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Annals of the Association of American Geographers

ISSN: 0004-5608 (Print) 1467-8306 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/raag20

Reencountering Development: Livelihood
Transitions and Place Transformations in the
Andes

Anthony Bebbington

To cite this article: Anthony Bebbington (2000) Reencountering Development: Livelihood
Transitions and Place Transformations in the Andes, Annals of the Association of American
Geographers, 90:3, 495-520, DOI: 10.1111/0004-5608.00206

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1111/0004-5608.00206

Published online: 15 Mar 2010.

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Reencountering Development:
Livelihood Transitions and Place
Transformations in the Andes
Anthony Bebbington

Department of Geography, University of Colorado at Boulder

Neither poststructural nor neoliberal interpretations of development capture the full extent and
complexity of rural transformations in the Andes. Poststructural critiques tend to view develop-
ment as a process of cultural destruction and homogenization, while neoliberal interpretations
identify a different development “failure” that inheres in “inefficient” patterns of resource use,
and the “nonviability” of large parts of the Andean peasantry. In each case, the state is seen as a
problem: as an agent of dominating modernization, or as a brake on market-led transformation.
The paper reviews these positions in the light of the transformations in governance, livelihoods,
and landscape that have occurred in the regions of Colta, Guamote, and Otavalo, all centers of
indigenous Quichua populations in the Ecuadorian Andes. These transformations question the
accuracy of arguments about cultural destruction or nonviability. Instead they suggest that people
have built economically viable livelihood strategies that, while neither agricultural nor necessar-
ily rural, allow people to sustain a link with rural places, and in turn allow the continued repro-
duction of these places as distinctively Quichua. The cases also point to the increased indigenous
control of political, civil, and economic institutions and the important roles that development
interventions, including those of the state, have played in fostering this control. In sum, this sug-
gests the need for more nuanced interpretations of development that emphasize human agency
and the room to maneuver that can exist within otherwise constraining institutions and struc-
tures. It also suggests the value of placing livelihood and the coproduction of place at the center
of any interpretation of the processes and effects of rural development. Key Words: critical devel-
opment geography, livelihood, place, Andes, social movements.

W hether seen as “pioneering,” “biting,”
or “an opportunity lost,” (respectively,
Peet and Watts 1996b: 17; Cooper
and Packard 1997: 15; Lehmann 1997: 568) Ar-
development and its official institutions. Neolib-
eral interpretations similarly see little cumula-
tive benefit from state intervention in rural
areas. In much of Latin America, such approaches
turo Escobar’s work (1984, 1988, 1991, 1995) increasingly argue that large parts of the peas-
has stirred the worlds of critical geography and antry (or campesinado) are no longer “viable” in
development studies.1 Emblematic of a broader the face of a globalizing market economy. Thus,
poststructural critique of development, Escobar’s while, in the poststructuralist critique, the state
analysis falls within a long and distinguished tra- and development are viewed as the aggressive
dition that sees little possibility of improvements agents of modernization, according to neoliberal
in human well-being without radical political critiques, they have largely stood in the way of
economic change. His work questions the possi- the transformative and modernizing potential
bility of building or even imagining alternatives of the market. This leads to recommendations
from within the current languages and institu- for further liberalization of market-based resource
tions of development.2 Indeed, it suggests that allocation from the constraints placed on it by
these very institutions and languages are deeply state and customary institutions. That such lib-
implicated in processes of cultural destruction. eralization would fuel a redistribution of rural
Poststructural critiques are not alone in pos- resources (especially land and water) to more
ing profound and critical questions about rural competitive and larger economic agents, and a
Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 90(3), 2000, p. 495–520
© 2000 by Association of American Geographers
Published by Blackwell Publishers, 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, and 108 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX4 1JF, UK.

by failing to localities in highland Ecuador: Colta. So also has a progressive expansion of landscape transformation and the institutional grassroots influence and control over the pro- interventions that have accompanied them. market. critical scrutiny on conceptual grounds. In this sense. poststructural positions are trou. the implication is that a more on efficiency grounds. so new and perience to date is largely a consequence of their changing cultural practices have also been played emphasis on discursive critique. if we look cess to resources and power have accompanied at histories of places. ing theory that draws on insights of each type of The final section of the paper draws out im- interpretation. and its alternatives. by not exploring it is impossible to judge the development expe- the diversity of development processes and out. is deemed desirable livelihood. the categor. ideas. subjecting them to turf while questioning many of their supposi. much a result of the external interventions of natives have already been elaborated at the state programs. tinctive. sedimented history of a across these cases. and community. NGOs. Overall. tized notions of state. Indeed. nous control of everything from municipal gov- in turn suggesting theoretical weaknesses. Yet second section then subjects these interpreta- in this sense. They are places where increased con- ground to neoliberal interpretations and the sumption of modern commodities has come to- types of programs that might derive from them. and technologies of modernity. These are a possible counternarrative. more ethnically self-conscious social organiza- tion to alternatives and leave so little space for a tions. it cesses through which these places are produced becomes easier to identify elements of feasible and governed. ment interventions and market transactions The third section teases out certain patterns become part of a longer. plications for theory.3 Interpretations out. Germs of these alter. italist landscapes even as they incorporate many torical analyses of the ways in which develop. they fail to develop the empirical bases of pretations of either type of critique. complex and contingent to be judged simply as gional transformations in highland Ecuador to normatively desirable or not. phy of these regions has changed. This paper lays out elements of recent poststructural makes it that much more important to build a and neoliberal interpretations of rural develop- counternarrative that meets them on their own ment in the Andean region. have been accompanied by increased indige- ical assertions of such positions appear overstated. Guamote. they cede companies. creating landscapes that continue to be dis- of development. and above all. and contributed to the development of these and trace actual processes of livelihood and places. Indeed. practices. These changes appear to be as development alternatives. when places where outmigration and land-degradation subjected to empirical interrogation. built at the interface of geography and history. albeit in quite unanticipated tions and interventions involved are.496 Bebbington concomitant movement of campesinos out of opment revolving around notions of place and agriculture and rural areas. Massey 1994). and churches as they are intersection of popular practices and external an effect of popular initiative. to regional textile markets.” They normative positions and analytical tools of both also question the accuracy of frameworks that neoliberal and poststructural interpretations. as the economic geogra- continuing dialogue with the development ex. comprehensive development theory has to be While empirically and normatively dubious. and that helps identify ways for. address in any detail the economic dimensions and Otavalo.” as “development” or “destruction. The transforma- interventions. tions to empirical scrutiny through a compara- blesome. gether with the emergence of assertive and ever That poststructural critiques give little atten. then. to bus result. As a ernment. work with relatively unitary and unproblema- These observations will provide a basis for build. such interpretations command far more politi. as “success” or point to problems (as well as strengths) in the “failure. the first section of the cal influence than do poststructural ones. It suggests that cases such ward for a far more geographical theory of devel. and indeed alternative to modern cap- fer if they were based on ethnographic and his. profound transfor- place and its linkages with the wider world mations in the social relations that structure ac- (Moore 1999. might dif. Furthermore. and however unintentionally. too ways. rather than of discourses. More generally. It quickly becomes apparent that of alternatives.4 The tions on conceptual and empirical grounds. I will use discussions of re. rience of these places through the blunt inter- comes. To make these claims. By finding so little that is recoverable tive analysis of regional transformations in three within the practice of development. as those discussed here lay the bases for encoun- .

and each has suggested radical (as come apparent that the goals. determines on behalf of critical Marxian and sociocultural interpreta. In this view. perhaps especially neolib- cause its normative concerns and profound eralism. Neoliberal approaches aim to frameworks. Power. In apportioning trusteeship to informed by neoclassical economics and ratio. Indeed. The neoliberal critique. often this led to theory without actors (and Yet ironically these critiques converge to a therefore without entry points into practice). and will take us be. they suggest. on the basis level. impose cultural homogenization. seeks alternatives yond some of the oppositions that haunt much in the cultural and political practices of popular development theory. In their purest sense. Understanding primarily concerned with the ways in which de- how these spaces open and how they are used is velopment constitutes a form of cultural domi- a critical research challenge. actors. The poststructural critique. tion of value. and these nego. considerable degree around other claims: each and alternatives that required forms of structural declares that orthodox development has failed change that. each relies search engaged with questions of practice— largely on externally defined criteria to judge both popular and bureaucratic—it might be. tions of development.” in which one actor. The analytical tools and normative concerns Cowen and Shenton (1996) suggest a yet deeper of poststructural and neoliberal critiques of de. deeply implicated in this failure. primarily con- cerned with the failure of development pro- grams to foster rural growth and income genera- Critiques of Development tion. of their presumed privileged understanding or standing split in development studies between institutional authority. decentering of the state. meaning. Too of thought and interpretation” (Slater 1997: 274). in the short-to-medium terms. . others the direction in which development tions. they are critical of modernizing no- nerable to the charge of impracticability be. seeks alternatives in the efficient allocation in the Andes of resources that would derive from the liberal- ization of markets. While not alone in pursuing a critique of de- people are producers and consumers of value—a velopment informed by Foucault in particular. and whether pop. critical and critiques begin from a profoundly different no- practicable. these differences are part of a far long. social and institutional change. and more developmentalist approaches should proceed. this failure.5 These alternatives de- ten differ from those imputed by much develop. respectively. on the grounds that they break down critique of mainstream notions of development difference. nation and homogenization. cent of such discourses. Poststructural alternative and developmentalist. such nal choice theory. they therefore criticize interventions that Development as Knowledge-Power Regime: support rural producers on criteria other than Poststructural Critiques competitiveness as diversions from the norma- tive goal of efficiency maximization. meaning. rive in considerable measure from their respec- ment theory. At one of “trusteeship. and have blunted empirical inquiry into whether the constitute a form of domination: “the project of practice of development indeed had the effects neoliberal globalization represents the most re- that this critique anticipated. and institutions tive theoretical frameworks. Criti. Reencountering Development 497 tering a notion of development that is at once value assessed in monetary terms. velopment (critiques that Cooper and Packard They argue that both approaches (indeed all de- [1997: 2–3] term. and of valid knowledge. and contains within it ular practices indeed carried the germs of the the attempted subordination of different modes same utopias as those implied by this theory. and opposed to reformist) alternatives that involve a power relationships underlying development of. agents who are ultimately not the citizenry. “postmodernist” velopment doctrine) ultimately imply a notion and “ultramodernist”) differ profoundly. mary concerns about the failure of mainstream tiations open up spaces for potentially profound development practice.6 can be most efficiently allocated to maximize their economic productivity. and that official development bureaucracies are seemed improbable at best (Booth 1994). as well as their pri- are constantly being negotiated. If re. Valuing cal development research has so often been vul. difference. frustrate the possibil- understand the means through which resources ity of autonomous human improvement. sense in which the two frameworks converge. this is the larger goal.

Dependency writing empha. anthropologies and geographies of development— they inevitably fail. local scale:9 “[T]here meaningful). one must also resist the whose means and practices of production they idea that the articulation of alternatives will aimed to control. how very situated are such practices and poli- These critiques are not dissimilar from the tics. forms of peasant cultural politics are the very institutions charged with implement. and then they ought be encouraged to leave the that they hold out any realistic hope for feasible countryside: “produce or perish. But. 1995. then we might anticipate forms of political dependency writing of the 1970s (Lehmann behavior and responses to development that are 1997. Moore were reembedded. Apffel-Marglin 1998: 29. These interven. For Escobar. Ferguson suggests cultural politics. in the process im. As these instruments are not based In framing a view of alternatives in this way. seems mono. Watts and will occur in the alternative grassroots practices McCarthy 1997: 73). Frank 1969). . 1988. “identity strengthening. take place in intellectual and academic circles” bar’s has been the most sustained critical project (Escobar 1995: 222). duced at the intersection of livelihood practices tiques of development instead emphasize change (understood as making a living and making it at a more decentralized. Scott suggests—justifies a further round of interven. though neither necessarily resistant nor antipathetic to their form of analysis and implications for strat. Un- to all places or all situations. these groups reside in the “defense of the local.” “opposition to mod- der to promote a particular ethnocentric notion ernizing development. If they and reproduce development failure (cf. and to invoke voluntaristic interpretations of ral development in Lesotho.” Escobar puts it alternatives is. In essence. the idea of development nomic needs and opportunities in terms that are allows for the notion that there are people and not strictly those of profit and the market” (Es- places that are underdeveloped. Yet the litera- Ferguson’s state. and if they do not make this transition. a living. defining features of these popular practices. That there is bureaucratic their own difficulties—in particular. “backward” and cobar 1995: 226). begin to revolve more and posing Northern interests on those of the South more around two principles: the defense of cul- (Escobar 1995: 55–101. Escobar is drawing—as does much work in critical pirations. macro level.8 ity of doing both are all related. That these are indeed the ducers. . Instead. tural difference . and more something abstract. proposals from the context of existing con- tions aim to turn rural people into efficient pro. he claims that that resist development. Watts and McCarthy 1997: 75). . on an understanding of the actual concerns. Esco. 1991. as.” and the elaboration of of what it is to be developed. and more generally in development represents a further elaboration of the practices of popular groups10 whose “organiz- the Enlightenment project. the ten- complicity in development failure is argued yet dency to essentialize about peasant motivation. but this merely—he on notions of the resistant peasant (cf. however. less substantiated. institutional inter- are no grand alternatives that can be applied ventions.498 Bebbington and post structural theory more generally. ant existence—in the ways in which they make tion depends on a continued official commit. local politics. Locality egy are different. unable and unwilling to act in a way that detach interpretations of politics of identity and does anything but depoliticize development place from these livelihood practices. because their own reproduc. and the wider political economy. might also be conceptualized differently—not sized the need for change in the wider political as pregiven but rather as continuously pro- economy (de Janvry 1981).12 Such conceptualizations. and the valorization of eco- cf. . Poststructural cri.” and so “one must derstood thus.” velopment programs that then intervene in or. and therefore in need of development. as Smith (1989) has sug- that development failure serves the interests of gested. rooted deeply in the material conditions of peas- ing development. ing strategies . place would be less something resist the desire to formulate alternatives at an that people defended. and strategies of the popular sectors.11 (1995: 157). tures of the alternatives being pursued among This labeling turns them into the targets of de. . more forcefully in Ferguson’s (1990) study of ru. this articulation (Escobar 1984.7 Thus. making living mean- ment to development at the same time as an ingful. straints (1995: 226). have tion to get it better. ture on resistance and alternatives tends to lithic. and if frameworks made clearer 1999). Making a living. however. and struggling for the rights and possibil- official belief that it has not yet been achieved. the logics of markets and modernity. like Escobar’s. the defining fea- poor. 1985).

and therefore—like neoliberal frameworks— Sotomayor 1994). some have argued with situ.13 but they also cal efficiency. one can’t change environ- sector. and Bolivian highlands. and a landless or land-poor proletariat on with between twenty and fifty-five percent of the other. an in- “viability. Zoomers sumed progressively greater force in academic 1998). the programs. and an increase in temporary migration. Within the current policy context. They ing problems of livelihood and production as read the viability of rural places only in terms of much as problems of politics and power—and economic competitiveness.14 They therefore argue that rural devel. a recent study of thir- market. jouw 1996). and likewise under- emphasizing negotiation and accommodation as stand poverty only in income terms. might be constructed only favors the ascen- plano [high plane] are nonviable and that programs dancy and hegemony of neoliberal frameworks there should foster outmigration (IDB 1996). Furthermore. Llambi 1989. if less drastic. will define the contours of cludes that the impact of their interventions on those alternatives and the particular ways in incomes was less than the cost of implementing which they negotiate relationships with state. more remote loca- has increased in recent years. As good much as resistance. it suggests “trustees” of development (cf. most likely in urban areas lights the extent to which a focus on discourse (López 1995. Though voiced most misses a large part of the drama of livelihood explicitly in Chile. crop projects (VMPPFM 1998. creating their pretations do point to empirically substantiated own room for maneuver within and beyond any problems related to the economic dimensions of constraints these categories may place on them. 1996. they remind us that a failure to address the opment Bank (IDB) report. has absorbed many pages of debate males migrating (Hentschel et al. patterns also debate. ways in which more viable livelihoods are and gests that significant parts of the Bolivian alti. Lehmann 1986. for instance. which also emerged in Latin America: the discourse on suggest declining agricultural income. Kay 1995). their authors presume to prescribe for agency. 1996). Some observers end up succumbing to the increasing explicitness that there is little virtue despair of environmental determinism: “When in an uncompetitive and inefficient campesino all is said and done. apparent elsewhere. cf. mental limitations” (an official quoted in van opment programs should focus only on viable Niekerk 1997: 3. helping them to restructure their For all the limits of neoliberal arguments productive strategy so as to become competitive about viability in the Andes. see also Hentschel et al. drier. teen municipalities in four departments of the Bolivian highlands suggests that 79 percent of the population perceives a decline in crop and Viable Andes? Neoliberalism and livestock productivity. van Niekerk (1994) con- lytical categories. these discussions are equally presents a partial view of rural life. others—prescriptions that will clearly foster the structed as objects of development (or even as destruction of rural practices in the name of fis- subaltern subjects of resistance). only a handful of com- munities perceived any impact from livestock or While the poststructural critique has as. the empirical work in an open market. Worse still. “Poor” people may be discursively con. campesinos. More generally. and dilemmas in the Andes to half of the peasantry is not viable (see Kay 1997.” Though the steady differentiation of creased reproduction squeeze on the campesi- a peasantry into a capitalized sector on the one nado. these inter- act individually and collectively. Such interpretations have serious flaws. Hojman 1998). But mental organizations (NGOs) in the Peruvian those same actions. Studying As Escobar suggests. where some estimate that up struggles. that would ultimately endorse policies that would . the significance of this discussion many farms in higher. rather than presumed ana. Reencountering Development 499 Such a conceptualization means foreground. Cowen and Shen- the importance of paying more attention to ton 1996). Lan- (de Janvry 1981. and civil society. It high- to other livelihoods. Driven by the rise tions seem no longer able to sustain families in of neoliberal agendas. the seeds of alternatives are programs of three well-respected nongovern- most likely to be found in those actions. sug. with even higher rates Andean Futures among poorer farmers. Similar. Those who are not deemed that underlies them is therefore a reminder of viable ought be assisted in making the transition real problems of production and income. An InterAmerican Devel. practices. Yet at the same time. hand. a quite distinct critical conversation has emerge from recent surveys in Ecuador. livelihoods (Mayer and Glave 1999).

The difficulty bor. then A second point of departure begins from analytical approaches that pay attention prima. for one of the critical means through phies of development and of how it is experi- which people make livelihoods and places via. characterized confront in making a living and negotiating by a relentless “traffic between the traditional their relationships with a range of product. elements of mo- velopment in the Andes draw our attention to dernity with longer-standing elements of local the very real challenges that Andean people practice. these dif- deed. and epistemological of “hybrid cultures” (1995: 217–26). he suggests. their development alternatives. and a range of product and labor campesino sector. Again. This is not to mini- cerned with livelihood and place. that underlies a certain tendency to invoke ideal Yet while their normative intents make these typical notions of popular practice as the basis of approaches fundamentally incompatible. with the notion of hybrid. if local cul- ble is engaging with the institutions of develop. is there- viability and of development. however. should be the basis quence. kin groups. and of grassroots people might assert difference and identity vis- notions of “development” and betterment. Finally. is that it as- tural positions focus our attention on the ways sumes that there exist “prehybrid” cultures. à-vis development and its institutions. if all practices substantive concerns surely represent different and cultures are indeed hybridized. though. among genders. communities. poststruc. generations. fore likely to be internally debated and conflic- it shifts the notion of viability from one focusing tive. and others. “a politics of the possible must inevitably Comparative Ethnographies emerge from a sustained engagement with the empirical. and above all situated. On the one hand. not a naïve romance of the real. it will challenge notions of The third and central point of departure also development as destruction and of markets as derives from Escobar: his call for more ethnogra- anathema. If. and the modern” (1995: 222). and the ways mize the importance of these alternatives. at the same time. Yet in which rural people make living meaningful Latin American landscapes and livelihoods and struggle politically for spaces of autonomy have been hybridized at least since the sixteenth and self-realization—themes on which the via.” Neoliberal and poststructural positions are. the wider modernizing processes of which resistance to development is perhaps once again . the popular sectors. la. Neoliberal takes on rural de. are largely silent. normative intents. but it in which people struggle to keep rural localities is to push a step further in not romanticizing alive by somehow generating incomes that will them. and much other development haps this implicit assumption of “prehybridity” research. to emphasize questions of ment. century (Whitmore and Turner 1992). then this can challenge notions both of well as practicing current livelihoods. pursue these concerns at the same time. to one con. in his words. Yet. They are. Popular positions are quite different. unstable. Meanwhile. markets. tures are hybrid. It is per- bility discussion. will be dy- something of their own. it is likely to challenge our no- tions of resistance and politics at least as these relate to development. For just as economic and political action. credible. On the other hand. In. and other markets. radicalizing the point more than to work with oversimplified notions of grassroots do their discussions of alternatives. in practice. like oil and water: their political for thinking about these issues with the notion agendas.500 Bebbington have the effect of fostering the demise of the they are a part. poststructural concerns to highlight differences rily to one or other dimension of them are likely and identities. along with identity and place. piece together the old and new. and therefore in making them seem more allow the material reproduction of these places. as hood. people namic. then it seems parts of a larger whole in which rural people are unreasonable to make categorical statements engaged all the time: the challenge of securing a about the principles that will characterize popu- viable way of guaranteeing the material basis of lar practices and development alternatives—for their livelihood and. enced and resisted. Imagining alternatives. for as Keith (1997: 276) Ways Forward? Hybrid Livelihoods and notes. I argue that if our approaches give equal ferences are also at stake in relationships within weight to these different dimensions of liveli. practices—which. Partly as a conse. building they. they emphasize different dimensions of of any alternative development—constantly rural livelihoods. Escobar provides us with something of a lens in one sense. only on viable economic activities.

though. and by understanding the types of develop- ment of which these actors aim to be “trustees. again in have played (often unanticipated) roles in fos- often very unanticipated ways. norma. approach also raises logistical issues. for while the analysis of the process The risk of calling for such ethnographies itself might remain “thick. 1989. these patterns make it difficult to talk tively and analytically. for many observers. glibly either of nonviability or of development In this sense. The reason for juxta- that might be interpreted sometimes as resis. during a fourteen-month study of the pro- tion of three localities in the Ecuadorian Andes cesses of agrarian change and development in- . have allowed levels of reframing. criteria used for thinking about the impacts of Rather than being situated in one. gether. with a ing. Reencountering Development 501 to apply too partial a lens to popular practices. intriguing similarities among them. empirical. To- structural critique also needs reframing. If (Figure 1) during the second half of this century. Likewise. In my own case. ticulations between development interventions ing the idea of development as lived. And if we find—as I believe we do— accumulation that in part sustain the material that this has been possible to a considerable basis for these other sociopolitical and cultural degree because of development programs. the importance of further elaborating some of texts might also generate the type of knowledge these claims. by engaging then the neoliberal discourse on viability needs with a range of markets.16 The cases do. have for ethnographies of how people have struggled been examples of development failure and areas to compose livelihoods aimed at making a liv. or perhaps development. state changes. rather than and microregional political economy opens up a invoked. If in such ethnographies. in ways velopment in the Andes. I discuss the transforma. it is the for this comparative analysis was laid in 1988– approach taken here. though. One possible response is to do work necessarily involves extended field pres- comparative analysis of ethnographic and his. the most in-depth basis methodological difficulties (see below). livelihoods have been built that. suggest historical analysis of particular regional con. the fieldworker must be mobile. access to resources has become more inclusive. ethnographic and as destruction. state and market. It is in building third case (Otavalo). two. In each case. one of the principle challenges in the contem. albeit in very unanticipated ways. sometimes as accommodation.” discussions of the and histories of development is that it succumbs particular place-based manifestations of that to the problem of exceptionalism. a comment on ques- and theory that could resolve the problem of tions of method. This might also change the ent sites “may entail a novel kind of fieldwork. which is only possible at certain stages of a torical material. communities for the entire period of re- search. Transitions and Transformations which is in fact the object of study” (Marcus and in the Ecuadorian Andes Fischer 1986: 94).” To attempt a comparative reading of the ar- empirical work offers the prospect of illuminat. By illuminating the concerns and no- tions of improvement implicit in popular strate. times as instrumental. (Colta and Guamote. This raises several interpreta- tive issues. one of the most successful instances of local de- opment interventions. posing the cases is to suggest that there are also tance. where campesino livelihoods are in crisis. we find—as I believe we do—that livelihoods and new and more accountable local gover- have not only been viable. external interventions interventions. making diffi. and some. it may be appropriate to call Chimborazo) which. ence. tering these processes of transformation.15 Though this has its own career. Multilocale dividual cases. thus rescuing the idea of development series of methodological questions. then the post. and market integration. covering a network of sites that encompasses a process. trusteeship as laid out by Cowen and Shenton (1996). Reflections on Methodology gies. both in the province of tion and income. accumulation. In each case. Such a research cult any effort to build theory on the basis of in. First. and making it meaningful. but have also allowed nance structures have been created. Such ethno- from the doctrinal lenses of those who would graphically informed comparisons across differ- otherwise define it. process are necessarily thinner. The cases deliberately juxtapose two localities porary Andes is to address problems of produc. which is often viewed as these livelihoods that people encounter devel.

they have been part of a the actors involved. lier work. This search. the same households. ex. to ties and with staff of six separate state and non. Ecuador and case study locations. This subsequent re- governmental development organizations. (rather than ethnographic work) with some of a short household survey in two of the commu. another ethnographic and ethnohistorical research. one looked at attempt to compare across different authors’ the role of NGOs in local development. Two studies were of These methodological problems of compara- campesino organizations in Guamote and Colta. NGOs. has involved in-depth interviews tended and repeated discussions and interviews. tive analysis are made much more serious by an and their relationships to NGOs. The advantage of such a sustained in- actions with people in twelve other communities. on local governance in Guamote. the nature and quality of information and in- mulative effects of development intervention sights varies among the different periods of field on rural livelihoods and institutional change research.502 Bebbington Figure 1. nities where the earliest work was conducted. able duration. volvement is that it brings to light processes of I have since complemented that initial study change that can be missed in single-stay periods with five other field visits to the region over the of research. tervention in Colta and Guamote. The disadvantage is that larger deliberate attempt to understand the cu. over an extended period. and some soil analysis and crop trials. Eth- . and nities. and the fifth nities. It has also allowed me to discuss my past decade. and sustained contact with leaders and was simply a return to some of the same commu- staff of five federations of indigenous communi. discuss patterns of change. conducted for far shorter periods of vari- work combined participant observation. Though each subsequent study has own evolving interpretations with a variety of had different purposes. federations. key informants as were encountered in the ear- This was combined with far less intensive inter. That research focused on the impacts of peasant organizations involved intensive involvement in four commu.

more far . as lay folk. To seek more ge. these latter accounts also emphasize that mi- graphic and historical accounts greatly dimin. it is akin to the chua population of Colta entitled “Indians in criteria that researchers use when. Without have to depend on the interpretations of the denying the sense in which migration is. context. they do not all give com. Colta thus contin- narrated in these other accounts.000 people. the Furthermore. quite plausible to me. transformation of this region. Yet at the same in rural communities at altitudes of 3000 m and time as the Cornell team was working. in- such as Marcus and Fischer (1986). Indeed. digenous) control of Colta has expanded. resource scarcity (de Janvry 1981). and in which migration is ishes the potential role of such approaches in a strategy as well as a necessity. Reencountering Development 503 nographies emphasize place. Misery” (Maynard 1965). along with a handful of small “urban” changes were occurring that would drive the centers of some two thousand people or so. While this is perhaps an insuf. For many families building up more nuanced and problematized in Colta. Brown et al. and What follows is therefore my own compara. continue to be a campesino (Farrell et al. survival strategy in conditions of natural- parable attention to the same issues. Silvey beyond my own field experience — I am pre. a consequence of structural can be no easy answer to this problem. and other lines (cf. a Cor- ficiently rigorous set of criteria for reading nell research team produced a study on the Qui- across different bodies of work.18 This foothold. as well as a necessary and cultural practice. Quichuas dominated by large rural estates (haci- tending the boundaries of our own knowledge endas) through various forms of tied labor rela- and understanding. church. The ties between hacienda. generation. foothold in the region.. and Lawson 1999). Other authors tempt to draw comparisons might then stretch see periodic migration as a deliberate attempt to the data beyond its justifiable reach. that offers a buffer against downturns in urban ticipate in the same empirical moments. The study depicted we engage in simple conversation aimed at ex. residents. While there siderable measure. and to retain some form of economic activity parison unless they were able to witness or par. often taken as an indicator that local liveli- neric principles across ethnographic accounts hoods are not viable. together constitute an im- pared to accept as valid. though constantly in flux and varying across providing additional insights that — though gender. preserving forms of social control The canton of Colta is located in the central and exclusion in much the same way as Casa- highlands of Ecuador. through which its material landscape has been tive reading of these different accounts. entirely the possibility of reading across ethno.e. It is transformed—in both its agricultural and built based on the conviction that much of what is forms. in con- ethnographer (Schegloff 1999). This phenomenon has can do violence to the authors’ own intents. National land- high levels of periodic outmigration among its reform laws were passed in 1964 and. The most impor- marily agricultural. and local institutions regional processes called for by commentators through which the extent of Quichua (i. when read ues to be the locus of a range of practices and through the lens of my own experience. Though transformed. and not labor markets (cf. religious practices. been interpreted as semiproletarianization. gences of other authors’ insights with my own These transformations are all the more re- interpretations.17 living mostly neighboring parish of San Juan. 1989). and authorial insights. grants are also agents. given the conver. tionship that restricted access to land. portant basis of being a Quichua from Colta. while. Pri. some would eschew the possibility of such com. to reject constraints and regional underdevelopment. given that different ethnographies ever incomplete absorption of poor rural people emphasize different dimensions of local social into the urban economy. seems identifications with place and history which. it has been a strategy for maintaining a understandings of rural change. Such outmigration from rural areas is ificity. case spec. More generally. Colta is also notable for the tant of these was land reform. a series of above. at the same time. in turn. and local political authorities likewise restricted possibilities of in- Colta: Migration and the Viability of Place digenous accumulation or any form of political participation. Any at. 1997). with a population of grande and Piper (1969) described for the slightly less than 50. markable given that as recently as 1965. it probably undermines the potential for the allows the maintenance of agricultural prac- sorts of ethnographically informed accounts of tices.

Manuel is as happy in Colta as on the coast— sure. I feel content. processes of Accumulation and housing investment have accumulation began earlier and have been rela. Families and com. Though again the ex. communities have held un- become itinerant traders (Gellner 1982) and wanted guests hostage. to the importance of periodic (and occasionally just checking up on me. alluvial land with irrigation water. having been created since land reform. ties in this area (and Guamote—see below) mon- ipation in local labor markets (Allen 1993). but where migra. responsibilities for amounts of land as a result of the combined ef. By 1990. of one. the hicles through the space they govern. etc. Some sub. far more typical in Colta. as the field permanent) outmigration as a livelihood strat. and would be sought out by one or rather than intensification. however. community in which they had some task or neris cases such as the communities of Santiago. when I’m decline. led nied by important changes in the landscape. evitably. Thurner 1993). while they money earned elsewhere. of social conflict. Muratorio spent much time in Colta would drive into a 1982. more than forty-three per. most have moved back to the locale.20 These legal (and territorial) com- it has led to a reversal of outmigration as people munities now govern most of rural Colta. and no large hacienda stories. sustaining them. as in his case. other to see to. therefore now diverse: none linked to the haci- division of estates had begun before land reform. I’m a costeño. people would come and check where land is poor and scarce. land”—he makes his money on the coast and where families gained access to valley-bottom sends it back to Colta for investment in housing. enda. Tolen 1995). or sometimes three and four the land-reform process. Knapp 1991. to an intense acceleration of this process of land Colta’s countryside is a mixture of small. and signifi. Also. in the community. two. which have emerged at two scales. ter of everyday political decisionmaking and tent to which this is so varies among households. Finally. visibly eroding fields dotted with breeze-block cent of Colta’s land surface had been affected by houses. In cases such as the sector of Gatazo. as I was entering a community where I tensification. agricultural techni- the hacienda-based mode of production and so. be these land accessed was unirrigated and sloping and private individuals or government workers. mately retire. significant numbers have and more seriously. At a local level. . New centers Gatazo was translated into land purchase. Indeed. gringuito]. This shift in the nature and geog- cially those who had a particularly unruly labor raphy of livelihoods in Colta has been accompa- force (cf. as a peddler of shoes and munities19 gained access to different qualities and clothing. In- has not allowed any significant agricultural in. itor carefully the passage of other people and ve- In other cases. while ended the former system of rural governance. and had profound effects on Colta’s The livelihoods of contemporary Colta are agrarian and sociopolitical structure. first. still linked to rural property. where hacienda subdivision and migra. that is where he will ulti- cantly. most communi- through a mix of agriculture and periodic partic. and this is my ability. plot or house. Grande).504 Bebbington reaching. and most as early migrants used savings to purchase land. Though selves either entirely through agriculture. on the purpose of their visit. Very occasionally. The laws. and subsequently. often acquisition. most of these have been built with These changes in access to land. These laws marked the end of semiprofessionals (teachers. cians. Similarly. 1992: 125). all deeply linked to the market. the has in turn allowed accumulation strategies based hacienda has ceded to the community the cen- on intensive horticulture.). also been part of a subtle but important shift in tively rapid. however small the and some hacienda owners began to sell. I would be greeted in Colta with this type of land all emphasize with a “Adonde vas gringuito” [where are you off agricultural stagnation and land degradation to. While fects of different geographies of population pres. in 1973. Like many others. surveillance. the house and the fields are feminized. tion began quite early. working in the sugar cane harvests on the coast. cial control. in some more sui ge. though some smaller ones still did two-story house (in the community of Lupaxi (Bebbington et al. of the onset of hacienda “when I’m on the coast. espe. and of soil and water quality and avail. were not equal across Colta. Migration-based accumulation in the centers of governance in Colta. workers of the farmers’ association with whom I egy (Bebbington 1990. tion had started at an earlier date. Like Colta resident Manuel Alvarado’s remained. in his case. reports from communities was working less intensively. or only localized centers of power. and draw attention another village dignitary shortly after arriving.

not aggres- ened the authority of Evangelicalism. but significantly. People are still very ganizations (some of which engage in social. In the meantime. and squeeze to commercial success.” Its and NGOs. Each arguments about development happen in Colta with their own acronym—UOCACI (Unión now. where transformed as a combined effect of campesino the mission had its center. an indicator of how profoundly the relationships organized center of worship. and gossip surround who benefits most from ations of communities (this process is discussed in Colta’s new institutions. In 1988. Some in Colta had begun to ap- dominated them. plete ban on alcohol consumption was attractive at once modestly and wryly. AIECH. linked to one of these federations. gossip. pesinas Autonomas de Chimborazo). in misery” and contemporary Colta is great. radio antenna. it migrant savings in land and housing rather than would be. changes are unproblematic. There are many explana. at least as seen from the communi. One day. and contracting other long-established mination of Quichua campesinos to look be. By 1998. derived from elsewhere. saying he didn’t to earlier migrants who wanted to invest their think it was time yet. and many (though not all) would prefer development activities) mark it as the region’s not to migrate. other change that was beginning just as the Cor. The distance between an image of “Indians placed the Catholic Church. tions: now the tables were turned. the technical team once Protestant church. José smiled at me. (Unión de Asociaciones Agricolas de Columbe). consider running for mayor. it was hiring mestizo advi- hacienda. Reencountering Development 505 The other shift has occurred at the level of AOCACH (Asociación de Organizaciones Cam- the canton. access to resources. religious institutions. these old centers have been vices. The organiza- communities of the Gatazos and Santiago (see tions also mark one of the latest reversals of above). he wanted to im- alcohol-intensive fiestas (Tolen 1995. the explanation. NGOs from other parts of Ecuador to help with yond the institutions that had traditionally water projects. UNASAC itals (the former centers of the hacienda-state. Others have emerged as a result of an. as do differences in income. where the parish and cantonal cap. they were being hired by mestizos tionately represented among a new generation to implement the activities of other organiza- of more savvy community leaders further strength. and the team. Tolen 1995). most people sustain their (or new center. differences in access to In some areas within Colta. ethnic and institutional relationships in Colta. Today many com. But it is important that more detail for the case of Guamote below). and indeed some between livelihoods. though many rural development nell team was conducting field work: the rise NGOs worked in Colta. and have their own buildings and offices partially replaced by new centers linked to other on which families and community leaders con- systems of authority and sources of legitimacy. and religious or. At recreated itself as an NGO: the Center for In- the very least. it may also have reflected the deter. the formation of land exist. their families’) residence in Colta with income ties (cf. negotiate with government for ser- at the same time. had tions of how this religious change occurred. to ask him to suggested that the Evangelical church’s com. governance. is popularly understood as being “Colta. old mestizo21 houses are being Chimborazo)—these organizations are new ac- purchased by Quichuas. and not only (nor perhaps even mainly) in de Organizaciones Campesinas de Cicalpa).22 By 1995. sors. provincial and national capitals. Gellner press on me that when I had first known him 1982). headquarters in the main mestizo urban center tated by land reform and the weakening of the in Colta. Whatever sively. it seems clear that the ability of digenous Development (CEDEIN) with its the church to enter the region was itself facili. is now the place that initiatives. They have between these capitals and the community. rural have several (Tolen 1995. who split their residence tors in the governance of Colta. José Bueno. Several observers have also proach its director. Muratorio 1981). and the state. It is munities in Colta have their own community. poor. intrigue communities was followed by the creation of feder. none had its office and subsequent consolidation of the Evangelical there. That these migrants were also dispropor. the community of Majipamba. And projects. This is not to imply that these large churches. church triumvirate) have been in demise. the Evangelical church dis. On AIECH (Asociación Indígena Evangelica de the one hand. he implied. and rural landscape have been Meanwhile. as in the semiurbanized in a game or two of volleyball. verge one day a week in order to engage in Some of these new regional “centers” are linked project-related business. .

under certain leader. up NGO program. or less continuously up until the early 1990s. made Gua. Increasingly.26 concentration of land in large estates in all of State rural development programs ran more Ecuador: today no large or even medium-sized. the municipal government. mented through networks of campesino federa- ties located above 3. the nexus of hacienda-priest-state repre- adas. these interventions have had active in pushing for land-redistribution. the “new” churches. tion of mayor (Bebbington and Perreault 1999). the Union 44). staff from that period recall the vi- the contours and implications of this transfor. deed of fighting off its advance. the Guamote. As in (Fondo de Desarrollo de Areas Rurales Margin. with an almost entirely Quichua pop. area. con. one of the two principal “destructive” force in Guamote (Escobar 1995: campesino federations in Guamote. one change the governance of Guamote. No pro- the 1950s to 1970s. in part accidental—has been to tural and rural development programs. im. dowed development institutions themselves Since reelected. that these development interventions became a In the early 1990s. DRI worked towards the vision of rural develop- ulation of slightly less than 30.” They are all linked to wider land in Guamote became increasingly assertive. launched a candidate in ventions (together with popular protest) helped local government elections and won the posi- wrest power from the hacienda.” where municipal government is NGOs. cally. projects—of building a state presence in the bolstered by links to national peasant move. During the Bordering Colta to the South. external institutions and communities. of strengthening campesino organizational ments and the communist party.000. federations within which this cadre of campesi- ventions aimed at reducing this poverty. has likewise been tions. a project within the National governed—a complex of communities. Ultimately. Thus categorized. of establishing Evangelicalism. the interventions also deliberately tutionalized in the 1970s (cf. and most re- plemented by the state. Certainly development complicated the lo. campesino mobilization for gram is “innocent. mote the object of a far-reaching program of land and in conjunction with the cumulative effects reform. In The roots of this transformation lie in state this babble of intervention and acronyms. in.000 m. tional complex through which Guamote is ral Integral. tablished themselves in some communities. Colta. In 1974. Yet beyond this. some campesino leaders mation differ. Guamote (UOCIG). this was its effect. the mayor has initiated a series with an apparent power to exert great influence of administrative and governance changes aimed on Guamote. The effect—in reform was followed by a series of state agricul. The radical Catholic Church was also of schooling.27 In ter of chronic poverty (which it was) was insti. federa- Program for Integrated Rural Development. Escobar 1995: 21– created federated organizations to act as coun- 54). Land nos have become active leaders. deriving in large measure from the came the principal counterpart of the national cadre of younger campesinos who were formed land-reform agency’s program in Guamote.24 In 1974. The state. or in- cerned with these levels of unrest. From agendas and interpretations are at play. individually owned property remains. Guamote became the terparts in community-level interventions— object of a whole series of development inter. Sometimes. of Indigenous and Campesino Organizations of cal institutional landscape. other effects. FODERUMA) coordinated entirely by the sentative has been replaced by a new institu- Church. and were then taken over (in part) by a follow- governance—both rural and urban—was dom. Though nowhere written in the project transformed in the last three decades. some cases. and has built head of a national list of so-called “alternative links between communities and church-related municipalities. many responses to campesino pressure for land. and while its inter. and be. the idea of Guamote as a cen. DRI). Yet it is hard to argue cently.25 in the very process of mediating between these In some sense. The radical Catholic Church inated by the hacienda. part deliberate. though far less systemati- either in the hands of. tions. they availed themselves of this power in order to control—but not always. at enhancing community control over the mu- . Guamote had the highest today comment. NGOs. capacities.23 more than ment in Guamote coordinated and imple- ninety percent of whom live in rural communi. the other (Proyecto de Desarrollo Ru. sion clearly. though documents. they also en. the canton of leadership of Wilson Huilca in the 1980s. today Guamote is at the has remained present throughout. or works closely with.506 Bebbington Guamote’s New Geographies of Governance ship. Evangelically related NGOs have also es- digenous populations (Muñoz 1998).

eroded. At the same time. the essence of . For Salomon. In the communities fraught with tensions. For others among Ecuador’s de- the federations. and increasing municipal control over ment programs). All federations are required to velopment institutions who would have once coordinate with each other and the municipal. These are all incipient changes. others maintain a certain (Torres 1998). In some communities. These tensions mark out the micropol. ment” (Parlamento Indígena)—was created. some NGOs near or above 90 percent of the population support these changes. and who should determine these de- cisions. and are accumulation is beginning. The two main federations of Sablog Rosa Ines and San Isidro. Some communities even though demographic pressure and the level complain that the federations are not well man. research) was a thankless. from the one in the canton—Jatun Ayllu and the UOCIG— truck owned in 1988 (by a family that. Hilario Maola. which each community is supposed to send a Seen against these political transformations. and suc- and meaning of Guamote have shifted. (Salomon 1981). task. one ethnic group to another (blanco-mestizo to Known to tourists through its weekend market Quichua). where opment that has its base within the municipal planned development intervention (and social building. But control of the mill itself. each feeling they have special leader. with There is less evidence of accumulation in the the purposes of monitoring municipal actions landscape than in Colta. economic change has been much more modest. seven control of the municipality. Under this rubric federations have be. a body to local governance. UOCIG of a personal relationship with the hacienda. Guamote is now an innovative experiment in velopment policy. haciendas and unruly Indian populations. and kin groups have varying opin. this has more effect on the ions over how resources should be used within “meaning” of Guamote than on its poverty. these are the con- tents of the “indigenous self-management” that Otavalo and an Ethnic Market Economy29 so stir people. and “ethnic” products. Otava- and federation.28 With these changes. in some sense. come the implementing arms of municipal de. incomes remain chronically low: Gua- for power. the image leños are seen as proud. Reencountering Development 507 nicipality. and nationally through enda to community and federation) and—in traveling Otavaleño merchants in market places the period since 1974—from central govern. and the transfor- words of one federation leader. mote has changed profoundly. Giving new meaning to an campesinos in Guamote meant that the early ac- old landscape. the Parlamento uses the old offices cumulation linked to migration from Colta was of the DRI as its base. in part because the and discussing and presenting issues of concern greater control exercised by the hacienda over in the communities. While the new municipal gov- distance. Yet. by 1998. this ment and line agency to municipal government weaving center has a special reputation. resources from external agencies primarily for communities. is at odds with the municipal government. rural investments. and pointless. mote’s three parishes exhibit poverty rates of ship roles to play. UOCIG wants to maintain have begun to pop up across the landscape. because still jostle for power and prominence. And one and two-story breeze-block houses to the municipality. and particular Quichua individuals tussle Colta. from one type of unit to others (haci. The very occurrence of these ar- guments reflects how the governance of Gua. selling textiles for popular consumption. Casagrande 1981). Power and con. ernment has shifted investment from urban cen- itics of arguments over strategy and control (cf. mation of Otavalo into a relatively vibrant “at last we have indigenous self-management” regional economy was seen early on as a possible (1998) (after decades of local governance being model for community development elsewhere dominated by the church or state rural develop. ters to rural areas. well dressed. there were. In the cessful (cf. of land subdivision in Guamote is less than in aged. it would make far families with trucks combining agriculture with more sense for UOCIG to pass its grain mill over trade. trol over local development have moved from the image of Otavalo is quite the opposite. however. and has mobilized additional Moore 1998) in which different individuals. At the same time. far less frequent. Guamote. and backward in the national imaginary. had been able to purchase twice as much land as whose agents argue that. given the indigenous any other family). If Colta and Guamote are viewed as poor. seen Guamote as a miserable bastion of brutish ity in the form of a Committee for Local Devel. representative—a so-called “Indigenous Parlia.

to fill gaps left by the state and private banks. citing Salz 1955). did not need to migrate long 1998). employed in production to market opportunities (Korovkin these enterprises. namic campesino agriculture came later than formations. campesinos have now also gained access their own” (Salomon 1981: 431). 1998). Mansfield 1994). rather than a weaving economy. only thirty-one per. then assisted in the relatively rapid adjustment The relative economic and political inde. land-purchase activities as much as textile pro- bottom land. one of the selected regions for the work of the omy. the Mission provided technical assistance to chase of land and other investments (Korovkin weavers to help them diversify and improve the 1998). and income from which was invested in further pur. of the ethnic economy to the market: first in pendence afforded by early access to land has fa. Somehow. Though the fortunes of ventions and state policy as it is to popular prac- the obrajes waxed and waned. market and also fueled an export boom—each ing control of land. In these areas. has since seen yet more dramatic expenditure After the Conquest. the grow- Indian is taking over the lands of the Canton. with the incipient processes of transformation That these already market. Delving into ethnographic insights into more intensive form of agriculture dominates how this occurred causes intriguing parallels (Korovkin 1997). it enabled early migration.508 Bebbington Otavalo’s success was that through these trans. A 1909 document of the favoring the expansion of the textile economy town government noted that “[d]ay by day. a based savings and loan institutions that emerged number of Otavaleños were investing in hous. ernmental and religious (often Evangelical ucts from Otavalo) who. they and other tices and initiative. as well as relatively low levels ral textile factories based on indebted and other. by which protected textile production for the domestic time Otavaleño Quichuas were already regain. Otavaleños had. Even by the 1960s. state intervention. As These institutions supported agricultural and haciendas kept control of more fertile valley. by state policy) provided a particular The cumulative effect was that by 1946. clearly. in Sol Tax’s terms. pices of land-reform legislation. the household-weaving economy. Korovkin 1998). duction (Korovkin 1997. (Buitrón 1962. ing and consumer durables (Buitrón 1962). by mid-century. while a niche for Otavalo’s more “ethnic” products—a third of Ecuador’s rural population worked en. of regional and ethnic identities was being pro. oriented initiatives became the basis of a partic- Long before Otavalo’s current textile economy. weaving and later in agriculture. he to this land—not infrequently under the aus- implied. . Thus tance. This type of support. Import-substitution indus- small textile enterprises kept a weaving econ. continued in different forms and guises of emerged both a Quichua entrepreneurial class. It also created a space for the formation quality of their products. the emergence of a more dy. In some cases. But in some sustained a “total pattern that is distinctively areas. of small Quichua textile enterprises—at both coupled with—albeit limited—credit assis- a household and small-factory scale. cent of Otavalans did any work on others’ land More specific development interventions (Salomon 1981: 426. distances in order to make a living. if less albeit by fair purchase” (Salomon 1981: 442). and this time selling prod. were Protestant) institutions did much the same. Otavalo was cilitated several transitions in the rural econ. of migration—is as much due to external inter- wise tied Indian labor. ularly vibrant regional economy—one that the region had a pre-Hispanic weaving culture. trialization policies in the 1960s and 1970s omy alive into the twentieth century. they had crafted a different type of mar. the (Korovkin 1998). par- traveling nationally and internationally to sell ticularly in the form of a range of community- textiles (Buitrón 1962).and profit- in Colta and Guamote to become apparent. This economy for this reaccommodation and capitalization of facilitated the emergence of a trading class community entrepreneurial activity. and far more re- ket economy that had become the material basis cently. a duced. this culture was harnessed on contemporary-styled housing (Colloredo- by the Spanish in the form of obrajes —grim ru. nongov- (larger than in Colta. Andean Mission in Ecuador (Jordan 1988). ing tourist economy (also promoted. niche that its trading elite quickly exploited tirely on other people’s land. At the same time. serving to reorient Otavalan as well as a semiproletariat that. and could If the state provided some of the means combine farming and weaving. in the context of Catholic Church- through which a highly distinctive place and set financed programs of land purchase in the 1990s.

To be a migrant may not be the best of all These cases throw light on several of the core possible worlds. the general claims it makes. and ing materials. The progressive early dis. FICI (Federación Indígena y Campesina alytical lens. ity as to make assertions about determinacy. if also rais- ing questions about who it was that these new Migration is frequently taken as a primary in- institutions represented. than either of these interpretations. poststructural frameworks. have consistently used earnings to purchase geographical. and Place transformation and political change. but even by make conclusions that cannot be sustained. marking the clear link between economic Viability. however. three accompanied by significant political changes. culture. and investing in for the development of indigenous communities rural localities with the effect of transforming (Andrango 1998. tionships weakened the hacienda’s grip on velopment and access to resources. This marks a land. 1992). it has been more programs of the 1980s and 1990s. and my landed groups linked in some way to the haci. simple notion of this behavior as a mere indica- bility and place. in the borers. purpose here is not to stretch the material to enda or urban textile economy. particularly in those periods when more federations (Andrango 1998). to some extent. empirical approach to building pally these took form in the emergence of development theory that. politics. urban la- economy have all been transformed and. development destroying agricultural livelihoods. a more inductive. control of the provincial bilingual education In these three cases. but the ways in which many themes in both poststructural and neoliberal people have used migration also challenge any discussions of rural development: themes of via.30 signaling the beginning of a more pro. them. these migrants have trans- inclusive. Migration. tural landscape as people replace adobe and itics that is also “distinctively their own” is thatched-roof houses with more modern build- emerging. Princi.32 Whether as peddlers. hybrids and alternatives. tions show certain similarities. or international traders (as in Otavalo process. ferred income from engagement in labor and trade markets into the same steady reconquest of land and space that Grillo has noted in the Pe- Places and Theories ruvian highlands (1998: 136–37). On 1962. places constitute too small and purposive a sam- Local politics had been dominated by urban and ple from which to draw generalizations. securing. and kin-based currents within the land. This in turn calls for tion of political power (Korovkin 1998). their emergence land was available because of lower population and role in regional politics has nonetheless densities and when shifts in rural power rela- shifted the balance of power in discussions of de. Though these changes have not been with. with other places of the Andes (Bebbington placement of the hacienda’s political power and 1997) in a way that calls into question some of control of land laid the foundation for a progres. Reencountering Development 509 Otavalo’s economic transformation has been development as destruction. Buitrón reported the first Quichua teniente the other hand. and have be. The two main federa. dicator of nonviability. bington et al. a pol. become more—if far from perfectly— and parts of Colta). and tor of the destruction of rural livelihood. elements of these transforma- político. found set of changes. or as a measure of the incomplete absorption of each played active roles in the management and land-hungry peasants into urban labor markets. Of course. is more modest in active in county and national politics—a pro. shift in the traditional distribu. Depending on one’s an- tions. if lagged. Korovkin 1998: 133–34). gena y Campesina de la Provincia de Imbabura). Early leaders in these orga- nizations came from relatively prosperous fami- lies. Migrants out their own conflicts among different political. the generalized claims of both neoliberal and sive. Many dynamics are at play here. in working at the level indigenous provincial federations that became of both structure and agency. In Otavalo. it can be seen as a consequence of de Imbabura) and FICAPI (Federación Indí. or im- . It has been come active in a subsequent national program a means of producing.31 Migration has also been an important significant shift in the political landscape of the way of financing the building of a new architec- region—a shift in which. Such theory would cess that began in the 1970s as part of the wider serve as much to frame questions about possibil- rise of ethnic organizations in the country (Beb. I would argue.

for instance. and cultural iden. It has also been used by many. sition and political organization) that help se- tions of practice and identity. Autonomy. even houses. involve the defense of the local. in turn. heavy burdens. Speaking of Pulucate. But such engage- ically uncompetitive that agriculture may be. and identity. tas. Indeed. ment in rural places on the part of campesinos. perform discrete agricultural tasks. So this link. the practices that the institutions of development (discussed in coresidence makes possible. Migration has be. As a seems more apposite to think of people actively form of activity. but also to consolidate trips to work. But it is to put the agent and conspicuous consumption (cf. ture may not be competitive. It has its appeal to those tematic lack of public investment in areas of young adults like Manuel who love to come back dominantly indigenous populations and the his- to Colta periodically. the notion of hold. asked why they also built houses in the country. one of the maintain these places. Hybrids and Alternatives nity public-works programs to install water or electricity. This process occurs own businesses. celebrate fies. This act. Tolen (1995: 130) again captures this per. The community of Sablog Rosa use it for ends that are more than merely ones of Ines in Guamote is like many others in that its survival. governance processes in Guamote). local and external. and thus the prac. and to expand their larger communities in Colta. Meanwhile. This hybridization occurs through active en- ity and sociability. in Guayaquil. and in many cases. the following section). and only occasionally by migrants on their “defense” draws too sharp a distinction between periodic returns to the highlands. calities than in the defense of a pregiven local- mals. the locality (as. not just to maintain a long hours. have turned migra- showiest house—a two-story house with bal. back into migration and to suggest that people Mansfield 1994). Weismantel case in which an engagement with markets has 1988). and ulti.510 Bebbington pending urban transition. areas. is the essence of human. accounts of migrant work experiences recall come brackets and ages. torical failure of haciendas to invest signifi- and so also like to return to urban or coastal cantly in employment generation. however econom. These prac.” munities). of all in. and ultimately more antagonism in tity. been central to strategies (including land acqui- pears to be particularly significant to such ques. Becky Tolen (1995: degree of control over the social and economic 318) similarly comments: “[w]hen those who processes that unfold there. that itor the passage of others into and out of com- they will someday live in the countryside again. Individually and collectively. Rasnake 1988. Of course. they insist. But much of this sustained link is that it continues to be a part of clearly are. but with time. ments are also apparent in the case of migrants . While this statement resonates with Esco- tices linked to agriculture—even if these are bar’s claim that development alternatives will practiced by only some members of the house. cure greater control of locality. elsewhere in the Andes similarly emphasizes the with the institutions of the national state. get bored. It implies too static a notion tices in turn continue to be constitutive of iden. it life in Pulucate as residents describe it. ity. of the local. Otavalo is the clearest tity (Allen 1988. also an issue of lifestyle. against all appearances. engaging in the production of “hybridized” lo- rily as the provision of food to people and ani. that this is an investment in a place The cases all reflect a very significant invest- to which they can return to rest. when people mon- side. Colloredo. but the livelihoods ern highlands. Part of this is clearly an issue of status this is not to be naïve. long commuting link with rural areas. or their participation in commu. People migrate partly as a result of the sys- on more than one place. agriculture is thought of prima. to of migration.” The ethnographic record gagement in wider labor and product markets. tion into strategies that both create economic cony and mock brick facing—is empty for much resources and re-produce rural places. cultural practice. Retaining some toehold in farming ap. are at various levels: the body (in the case of dress). agriculture is the heart and soul of draw on another element of his framework. and the microregion (as in the case of Migration also becomes a means of sustain. people struggle to mately retire. and cramped living conditions. the relationship between locality and external fectly:33 “[d]espite the ever-increasing significance institutions than necessarily exists. whether talking of their homes. and relationship between place. People comment. ing subsistence agriculture. Agricul- of the year while its owners work in the north. the structural constraints are come constitutive of lifestyles that make claims many.

Reencountering Development 511 who work periodically elsewhere. my empha- This is most clear in the new organizational and sis). worse living. one young campesino reflected any assertion of status. produce new meanings and identities—but still. access to resources and of participation in mar- ements of the same process are apparent. Beyond modernizing”]. today. kets and political processes. in. a result of everyday and .35 brate in livelihood strategies based on selling More than defending and resisting. Supracommunal campesino federations have also developed in each case. This. they have implications for how we Quichuas sitting behind office desks that were think about claims that development has failed. Or to generate sufficient income. Guamote. nized and directed. investing their “La gente se esta modernizando” [“people are savings in the highlands (see above). the artifacts of modern Ecuador in new ways and sition in urban society” (Tolen 1995: 318). new rural landscapes gles. and of the extent to than in the periods when hacienda-based re- which so many of their practices are mediated gimes of power and control dominated these through the incorporation of modern ideas. Nor is there necessarily much to cele. new forms of dress. maintaining “a pattern that multiplied across the landscape to become the is distinctively their own. controlling. Institutions and Networks nous Evangelical church in most. they political landscapes of each of these localities. sometimes occurred in quite unplanned and un- vehicles parked outside campesino houses. social promoters” (Bueno et al. Through various types of orga. Otavalo is something of a sui gen. and an increasingly vibrant indige. perhaps especially. 1983. and and their organizations seem to seek means of building houses that one cannot live in year. Even if these intersections between popular are produced: landscapes with modern building practice and the practice of development have materials. 1997). different churches. areas. “this speaks very clearly of the deep cultural nizations and networks. But they also have a deed. predictable ways. and commodities. At a local level. legalized communities have as Salomon insists. Guamote is the most obvious the relations of power that structure patterns of case of this process. In. this investment is also a approvingly as he and I looked out across Sa- way of creating places that are more subject to blog’s fields and houses one day. These organi- zations have increasingly trespassed into the ter. The transformation of these power rela- things. tions is clearly. and Otavalo is.” basic unit of rural governance. tors. new landscapes. seeking to make it a further each of the cases discussed here have much to do mechanism through which local populations in. and often engaging with modernizing institutions and promoted these individual and collective strug- practices. in part. these ma- Of course. In the process. but by their own leaders and and the processes that unfold in and on them. commented a an expression of having one foot in the urban friend: “you learn from the past. with the cumulative effect of individual and col- crease their influence over the ways in which lective struggles to build livelihoods and rework places are produced. The transformations that have occurred in rain of the state. great deal to do with the ways in which state de- uadorian and. You tie yourself world: they are also a way of maintaining one into tradition and history and bring it forward into foot outside that world.36 As people produce these new places. a refashioned but still distinct identity. and so on. Coproduction.34 combining them with prior practices. but in Colta and Otavalo. in these rural spaces.” And in this process of assembling one is entirely defined by one’s marginalized po. conveying eris case. terials and ideas become indigenous. and an Andes (Booth et al. once the preserve of others. But something in the words of three Quichua bilingual educa- more is going on. and think of Colta. a refusal to accept that the present. responded to. symbolic of many changes that It would be hard to argue that the situation in have occurred in how people live. people labor cheaply in distant environments. el. this process reaches wider through the Ec. array of nongovernmental development agen- Each of these strategies and practices involve cies have engaged with. though. with equally unanticipated creasing use of Spanish as an everyday language. new commodities. the person’s control: “[t]hese houses are not only was no rudderless modernization. using. and making meaningful these round because highland livelihoods are unable processes of composition and hybridization. Bolivian velopment programs. outcomes. people are increasing nationalism [of Quichuas] that must be orga- the extent to which they control these places. These are at least in the Ecuadorian Andes.

though. been accumulation for land reform throughout Latin America in or. can be created. some of it came from state programs these three areas. Contra many neoliberal argu- many. also became agent’s space has been closed. a consequence within these constraints. expand campesino and other organizations.38 Again none gorical assertions about the destructiveness of of this is to be naïve about political constraints development distract attention from these on development interventions—indeed. This was frequently because of the the ways in which the practice of development actions of individuals within these programs interventions. five years and a change in government. Some are of those foot-slogging commu. These programs. the emergence of the weaving recover land. Much of this has occurred be- der to prevent the rise of communism. completed Salinas (Bebbington et al. Nonetheless. terventions aimed to discipline and control sources. and nance in each region as new political and social external intervention thus becomes critical to institutions have been built or assumed more any attempt to build counternarratives against strength. and their effects. or cases cade. . The examples here are market spheres. Huilca lization. and from the U. to sources for literacy training programs that trained suggest that spaces have been created through small armies of community-level promoters (in. It is. the church. who. understanding the These transformations in relationships of ac. to recognize agency ings. Others are educators like Carlos None of the above is to make the normative Moreno. the combined effect of people’s initiatives and cluding those quoted earlier). and to note that its ef- of land-reform programs. cause of work done in other places as migrant la- islation created the legal space for campesinos to bor. There has. and—contra many poststruc- could not remember how many communities he tural interpretations—it suggests that develop- had helped organize and gain the legal status ment interventions can play roles in contribut- they needed in order to engage with other pub. the conditions for competitiveness can be cre- mote. The leg. much of this support came from NGOs and Rather than read off from different project priests who supported community capacity to documents the ways in which development in- negotiate with state programs and to access re. ing to such reworkings of power relationships. ments. though. state of.512 Bebbington organized forms of peasant resistance and mobi. and now Quichua NGOs owes the economic as well as the cultural and politi- much to development interventions. suggestion that current forms of market and po- cation department—managed to mobilize re. and con- there are those occasional directors who. like tinue investing in the highlands. is critical for thinking about alternatives. Understanding Wilson Huilca. lic programs. like Miguel Rojas. the importance of pal governments. And finally their control over highland places. many of whom development intervention. who—from within a government edu. was forced out. Fondo such as the campesino agroindustrial complex of Ecuatoriano Populorum Progressio. a process that very often involved industry in Otavalo (Salomon 1981. have opened up who turned institutional practice and resources new spaces and opportunities in political and to particular purposes.S. Many people have subsequently assumed leadership positions in used these spaces to secure livelihoods. however. Over the last de. nance. after spaces and the possibilities that inhere in them. The emergence of community-based neoliberal formulations of crisis: counternarra- organizations and federations. however. turned whole rural development how such spaces opened up and have been used programs into something bearing scant resem. even after the responses to campesino mobilization. and land purchase using migrant earn. coproduction of economic possibilities through cess underlie the subsequent changes in gover. Korovkin collaborations between communities. Cate- blance to the project document. possible because of pressure from an emerging The constraints on economic accumulation national bourgeoisie who saw the hacienda as a are greater than those on changes in local gover- brake on market expansion. this does indeed suggest that viability nity organizers. It is. 1998). using Church funds to finance campesino ated through external intervention. and primarily. in these areas. these cases therefore highlight themselves. tural intensification in parts of Colta. the more localized patterns of agricul- fices. 1992) suggest that this process of complete land transfer in Gua. in part fects can be lagged. But it is also. and lasting. and NGOs. their networks. by 1997.37 text of a globalized economy. the Catholic Church and an NGO. Quichua munici. tives that recognize. the joint actions of people. While cal dimensions of alternatives. litical participation are ideal.39 In the con- purchase of remaining hacienda land.

They have invested heavily in local institutions The emphasis on resistance is. As Escobar notes. or op- vibrant even though agricultural livelihoods position to modernization. their conditions of existence. From these cases at least. as far as possible. sometimes easy to substantiate the view that development like accommodation. tialized in this way. and opment investment because they are not the effects of. cases like Otavalo suggest come harder to explain when resistance is essen- that in situ viability can be created with time. others be- needs. they challenge elements of his and re- wen and Shenton 1996). While something of their own. knowledge-power/institutions-intervention re- cal reasons for challenging the notion that sig. But first and foremost. If that is so. and similarly. narratives on of these practices and the sometimes-stated na- destruction: in the former case. In these ing institutions are worked with. seems unhelpful: for meet only a small part of household income while explaining some phenomena. in some sense wel- and built form. These or Coproduction? effects in turn depend significantly on the prac- tices of agents within these programs. In come and appropriate. This encounter cal critique. it is not can sometimes seem like resistance. trans- instances. The implica- sary if unfortunate” consequence of fostering tion is that there are a variety of knowledge- more “efficient” forms of resource use. daily concerns to build and vestment in places like Colta and Guamote is improve their livelihoods. these cases suggest the not necessarily resisted but is more often taken. obscuring the scope for. income from migration might apparent logics at work across these diverse be an important initial stage in this process. and used. and to ecologically determined nonviability. ethnog- economically viable. Meanwhile. to people’s . indeed. importance of empirical rather than simply dis. both in some sense. to give meaning to their lives rent stagnation of the local economy than any through these livelihoods and places. The cases power regimes at work within the institutions of discussed here make it difficult to accept such development. The epistemological case raphies of development are important: but in revolves around the problem of trusteeship (Co. People encounter development income can be translated into productive in. and sometimes like self- programs and plans are merely exercises in a interest. which poststructural analyses have deployed the There are both epistemological and empiri. there is considerable dissonance between some opment are. it seems more appropriate to argue at a absence of institutions through which migrant simpler level. agency. Poststructural and neoliberal takes on devel. lationship as the cornerstone of their analyses nificant parts of the Andes do not merit devel. they have kept these places viable and cally as resistance to state interventions. it is that it ought do so as a “neces.” The empirical reason is that categories being used. Given this. and turned. this case. such interpretations ring true for certain cases.40 them. Quichuas into Ecuadorian society. In these cases at least. this means that “modernizing development” is at certain points in time. the narrative is tional policy that these programs were intended that development has destroyed local cultures. Indeed. to build places they probably a more important reason for the cur. and given the and that. if not always in agriculture. may be too blunt. to extend the Poststructural interpretations are similarly degree to which they can exercise control over vulnerable to both epistemological and empiri. but to phrase it categori- this way. to foster the integration and assimilation of in the latter. The cases. They question the generaliz- categories through which such interpretations ability of the conclusions as well as some of the define “viability. structural discussions of alternatives: these. in many instances. Reencountering Development 513 Conclusions been multiple and. the effects of these programs have formed. also seem to be essentialized conceptions. and people have nonetheless composed livelihood the knowledges that are claimed to go with strategies that allow a degree of accumulation. maintain and. as far as possible. moderniz- cursive analyses of these interventions. people encoun- form of cultural domination exercised through ter development in the process of trying to build the institutions of the modernizing state. used. from their mundane. though there is clearly a problem of agricultural The same seems to be the case in post- viability in many parts of Colta and Guamote. and the very narrow lated frameworks. enjoy being in. then the ways in interpretations. transformed. have con- tributed to the restructuring of local power rela- Development as Destruction tions and patterns of access to resources.

exceptionalism. however. the risk is that arguments about hy- thing about development is “coproduced. ward. accounts of different localities. it categorical claims. though it has methodolog- range of markets. the local over the external. As this process of tions under which those relationships are re. trol over the ways in which places are produced servers ought to be cautious before making ge. and the greater the terms and relationships of power under the convergence among interpretations of dif- which such hybridization occurs. The claim. It is hard to imagine that the same spaces closes off the possibility of imagining alterna. but alone is insufficient. ment is experienced locally and in which liveli- ways been hybrid. porating many symbols of modernity. The approach taken meaning that ought to be built. As a consequence. it is copro. it becomes more nomic constraints. a focus on gaged with markets. the kind that celebrate difference and context- stitutional practices and popular practices. In these development as practiced and experienced. to compare ethnographic and historical should have a say in this). it becomes easier to theorize and general- terests the author is primarily concerned with. but needs further elaboration.514 Bebbington own purposes. Building neric arguments about causation and possibility more accountable political institutions is criti- of the kind made by both neoliberal and post. livelihood. would have opened without people having en- tives outside it. Such approaches are vul- of different practices within those institutions nerable to the accusation of case specificity and and popular sectors (for there is rarely a conver. then it is conceptually (as hoods and landscapes are constructed. It can also divert attention landscapes that are constitutive of quite distinc- from critical discussion of the extent to which tive forms of place making that. If ence of patterns in the ways in which develop- popular practice. tent to which room-for-maneuver for generat. that under certain circumstances it is possible to The notion of hybridity (Escobar 1995) is read across these texts and to suggest the exist- useful here. and specific alternatives. and can make theory building gence of local minds on the sorts of home and or generalization difficult. state programs. the ferred hybrid forms implied in popular strategy. On the other hand. being clear on structural constraints. This is so not structural critics of development in the Andes. graphies of development through the Andes. critique and alternative. ize. Conversely. of course. at the same time. and devel- coproduction can hone attention on the ex. or over who here. Rather. Such mesoscale Theorizing Up? knowledge (cf. To some extent. ceeded in opening up spaces within states and maneuver within its constraints. This not only markets.” This bridity and place lead inexorably to analyses of coproduction occurs at the intersections of in. is that subalterns are not merely gers. possible to narrate stories that do more justice to human agency while. but also agents who have suc- cal economy as given. and historical and moderniz. looking for room-for. though incor- people have no choice but to pursue their live. ob. three cases are too few to make definition. almost every. institutions. are indeed lihoods through practices structured by a glo.41 well as empirically) inconsistent to celebrate. victims who resist. is ing ideas and practices. alternative to simple landscapes of moderniza- balized economy whose very dominating effect tion. Turner 1989) also offers greater hope of reducing the distance between theory If coproduction and hybridity are central to and practice. tions might exist within these political eco. and governed is central to alternatives. is one way of ad- duced through people’s engagements with a dressing this problem. has many dan. Similarly. validated comparison and synthesis moves for- worked to the benefit of those groups whose in. greater the number of cases. point. opment interventions. by Of course. ferent readers of these cases. and might be changed. This is an argument for building up a body of ing income and further extending the social ethnographically informed histories and geo- control of local political and economic institu. ical difficulties of its own. though. would obviously assume more authority. The general argument to be made at this Such an approach. as the material reviewed here suggests. Working at a regional level. cases. it takes the broader politi. it implies that increasing grassroots con- then. and the condi. cal here. only because the grassroots control of such insti- . and culture has al. Such claims about pattern may be more important to understand the pre. They have used these spaces to build brackets the possibilities that these constraints new types of hybrid livelihood.

similarly notes: “[t]here seems to talist development in the Andes the (always hy. is between de. and ity of people to spend much time actually living it owes a great deal to feedback received in presenta- in and enjoying those places. Yet these eco. and Nico van Niekerk. in which rural populations have engaged with The preparation of the paper was supported by a different markets and the public. Hewlett Fellowship at the Center for Advanced Studies mental. Yapa (1998). and some spirit of “reencountering” and rescuing develop- popular interests will always prevail over others. who has pursued a similar line of critique. to the very helpful discussion of the paper by the Col- manced into existence. and in the should be noted that my focus is on rural commu- . Bill Durham. and Colorado. Watts (1993). “Do you or don’t you support drinking water capitalism’ and development as an intentional projects?” after reading Escobar. it is tomayor. Such inquiries would seek to under- stand the ways in which the practices of (and within) these institutions have both closed and Notes opened opportunities for creative forms of popu- lar engagement with state and market. to change in ogy. James Ferguson. I want to emphasize two points here. Acknowledgments nomic dimensions are critical in determining the types of rural places produced. Julio Berdegué. Moore (1999). Michael people have created livelihood opportunities Woolcock. process as in. and tracing the mutu. Trevor Barnes. Ulti. the Universities of Brit- More viable livelihoods will not be ro. First. Stanford University. Rigg (1997). Dan Segal. and in particular. in order to understand ing for their constructive and always challenging how places are produced and governed. It is also—and more important—because such institutions have only limited effect on the eco- nomic dimensions of livelihood. Simon (1998). and therefore also important to understand the ways from my many hours discussing Colta with Becky Tolen. 1. Texas. 222). and of the ac. an apparatus without providing any sort of pre- tors involved in development interventions. It is also critical Moore. I would tions of the peasantry. campesinos are embedded. and who comments: Carolyn Cartier. be a certain frustration with the fact that my brid) intentions and actions both of people analysis traces the effects or mode of operation of building livelihoods and places. This would be a mapping exercise concerned to 4. nongovern. for example. This family of broadly modernizing initiatives is out the development literature. ment. scription or general guide for action” (1990: 279). and the multiple ways in also like to acknowledge all that I have learned from which campesinos engage with their political my exchanges on peasant economy with Octavio So- worlds (as called for by Roseberry 1993). and however imperfect particularly grateful to Jim Scott for his encourage- strategies. Rachel Silvey. recognizes this problem: “[o]ne of the most com- ally constitutive interactions between the two. Gaston that foster accumulation. Watts and McCarthy (1997). Hugh Raffles. and Little and Painter Cowen and Shenton (1998: 50) have argued (1995). Dodie McDow- for practice—to understand the ways in which ell. to understand possibility. ment and commentary. tions for development geography and anthropol- tions have led. The what it has to say about alternatives” (1995: challenge is to map onto the geography of capi. Christian Kull. 2. Peet and both the local and the wider systems in which Watts (1996). but above all. Understanding livelihood thus be. one otherwise activity. and might lead. Reencountering Development 515 tutions will never be harmonious. see Blaikie (1998). Billie Lee Turner II. Arun Agrawal. opment. I am up from already existing. Escobar himself the latter onto the former. For some of the many reflections on its implica- mately such an approach could identify how ac. The suggestions of five anonymous referees were very In addition to studying regional transforma- helpful. common through. it recognize constraint. tions at Stanford University. This paper has not been an easy one to write. Lucien Taylor. Crush (1995). My thanks also to the follow- comes critical for theory. as well as the obstacles Gordillo. Thanks also to Jim Robb for the map. Don participates in these processes. in the Behavioral Sciences. that one of the “confusions. the ‘development of 3. Manny Schegloff. and the abil.” The suggestion here is that mapping sympathetic reader asked aloud. Alex Keyssar. to such accumulation. generally referred to in such writings as “the de- velopment as an immanent and unintentional velopment project” (Simon 1998). ish Columbia. and Eric Wolby. but must instead be built loquium on Agrarian Studies at Yale University. mon questions raised about a study of this kind is is critical to a geography of development. Donna Goldstein. and ecclesiastical institutions of devel.

it is that. In the contents of alternatives for the many because conducting this other research. slowly than other cantons in Chimborazo (INEC 8. Tom Perreault.” more sympathy with the neoliberal—quite the 13. re- used by other parts of the bureaucracy to argue placed the hacienda as the basic unit for the gov- that certain programs and types of investment ernance of rural space. and ness. Another approach would be to combine ethnog- conscious radicalism” (1996: 470). sin destino). Perés. as the 19. Luciano Martinez. Rather. Godofredo Sandovál. Based on a reading of development planning in Ramón. to refer to these legally constituted entities. Again the problem derives from a treat. cal and logistical problems. this critique seems to square poorly ful approach. This is not to imply that such authors do not also only of local people. going. Ferguson’s (1990) epilogue similarly emphasizes and asked who they are and where they are the role of such social movements. and not least. critique of development. I put more emphasis 12. complemented each other in that they called for 5. As I shall discuss below. ercised by the community. . forms of “popular law” are ex- 11. and that it therefore made no sense mately the same as those of Conservatives in the at all to waste US$20 a year [in per-capita pro- British colonial period who also argued that im. Denise Bebbington. It also merits saying that although the paper fo- of alternatives ought to be popular actors. strangers. Some leave permanently (or only return for pean enlightenment project: “Development is a one fiesta a year).516 Bebbington nities and small towns: I do not address issues of ties. . Cars and people on foot are stopped 10. I have been for- “only those conscious of being so free. the late Hernán Colombia. Perico mony of authentic development” (1996: 458). but also. relatively developed. gram expenditure] since it was better to support provement could only come from Indian society their migration to the city and into other lines of rather than state policy. Andes question elements of this argument. looking their internal struggles for resources. Adalberto trusteeship . thetical observation. Leonith Hinojosa. tive sympathies lie with those positions implied 14. egy. not to imply a homogeneity of interests within ment of bureaucracies and states as unitary. yet most families maintain the symptom of the senile dementia . 15. that nonetheless disappointing. former director of the small-farm or explicit in the work of poststructural authors. Pile and Keith (1997: xi) suggest that we are in a on the limitations of the poststructural position. and [secondly] the populists” (Ber- once the part played by conservative doctrine degué 1999). Kopp. period “where everyone seems to be talking This is not because I wish to imply that I have about resistance and domination. I have come to problem. becomes the script for a present-day. The “comuna. Escobar’s is already a view from the Carrasco. tant. This critique similarly 18. Second. Escobar’s writing on Afro-Colombian communi. . ment almost consistently argue that the authors 16. Cowen and of the economic sector. of the foothold in Colta. This is not to imply that all families use the strat- sees development as a failed extension of a Euro. 20.” a legally recognized administra- notions of failure and hopelessness have been tive unit since the early 1930s. can assume the burden of Chema García. Galo 7. Cowen and Shenton (1996: 458–59) these interpretations on the basis of studies in imply. as the paper develops. Mar.658 people in Colta and PRATEC’s (1998) more specifically Andean (INEC 1992: 13). Andes. for whom the campesi- Shenton (1996: 470) note a similar irony. I use the term community ought be terminated for reasons of fiscal tight. though also with its methodologi- with the fact that writers on alternative develop. in essence. and being tunate enough to collaborate with Tom Carroll. however. Victor Hugo Torres. munities monitor arrivals and departures not 9. local populations. of see the need for broader social change. nado are a pointless waste of time (una huevada glin’s recommendations are. is that ultimately the few still determine other parts of the Andes. The cuses on Ecuadorian material. raphies and survey research—a potentially fruit- 6. It has been elaborated in Apffel-Marglin 17. I use the term “surveillance” deliberately: com- power. Periodically. I technology transfer program of the Ministry of find the empirical analyses and programmatic Agriculture. especially in Bolivia. . 1998). when it identifies . notes that it “was questioned from implications of such approaches that much more two quite different positions. over. “What irony! What was employment. very self. and more impor. The 1990 census counts 47. begins to ask some of these ques- urban development. because my norma. tions (Grueso et al. In their discussion of Marglin’s (1990) call for the termination of the program: the technocrats alternative development in India. more important. Thanks to Lucien Taylor for making this paren- opposite. Diego Muñoz. and the definition of policy. reflected in the fact that pop- plague” of European colonization (Grillo 1998: ulation continues to increase although more 137). Julio Berdegué. for the purpose of the relative har. At one level. they suggest. ulti. recent debates in the 1992).

Reencountering Development 517 wrong-doers. organization. Genaro a national level via certain types of state-business Guaylla. and I want to acknowledge the way tion and Political Strategy in two Andean Com- in which she helped shape my understanding of munities. and so were national level. have its chuas for their training course to become bilin- office there. “Mestizo” refers to mixed-race white/indigenous for the case of indigenous dress in the Andes people who. 36. served. who have June 16. is much scope for agency within these institutions. I say “individual” because some communities own CEDEIN. I refer to discussions with Hilario Maola. Personal communication. This section draws on the work of others. The teniente político is a local state authority. An Alter- tween Cuzco and Sonqo [his community]. judicial and police system. and now leads the Quichua NGO 24. 1989). This is to challenge the neoliberal frameworks 28. been little change in the gen. 37. Emilia [his wife] could go along with him. and gion has its own indigenous peasant movement. the point is that there friend of IERAC. ———. The Sustainability in the Rural Andes. following 27. this has recently led to tensions ayllus. 34. on their own epistemological grounds. and Agapito Muñoz. Department of Colta. 33. and native Indigenous Development?” Economic Ge- between Cuzco and Cachin [his wife’s commu. large extensions of land (generally high grass. is that such com- greater access to land. . 1990. (1998) for the case of housing. tionally around certain shared concerns and ex- 31. Geographical taxi was fine—but he liked driving in the coun. In areas to both the north and driving back and forth between the city and their south of Colta. in some sense. . A. ———. Andean Culture Confronting livelihoods. seek ways of com. There has. One of them. lands) in common. 32. Smithsonian Institution Publications. conveys the sense that younger adults. better positioned to assume this mediating role.D. 38. Identity in an Andean Community. quently became very active in one campesino mote (INEC 1992: 13). is that while each re- 29. C. and traded with the haciendas. She talks of José. A. Modernization from Below. This observation. mentioned in the discussion of Colta. dering of local government in Guamote. A number of these leaders had parents who had North and Cameron (1998). Either way. though. The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural phy of a Peruvian community primarily investi. cuts both ways: the 25. Apffel-Marglin. Dos Gatazos: Indigenous Organiza- each other. Ph. Evans (1995.. tryside. 35. but also see Jokisch managed. F. of course. One family-planning NGO did. Gustavo. University of Kentucky. The parallel. The bining a presence in urban areas and modern Spirit of Regeneration. and PRATEC. vidual actions can also allow less savory uses of ferred to the priest in Guamote as “a very good public resources. This meant that their chil. Jose Bueno. 1988. mentioned that he tensification: Local Organizations and Islands of would like to sell the taxi and buy a truck. (Maynard 1965). Indigenous Agriculture in the Central . ography 69:274–92 nity]. With a truck he could haul produce be. however internally debated these na- key source of income for land purchase in Carchi. 1993. 1996) has similarly argued that in- area (Andrade. An official in the regional office of IERAC (the institutional weaknesses that allowed these indi- former national institute for land reform) re. Tolen 1995). Allen. migrated to the city of Cuzco. and Bebbington and would subject Quichuas to a range of abuses (1993) for that of agricultural practice. Becky Tolen’s work (1995) and my own informed Allen. The 1990 census counts 28. This notion has been especially well articulated 21. 1997. These patterns are akin to Jokisch’s (1998) won- derful evocations of the landscape transforma- tions associated with international labor migra. Washington: gates the role of coca chewing in cultural iden. 1993. parative advantage can also be created at a sub- dren had to migrate less frequently. embeddedness. gual educators. tional platforms might be. Anthropology. Western Notions of Development. 40. though. 41. he com- between community authorities and the official mented wistfully” (1988: 235–36). The program was. dissertation. a national one. she ends her book with a vignette that Andrade. ties of origin. the son of her Bebbington. The suggestion here. though. eds. tity. these movements are also able to coalesce na- 30. London: Zed. Lehmann (1986) similarly identifies migration as a periences. subse- 23. “Now that could be a good life. References tion in Cañar. Journal 163:189–97. Social Capital and Rural In- principal informant: “José . with a presence in their communi. 1998.058 people in Gua. typically (Zorn 1997. This is from a document written by three Qui- 22. mentation of land redistribution programs in the 39. Although Catherine Allen’s (1988) ethnogra. in Colta and Guamote. dustrial comparative advantage can be created at 26. 1989. only a few interviews of my own.” facilitating the rapid imple.

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