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TH
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OS
T
The
Rhodes
Cook
Letter
April 2018
The Rhodes Cook Letter
APRIL 2018 / VOL. 18, NO. 2
(ISSN 1552-8189)
Contents
I. Ruling the Roost. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Chart & Bar Graphs: Republican Periods of Dominance Limited since the Depression. . 4
Chart: & Pie Charts: South, Midwest Key to Republican Dominance. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Chart & Map: Controlling the Country: President, Congress, and the States . . . . . . . . 6
Chart & Bar Graphs: Current Republican Dominance Belied by 2016 Popular Vote . . 8
Chart & Bar Graphs: From Truman to Trump: Presidential Approval and
Unemployment Rates 15 Months into a New Presidency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
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80%-
the early 1860s to the start of
the Depression in 1929. But
60%- 66%
since then, they have rarely
enjoyed the hegemony in state 54%
51%
and national politics that they 40%-
do now. That is particularly the
case at the state level, where 20%-
Republicans have significantly
outflanked the Democrats in 0%-
recent years. Senate House Governorships
STATE
Pres. Vote SENATORS REPRESENTATIVES
State Governor LEGISLATURE
in ‘16
Dem. Rep. Ind. Dem. Rep. Senate House
NATIONAL
Clinton by 2% 47 51 2 193 236 - - -
TOTAL
NORTHEAST
Connecticut Clinton by 14% 2 0 5 0 Dan Malloy (D) D D
Delaware Clinton by 11% 2 0 1 0 John Carney (D) D D
Maine Clinton by 3% 0 1 1 1 1 Paul LePage (R) R D
Maryland Clinton by 26% 2 0 7 1 Larry Hogan (R) D D
Massachusetts Clinton by 27% 2 0 9 0 Charles Baker (R) D D
New Hampshire Clinton by 0.3% 2 0 2 0 Chris Sununu (R) R R
New Jersey Clinton by 14% 2 0 7 5 Phil Murphy (D) D D
New York Clinton by 22% 2 0 17 9 Andrew Cuomo (D) R D
Pennsylvania Trump by 0.7% 1 1 6 11 Thomas Wolf (D) R R
Rhode Island Clinton by 16% 2 0 2 0 Gina Raimondo (D) D D
Vermont Clinton by 26% 1 0 1 1 0 Phil Scott (R) D D
West Virginia Trump by 42% 1 1 0 3 Jim Justice (R) R R
Northeast Total 19 3 2 58 30 6 Dems., 6 Reps.
MIDWEST
Illinois Clinton by 17% 2 0 11 7 Bruce Rauner (R) D D
Indiana Trump by 19% 1 1 2 7 Eric Holcomb (R) R R
Iowa Trump by 9% 0 2 1 3 Kim Reynolds (R) R R
Kansas Trump by 21% 0 2 0 4 Jeff Colyer (R) R R
Michigan Trump by 0.2% 2 0 4 9 Rick Snyder (R) R R
Depression, the Republicans went from being a seemingly permanent majority party into a
struggling minority.
The GOP was slow to recover from its negative branding. Over the rest of the 20th century,
they held the White House, the Senate, the House, and a majority of governorships at the same
time for only two years at the beginning of the Eisenhower presidency. (The partisan tally of
state legislative chambers is more difficult to historically track.) The GOP would not win both
chambers of Congress again until 1994, and the White House along with it until 2000. That
period of Republican hegemony ended when Republicans lost Congress during the second
midterm election of George W. Bush’s presidency in 2006.
The party’s present domination is the product of gains made during the presidency of
Barack Obama. Republicans won the House as well as a majority of governorships in 2010
and maintained control of both since then. In 2014, the GOP picked up the Senate and has
maintained control there. And in 2016, they added the missing link, the White House – all the
time tightening their control
80%-
60%-
40%-
20%-
0%-
Kennedy G.W. Bush Eisenhower George
Johnson H.W. Nixon Clinton Obama Truman Reagan Ford Carter Trump
(D) (R) (R) (D) Bush (R) (D) (D) (D) (R)
(R) (D) (R) (R)
Donald Trump finished his first year in office with a job approval rating well below that of any other post-World
War II president at a similar point in their administration. Now, after 15 months in office, Trump's approval
rating is still the lowest of any postwar president, but he is clustered with four of his predecessors around the
40% mark. The others at 43% or below 15 months into office were Harry Truman, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter,
and Ronald Reagan. Benefitting Trump has been a strong economy with a low unemployment rate, actually the
lowest for any post-World War II president at the 15th month of his administration (3.9%). Trump also has the
overwhelming support of Republican voters, the latter the key to his political survival. The Gallup Poll is used
here because of its long track record in measuring presidential approval ratings back to the 1930s.
Approval ratings and unemployment rates 15 months into a new presidency
Approval Rating in Unemployment
President Month and Year
Gallup Poll Rate
Harry Truman (D)# June '46 43% -
Dwight D. Eisenhower (R) April '54 68% 5.9%
John F. Kennedy (D) April '62 77% 5.6%
Lyndon B. Johnson (D)# Feb. '65 68% 5.1%
Richard Nixon (R) April '70 56% 4.6%
Gerald Ford (R)# Nov. '75 41% 8.3%
Jimmy Carter (D) April '78 40% 6.1%
Ronald Reagan (R) April '82 43% 9.3%
George H.W. Bush (R) April '90 67% 5.4%
Bill Clinton (D) April '94 51% 6.4%
George W. Bush (R) April '02 77% 5.9%
Barack Obama (D) April '10 50% 9.9%
Donald Trump (R) April '18 39% 3.9%
Note: Presidential approval scores and unemployment rates are from the 15-month mark of a new presidency
or close to it. For newly elected presidents, both the approval ratings and unemployment rates are from April of
their second year in office. A dash (-) indicates that the unemployment rate is not readily available. A pound sign
(#) indicates that Harry Truman became president in April 1945 upon the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt; Lyndon
B. Johnson took office in November 1963 upon the assassination of John F. Kennedy; Gerald Ford assumed the
presidency in August 1974 upon the resignation of Richard Nixon. The Gallup surveys were conducted over a
period of days and the month that is listed is when the survey was completed. President Trump's approval rating
is based on a Gallup Poll survey taken April 16-22, 2018.
Sources: Gallup Poll for presidential approval ratings; the Bureau of Labor Statistics for unemployment rates
(seasonally adjusted).
That could change as the primaries multiply in number in May and June. Yet these isolated early
contests gave a hint that incumbents may not have as much to fear from their party’s voters in
2018 as anticipated.
In recent years, it has become conventional wisdom that the main hurdle for many incumbents
is not the general election, but the primary, particularly in those many states and districts that
lean strongly to one party or the other. Yet it could be that with control of the House and
Senate in play in 2018, with the controversial presidency of Donald Trump as a backdrop, and
with many more seats apparently in play this year than usual, party infighting may take a back
seat to nominating electable candidates.
And that would be good news for incumbents. At the least, it is a theme that bears watching as
the primary season unfolds.
In Texas, which held its primary on March 6, one sitting representative was defeated in the
primaries in 2012 and again in 2014. This time, no House member in the Lone Star state was
renominated with less than 63% of their party’s primary vote. For good measure, Republican
Gov. Greg Abbott and GOP Sen. Ted Cruz, won their primaries with 90% and 85% of the vote,
respectively.
In Illinois, which voted March 20, the story was similar – with two conspicuous exceptions. In
the Republican gubernatorial primary, incumbent Bruce Rauner fended off state Rep. Jeanne
Both contests had ideological overtones. Lipinski is pro life; Newman pro choice. Lipinski was
backed by a large swath of organized labor; Newman was supported by Bernie Sanders, Gloria
2.75m-
2.50m-
(Primary votes for governor)
2.25m-
2.0m-
1.75m-
1.50m-
1.25m-
1.0m-
750k-
500k-
250k-
0-
1990 1994 2006 2010 2014 2018
For several elections now, Democrats have felt they were on the verge of transforming Texas from a red state
to a purple one. It hasn’t happened yet, although this year was the first since 1994 - when Ann Richards, Texas’
last Democratic governor, was running for reelection - that at least 1 million votes were cast in the Democratic
gubernatorial primary. Meanwhile, the Republican primary for governor in 2018 attracted more than 1.5 million
voters, a record turnout for the GOP in a Lone Star state gubernatorial primary. The election of 1990 was selected
as the starting point for this chart, since it was the year that Texas Democrats elected their last governor in a state
that was still basically blue, albeit an increasingly pale blue. Primary turnouts are included only from years when
both parties had contested primaries for governor; for that reason, 1998 and 2002 are excluded.
% of Major-Party
Gubernatorial Gubernatorial
Election Governor Elected Primary Dem. Rep. Primary Vote
Turnout
Dem. Rep.
1990 Ann Richards (D) 2,342,491 1,487,260 855,231 63% 37%
1994 George W. Bush (R) 1,594,284 1,036,944 557,340 65% 35%
2006 Rick Perry (R)* 1,164,521 508,602 655,919 44% 56%
2010 Rick Perry (R)* 2,165,090 680,548 1,484,542 31% 69%
2014 Greg Abbott (R) 1,891,889 554,014 1,337,875 29% 71%
2018 - 2,571,564 1,022,558 1,549,006 40% 60%
Note: An asterisk (*) indicates an incumbent. The primary vote for governor is used here because in midterm
election years it is often the statewide office that draws the most votes.
Sources: Editions of America Votes (CQ Press, an imprint of SAGE Publications) for gubernatorial primary turnouts
from 1990 through 2014. This year’s results are based on official returns posted on the Texas election web site.
The Republican gubernatorial fight did not involve such personal enmity, but exposed serious
antipathy to Rauner from the right wing of his party. The governor, already drawing criticism
for his role in a two-year state budget impasse, tacked to the center in bright blue Illinois last
year on issues such as abortion and sanctuary-like protections for immigrants. It opened the
door for Ives’ challenge from the right. Ultimately, she carried nearly 40 of Illinois’ 102 counties;
among them, four of Chicago’s suburban “collar counties”: DuPage, Kane, McHenry, and Will.
In the general election, Rauner faces billionaire investor J.B. Pritzker, a brother of Penny
Pritzker, who served as commerce secretary in the administration of Barack Obama. Pritzker
handily won the Democratic gubernatorial primary, drawing 225,000 more votes than Rauner
amassed in the Republican contest. Another sign of trouble for the incumbent: The overall
Democratic gubernatorial turnout of 1.32 million was fully 600,000 more than turned out on the
GOP side.
It was the reverse of the turnout battle in scarlet-hued Texas, where greater than a half million
more voters cast primary ballots on the Republican side than the Democratic. Such primary
turnout disparities do not always indicate who will be the winner in November, but they often
give a strong hint at which party heads into the general election campaign in a stronger position.
Runoff
Date State House Seats Senators Governors
After just two primaries in the Date
first four months of the year, Indiana 9 X
May and June will provide a North Carolina 13 July 17
glut. More than half the states May 8
Ohio 16 X X
will decide their nominees for
the House of Representatives West Virginia 3 X
in this two-month period, as Idaho 2 X
well as for governor and U.S. Nebraska 3 X X
senator in many of the states. May 15
Oregon 5 X
A number of the nation’s
most populous states will Pennsylvania 18 X X
be holding their primaries Arkansas 4 X June 19
– including California, Georgia 14 X July 24
Georgia, New Jersey, North May 22
Kentucky 6
Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania,
and Virginia. California will Texas Runoff -
again showcase its unique Alabama 7 X July 17
“top two” primary, in which California 53 X X
candidates of all parties for
Iowa 4 X
state and congressional office
run together on the same Mississippi 4 X June 26
June 5
ballot. The top two finishers, Montana 1 X
regardless of party, advance New Jersey 12 X
to the November general
election. Runoffs, if needed, New Mexico 3 X X
are scheduled in May and South Dakota 1 X Aug. 14
June in four Southern states - Maine 2 X X
Arkansas, Mississippi, South Nevada 4 X X
Carolina, and Texas.
June 12 North Dakota 1 X
South Carolina 7 X June 26
Virginia 11 X
Note: Mississippi also has June 19 Arkansas Runoff -
a special Senate election
Colorado 7 X
in 2018, with a first-round
vote on Nov. 6 in which Maryland 8 X X
candidates of all parties Mississippi Runoff -
run together on the same June 26 New York 27 X
ballot. If no candidate wins
a majority of the vote, a Oklahoma 5 X Aug. 28
runoff will be held in late South Carolina Runoff -
November between the top Utah 4 X
two finishers in the first- Note: An asterisk (*) indicates that New York will hold a separate primary for state offices on Sept. 13.
round vote.
Sources: Federal Election Commission and the National Conference of State Legislatures for 2018
primary dates.
A t the end of April, the number of special elections already held to fill vacant
seats in the 115th Congress stood at nine (eight for the House and one for the
Senate). The win total for both parties at that point: Six for the Republicans and three
for the Democrats. Yet it is the latter who have gained momentum from these contests,
with Republican officials using them as object lessons to warn their members to
prepare for a midterm election this fall that could be particularly difficult.
Because eight of the first nine special elections were for previously Republican seats,
the trio of Democratic successes resulted in a pair of high-profile pick ups, one in the
Senate and one in the House.
The Senate victory by Democrat Doug Jones last December in Alabama produced the
first partisan switch via a special Senate election since early 2010, when Republican
Scott Brown won the Senate seat formerly held by Democratic icon Edward Kennedy.
Three months later, Democrat Conor Lamb won a formerly GOP House seat in
southwest Pennsylvania, which resulted in the first partisan switch in a special House
election since November 2012.
Yet losing seats has only been part of the problem for the GOP. Of the six special
elections that the Republicans have won, all but one were with 52% of the vote or less.
That is a tepid showing, given that many of these jurisdictions went for Donald Trump
in 2016 by percentages in the vicinity of 60% and more and Republicans had gone all in
to try and hold the seats in the special elections.
What is the GOP’s problem? While special congressional elections over the years
have usually been low-profile events of little national import, they of late have been
widely viewed as a referendum on Trump and his controversial presidency. He has
furthered that impression by throwing himself into many of the races with gusto, either
by making robo-calls, holding fund raisers, or actively campaigning on behalf of the
Republican candidate. The latter was the case in Alabama and southwest Pennsylvania,
the two places where the GOP has lost seats.
Trump is catnip among Republican voters, but is not so popular among independents,
and is basically persona non grata among Democrats. And it is Democratic voters who
seem to be the most motivated to participate in this election cycle, with generally
high turnouts for special elections helping them to either win or run close. In special
contests for congressional seats in the 114th Congress, turnout did not exceed 100,000
in any special House race not held in conjunction with the November 2016 general
election. Over the last year, three House specials have had turnouts in excess of
225,000.
At least six more special elections will be held this year, with the prospect of a seventh in
Pennsylvania’s Lehigh Valley, where Republican Rep. Charlie Dent – one of a dwindling breed
of House moderates – has indicated that he will leave Congress in May. When Dent resigns,
he will be the third Republican House member from Pennsylvania to quit his seat during the
115th Congress. Pat Meehan, who represented a district that extends from the Philadelphia
suburbs out toward Reading, and Tim Murphy, who represented a constituency in the
Pittsburgh area that narrowly elected Democrat Conor Lamb, both stepped down over sexual
harassment charges. Murphy left Congress last fall; Meehan this spring.
Special elections for the Dent and Meehan seats will be held in conjunction with the
November midterm elections.
Up next is the contest for the Texas seat formerly held by Republican Blake Farenthold, with
the special election scheduled for June 30. It will be followed by the Ohio special election on
August 7 to fill the seat vacated by Republican Pat Tiberi in January.
The Texas contest is a "snap" election of sorts, to be held less than three months after
Farenthold quit while under an ethics cloud. In scheduling the special election to be held
quickly, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott referred to the need for the district to have representation as
it continues to deal with the devastation from Hurricane Harvey.
The quick date in Texas is in sharp contrast to the situation in Michigan. There, Democrat
John Conyers resigned in December 2017, but Republican Gov. Rick Snyder called the special
election for this November, producing a vacancy that will be nearly a year in length. Unlike
the Texas district, that of Conyers is solidly Democratic.
* * * 2
** ** * ** *
*
* * ** * 2 *
*
The 2018 midterm elections are arguably the most consequential since 1994, when Republicans won both houses of Congress
in the same election for the first time in 42 years. This time it is the Republicans who are on the spot. The midterms are
widely viewed as the first nationwide referendum on the controversial presidency of Donald Trump, and will determine the
strength of the Democratic resistance in the years that immediately follow. In addition, gubernatorial and state legislative races
in 2018 will play a significant role in many states in determining partisan control of the redistricting process to take place in
the wake of the 2020 census. Altogether, more than one-third of all Senate seats are up this year, nearly three-fourths of the
governorships, and all of the House seats. Democrats are on the defensive in the Senate (where the vast majority of seats up
are theirs), while the situation is reversed in the House and at the state level (where Republicans dominate the governorships
and state legislatures).
Seats Up in '18
‘16 Presidential House Seats
Governors Senators
Vote Dem. Rep.
State of Play Clinton by 2% 193 236 36 (26 R, 9 D, 1 Ind.) 35 (24 D, 9 R, 2 Inds.)
NORTHEAST
Connecticut Clinton by 14% 5 Dan Malloy (D) - OPEN Chris Murphy (D)
Delaware Clinton by 11% 1 Tom Carper (D)
Maine Clinton by 3% 1 1 Paul LePage (R) - OPEN Angus King (Ind.)
Maryland Clinton by 26% 7 1 Larry Hogan (R) Ben Cardin (D)
Massachusetts Clinton by 27% 9 Charles Baker (R) Elizabeth Warren (D)
New Hampshire Clinton by 0.3% 2 Chris Sununu (R)
New Jersey Clinton by 14% 7 5 Robert Menendez (D)
New York Clinton by 22% 17 9 Andrew Cuomo (D) Kirsten Gillibrand (D)
Pennsylvania Trump by 0.7% 6 11 Tom Wolf (D) Bob Casey (D)
Rhode Island Clinton by 16% 2 Gina Raimondo (D) Sheldon Whitehouse (D)
Vermont Clinton by 26% 1 Phil Scott (R) Bernie Sanders (Ind.)
West Virginia Trump by 42% 3 Joe Manchin (D)
58 30
MIDWEST
Illinois Clinton by 17% 11 7 Bruce Rauner (R)
Indiana Trump by 19% 2 7 Joe Donnelly (D)
Iowa Trump by 9% 1 3 Kim Reynolds (R)@
Kansas Trump by 21% 4 Jeff Colyer (R)@
Michigan Trump by 0.2% 4 9 Rick Snyder (R) - OPEN Debbie Stabenow (D)