15-16, 22, 54-55, 70, ture of the young god 172;
77 ‫ ־‬93‫ ־‬94 ‫ ־‬98-100 , 103-4 , 108, young fertility-god 66, 101; girl
226, 240, 252, 345; axis 29, 32, 81; young hero 391; maiden 10
4 3 9 2 ,90 ‫ ;־‬bipolarity i5; move-
Z
m ent 92, 252; perception 54;
see also horizontal Z a b a la m (M Ù $.U N U kl) 8 7 , 2 5 4 , 4 0 6
victim 27, 337-38; innocent 135,
139-41, 143, 147, 150-53, 272,
In d e x o f S u m e r i a n T e r m s
A a n -k i 1 2 - 1 5 , 5 3 , 5 5 2 4 0 ‫־‬
a m u n 4~na 3 3 4 as-tar 19
a n i-r n u 3 2 7
B
a -lâ -h u l 130
a -p a 4 1 0 1, 2 0 4 , 2 0 7 b a -e u -d è 268
a -ra -li 11, 2 - 3 , 2 7 , 44, 55, 5 9 6 0 ‫ ־‬, b ad 1 , 8
63. 103, 109, 125, 162, 164, BÀD 68
170, 174-75. 188, 244, 303, bal 100, 3 4 2
331- 3 4 , 3 3 8 , 340, 3 7 5 , 3 9 7, bar 9 , 2 2 6
4 0 1 , 433 b i-t u u -d u - g a l 3 9 6
a-sà 9 , 2 1 9 b u 146
a -sà -s u d 9 b û 146
â - â g - g â 180, 1 8 3 - 8 4 , 1 8 9 - 9 0 b u r -sa g a n 385
â -â g -g â -k u r -r a 180 passim bur 292
a b -b a -u r u 155
D
a b -è 42
d a g -si 335
a b - là l 3 0
d é 100, 2 1 6 , 3 2 6 - 2 7
a b u l ‘1u t u - s u - a - s è 341
d i-k a la m -m a 187
a b u l- g a n z ir 2 9 , 88
d i- k u s 1 8 9 - 9 0
a b z u 40
d i-k u r -r a 184
a d d ir 3 2
D ÎM 357, 397
a g - g i 4- r a 16 8 dîmp Ime_k ù ^
a g a - u s 129
d in g i r - k u r - r a 3 7 8
a l- d i 2 4 , 3 1 6
d u 315
a m a -g a n 1 8 - 1 9 , 6 7 , 311, 388
d ù 350
a m a -g u ru s 19
d u 6 343
a m a -K I .U N U 405
a m a -dn in - a - z u 3 7 4 d u 6- k ù 9 8 - 9 9 3 4 3 .1 0 5 ‫־‬
d u b - s a r - m a h - a - r a - li 1 7 4 . se e also
an 14
G e s tin a n n a
a n - g a l 12, 1 4 - 1 5
d u m u 157
4 70
INDEX OF SUM ERIAN TERM S 471
d u m u -s a g -a n -n a -k a m 393 g a -a n -z è r 86
dur 77 ga-rassar-k a la m -m a 187
d u r-gar 2 9 , 2 6 1 , 2 6 4 g â -n u 2 9 0
d u r-k u r-ra 2 9 , 77, 1 0 3 , 345 gaba 2 4 , 6 9 - 7 0 , 3 1 7
g a b a -a 6 8 , 3 1 7
E g a b a -a -a b -b a 6 8 , 3 1 7
kuaE.ÎB-ùr 336 g a b a -h u r -sa g -g â 68
é -g a l 193 g a b a -k u r -r a 2 4 - 2 5 , 6 8 - 6 9 , 7 5 ‫ ־‬7 8 ‫־‬
é-g a r 8 2 0 2 , 2 0 4 103, 168, 3 1 7 , 321
é -g is -k é s -d a -k a la m -m a 408 g a l-lu 2 9 0
é -k é s -d a -k a la m -m a 4 0 9 g a is-la 7, 3 4 , 3 6 , 1 2 6 - 3 3 , 1 3 7 ‫ ־‬H R
é -m e s - la m 4 2 6 1 4 8 - 4 9 , 160, 167, 170, 172,
é -m e s - la m d in g ir - 2 - a - b i 4 2 4 . 1 9 4 2 7 8 ,2 7 2 - 7 6 ,2 6 8 -
é - dm e s - la m -t a - è - a 2 -a -b a 423 87, 2 8 9 - 9 8 , 3 0 0 - 1 , 3 0 3 - 8 , 3 1 3 ‫־‬
è 9 8 - 9 9 , 208 3 1 6 , 3 3 8 , 3 4 4 , 392; s e v e n 1 3 7 ‫־‬
e 4 tu 322 1 3 9 3 4 2 ‫ ־‬145‫־‬
e 4 u r in -n a 3 1 7 g a ls-lâ -g a l 1 2 7 - 2 9 , 1 4 0 , 149, 154,
e 1 0 3 ,9 8 - 1 0 0 ,96 ‫ ״‬1 5 ‫־‬ 90, 92-94 ‫־‬, 194‫ ־‬313
2 4 0 , 2 5 2 - 5 3 , 291 g a ls-lâ -tu r -r a 33, 127, 140, 267,
e ^ - d a - n i 268 2 7 1 , 285
ed in 2 2 6 g a n zir 15, 2 9 - 3 1 , 45‫ ־‬46, 8 5 , 93‫ ־‬94‫־‬
e d in k i- n u - z u 72 9 7 1 0 4 ‫־‬, n o , 1 9 2 - 9 3 2 5 3 ,2 4 0 ‫־‬,
e d in u -s a g -g â 164 259, 2 9 1 ,3 8 8
é g j-m e 102 g a r -ù 2 9 0
en 115, 1 2 2 -2 3 , 125, 3 6 4 -6 5 , 380 garza 1 7 8 - 7 9 , 2 6 1 , 2 6 4
EN.DI'M.GIG 176, 4 2 6 , 4 3 5 - 3 7 gen 33, 90, 9 3 -9 4 , 962 4 0 ,1 0 4 ,9 7 ‫־‬
e n -g a l 1 7 5 , 4 3 1 , 4 3 8 , 4 4 0 , 4 4 2 gésp u 157, 160
e n -g a l-a -r a -li 175 g i d u b -b a an 2 8 6
de n -lü -k u r -r a 355 g i- g i- b i 315
e n -s à -tû m -a -g à r 5, 391 g i-s u k u r !-g in 7! 2 9 4
én si 2 0 , 1 1 6 - 1 7 , 1 2 0 - 2 1 , 1 2 5 - 2 6 , ^ g i d - d a 335
156, 171, 194, 3 1 2 -1 3 g id im 14, 3 1 , 81, 127, 1 8 7 - 8 8 , 2 0 2 ,
é n si-g a l 124 208
én si-k u r -r a 126, 37 6 g is-b û r 2 1 7
erigal 85 g iri— gar 341
érin 333 g ir i-k u r -r a 2 7 , 341
gisés-a d 2 9 2 Gï R 5 ï i
è s-la m 2 1 7 g u -z a -lâ 172
g u -z a -lâ - k i-a n - n a 3 9 2
G
g u -z a -lâ -k u r -r a 6, 3 6 , 125, 3 6 5 , 3 9 2
ga 131
gû 327
47^ TH E IMAGE OF T H E N E T H E R W O R L D
g û - d u 8-a kI 4 0 6 —8, 4 2 6 k a -g a z 133

g u -g u r u 5— d u g 4 333 k a b -g a z 133
gu 7 216 k a la -g a 1 1 4 - 1 5 , 1 6 0 , 3 7 6
g u d u 4 123, 4 2 3 , 4 3 2 k a la g 362
g u n 5 293 k a la m 4 8 , 1 0 5 - 1 1 , 2 4 1 - 4 2 , 333
g u ru d 3 kaskal 9 , 2 3 , 7 1 , 132, 1 6 8 , 3 1 6 , 3 1 9 ,
gu ru s 18, 2 2 , 160, 166, 2 0 2 , 318 330
gu ru s su 8-b a 11 KASKAL lu - d u - b é n u - g i4- g i 4 41
gu ru s u - m u - u n a -ra -li 11 kaskal n u - z u 7 2
k ask al-b ar 9
H kas 190
h a -n a -d i-ir -b a 39 6 k as-b ar 189
dh é -d 1 m -m e -k ù 396 kas4 9 - 1 2 , 7 9 , 2 0 2 , 2 0 9 - 1 0
h ilib 85 k esd a 203
hub 79, 8 1 k i 8, 1 3 - 1 5 , 2 3 , 4 3 , 6 0 , 6 3 , 6 9 , 103,
h u r -sa g 4 8 , 6 6 , 107 109, 170, 244, 386 ■
k i gu ru s 1 5 8 ,1 6 3
I
ki n u -z u 72
i- b i lu m - lu m 11, 166 k i-a - n a g 8 0 - 8 1 , 101, 1 7 6 , 197, 199,
i- s i- is - n a - s è 3 1 7 , 321 202, 204, 208, 210, 212, 437
i- d u 8 174 k i-a -n a g o f U r n a m m a 2 0 0
i- lu m 134 k i-b a d -r a 8 - 1 0
i7-k u r -r a e - n e - g i- a - b a 1 6 1 , 4 2 1 - 2 2 k i-b i gar— su m 34
i 7-k u r -r a i7- lu - g u 7- g u 7 3 8 k i-d a g a l 223
i 7- lu - r u - g u 353 k i-e n - g i- (r ) 106
ib ila 1 4 5 3 4 2 ‫־‬ k i-g a l 1 2 - 1 5 , 4 8 , 58, 109, 1 7 0 - 7 1 ,
IGI.DIM 293 2 2 3 , 2 4 4 , 339
IGI.DU 188 k i-g u - la 181
IGI.DU g id im 1 16 k i-g u r u d a 2 2 4
IGI.KUR 85 k i-in -d a r 35
IGI.KUR(.ZA) 90 k i-k a la m -m a 3 3 2
IGI.KUR.ZA 85 k i-k a sk a l-la 23
ig i-k u r -r a 29, 103 k i-k u k k u 225
il 253 k i-lu l-la 3 7 4
im 198, 2 0 2 , 208 k i-n a m -ta r -r a -d u r u n -n a 390
ir u -s a g -g â 310 k i-n a m -ta r -r e -d a 3 5 2
itu 322 k i-n in d a - g u 7 3 7 6
k i- n u - g i4 41
K
k i-s a g -k i 2, 332
k a -a b -g a z 133
k i-s i-g a 2 0 6
k a -a s-k u r-r a 184
k i-s ik il 11, 2 0 2
IN D E X O F S U M E R IA N T E R M S 473
k i-su r 2, 3 3 2 159,163,167, 169, 312-13- 326

k i-ù r 345 li-bi-ir-kur-ra 75, 168-69
k i-ù r -k u r -r a 78 111 146, 170
k i-ù r-ra 345 lirum 160
k i- du t u - è 3 5 2 lu-â-lâ 37
k i-u t u - s u 4 352 lu-gu7-gu7 73
‫״‬mclukibir 293
lu-he-he-a-m e-es 301
g% ID -ra 2 1 4 lû-liûl-gâl 282
k in 1 8 - 1 9 lu-izi-Iâ 14
k in - a k 158 lû-Ia-ga 76
K1S.UNU 2 4 3 , 3 5 1 , 4 0 5 - 8 , 4 1 0 - 1 1 , lû-Ia-ga-kûr-ra 75
4 2 0 , 4 2 6 —2 7 lû-lil 204-5
ku4 342 lû-lur-ga 75
k u k k u 85, 225 lu-lul 75
kur passim lu-g1smâ-addir 39
kur k i- n u - z u - n a 72 lu-rnah 123
kur k i-s u d -r â 2 lû-nig-ra 36
k u r -b à d -d a 1 9 - 2 0 , 6 5 , 103 lu-su-dù-a 37
k u r-B À D -n a 6 7 , 3 1 7 , 321 lugal 115-17, 125-26, 136, 175-76-
k u r -e 1r- d è 95 194. 305, 307, 335, 360-61, 364
k u r -g a l 4 1 4 , 438 lugal-â-zi-da-Lagasaki 425
kur-gar-1‫־‬a 33 lugal-an-ub-da-lîmmu-ba 418, 425
k u r -id im 9 8 3 4 3 ,1 0 5 -99‫־‬ lugal-gidim-ma 172, 376
k u r -k a la m 4 8 , 1 0 6 -1 1 Iugal-gû-du8-aki 415, 423
k u r -m u d !-s è 2 5 , 6 7 Iugal-ki-gu-Ia 172
k u r -n u - g i4 243 lugal-kur-ra 115, 335-36, 360, 376
kur-ra 9 4 , passim lugal-^tukul 442
k u r -su d -râ 6 lugal-u4‫־‬sû~a 172
k u r -sà -b a 79
k u r -sà -g a 78 M
k u r -sè 94; din a n n a k u r -sè i- im - g e n ma-al-tum 203
ma-da 315
17
k u r-ù n (B À D )-n a 6 7 , 1 0 3 , 3 1 7 , 3 2 0 è1smâ-gur8!-ra 37
k u r-u r-ra 1 9 - 2 0 , 2 2 - 2 3 , 2 5 , 6 5 - 6 6 , maskim-lugal 411
69, 78, 97- 1 0 3- 341 me 49, 53, 95,. 125- ! 77189 ,78‫ ־‬,
k ur 75 254, 259, 264! 272> 274- 290,
295. 354- 360’ 385’ 403
L me-er-si 4, 315
lagar 1 2 2 -2 3 m e-kur-ra 177, 195
la m 4 2 1 , 4 2 4 mes-Iam 408
li- b i-ir 2 0 , 2 3 , 761 5 4 - 5 6 ,1 2 6 ,77‫ ־‬, mu 372
m u - lu â g -g i-r a 160 sur 2

m u - lu - lil 205
m u d 2 2 7 - 2 8 , 317 $
m u s -g a -li 395 sagin a 188, 3 7 6

m u s -h u s 4 3 5 - 3 6 s e -n u m u n - u - s a g - g a 3 1 0
m u s -m a h 6 SES.U N U 87
M Ù S .U N U 87 $E $.U N U ki 4 0 6
M Ù S.U N U ki 406 Sir i oi
sita6 176
N sita6-k i- g a l- la 1 7 5 , 4 2 9
nâ 8 0 -8 1 su b a -a n -h u b 80
nag 216, 327 su -b a r 1 3 1 , 2 0 5 , 2 0 8
n ig su— ak 146 s u -d u 8 130
n ig in 2 4 , 316 s u -g a l5‫ ־‬la 129
n im g ir 126, 154, 313 su— g u r 2 0 3 , 2 0 6
n im g ir -g a l 154 su— h u b 7 9 , 203
n in 171 su— t u I0 7 9
n in -k u r ‫ ־‬ra 171, 364, 3 7 8 - 7 9 , 3 8 9 su 8-b a 166
N IN 9- m e 205 su b 7 7 , 9 8 , 1 0 3 , 2 5 4
n ita -k a la -g a 115, 376 s u b u r 3 86
n u -b à n d a 121, 126, 3 6 2 , 3 7 7 su l u r-sa g 1 7 3 , 3 6 5 , 391
n u m u n -u -s a g -g a 310
T
S ta 315
sa -g a z 140, 303 te 315
sag 268 tés g u 7 39
sa g -b i su m 34 té s-k a la m -m a 333
s a g -d ili sa g -g a -n a 268 t u I0 7 9
sag— t u I0 79 t u -d i-d a 2 2 2
sah ar-k u r-ra 101 , 2 0 4 , 2 0 6 , 2 2 7 , tu g -g ib il 163
230 t u g - g u n 5(LUM )-na 293
sanga 423 turn 1 3 1, 315
s i- i- la 2 0 6 tu n 7 9
s i- s i- ig - n i 31, 213 tus 7 7
sig 4 ^ 5KID-ra 2 1 4 tu s-k u r-r a 7 7
sila e s e m e n 158
sir-d a 2 4 , 316 U
su 8-b a 12 u 4- m e - d a 2 9 4
su d I, 2 u 4‫ ־‬na 375
su k k al 2 6 9 - u 4‫ ־‬zal u 4‫ ־‬zal 321
su k k a l-k i-g a l-la -k u r -r a -k e 4 176 u5 36
INDEX OF SUM ERIAN TERMS 475
‫״‬rud‫״‬u bri 293 u ru b x 398

U D .U N U 87 u ru g a l 2 8 , 8 5 , 2 4 3 , 3 3 8 - 3 9
U D .U N U 16 4 0 6 u ru g a l 3 4 - 3 6
u d u g -h u l 130, 14 1 , 144 u s-g a r -r a 2 9 4
ù g 105 u su m g a l 4 3 6
u g 5 6 8 , 321 u t u - è 345
u m -ta -g a -a r 291 du tu -s u -a 345
u m u n passim u tu l 2 0 3 , 2 0 7
u m u n -K A -k e 4 2 2 , 3 1 3 - 1 4
u m u n - s i- k e 4 313 Z
u m u n -sù d e (K A )-k e 4 3 2 0 z a - g in 3 8 9
ù n 68 z a -h a ‫ ־‬da 3 3 6
u r-sa g 6, 160, 4 3 3 4 3 7 ‫־‬ z é .r 3 4 , 3 6 , 86, 100
U R U xK Â R 398 z i.g 261
u n i-g a i 3 3 9
Index of Akkadian T erms
A h
a b ä lu 131 h a b b ä t f a d i 7 5 , 7 7 , 169
a b z u 40 h a b b ä tu 7 7
a p lu 145 h a m ä tu 2 9 2
a ra llû 28
a z ä r u 146
I
a -z a -a r /r u -u m 415 ira t e rse ti 6 9 , 7 7 , 7 8
ira t f a d { 6 9 , 7 5 , 7 7
B irtM 6 9 , 7 0
b ä b de rse ti 85 i'skM 101
bei d ä i k i 313
bel m s p a n t i 313
K
k a p ä ru 2 0 6
D k ig a llu 7 0
dakû 166 kisjMi 80, 1 9 9 , 2 1 2
dâku 133 kukku 85
d a n n u m 115
L
E 204
e te m m u 197 lä s im u 9
erset m it ü t i 67, 320 lu m a h h u 122
e rse tu 8, 69, 85, 339, 421
de rse tu 85
M
m a ltu m 203
G m a sk a n 415
g a l lû 76, 77, 155, 156, 169, 313 ma5M 52, 55, 6 4 , 78
g asäsu 133 m e ra m ä r iiy a 3 2 7
g u d a p s û 122 m e k k û 7 7 , 88
g u z a l û 155 m» 372
476
INDEX OF AKKADIAN T E R M S 477
N S
m g ir u 76, 154 sa qab ri 340
n a s a rb u tu 146 <fadû 6 0 , 69, 70, 105, 343
n e h e lsu 86 s a d û e lû 320
n lr s ä n in ü tim 412 s a q û 327
sä rsu I d ip 206
P s ä r u 206
85
p a n i e rse ti sâ ru 79
p e tû 174, 245 s ib a li 155
p u k k u 77, 88 s u g a llu 129
Q T
q a b ru 28 tê r tu 180
q ä tä tu 130
q ereb s a d t 78 U
u bäru 9
R
rêd û sa r rim 154 W
w a sû 92
S
sd ru 203
s u k k a l e rse tim 391
Index of T exts C ited
AbB 13, 21 80, 199, 212‫׳‬, 215 BE 30/1, 2

Acta Sum 3 (1981) 86 3-5 437 lines: 35 339
AfO 22 (1968-69) 14 no. 14, 15 128 36‫ ־‬37 2
AfO 22 (1968-69) 15 no. 16, 2 128 BE 6/2, h i 1-36 210
AfO 22 (1968-69) 15 no. 16, 2 127 BE 31, 24 r. ii 10-11 20
AfO 22 (1968-69) 16 no. 23,4 128 Behrens, 1978, see Enlil and Ninlil
AM T 90 ii 8ff. 209 BIN 2, 26 8-10 272
AO 1146 35 (Marello, 1991) BIN 2, 26 9-10 37
A R M T XXII, 3 iv 8-9 90 BIN 3, 623 128
A R M T XXIII, 285 4-6 90 BIN 8, 238 4 127
ArOr 21 (1953) 388 BL 195 177, 414
lines: 73 396 BM 29633 34—39 18
64—66 398 C T 9, 3, no. 35389 349
66 174 C T 15, 14 155, 157, 167
ASKT 16 311 lines: 26-29 157, 163
lines: 1—12 20 C T 15, 18 40, 274
4-9 313 lines: 21—22 221
r. 9-10 315 25 40
ASKT 21 r. 12-13 78 C T 15, 20-21 131, 158, 173
BA 10, 112 30 309, 323 C T 15, 20
BA 5, 674, 30 323 lines: 22—30 I 3I
BA 5, 681, 34 26-29 272
lines: 5—10 20 28-29 37
6ff. 3II C T 15, 22 158
BE 30/1, 1 C T 15, 26 (For H im of the Far-Off
lines: ii 5 I36, 306 Land)
ii 8 !58 lines: 1-4 8
ii 12 158 13-20 223
ii 12-13 37 ‫ י‬133 C T 15, 26-27 318
C T 15, 45 40 254
478
INDEX OF TEXTS CITED 479
CT 15, 45 4 -1 1 55, 227 44‫ ־‬45 24, 316

CT 15, 45 8, 32-33 218 47 294
CT 16, 10 iv 42-43 99 51-52 297
CT 16, 12 i 5 390 54-57 217
CT 16, 14 iv 17 342 57 390
CT 16, 14 iv 30 105 D D , 34, 132, 135, 139, 150, 152,
CT 16, 15 v 39-40 146 269, 276, 282, 295-96
CT 16, 3 95 174, 354 lines: 1-152 276
CT 16, 49 300 442 5 290
CT 16, 9 i 1-10 338 21 5 9
CT 16, 9 ii 4—9 341 45 140, 282
CT 16-17 337 45‫ ״‬51 139
CT 23, 16 14 255 51 140, 282
CT 24, 16 36 396 81-82,162-63 272
CT 25, 5 33 396 81-89 282
CT 25, 8 91-109 306
lines: 13 442 94 2
H 442 no 142, 286
CT 36, 3, no. 109930 352, 378 n o , 119, 122 !36
CT 42, 3 402 110-18 282
CT 42, 7 75 72 110-28 140-41, 304
CT 44, 32-33 396 110-29 301
CT 44, 16 17 404 noa 305-6
CT 58, 3, r. 46 276 nob 304, 307
C T 58, 5 19, 67, 311433 ‫ ־‬12‫־‬ in -1 8 I4I
lines: i —12 !9 111-28 307
5-6 and 9 67 119-28 141, 306-7
25—29 20 119-29 304
28 22 124, 126, 128 136
CT 58, 21 129 306
lines: 24'-25' 310 130-44 306
32' 155, 158, 169 131-32 285
32 - 35' 35, 162 133 140
CT 58, 42 44, 103, 109, 228, 231 142-43 285
(The Death o f Dumuzi) 152 , 29, 269, 272, 276,
lines: 15 and 35 136 305
15-16 306 156 24,34,316
35-36 306 160-63 37
40-41 34, 100, 102 189-90 133
40 86 242 158
4! 339 250-58 285
255 34 76 192, 358

D G , 150, 153 78 122
lines: 1-9 290 83 228
2-4 148 83, 87 229
12-28 291 88-91 357
13-22 149 92-96 335, 357
23-28 295 95 115-16, 172
25-26 291 97 176
47-52 294 97‫ ־‬99 360
D G i l 114, 182-83, 224, 230, 247, 97-101 357
320, 329, 358, 360, 366-67, 98‫ ־‬99 178
370, 378-80, 384, 389-91, 99 265
395-96, 398, 401-2, 404, 419, 100 438
428, 434 102-5 357
lines: 49 332 104 274
80-83 187 106-9 357
81 116 110-13 357
81-83 115, I 2 I I 14-19 357
104-7, 194-97 122 120-22 358
180 31 123-28 358
180-81 213 125-27 7
305 438 126-27 393
D G i l N3 14-22 402 127 174
DP 43 v 2, ix 8 394, 429 138 I2I
D P 45 vi 3 394 138, 143-44 360
DP 46 iii 4 v 3 394 138-44 185
DP 51 ii 5, v 1 394, 429 139 121
D P 51 iii 5 386, 429 !43 121
D P 51 ii 6—iii 5 378 143-44 II5
DP 54 V 9 394, 429 I 89-92 226
DP 66, iii 7 394, 429 Emar V I/4, 359-65 118
DP 203 iii 6-8 429 Enlil and Ninlil
DUr lines: 90 424
lines: 19 !58 116 438
23, 40 107 56-60 404
40 332 Enlil Hymn 307
61-87 330 Enmerkar and Ensuhkesdanna
62 2, 244 lines: 258 13 I
65 72 43 78
70-74 26, 40, IOI Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta
73‫ ־‬75 44 lines: 185-86 78
ersemma no. 97 Inanna and 179, 182, 243 92

Dumuzi (see al-so SK 2), 34, 185-88 176
150, 272, 275, 283, 285, 287, 200-5 320,364,387,434
295-96,306 201 374,438
lines: 40—59 133 201-5 385
50, 56—59 3°5 222-38 31
56-59 132, 291 226-28, 234-37 263
68ff. 269 236-37 382
120 294 242-43 30
97 139, 279 243-end 182
ersemma o f Ninhursaga (see CT 243/84 99
58, 5), 18,25,32,38,47, 49, 60, 246-303 213
74, 83, 84, 97, 1° 3, 104, 107, 248-end 213
109, h i , 239, 24°, 241, 314, 248-54 198
255-end 199
321,433
ersemma no. 88 o f Dumuzi and 260 IOI
Duttur, see C T 15, 20-21 294 214
ersemma no. 164 o f Nergal, see 301 228
C T 15, 14 302-3 H
ersemma no. 171 Gula, see C T 303 42
42, 7 Gilg. VI, 160-65 210,211
FAOS 7, 42 S-14 128 VII, iv 32-40 (183-93) 227
FAOS 7, 81-83, lines 46-56 411 VII, iv 3 3 1 8 4 - 8 9 ) 38‫ ) ־‬55
FAOS 7, 81-83, lines 64-66 411 VII, iv 37 (187) 218
FAOS 7, 121 412 VII, iv 41-44 (195-98) 186
FAOS 7, 255-64 412 VII, iv 41-45 (195- 99) 122
FAOS 7, 328 19 412 VII, iv 46 (199) 123
FAOS 7, 330 23 412 VII, iv 46-48 (199-201) 122
FAOS 7, 332 22 412 VII, iv 49 (202) 367
Fish Catalogue, no. 54 415 VIII 371
G E N , 32, 41, 60, 74, 85, 91, 95, VIII, iii 1-2 209
109, 181, 195, 224, 230, 248 IX, ii 5 70,78
I I —13 13 IX, iii-v 54
12 -13 441 X 301 (col. vi) 235
14 -16 , 2 1-2 6 39 Gilgames and Huwawa 4-5, 372
16 4 7 7 , 98 line: 79 5°
1 6 4 -6 7 19 2 Gilgames and Akka 1x5, 364, 412
16 4 - 6 8 29 lines: 102-102a 120
16 7 88 Gudea Cyl. A
I7 5 -7 6 98 lines: xii 21-xiii 15 186
1 7 9 -8 0 89 Gudea Cyl. B
lines: vi 21 128 231-35 385

xxiii 18 393 246-47 285
Gudea, Statue M ii 1—4 125 273-74 285
Hymn to U tu (Cohen, 1977), 362, 281-306 265
366, 371, 377 282-84 271,277,
lines: 3-13 297 278,284
58-60 122 285-306 142,269,
77-79 I16, 120 273,281
I D , 85, 91, 103, 109, h i , 124, 129, 285-307 286
135, 150-52, 195, 228, 237, 307-67 286
296- 97, 305 285-367 270,277
lines: 1 339 286—89 272
1-3 12 291-92 142,153,279
1-284 273 292 307
4-13 16,251 293‫ ־‬94 34,138,279,285,
5 14 294,298
H 179 295-96 284,286,305
32-33 93 297-305 141•
44, 53, 61 IOI 306-67 273
72-75 45 307-58,359-67 281
73-75 30,87 307-67 269-70
74-77 192 310 299
76 290 348 138
78 401 349-50 34,136,305
82-83 354 350 292
83 243 351-52 271
84 41,44 351-53 139,285
86-87 438 352 145,285
87 440 354-56 271
119—20 88,192 359-60 286,305
145 222 361-67 141
160 222 368 29,272,275-76
162-63 178 368-81 273
165-72 260 410 34
183-217 31 IHAC, 350 no. A 920 127
186, 200, 213 IOI IHAC, 358 no. A 95 1 127
191-92 13 I5D, 55, 179, 193, 254, 256-58, 260,
191-94 24,262,316 404
227 33 lines: 38 228
230-35 320,364, 40 95
387,434 Inanna and Bilulu, 35, 135, 137,
139, 151, 283, 303, 305-6, 389 342 20

Inanna and Enki 85, 177 Lugalbanda in the M ountain Cave
Inanna and Sukaletuda 106 lines: 44 68
lines: 4-5 and 15-18 253 139,234-36 50
15-18 97 155 2
ITT II, 4404 r. 1 128 158-59 71,73
ITT IV, 7310 423 161 223
ITT IV, 7351 395 163 72
ITT IV, 7767 395 235-36 188
K 4954 7 - 8 3 2 7 ‫׳‬ Lugal-e
K 4954 o. 2 '-6 ' 325 line: 329 339
Kang, SACT, no. 35 128, 154 Lulil and His Sister, 32, 81—82, 109,
KAR 227, r. iii 17 391 1.31, 201-2, 210
KAR 434, 0. 5, 7 119 lines: 40—48, 55-60 205
KAV 63 i 27-28 442 46-47 and 59 226
Lament for Damu 59 101, 204
lines: 36-37 2 43 209
Letter-Prayer to Enki M DP 2, 14 xii 2, xiii 9 127
lines: 24 100 M DP 6, 6 406
47‫ ־‬49 223 MEE 3, 28, no. 6 ii 7,
Lisin's Lament MEE 3, 30, no. 7 i 15,
lines: 3 4 3 9 ‫־‬ 18 MEE 3, 3515 127
LKA 81 2 255 MEE 4, 17, X 15405 ‫׳‬
LKA 82 M VN i, 182 128
lines: i l —12 28 M V N 3, 344 9 423
8-12 340 M VN 4, 161 128
LKU 11, r. 2-7 20 M V N 6, 301 ii 5 432
LSUr M V N 6, 301 r. i 25 423
lines: 9 334 M VN 6, 336 395
195 333 M V N 7, 166 1-2 392
206 431, 437‫ ־‬442 M V N 7, 166 395
210—11 393‫ ־‬398 M V N 12, 203 2-3 423
222 170 M VN 12, 281 2 423
332 72 M VN 13, 120 5 432
345 170 M VN 13, 514 4 423
Lugalbanda M VN 13, 682 2 409, 416, 423
lines: i 2 M V N 13, 99 9-11, 22-25 427
82-83 35 Nanse Hymn
102 36 lines: 139 294
119 13 220 223
259 322 Nanna-Suen's Journey to Nippur
line: 200 436 O IP 99, nos. 116, 117, 132 421

N C B T 688 168; see also U r n a m ir a - O IP 99, no. 256 71
bi OrSuec 23-24 (1974-75) 167, 7 6
N C T no. 37 415 414
Nergal and Ereskigal, 38, 55, 162, OSP i, BiMes 1, 102 ii 2 422
227, 363, 381, 404, 419 PAPS 107, 499 9-10
Nik. IV, 524 11 423 PAPS 107, 509 35 131
Ningiszida and Ninazimua, 7, 398 PAPS 124, 295-312 251
Ningiszida's Journey to the N eth- PBS 1/1, 5 36-37 2, 339
erworld, 7, 46, 132, 231, 320, PBS 1/1, 5 36 332
392 PBS 1/2, 112 64 391
lines: 25-28 272 PBS 1/2, 131 394, 435
26-30 46 PBS 2/2, 108 5 210
29—31 142, 219 PBS 10/2, 13 i i 432
73‫ ־‬77 173 PBS 10/2, 13 12 173
NL PBS 10/4, 286-88 2, 339
lines: 2, 6, 11, 104 170 PBS 13, 41 18-21 438
168 179 PBS 14, 139 128
284-88 186 PD T I, 417 199, 200
Nungal Hym n 52, 53, 353 PRAK I, C 138 ii- 1 2 161, 421
lines: 67-68 49353 ‫י‬ PRAK II, D 41 309
O E C T 4, 161 lines: i 2 0 - ii 4 310
lines: r. ii 35 4°9 ii 16-21 160
r. iii 34 4°9 ii 19-22 159-60
O E C T 5, 19 30 6 ii 23-24 388,433,428
O E C T 5, 25 108 424, 427 ü 25 393
Proverb 1.30 231
O E C T 6, 15 14-15 342
Proverb 1.30 220, 228
O IP 14, 55-56 71
Proverb 1.38 204
O IP 14, 73 3 127
Proverb 1.38 203, 211-12
O IP 14, 143 9 422
Proverb 2.149 79
O IP 14, 196 i 2‫ ׳‬- 3‫ ׳‬, ü s ' 4 0 7 '6 ‫־‬
4R 2, 27/1
OIP 99, 48 65-69 405, 4°6
lines: 4-15 223
O IP 99, 50 128-39 39x428 ‫י‬
o ip 99,51184-85 398 3 433
3‫ ־‬7 10
O IP 99, 64 47 127
4R 2, 30, 2 309
O IP 99, no. 53 x 3 392>394
lines: 11-35 318
O IP 99, no. 82, iv 12 386, 4 28
O IP 99, no. 82 v 2 420 17 314
26 4
O IP 99, no. 84 r. ii 6 42°
O IP 99, no. 82 r. iii' 344 1 4‫־‬ 5R , 50
lines: 3-4 69
O IP 99, no. 86 i 4' 4°5
IN D E X OF T E X T S C IT E D 4 85
3‫ ־‬6 343 iii 4—8 20

R A 8 (1911) 161-69 133 iii 6—19 155
R A 33 (1936) 104 24-28 75 iii 8 22, 320
RIM E 4, 276 23-24 165 iii 9ff 327
RIM E 4, 284 2 391 iii i i 400
RIM E 4, 284 3 392 iii 14—15 158, 159
RIM E 4, 287-89 177 iii 16 4
RIM E 4, 460-62, no. 14 424 iv 1-3 68
R m 220 15-17 4 iv 1-9 24, 316
SBH 37, 309 iv 3 33
lines: 16 23 iv 3-7 72
12 433 iv 5 4
SBH 80, 309 iv 9 323
line: 2' 323 iv 12 34
SBH 101 r. 4 317 iv 16 158, 163
SET 41 2-3 416, 423 iv 21 163
SF 1 v 1-26 157
lines: ii 10 386, 428 vi 23—24 388,433
iv 7 392 vi 23-41 310
vii 20 405 vi 29 393
xiii 7' 114, 381 SK 27, 309
xiv 4 420 lines: ii 13' 161
SF 5 iii 159
lines: ii 4—9 421 iii 2—6 160
ii 7 420 iii 4 160
SF 6 ii 2 420 iii 4—6 159
SF 18 397 r. i i !58
SF 19 397 SK 45
SF 57 392 lines: 10-11 24
SK2 8-9 25
lines: ii 8—9 34 9 314
iii 21 34 8, 10 69
obv.—rev. iii 21 133 8 -1 1 22, 66
SK 26 SK 79
lines: i 8'-18' 10, 339 lines: 1—5 , 161
ü 5 323 5‫ ־‬6 158
iin -1 3 155 SK 198 18
ii 12 398 SKL, 380
ii 17 327 SKL, 70 i 1-4 118
iii 2-3 27 SKL, 72 i 15 136, 139, 365
iii 4-19 311 SKL, 80 ii 16 118
SKL, 88 iii 12—15 136, 306 91-94 176

SLT 122 359, 368 119 414
lines: iii 4 '-6 ‫׳‬ 398, 400 142-47 372
iii 7' 381, 395 143-44 ‫ ז‬86
iii 8‫׳‬ 442 145-47 186
SLT 123 iv 22 381 TCL 2, 5482 i 8 432
SLT 124 TCL 5, 6053 ii 6 398
lines: iii 15—16 405 TC L 5, 6053 r. ii 7 422
iii 26—28 398 TCL 5, AO 6053 4x5
iii 29 395 TCL 6, 54
iii 30 442 lines: r. ioff. 311
SR T 6 r. x-9, 10-22 20
lines: i 12—16 5, 384 r. 13-17 3 13
iv i i 265 TCL 15, 8 8, 318
SR T 53 17, 254 line: 153 136
SR U 153 no. 97 127 TCL 15, 10 357, 361,• 367, 37L
STA 10, xii 18 423 383, 396, 427
Stele o f the Vultures r. iii 6—v 41 lines: 299 400
386 303-4 383, 398
STT I, 28 400 442
lines: iii 1—5 227 400—2 359
iii 2-5 55 401 442
iii 3 218 403-4 404
STT II, 210 0. i o ' - i 2 ' 396, 398 413 177
ST VC 1 3 4 7 - 8 1 6 5 ‫׳‬ 440 422
Sulgi B 451 172
lines: 264—65 372 TCL 15, 25 176, 181
Sulgi C lines: 1 5‫ ־‬391
line: 102 372 4, 35 393
Sulgi D, 348, 359 13-14 391
lines: 307-11 176, 435 TCL 15, 26 32 362
308 436 TCL 16, 46 17 423, 424, 427
Sulgi F 20 TCL 16, 68 168
lines: 25—26 372 TCS III, 27 179 386, 429, 436
Sulgi O 412 27 182 419
lines: 49-59 364 28-29 393
Sulgi R 353 30 2.17 389
Sulgi S 414 43 444 431
Sulgi U 414 44 457-67 407
Sulgi X, 348, 359 46 489 375
lines: 91-125 43 5 Temple Hymn, see also TCS III
INDEX OF TEXTS CITED 48 ?
Temple Hymn no. 13 and 3851 Museum

Temple Hymn no. 14, 358, 386, line: 177 143
407, 429, 436, 437, 438 The W ild Bull (CT 15, 18)
Temple Hymn no. 17, 365 line: 25 40
Temple Hym n no. 34, 429, 431, TIM 6, 10 1-9 208
433, 438 TIM 9, 15, 82, 310
Temple Hym n no. 36, 351, 407, lines: T—6' IO, 201, 202
408, 409, 410, 424 1' -10' 10, 166
Temple H ym n no. 38, 11. 482—83 6‫׳‬ 79
50 7'-9‫ '־‬/ io ' 11, 210
The Death o f Dumuzi see C T 58, 1o' 79
42 11'-1 9 ' 10
The Farmer's Instructions 162,. 166 22'—29' 224
The First Elegy o f the Pushkin 22'ff. 84, 433
Museum, 125, 358, 361, 368, 30‫׳‬ 339
370, 374, 384, 388, 390, 391, TR S see TC L 15
398, 401-2, 404, 414, 428, 434 TS 629 vi 1' 398
lines: 88—98 374 TSU 14 7-8 432
89 223 TuM NF 3, 10 150 2
96 114 TuM N F 4, 4 7, 398
97 120 TuM N F 3, 5
III IOI, 229 lines: 13ff. 436
The G IR $ and the ki-sikil, see The 22-23 439
Messenger and the Maiden U D T 91 335-36423
The Hom e of the Fish U d u g h u l, 14, 44, 127, 150, 153, 155,
line: 89 79‫ ־‬203 160, 300
The Instructions o f Suruppak 68, lines: 18 146
109 170-73 299, 337
lines: 270-72 7T 168 173 147
The Message o f Ludingira to His 178 41
M other 250-52 2■7 , 43, 44, 338
line: 22 66 251 192
The Messenger and the Maiden, 8, 252 50
32, 79, 82, 109, 131, 158, 166, 284-86 27, 44, 174,
201, 210, 310 341, 354
lines: 4-6 9 299-301 14
38-49 202 308 442
45 102 31x 99
47 159, 163 352-357 49, 353, 354
49 79 353‫ ־‬56 291
The Second Elegy o f the Pushkin 360 390, 440
371-73 141 U E T 6, 10 251

400-18 145 U E T 6, 11 148, 289
405-9 141, 145 U E T 6, 27 7, 398
426 141 U E T 9, 124 r. 6' 432
468-71 145, 342 U E T 9, 349 3' 432
470-71 145‫ ־‬153 Ugaritica V, 438—40, nos. 164—66
475-78 141 118
506-7 291 U r Lament
604-6 141 line: 285 72
624-27 141 Urnamma B
673 291 line: 45 66
723-26 291 Urnamma C 49
768-69 98 Urnamma F 404
841-54 343 U m a m ir a b i 155, 3 7‫ן‬
846-54 15 lines: 112 - 13 74
848—49 218 117 167
854 33,78, 225, 229 Westenholz, Jena, 22, no. 24 ii 1
UET 3, 69 4 398 422
UET 3, 73 20 217 YBC 9875 see Hymn to U tu
UET 3, 76 200 YOS i, no. 14 352
UET 3, 76 i 6-7 199 YOS 4, 168 128
UET 3, 93 9 398 YOS 11, 30 6-7 436
UET 3, 242, r. 3 310 YOS 11, 32 4 394, 435
UET 3, 267, r. i 12 437 YOS 11, 58 251, 358
UET 3, 267, r. i 4-6 437 YOS 11, 64 431
UET 3, 267 r. i 15-16 437 YOS 11, 70 ii 8 342
UET 3, 273 U , 17 310 YOS 11, 88
UET 3, 876 3 217 lines: 31-33 116
UET 3, 877 T 432 31 404
UET 3, 931 T, 5 4 0 0 ‫׳‬ 32 6
UET 3, 1302 6 217 33 172, 376
UET 3, 1393 8' 432 82 173
UET 3, 1442 3 423 YOS 12, 427 12 35
UET 5, 766 r. 3 310 ZA51 (1955) 46 ü 20-22 423
UET 6, 144 30 18 Z ib u r n z i b u m 367, 432
UET 6, 395 173
UET 6, 58 8 -1 1 186
UET 6, 58 r. 4—5 14

Katz, Dina - The Image of The Netherworld in The Sumerian Sources. 2003

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Katz, Dina - The Image of The Netherworld in The Sumerian Sources. 2003

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THE IMAGE

1.1. The Distance between the Netherworld

3.1. Human Spirits Partaking in

4. Subsistence and the E cological C onditions

5. General Sum m ary and C onclusions 235

2. Dumuzi and Ge Stinanna 289

3. Du m uzi ’s Dream 301

5. T he Death of U rnam m a 329

6. Incantations against E vil Spirits 337

7. D edication Inscriptions 347

T his b o o k IS BASED on m y dissertation, which was written in Hebrew and

opportunity to promote it. O ur long discussions about issues concerning

“T h e IMAGE OF t h e NETHERWORLD in the Sumerian sources” is a some-

even contradictory, images. In addition, the term “image” lends itself to

places of origin. Therefore, the fragmentary, sometimes conflicting infor-

Most quoted passages are followed by “textual remarks,” in which some

THE SUMERIAN’S p e r c e p t i o n o f a proper world order did not tolerate the

1.1.1. Adjectives:s u d “distant,” b a d “far”

name of Ninisina in Nippur,6 and as a young dying god Damu is men-

6. Bergmann, ZA 56 (1964): 31.

Mesopotamia, but the name of Ningiszida’s city, Gisbanda (“the young/

vol. I, 230-31. The co-identity is also demonstrated in DUr 125-27, where

1.1.1.2. bad— “far”

23. See PSD B, 32, s.v. b ad A, 2.1.3.

K i-bad -ra-ke4 “ of the far-offland” stands in apposition to the name and

the Maiden” (1.49). Therefore, this additional passage is confined within

1.1.2. Netherworld versus Heaven: Bipolarity

b. ID 191—92 (see Appendix 1/d)

distinction is also made in ID 5. ki rarely signifies “netherworld”— it does so

1.1.3. The Netherworld in a Three-Dimensional Pattern

854. Go to your darkness, at the base o f the netherworld (ktir).

a. ID 4-13 (Appendix 1/a).

1.2. i. The Road to the Netherworld

43. See, for example, Buccellati, 1982.

b. ERSEM M A OF N IN H U R SA G A 1-12 (BM 9839Ö)48

49. The antithetical parallelism k u r - û r - r a k u r-b à d -d a occurs also in B E 31, 24 r.

tioned in the ersem m a (C T 58, 5:28—29 = S K 26 iii 6—8). For these

S3• The eclectic nature of Edina-usagake also supports this conclusion.

“Inanna’s Descent.” Quite possibly, however, this reference should be treated as a

10. [gurus] ki-kaskal-la-ka àm-da-til-til-le-e[s-àm]

d. S K 26 iv 1—9 (Appendix 4/b and 4 / c)62

mother’s destination is the netherworld, this time described as g a b a -k u r -

e. DUr 70-7568 (Appendix 5/a)

£ UDUGHUL 284—867° (Appendix 6/c).

g. UDUGHUL 250-52 (Appendix 6/b).72

75. Shaffer, 1963.

243. si-si-ig-ni-ta asubur-a-ni kur-ta bm u-ni-in-eI^-dèb

80. In s i- s i- g a - n i- ta we probably have the possessive third-person singular and the

1.3. The Voyage to the Netherworld

should not be surprised if the Sumerians indeed had a conventional symbolic

1.3.1. Walking to the Netherworld

86. di is the Emesal-form of gen.

i . 3.i .2. z é .r “slip” “slide”

1.3.2. Modes of Passage to the Netherworld

29. lu-su-dù-a-m u m u-dc-u, za-e ta u3-dè

b. NINGISZIDA’S JOURNEY TO THE NETHERWORLD 57-58

96. ta U j-ed-e(n); see commentary injacobsen and Alster, 2000, 327.

lulu) will go down to the netherworld. Considering the chthonic nature of

100. Similar conclusion but for different reasons in Selz, 1995b.

25. Against Enki, the water at the stern o f the boat

e. THE WILD BULL 25104

1.3.3. Coming Out of the Netherworld

vention ofEnki, he emerges from the netherworld, either as a ghost, or more