Abu-Zahra The Rain Rituals As Rites of Spiritual Passage

The Rain Rituals as Rites of Spiritual Passage
Author(s): Nadia Abu-Zahra

Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Nov., 1988), pp. 507-
529
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/163399
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Int. J. Middle East Stud. 20 (1988), 507-529. Printed in the United States of America
Nadia Abu-Zahra
THE RAIN RITUALS AS RITES OF
SPIRITUAL PASSAGE
God has knowledge of the Hour when the rain will fall. He know
wombs. No soul knows what it shall earn tomorrow nor in what land it shall die.
God is All-Knowing.
Qur'an XXXI:33
INTRODUCTION
The Sahel of Tunisia is part of the arid zone that extends from Morocco to
Afghanistan. People in this region profess the religion of Islam. Their views on
the links between divine power, human actions, and rain are based on the
Qur'an and are expressed in the rain prayers (salat al-istisqa') prescribed by the
Prophet and therefore common to all of them.' This article refers to North
Africa, centering on the village of Sidi Ameur in the Sahel of Tunisia.
Until recently, in Tunisia people depended mainly on agriculture to earn their
living, but due to the unreliability of rain they were unable to ensure the quality
and quantity of forthcoming crops. Among rural folk the opinion was widely
held that the droughts are caused by injustice and ingratitude to God, and that if
people repent of their sins God may send them rain. Thus the rain prayers are
rites of purification, entwined with fertility rites and rites to presage an auspicious
"near future." Their purpose is to influence the "world of the unknown" (Calam
al-ghayb), that is, the infinite, divine realm. In view of this I interpret the rain
rituals as rites of spiritual passage: from disobedience to God to reverence for
Him; from the "known world" (Calam al-shahada), the world we sense and
perceive (which, in the context of the rain rituals, is the present drought), to the
world of God, i.e., rain in the "near future." Thus, it is hoped that the spiritual
passage will be accompanied by a passage in worldly affairs from scarcity to
riches.
These conclusions are based on the data I gathered during my two fieldwork
expeditions to the village of Sidi Ameur in 1965-1966 and the summer of 1972,
followed up by a visit in January 1984. I also made some observation of the rain
prayers in Cairo during 1985. My main fieldwork method was participant obser-
vation; thus I lived in the midst of the people and attended all their agricultural
activities and the rain rituals when a drought took place in 1966. The data on the
adaptation of agricultural methods of olive growing to the scarcity of rain, the
social means of combatting the risks of dry farming, and people's images of
fertility of the land are presented in the first section of this article.
? 1988 Cambridge University Press 0020-7438/88 $5.00 +.00
508 Nadia Abu-Zahra
The fieldwork data would have been incomprehensible had I not consu
Qur'an and the Arabic works of the commentators on the Prophet's tra
Islamic research supplied the framework and logical connections that
gether the various items of the ritual practices. The Islamic rationale is
in the practice, but is not articulated by people to the fieldworker. For
the word matar, which means rain, is not used by the Tunisians; instead, in
daily speech they use the Qur'anic word rahma, that is, divine mercy,
also a Qu'anic synonym for rain. But people never state this Qur'anic o
the word. To ask God to send them rain they say, "rabbi irhamna"; thu
phrase they are saying, "God have mercy on us / God send us rain
concept of rain as divine mercy is at the heart of a nexus of numerous idea
connect rain, human behaviour, and divine power. These connections are
explained in the Islamic sources. The commentators on the traditions
Prophet also explain the rites of reversal practised by the Prophet, u
Arabic words "transport" (intiqal), "turn around" (tahwil), and "reversa
to explain them. The imam of the mosque performs these rites and t
congregation, who follow his example, that these rites were prescribed
Prophet, but he does not explain the symbolism behind them, which is
the Islamic sources. There are a host of similar beliefs inherent in the rituals but
not articulated by people. In view of this, I devote the second section of the
article to a discussion of Islamic beliefs relevant to the rain rituals and the
corresponding popular interpretation.
The rituals constitute the practical side of these Islamic beliefs and of the
popular interpretation. This is the theme of the third section, where I descr
the rain rituals according to the order of their performance in the village of Sid
Ameur. They include the three stages of rites of passage, which are rites
separation, rites of transition, and rites of incorporation. In the context of
rain rituals, rites of transition, namely the rain prayers, are the most importan
part of the rituals. They are the stages at which people are "becoming" purif
The prayers end with rites of reversal to express the hope that a similar reversa
will occur in worldly fortunes. These are followed by rites of incorporation back
into community life and reconciliation among its members.
This is a newly formulated approach, based on Van Gennep's theories of r
of passage, Victor Turner's treatment of transitional rites, and Edmund Lea
explanation of the logic of rites of passage in terms of his theories on th
symbolical representation of time.
In Van Gennep's theories, social regeneration is a key concept. He argues t
in both biological and social systems energy is spent and must be renewed a
close intervals. Life for groups and individuals means to separate and reunite
change form and condition, to act, wait, and rest, and then to begin acting again
there are always new thresholds of the different social stages of life until death
then the threshold of the afterlife for those who believe in it. This social
regeneration is such a fundamental necessity that it sometimes takes the form of
rites of death and rebirth. The passage of individuals or groups from one status
to another involves an intermediate stage when the person or group occupies no
recognised status in society and is outside its ordinary life (sacred status). Rites
The Rain Rituals as Rites of Spiritual Passage 509
of passage are necessary to incorporate him in his new status and return him to
customary community life without causing society any discomfort or injury.
Because the goal is always the same, it follows that the ways of attaining it are
analogous. Thus the rites of important transitions are subdivided into rites of
separation from the old status, followed by transition, and finally rites of
incorporation in the new status and back to ordinary community life.2
Victor Turner considers the transitional phase a period of transformation and
becoming. He explains it, together with the accompanying customs that sym-
bolize death and rebirth, in terms of social structure and social process. He
shows that the transitional phase is an interstructural phase where a person is no
longer classified at a fixed point in structure and is not yet classified in his
forthcoming status. Death symbolism represents the detachment of the person
from an earlier position in society; the other aspect of the person's as yet
unclassified status is often expressed in symbols modelled on the processes of
gestation and parturition. This liminal period may also be expressed by rites of
reversal of sexual roles: Thus, not belonging to either of the two sexes symbolizes
this period of not belonging to either of the two statuses. Similarly, rites that
strip people of their secular status, rank, authority, and insignia also indicate
that because these people do not belong to a particular status during this period,
they cannot enjoy the privileges and rights which go with it.3
Edmund Leach observes that rites of passage are a sort of conceptualization of
time, which is believed to be a succession of alternation between repeated
opposites: day/night, hot/cold, wet/dry. The year's progress is marked by a
succession of festivals. Each festival represents a shift from ordinary community
life to the sacred order and back again. This shift is composed of the following
rites: (a) sacralization, i.e., separation from secular time; (b) marginal time
(transition); (c) desacralization, i.e., aggregation, and new beginning of secular
time. Festivals create periods of time between festivals; they have their begin-
nings and ends. The rituals of sacralization (formality) and desacralization
(masquerade) are in some sense the reverse of one another. The middle "sacred
phase" is the logical opposite of the secular flow of time between periods of
festivity. In this case a logically appropriate ritual behaviour in the sacred phase
would be to play normal life back to front; thus rites of reversal convey a
complete transfer from the secular to the sacred.4
My interpretation of the rain rituals is inspired by these concepts of social
regeneration: the transitional stage as a period of transformation and becoming,
and time as an alternation between two opposites; in the context of the rain
rituals it is the relationship with God that alternates between ingratitude to Him
and repentance for sinning. The Sidi Ameur material, together with the relevant
Islamic beliefs, however, differ in many respects from the material to which the
theories of rites of passage are usually applied. First, the rain rituals are a
spiritual passage during which people may change and purify themselves, believ-
ing that this will enable them to influence the infinite unknown realm of God,
rather than rites of passage from one station in society to another. Thus Turner's
explanation (roles undefined by sexual gender and rites to express loss of
privileges attached to a particular status, both types of rites expressing a person's
510 Nadia Abu-Zahra
nonbelonging to a fixed point in the social structure) is not applicable to

reversal performed in Sidi Ameur. They appear similar to those descri
Turner, but their inner meaning is different. As will become clear in the co
this article, they are a visual statement that, because the spiritual passa
been consummated, people hope for the accompanying change in their w
fortunes.
Second, unlike the festivals to which Leach applied his theories, the
rituals do not take place at regular annual intervals, but only when a dr
occurs (droughts took place in Tunisia in 1966, the 1970s, 1983, and 1985
they do not mark periods of time. In view of this, rites of reversal that foll
rain prayers (sacred time in Leach's framework) and precede rites of inc
tion back to customary community life (secular time) cannot be interpr
rites whose purpose is to convey complete transfer from the secular tim
sacred.
The understanding of rites of reversal in the context of the rain rituals is based
on an interdependence between the spiritual and worldly spheres. People believe
that fortune, success, and well-being cannot be obtained without an upright
Islamic way of life. The rain prayers and the subsequent two sermons (prescribed
by the Prophet) delivered in Sidi Ameur condense this theme of the connection
between spiritual alternations and accompanying changes in worldly affairs.
They focus attention on the purpose of the whole rituals, namely, spiritual
rejuvenation to augur an auspicious near future: that people have the power to
change themselves, repent of their sins, and thus achieve piety and obedience to
God, which is believed to affect temporal affairs favourably.
I also conssider the rain ritual as an integral whole, which includes Islamic
beliefs, their popular interpretation, and non-Islamic local beliefs. The order of
performance of the rites, the people by whom they are performed at different
stages, and their content at each of these stages, all express the theme of spiritual
alternation in the lifetime of a Muslim. Children represent a sinless stage of life;
temptation starts in adulthood and continues until death. This is mirrored in the
order of performance of the rites. Preceding the rain prayers, the "innocent"
Qur'anic pupils (boys) recite hymns of supplication for rain, then men perform
the rain prayers. The rain rituals end when little girls perform fertility rites. This
is followed by the women's song, calling for rain and their beloved. This
reference to love indicates the return to ordinary life with its temptation and sins.
It is significant to note that, whereas boys and men in their prayers use the
Qur'anic word "rahma," women in their love song use the secular word "matar."
I shall draw on this point later.
Earlier writers had a different approach and, except for Westermarck,5 were
linguists (Marcais and his Tunisian co-author Guiga),6 orientalists (Bel),7 or
colonial administrators (Monchicourt8 and Menouillard9). They did not treat the
rituals as rites of passage, but sought to understand them by referring isolated
items in the rites to historical/religious origins by classifying them according to
type of magic, or according to whether they were Islamic or pagan. This stripped
the rites of their symbolic meaning inherent in the order of their performance
and the social context relevant to their understanding. They did not consider the
connections people make between the environment (rain, land, and agriculture),
the social/moral order, and the spiritual order. Thus, they failed to grasp the
theme of the interchange between the spiritual and the temporal. Following
Frazer's work on religion and magic,'0 Westermarck, Bel, and Monchicourt
classified the rain rituals (including some items of the rain prayers) under
homoeopathic and sympathetic magic. But this does not explain the symbolic or
social content of the items classified and ignores their spiritual dynamic aspect,
which is what the rites mean for the people. This classification also impeded
these writers from understanding that what they were classifying as homoeo-
pathic magic were oracles to divine whether it would rain soon so that the
withering plants might be revived. The latter dimension is a vital part of the rain
rituals that enhances the meaning of the whole. Thus, Bel interprets as homoeo-
pathic magic women of the Beni Shugran in Algeria leading a cow around their
homes; if the cow urinates it means that it will rain. He quotes different rites
from different places in Algeria; in all of them it is clear that people want to
divine the future possibility of rainfall1 rather than to influence its coming by
the use of magic.
Bel, Monchicourt, and Menouillard tried to find the origins of different
isolated items of practice; thus they divided the rites into Islamic and pagan,
attributing the former to the Old and New Testaments and the latter to pre-
Islamic Berber cults. Not only are these theories inconclusive, but they also do
not explain the social processes involved in the rites or their social and spiritual
implications for the people concerned.
Furthermore, Bel, Monchicourt, and Menouillard recorded the similarities in
the rituals of rain performed by different contemporary groups in North Africa,
such as Jews and European settlers, not to speak of similar rituals in Europe.
The purpose of this was to show the inferiority of Muslim traditions.12 This bias
hindered them from recognizing the underlying principle: that these rites express
in different creeds the desire for spiritual rejuvenation and new beginnings.
LAND, RAIN, OLIVE GROWING, AND IMAGES OF FERTILITY
In Tunisia, the Sahel is the eastern littoral strip of low steppe land. The area'
aridity, combined with its location on the Mediterranean with its sea breezes,
and the clay and limestone crust in its soil, make the Sahel an ideal place for th
cultivation of olive trees. 3 The northern wind brings between 14 and 15 inches of
rain annually, an amount sufficient for the growing of olive trees, but irregularly
distributes it over the seasons.14 It rains in autumn and winter with a dry period
around February, followed by more rain in the spring. If the dry period extends
into one of the two wet seasons, the cultivators become anxious and the suppli-
cations for rain then take place.
Not only are vegetables and cereals cultivated, but also apricots, figs, and
almonds. But the olive is the queen of them all. Olive pickles and olive oil ar
important ingredients in all items of diet. The advantage of olive products is that
they can be stored for a long period of time, which safeguards against future
shortages. The trees grow easily from replanted offshoots of old stumps, or if the
top dies a new trunk often rises from its roots. Once an olive tree starts to yield it
goes on producing, needing care only in winter and autumn. But even with
512 Nadia Abu-Zahra
optimum care and the best climatic conditions, an olive tree yields o
every couple of years;15 in the Sahel people maintain that it bears on
every seven years when it has rained sufficiently in early spring. Th
abundant crop is called al-saba, from the Arabic word sabba (pour), to
the pouring of rain. People attribute bad crops to droughts, and in t
they held firmly to the belief that the olive tree's productivity depended
rain, rejecting the government's viewpoint that the trees' poor product
due to old age.
Agricultural techniques are devised to make all possible use of rain.
to catch the rainfall, olive trees are planted on the lower slopes of h
autumn and spring, wide trenches are dug so that the rain water may
them and to the trees. The soil is also turned, to prevent grass from growi
that all the rain may be absorbed by the trees. The olive harvest takes
mid-November and, even with a small crop, all available techniques are
extract every drop of oil and to make full use of the pulp and the olive dr
In the Tunisian Sahel land tenure contracts for the cultivation of olive trees
are also devised to counteract the risks of droughts. They are forms of insurance
whereby the proprietor and the tenant share the investment and the risks of
droughts. The former contributes the uncultivated land and the latter his work.
The cost of the seedlings for grafting and the draught livestock is shared between
them. Thus, if a drought takes place, the loss is shared.17
The growing of olive trees requires minimal work. This lack of agricultural
work is aggravated by the droughts and lack of employment elsewhere; as a
result, people are unable to plan the near future. This is echoed in their Islamic
beliefs: "No soul knows what it shall earn tomorrow" (QurDan XXXI:33).
In the Qur'an water is considered the source of all vegetable and animal life,
including man, who is created from water: the fluid containing the sperm.'8 This
image of water as the cause of fertility is found in popular language: Spring rain
impregnates (yemlaha) the flowering olive tree (in Arabic a tree, shajara, is
identified by the female gender); it then bears abundantly and is called a tree that
has given birth (shajara walda). This is echoed in the first sermon preached by
the imam after the rain prayers, where he likens the bearing of trees to the birth
of babies.
ISLAMIC BELIEFS: HUMAN BEHAVIOUR AND DIVINE POWERS
People in the Sahel consider the olive tree their symbol of secu
"blessed tree" (al-shajara al-mubaraka; Qur'an XXIV:34) and peop
looks towards heaven to praise God" (itsabbah rabbina). Thus
people were shocked when Ahmad ben Saleh, Minister of Pla
National Economy, carried out, through the agricultural coopera
for the renewal of olive trees. This meant the cutting down of old "u
olive trees and their replacement by almonds, apricots, or youn
People of Sidi Ameur grieved at the cutting down of their oliv
considered it as an unjust and arbitrary decision. When the droug
place they said that they were not surprised, for how could God
the cutting down of the olive tree, which "looks towards Heaven to praise Him?"
How could the "blessed tree" be replaced by the useless apricot tree (its products,
whether fresh or canned, are neither as useful as those of the olive tree nor do
they last as long), which women wished to see turn back, i.e., not to flourish.
The rain rituals center on the question: Why is rain withheld when it is so
much needed? In Sidi Ameur, the drought of 1966 was attributed to God's anger.
People reasoned as follows: How could God condone the cutting down of the
"blessed tree?" How could he condone the government's injustice and its inter-
ference with people's ownership of their own olive trees? And how could God
condone people's unkindness to one another?
The rain is part of a nexus of numerous beliefs that deal with the mysteries of
God's will: These are "divine mercy" (rahma), "divine rescue" (ghayth), and
"destined [by God] livelihood" (rizq);'9 all of them deal with rain and are part of
the world of the unknown. The Prophet's prayers for rain center on those
beliefs20 and people of Sidi Ameur express them in their daily speech, hymns of
supplication for rain, and in their rain prayers. People consistently employ the
Qur'anic phrases "divine mercy" and "divine rescue" to indicate rain. In Kairouan
(to the west of the Sahel) Monchicourt reports that people use the word irzugna
(give us our destined livelihood) to implore God to send them rain.21
Rain is one of the mysteries known only to God, and the Prophet, according
to al-Bukhari (compiler of the Prophet's traditions), in order to emphasise this,
quoted the Qur'an XXXI:33 (see opening epigraph), and added that the keys to
unlock them are held by nobody but God. This image of the locked mysteries of
the unknown whose key is with God alone became the standard written expres-
sion to convey the mystery of rain22 and divine mystery. This is also echoed in
the two sermons preached at Sidi Ameur after the rain prayers.3
All vegetation is also endowed with divine characteristics, above all the olive
tree. This corresponds to the Qur'anic teachings where the olive tree is singled
out as the "blessed tree."24 The light of God is likened to the light originating
from the olive tree, whose oil lights without being touched by fire. In Tunisian
speech and writings, the term "al-shajara al-mubaraka" became synonymous
with the olive tree to the extent that it is frequently used in Tunisian his-
toriography.25 Cereals are also called "divine blessings" (ne'ma).
Injustice Prevents "Divine Mercy"
All Sunni and Shi'i schools of thought agree that droughts are caused by
injustice, arrogance, and ingratitude to God, whereas obedience to Him brings
bounty and blessings (khayra wa-baraka).26 Bukhari quotes the Prophet's invo-
cation against those who do not fear God, that they be afflicted with years of
drought like Joseph's seven lean years.
The organizing of the rain prayers are the responsibilities of the rulers.27
Al-Muttaqi, of the Hanafi school, attributes to the Prophet a tradition that states
that if God is angered with a nation, he withholds rain and makes the most wicked
amongst its people its leaders.28 This corresponds to Tunisian beliefs and prac-
tices. Monchicourt states that Tunisians have always associated just governments
514 Nadia Abu-Zahra
with rain and prosperity, and droughts with arbitrary justice in their ruler
account covers the period from the year 128 A.D. to contemporary ti
observes that the tribes of Zlass, Majeur, and Freshish of the steppes su
persistent droughts during 1908-1910, which they attributed to the taking
land and the installation of French colonizers in Henchir Sherahil and in Ain
Moulares in order to construct the railway.2 Menouillard also reports that the
mountain people of Matmata (south of Tunisia) believe that the cause of the
persistent droughts is the arbitrary rule (hukm batil) of their government.
Sexual impurity is also connected with droughts and sexual purity is considered
an attribute of justice. According to Monchicourt, a just qa'id is described by
the phrase "his pants are pure" (serwaluh tahir), "his heels are green" (Carqubuh
akhdar), or "his advent is blessed" (q'dumuh m'barak). The latter two phrases
suggest an auspicious future accompanying the "just" new ruler's advent to
office.
REPENTANCE OF SINS, SUFFERING, AND HUMILITY AUGUR AN

AUSPICIOUS NEAR FUTURE
To indicate their need for immediate rain to revive the witherin

of Gafsa (south Tunisia) supplicate for rain as follows:
Have pity on us, You the Adored One

Hinn 'aleyna ya Macbud
The budding plants are under the dried earth
Ez-zarc taht el-tub
God give us rain
Larab iCteyna eb-nu
Here it is coming soon soon
Hiya hat tawwa tawwa.30
People believe that they can achieve this goal and affect the divine realm
through repentance of sins, expression of their suffering, their humility to God,
and piety, which they believe may end the drought and bring about "divine
mercy." This is based on the following Qur'anic verses: "Yet had the people of
the cities had faith, and been godfearing, We would have opened upon them
blessings from heaven and earth" (VII:95). It is repeatedly stated that repentance
brings "divine mercy": "Ask for forgiveness of Your Lord. He is ever All-
Forgiving and He will send you rain in torrents" (LXXI:9-11). Another verse
reads as follows: "And, my people ask forgiveness of your Lord, then repent
before Him, and He will send you celestial rain in torrents and He will increase
you in strength" (XI:51).
Sunni and Shi'i commentators on the traditions of the Prophet also recom-
mend that repentance be achieved through the penitential acts of fasting and
almsgiving. It is reasoned that if well-off people are merciful to others, God
likewise will be merciful to them.31
Animals, people young and old, and plants (as graphically expressed in the
folk hymns) are all dependent on rain for their survival; thus it is reasoned that,
if they humbly express their suffering and their dependence on their creator, He
may send them rain.32 Al-Bahuti quotes the following tradition of the Prophet:
"If it were not for the babies who are being nursed, the worshippers who are
prostrating themselves, and the animals in the fields, agony would have been
poured on you."33 Ibn Mutahhar and al-Jaza'iri recommend the separation of
the children from their parents;34 the latter maintains that the purpose of this is
to induce loud crying (seyah) to express their suffering.35
According to Monchicourt the Zlass people take a group of toddlers, stand
them facing one another, and tie them with a cord around their necks.36 At the
moment that the children start crying, people direct their supplication to God.
Earlier they used to separate their domestic animals from their young and
include them in the procession for the rain prayers. When animals cry and men
weep they make their supplication to God. Westermarck also observes the
importance of making children cry.3
Tunisians' acts of penance and almsgiving precede the rain prayers; they are
rites of separation to prepare for the most important part of the rituals, namely,
the rain prayers. These rites of separation include fasting, almsgiving, walking
barefoot on long mountainous roads covered with pebbles as people do in
Matmata to visit the shrine of Sidi M'barak. Westermarck reports similar
practices in various parts of Morocco.38
The rain prayers are rites of transition whose ultimate purpose is to "transport"
(intiqal) the believers to reverence for God, in order to augur a similar "trans-
port" to an auspicious near future; therefore, their end is composed of rites of
reversal to presage a similar reversal in worldly fortunes. After the rain prayers
and towards the end of the second sermon, the imam, following the Prophet's
tradition, faces Mecca and turns his garment back to front, the right arm in the
left sleeve and vice versa, and the whole congregation does likewise. All com-
mentators, without exception, on the traditions of the Prophet cite this act and
to describe it they use the Arabic word "tahwil,"39 which means "turn around."40
All Muslim commentators interpret this act as an auspicious one (tafacula), so
that the sterile land wold be "turned" (qalb) into fertile land, in the same fashion
as the turning around of the garment by the Prophet.4' They strongly hint at the
"near future" and allude to a change from the "present condition" (hal);42 hence
Bukhari's interpretation that the rite's purpose is "to change the present" (taghyir
al-hal). Ibn Mutahhar uses the word "intiqal" when he refers to the changes
from the "present" state of sterility of the land to its fertility (al-intiqal min halat
al-jadbi ila al-khisbi). Bukhari stresses that the purpose of the prayers is to bring
about a change from sterility of the land back to fertility and from destitution to
riches (min al-dayqi ila al-siCa). This idea that time and life alternate between
fortune and misfortune was strongly expressed in the two sermons preached after
the rain prayers performed in Cairo on 22 February 1985, as well as in the two
sermons preached in Sidi Ameur in 1966. The same idea is shown in the various
rites performed in different parts of North Africa to symbolize the alternation of
fortune and with the purpose of exchanging good luck for bad luck.
Another rite prescribed by the Prophet takes place at the end of the rain
prayers, when the people are beseeching God for rain. They spread their hands
516 Nadia Abu-Zahra
with the palms towards the ground and not towards heaven as in ordinar
invocation of God. This behaviour is a rite of expulsion to avert, as Bukh
explains, the catastrophe of drought (dafca bala'n ka-al-qahti).43 Peopl
Tlemcen follow this tradition at the end of the prayers and also when they
the tomb of Sheikh al-Sanusi, their patron saint.
RITES OF PASSAGE
The order of performance of the rituals is a statement on th

social and spiritual life of a Muslim. The spiritual life begins w
intentions by the confession of faith (the creed of Islam is uttere
on the seventh day after birth), then alternates between pie
repentance of sins, and making a fresh start. This spiritual alte
panied by fortune/misfortune in social life, which also alternates
ness and bitterness (ma-beyn h'luww we-murr yet-'da el-'umm
sians say.
In Sidi Ameur, the rituals begin with rites of separation, foll
prayer (rites of transition), which terminate with rites of reversa
by rites of incorporation and reconciliation, and finally, fert
corresponds to the order of performance described by Marcais
only authors to record this order; Monchicourt vaguely state
prayers are placed in the middle, Bel and Menouillard hint
performance,46 whereas Westermarck never gives the order of
any of the items of the rituals.47
The Prophet prescribed fasting and almsgiving as acts of pena
before the rain prayers people fast for three days. The rich ar
for slaughtering an animal and offering meat and couscous to
illard and Westermarck observe the same amongst people in
amongst various groups in Morocco.48
When it rained in the autumn of 1965, the people of Sidi Am
good crop. They bought seeds to grow vegetables, hired labour
livestock to plough the land, but, alas, January was dry. Peo
helped the poor, and in accordance with the traditions of the Prop
the prayers was made from the mosque's minaret; instead, r
announced by a man, instructed by the imam to tour the villa
and tell the inhabitants that they should gather the following
mosque.
Rites of transition start with the children's prayers. The traditions of t
Prophet recommend the presence of children and the separation of babies fr
their mothers, because it is believed that God will respond to the weeping of such
helpless creatures.49 Tunisians argue that the prayers of children, who are sinless
will be answered and as they have not wronged anybody why should they
punished by the drought? It is believed that it is the elders of the community w
are in the wrong. This is clearly expressed by the hymn sung by the children
Kairouan. They are organized in a procession; at its head the children carry
baby in a basket and tour the city singing the following lines:
Our parents who are adults

Abawana al-kibaru
Have been unjust and oppressive
Qad dhalamu wa-jaru
But we who are little
Wa-nahnu al-sigharu
Have mercy on us, You the ever All-Forgiving.
Irhamna ya Ghaffaru50
In Sidi Ameur, on the day following the announcement of the rain prayers, the
Qur'anic teacher gathers all his pupils together to sing the folk hymns of supplica-
tion for rain. The text of these hymns indicates an indirect reaffirmation in the
faith of Islam. Half of the creed is the confession of the believers that the Prophet
Muhammad is the Messenger of God, who is believed to intercede with God on the
Day of Judgment so that Muslims should have their sins forgiven. It is also
believed that his own prayers for rain were answered.51 For this reason God is
appealed to through the intercession (shafaca) of his "beloved" messenger and of
God's friends (walis), who are also associated with rain, and finally an appeal is
made on behalf of the withering vegetation, to send it rain52 "for its own sake."
The Qur'anic pupils hold one another's hand to express reconciliation between
members of the community and, following their teacher, they sing this hymn:
O Rescuer [sender of rain] rescue us [send us rain]

Ya Mughith aghethna
Our Lord have mercy on us [send us rain]
Ya Mulana we-irhamna
By the Prophet we appeal
Nestaghathu be-nabbi
May God on him [the Prophet] have peace
Salla Allahu 'alayhi wa sallam
By your power, O messenger of God,
Be-jahak ya-rasula Allah
Rescue us, O beloved of God.
Ghethna ya-habiba Allah
Another hymn goes as follows:
The vegetables are dry and thirsty

Ez-zar' sabbil we-itash
Have pity on them, O door of the throne of Divinity,
Hinn caleyeh ya-bab el-'arsh
For the sake of Lala Mimuna [a Sahel woman saint]
Be-jah Lala Mimuna
Pour water on the olive tree
Subb el-ma' lel-zituna
For the sake of Sidi Ghallab [a saint in Sousse]
Be-jah Sidi Ghallab
May one drop fill a large pot
we-enuqta temla hallab
For the sake of Sidi Salem Bu-'Azza [a descendant of Sidi Ameur,
the patron saint of the village]
518 Nadia Abu-Zahra
Be-jah Sidi Salem Bu-Azza

Pour down rain in one big pouring.
Dezz al-wad53 fard dazza.
Another folk supplication is:
The budding plants are under the dried earth

Ez-zac taht et-tub
Have pity on them, O Adored One,
Hinn 'aleyah ya-Ma'bud
The plants' leaves have dried up
Ez-zar' shah warquh54
Have pity on them You who have created them
Hinn Caley ya-min khalquh
The singing continues until the people of the village gather at the village
mosque. The Prophet prescribes that rain prayers must be performed in the
desert outside the settlement.55 The leaders of the community, who are believed
to be responsible for the wrongs that have angered God, lead the people in a
procession from the village mosque to the open arid area that lies behind the
village school to perform the ritual. According to Monchicourt, in Kairouan, the
judge and the assistant mufti would lead such a procession to the rain prayers on
the outskirts of the city. Menouillard recounts that the mountain people of
Matmata make their qa'id, the judge and headman of the village, who they
believe have misled them, walk barefoot with the people on mountainous roads
covered with pebbles to visit their saint Sidi M'barak. Menouillard also reports
that in L'arad, south of Tunisia, at the beginning of this century, the governor
and judge were both responsible for leading a procession to visit Sidi Boulbaba
to make the traditional supplication for rain.56 Similarly, the leaders of the
procession in Sidi Ameur are the notables of the village, including its sheikh, the
Qur'anic teacher, the imam of the mosque, and his assistant (khujet el-imam),
who holds the green stick on which the imam, as prescribed by the Maliki Sunni
school (followed by people in North Africa and the Sudan), leans when he is
preaching the two sermons.
The rain prayers take place in the open area behind the village school. It is full
of sacred landmarks. At its edge is the cave of Lala Luliya, believed to be the
burial place of a female saint of this name; close by is Sidi Aissa's Qubba (a
dome under which it is believed that Sidi Aissa ben Meskin, a famous judge of
the third century A.H., is buried).57 Opposite to it is a huge carob tree, and
underneath its shade is the burial place of infants who died immediately after
birth, and where women and children go for picnics in summer. Nearby is a
sacred tree called Sidi Belhadj Salem, which acquired its name from the saint
believed to be buried underneath it. His tomb is marked by stones piled on top
of each other. It appears, from the rituals connected with it, that this tree is more
important than the saint buried underneath it. Only women perform rituals at
this tree. They make vows wishing for the success of their children and as their
bond is with the tree they tie pieces of cloth on its branches. Westermarck
reports similar customs in Morocco.
Villagers of Sidi Ameur believe that this area is charged with spiritual power
(buqca s'khun), and in addition, because the tree grows in this arid place, it is
auspicious to perform the rain prayers in its vicinity. Similar customs prevail in
other parts of Tunisia. In Kairouan people choose a place for prayers close to a
source of water,58 a similar act of optimism to express the hope that rain will be
drawn to them.
The performance of the rain prayers outside the settlement is a rite of transi-
tion to free themselves from the "boundaries of their sins"; they appeal to God in
the uninhabited open space surrounded by sacred caves and the shrines of saints,
a place of vows, sacrifices, and invocations for the success of the "growing"
children.
As an act of penance the villagers make their ablutions there by rubbing stones
against their bodies. This is more uncomfortable than earth or sand, which Islam
enjoins to use in case of lack of water. In accordance with the Prophet's
traditions, there is no announcement to signal the beginning of prayer (iqama).
It is composed of two prostrations, performed in the same fashion as in any
other prayer. Afterwards the imam preaches the two sermons that describe the
journey of the spiritual life of a Muslim. This life begins with the confession of
faith followed by the alternation of sinning, then repentance and divine forgive-
ness. Muslims believe in resurrection after death, and in the hereafter (rebirth)
either in heaven or in hell according to one's deeds. The sermons reaffirm faith in
Islam, the right path (al-sirat al-mustaqim), so that God may answer their
prayers, spread His mercy, and send rain; thus "pain may be followed by joy"
(inna bacda al-Cusri yusra; Qur'an XCIV:4-6).
The first sermon affirms faith in Islam, and that the Prophet, Muhammad,
who is going to intercede with God on behalf of the Muslims on the Day of
Judgment, is the example to be followed by the faithful. He together with his
family suffered patiently and submitted to the will of God in good and bad times.
The sermon speaks of the alternation of fortunes and that pain is followed by
joy, and that people have the power to change themselves, should give alms to
the poor, show mercy to one another, so that God may forgive them their sins
and send His blessings.
When the prayers are completed the imam stands leaning on a green stick (the
colour green is both the symbol of Islam and of vegetation), He repeats seven
times the following formula," I ask God the Great, the only God, the Living and
Everlasting for His forgiveness, and to Him I repent." Thus the first sermon is a
public confession of sins, and reaffirmation of the belief in the creed of Islam; its
purpose is reconciliation with God. The following is a translation of the text of
the two sermons from Arabic into English. All Qur'anic references and explana-
tions in brackets are mine. After repeating seven times the above formula, the
imam proceeds as follows:
May God be praised. He withholds rain from His worshippers to frighten them, and
remind them of His power. He pours rain as He measures and wills from the (locked)
stores (khaza'in) of His mercy. As He creates life in the fertilized egg in the uterus, and
makes birth sometimes easy and sometimes difficult, in the same fashion, He also brings
forth the fruit from the tree. He sent rain but you are inattentive, and He withheld it and
520 Nadia Abu-Zahra
you despaired of His mercy. He showed you his power in order that you might
anger. You rebelled, how then do you expect that the Earth will give you its s
God's charity exceeds your misdeeds, otherwise He would have sunk you in t
strata of the Earth. His mercy takes precedence over His anger. 1 bear witness th
no deity but God, and He has no associates, a confession of faith that takes
"home of peace" [dar al-salam in Qur'an VI:126 and X:24 refers to Paradise].
that our lord, our master, Muhammad, is our Prophet, the messenger and wor
God, to whose prayers the clouds carrying rain responded, may prayers, pe
blessings be on this noble prophet and his family. They were patient in difficult
thankful to God for His blessings (an'am). They submitted to the will of God in
bad times. You must realize that "God does not change people's condition un
change themselves" (Qur'an XIII:10). If it were not for your sins God would
withheld rain. If divine blessings are abundant, people take them for granted an
corrupt. God has given you rain for years and you despair when He withhold
month. You forgot that His blessings follow one another age after age, and if yo
remember them He would increase them for you. Remember God in times (z
plenty, and He will remember you in times of hardship. He reduced torrential ra
you would remember your need of Him, and in order that you may give from yo
to needy people. Alms avert disaster, prevent God's anger and bring mercy an
ness. Almsgiving extinguishes sins as fire consumes wood. Implore God by ad
free will offering (Qur'an LVIII:12). Supplicate humbly to God in a fashion that shows
He is your Creator. Ask for His mercy humbly and not frivolously. Know that when the
Prophet, may peace be on him, prayed for rain, it rained for seven days, until it became
harmful so he prayed to God to stop it and it stopped [this is quoted by all commentators
on the traditions of the Prophet].59 As you are associated with the Prophet, honour
this association by following the clear traditions of the Prophet, for following it is
following the truth. Use the Prophet's invocation: "Our Lord quench the thirst of your
worshippers and Your animals, and spread Your 'mercy' (rain) so as to give life to
your dead land." When the two sermons have been given, you must follow the Prophet's
tradition and turn your garments around (hawwilu ardiyatakum). Repent to God sincere
repentance. Be certain that if sins are avoided mercy spreads. [A tradition of the Prophet
goes as follows, "A bad person who earns his food and shelter in an unlawful fashion,
but opens his hands towards heaven and says 'God, God' cannot be surprised when
his prayers are not answered."] May we all be relieved of our guilt and sins so that
we may be saved. May God turn our fears into security, may our pain and hardship
be eased and followed by joy (cenda kulli shiddata faraja). 0, God, for the sake of
Your prophet, our lord Muhammad, who guided us and discerned for us a method to
follow, praise be on him, his family and his companions, 0 God accept our repentance
for our misdeeds.
A passage from the Qur'an is then read; this is followed by the second sermon
in which faith in Islam and God's knowledge of the world of the unknown are
reaffirmed. The imam exhorts people to be kind to one another, to repent, weep,
to show humility, and not to despair of God's forgiveness. He implores God and
asks Him for the sake of His Prophet to support and rescue people and accept
their repentance. The imam also asserts hope to be with the Prophet in Paradise
after Resurrection, which ends the journey of a Muslim's life, only to begin
afresh in the hereafter. It goes as follows:
I ask the Almighty, the One Only God, the Living and Everlasting, for his forgiveness and
to Him I repent [this is repeated five times]. May God the Merciful be thanked for His
mercy, which is bestowed on those who are also kind to their fellow sinners and to their
brethren who show repentance, humility, sorrow, and grief. God knows what is in
people's innermost conscience (al-dama'ir); He knows all secrets and nothing on earth or
in heaven is concealed from Him, but He conceals all human shortcomings, a favour and
a blessing from Him. God, the Great, forgives even grave sins. His mercy has precedence
over His anger. He rescues the faithful from rebellion, from submitting to temptation, and
He saves those who submit to Him, and helps them to avoid cares, grief, and pain. [The
imam here repeats again the confession of faith and the necessity of following the path of
the Prophet.] God is merciful to those who fear Him and show humility and submission,
and repent of their sins and weep for them. These should not despair of his mercy. He will
accept their repentance and crown them with forgiveness. Approach your Lord sincerely
and with a patient soul. He told His Prophet, whose intercession (shafa'a) is well known,
that His mercy is abundant. O our God, for the sake of Your prophet and his family,
known for their truthfulness and sincerity, 0 God be our Supporter and Rescuer, give us
room in Paradise, and for the sake of the baraka of Your prophet, sustain us with
acceptance, dignity and honour. O God, we ask You for the sake of Your chosen prophet,
and the sake of his noble family, and his companions, the best of people, to accept our
penance and repentance of our sins and guilt. Guard us from all fear and danger, and
allow us to enjoy the sight of the prophet in the "home of permanent repose" [dar al-
qarar, Qur'an XL:38]. Be lenient with us and accept this, which we declare publicly and
privately. Have mercy on us, You the ever All-Forgiving and the most Merciful; God of
all worlds (al-'alamin).
At the end of the sermon, the imam turns his back on the assembly, faces
Mecca and, while remaining standing, he turns his garment around. The assem-
bled men to the same. This rite of reversal terminates the rain prayers, after
which people repeat the phrase "God forgive us" one hundred times.
Rites of Incorporation
The villagers then visit the tombs of the surrounding saints to implore them to
intercede with God to send rain. This includes a visit to the qubba of Sidi cAissa
ben Meskin. Afterwards they cross the main road to go to the zawiya (religious
lodge) of Sidi Ameur. In the cemetery behind the zawiya lies the tomb of Sidi
Bel-Qasim (believed to be one of the descendants of Sidi Ameur); there people
read out to him the first chapter of the Qur'an. Finally, they visit the tomb of
Sidi Ameur situated in his zawiya; they bow their heads, touch their foreheads
with their hands, and read the first chapter of the Qurcan.
People then go to the village mosque where they eat a meal of couscous and
meat contributed by all the well-to-do members of the community. This is at
once an act of penance and a rite of reconciliation between the members of the
community. In Kairouan, after the rain prayers, an animal whose skin must be
of a dark colour is slaughtered at the local shrine of Sidi Saleh al-Safdi, and fed
to the poor. The dark skin of the animal expresses their hope that a dark cloud
carrying rain may soon appear. Mareais and Guiga also report that after the
people of Takrouna visit Sidi Saleh, their patron saint, they slaughter an animal
and distribute its meat among the members of the community. According to Bel,
the people of Tlemcen have a communal meal before they visit the tomb of
Sheikh al-Sanusi.
522 Nadia Abu-Zahra
In Sidi Ameur in 1966, the rain prayers were not answered. This was attrib
to the people's lack of piety and purity. Evidence of this was the fact th
QurDanic teacher scolded a boy who was not singing the hymns properl
boy came from a family who was not on good terms with the teacher) a
him that, like a mouse, he defiled every place he went to. This offended
who believe that children are innocent and have not wronged anybody; f
more that the rain prayers are an occasion for reconciliation and repentance,
harshness or anger. People also remarked that, had the teacher really bee
he would have been too absorbed to notice the boy's mistake. The fact t
did not weep was also held against him because people said that in the pa
Qur'anic teacher had been accustomed to weep (to express suffering, hum
and repentance) when he sang the hymns, and then it always rained!
Mother Tambu: Fertility Rites Complete the Rites of Passage
The rain rituals end in a fashion that contrasts with and yet balances t
they began: a celebration of the fertility rites of Mother Tambu. They
performed by little girls organized by a hajjala, a divorcee or a widow,
woman who has experienced sex but is now celibate. Her state resembles
the earth, which has had rain but no longer does. These rites are follo
women singing songs to their beloved. This all represents the return to ordin
routine daily life, and contrasts with the penitential supplication of the littl
that preceded the rain prayers.
The rites of Mother Tambu are practised throughout North Africa as p
the rain rituals. They are known under different names: Gatambu, Tan
Bangu, and so forth. In the town of Feriana (southeast Tunisia) they are
as el-Gayma, "the erect piece of wood," but the song is the same as th
Mother Tambu.60 Menouillard and Monchicourt put forward the hypothe
these rites originated in the ancient Libyan cult of the Goddess Tanit, w
the power to make celestial rain. This may explain the Berber origin of the n
but not its symbolism nor its part in the ritual processes. Similarly, to
this rite, Westermarck, and following him Hilton-Simpson, maintained t
names of the model Agunza in the Moroccan Rif and Aghenja amongst
Shawia of Algeria originate from the Berber word for "ladle."61 This theory
not explain why the ladle is dressed up as a woman and carried by youn
led by a woman who has experienced sex; nor are we given the text of its son
In Sidi Ameur, the rites of Mother Tambu take place after the comm
meal. It is surrounded by images of feminine fertility, which represe
fertility of the earth. Girls give two sticks and various items of clothing
hajjala, whose need for a man resembles the need of the thirsty earth fo
She dresses up two crossed sticks as a "beautiful" model, which the girls
in the village, singing the praises of Mother Tambu and demanding ra
song draws attention to the division of the sexes and emphasises Mother Tam
strange consumption of porridge. It goes on as follows:
Mother Tambu is beautifully dressed

Ummak Tambu ya-shahlula
May God bring her back wet
Inshalla trawwah mablula
Mother Tambu with the necklace which adorns her
Ummak Tambu be-skhayebha
Asked God not to disappoint her
Talbet rabbi ma-yekhayebha
Mother Tambu, O women,
Ummak Tambu ya-n 'ssa
Ate porridge with soup62
Klat el-'aysh bel-lh 'ssa
Mother Tambu, O men,
Ummak Tambu ya-rijjala
Ate porridge in the kitchen.
Klat el-'ayshfi el-fawwala
At each house the girls stop and a pail of water is poured on them and the
model. In Takrouna these rites end with the girls hurling stones at the hajjala
and abusing her. In Sidi Ameur, after the completion of the rites of Mother
Tambu, women may sing love songs and call for rain ("matar" in this context).
One of them goes as follows:
May God pour rain and rescue us

Ya-rabb subb el-matar we-ghethna
We can then go out to fill the pitcher and meet him
we-netlac nemla we nlaqih
O neighbour, if you meet my gazelle, call him for me
Ya-jara inn kan laqiti ghazali nadih
O neighbour, I shall reward you, if you see my gazelle, call him for me.
Ya-jara n'etiki ihsanek inn rit ghazali nadih
The rites of Mother Tambu, expressing the thirst of the land, has a parallel in
the deprived human condition. The earth's lack of rain parallels the hajjala's lack
of sex. In the love song the woman calls for rain (matar), and for her beloved.
The model, Mother Tambu, represents the earth, which is identified in Arabic by
the feminine gender. Mother Tambu is beautifully dressed to attract rain, and in
Tunisia when land is soaked with rain it is called "penetrated land," or "impreg-
nated" land (ard rawiyya).63 During the procession water is poured on the girls
and the model, expressing the earth's thirst for fertility, which parallels the girls'
future fertility. Mother Tambu is so thirsty for rain that she consumes quantities
of porridge which is of the same consistency as earth when soaked.
The above identification of earth and trees with the feminine gender is visually
expressed in the case of the sacred tree of Sidi Belhadj Salem, which is covered
by rags. Similarly Mother Tambu is made of sticks and dressed in pieces of
cloth, which suggest a similar appearance to that of the tree. Close by the tree is
the carob tree whose shade shelters women and young children.
The following parallels can thus be drawn: women/land, lack of men/lack of
rain, femininity/fertility, the bearing of a tree/birth of children and child growth.
524 Nadia Abu-Zahra
In Sidi Ameur the rites of Mother Tambu end the rain rituals, and routin
life begins again.
Other Rites of Reversal, Rites of Expulsion of Drought, and

Rites Symbolizing Alternation of Fortunes
In Sidi Ameur the only rite of reversal is the turning of the garments arou
by the congregation. The data we have on the rest of Tunisia suggest th
rites take place at the end of the rain prayers or their equivalent (reading of
Qur'an and visits to local shrines). They refer to the reversal of the po
juridical order. Thus, according to Monchicourt, people in Kairouan sto
judge's house. Menouillard also reports in Matmata after people have vi
Sidi M'barak, their patron saint, they hurl stones at the qa'id, judg
headman of their village. Menouillard also reports that at the beginning
century, people in L'arad after visiting Sidi Boulbaba, their patron saint,
their governor and judge heavily with stones; the latter was given a "fir
thrashing"! It is said that it rained heavily afterwards. That the subjects
punish their rulers is the politico-juridical order in reverse. A similar
reversal between a saint and his clients takes place in Takrouna. After
visit Sidi Saleh, their patron saint, they turn the saint's coffin upside do
hang the flag that covers it in the courtyard in the air so it can be torn to p
their prayers are not answered.64
Tunisians say that they punish their rulers because the latter are unjust; an
accordance with Islamic teachings they maintain that injustice brings dr
and justice brings rain. This is also related to the Qur'anic teachings th
"Hour" (end of the world) is brought about by the injustice and the ingra
of the believers. In contrast the hereafter is a world of justice and perm
repose. One of the signs of the "Hour," which is simulated in the rain rit
the separation of babies from their mothers (Qur'an XXII:1). The "Hour
characterised by the subversion of the natural order of the universe.65 Due t
interconnection between the spiritual and the temporal, and considering the
that the role reversal takes place at the end of the rain prayer, we can vi
rites as a concrete visual expression that people have accomplished the sp
passage and have changed themselves and their social order, so that the
panying changes in fortune may soon follow.
According to Bel, among the Beni Shugran in Algeria, if the drought p
after women have performed their version of the rites of Mother Tamb
then wear sacks, pieces of tent cloth, and sometimes women's clothes.
dress they go on pilgrimages to the most venerated saints of the region
pilgrim has a sack full of ashes, which they throw on one another while invo
God thus: "O God, rain!" (ya-rabbi en-nu). On their way bystanders pour
on them, to which the pilgrims respond by blowing ashes on them throu
tube of a reed.66
The process of visiting the venerated shrines is the liminal period of t
formation and becoming; thus it contains the two ritual elements "no
ungrateful to God" and "not yet submissive to God's will." Thus a man in
masquerade is at this stage both what he is (male) and simultaneously female.

This then is a visible statement that the condition of drought implies its opposite,
and that the end of a state implies the beginning of another; the drought must
necessarily end in time and rain begin. The final part of this rite is to expel the
drought symbolized by ashes, which are exchanged for rain.
Rites of purification may also take place at the end of the rituals. The Prophet,
once he had performed the rain prayers, would take off his shirt and expose his
body to the rain.67 Among the Beni Shugran, if it still does not rain after the
performance of the rites of expulsion of the drought, the literate men of the tribe
and the Qur'anic pupils go on a pilgrimage to the saints' tombs. The children go
bareheaded, the literate men go barefoot, but men reputed for piety and saint-
hood are forced to go naked; thus the whole community is naked from head to
foot as when first born. This is a rite of purification and rebirth. In this fashion
they visit all the local saints repeating certain verses of the Qur'an, and end at
the shrine of the patron saint of their community where they have a communal
meal.68
Games also symbolize a wish for a change of fortune. Marcais and Guiga
report that, after a sacrifice is made at Sidi Saleh in Takrouna, children take to
their families their share of meat. On receiving it, women go out to the street and
play a ball game.69 This is a visual expression of the alternation of fortune.
Westermarck claims that the same takes place between two opposed groups of
women, sometimes naked, in Morocco. Another game may be played between
the two sexes, each of them pulling on opposite ends of a rope; sometimes when
the women let the rope go, the men fall. When either side falls, water is poured
on them.70 The former game expresses a desire for a change of weather, sym-
bolised by the movement of the ball. If Westermarck's observations are accurate
in claiming that when women fall they sometimes expose their nakedness to men,
then there are elements, such as the two opposed sexes, the rope and its motion,
which suggest the act of coitus and hence fertility.
CONCLUSION
This is a study of ritual and symbolism in Muslim society.

on ethnographic data and Arabic Islamic literature on the r
approach and area of study have been neglected in the ethno
Eastern society, where most anthropological works concent
political authority, economics, and social structure.71 Here I
the rain rituals are rites of spiritual passage from disobedie
reverence for Him. Because they are performed to affect the inf
consequently they are also a passage to the "world of the unkn
The rites are performed only if a drought takes place. In the
a fallow period, people seek spiritual rejuvenation and recon
another to start afresh. This spiritual passage is an internal in
which is concretely expressed by the rites.
The rain rituals are predominantly religious rites; and the t
of local practices are based on the Qur'an and the traditions o
526 Nadia Abu-Zahra
authorities on the traditions of the Prophet give the key concepts to

standing of the rites, namely, "intiqal" (transport), "tahwil" (turn a
"qalb" (turn upside down); the ritual contexts in which these concep
express hope that the completion of the spiritual passage will augu
cious change in worldly fortunes so that the sterility of the land will be
into fertility. These concepts, together with the core concepts of
divine mercy/rain (which explains the connections between the environm
social order, and the spiritual order), are given only in the Arabic sou
specific inner meaning may be lost or overlooked in translations mea
general reader. For instance, the new edition of the Encyclopaedia of
a general description of the rain prayers, but does not mention any of t
concepts; thus a very important dimension in understanding the rituals
The assessment of the concepts of "transport," "turn around," an
upside down" from the viewpoint of Islamic authority and of the be
they practise them, points to the theme of the interdependence be
spiritual and the temporal. The link between these two spheres expla
reversal, which are a visible express ion of the people's wish that the acc
ment of their spiritual passage and their symbolical changing of the
juridical order should lead to a change in their fortunes.
I have illustrated in this article how Islamic thought penetrates pop
nation and have demonstrated the importance of using Arabic text
importance for this present work is not an isolated case. In works
aspects of ritual in Muslim society I have also found it necessary t
Islamic texts; for instance, in a work on images of hunger and plenty
society I found that Islamic teachings and Qur'anic verse intertwine with
imagination to associate denial of God's benefits (kufr) with hunge
phemy, and plenty with blessings (baraka), and that the concept of rizq m
between them. A second instance is in my work on the rituals per
visitors at the shrine of al-Sayyida Zaynab (granddaughter of the P
Cairo. These rituals are inexplicable without reference to the tradi
beliefs regarding the importance of the house of the Prophet and th
interpretation of the Qur'anic concept of divine light.73
Other anthropologists are increasingly finding it necessary to go b
Islamic texts to understand ritual in Muslim society, and it seems de
they receive adequate attention from anthropologists working on Muslim
OXFORD UNIVERSITY
NOTES
Author's note: I thank Miss P. E. Hodgkin for reading the final draft of this paper,
al-Modarressi who drew my attention to sources I should otherwise not have known. I
Canada Council for kindly financing my second expedition to Tunisia in 1972. 1 am gratef
kind help of the librarians of interlibrary loan and of the Oriental reading room of t
Library. I transliterate Tunisian words as uttered and not as they ought to be written. In
Qur'anic verse, I made use of A. J. Arberry's translation in The Koran Interpreted (London: Oxford
University Press, 1964). All numbers of quoted Qur'anic verses are based on the al-Azhar system of
numbering, as found in the edition of 1390 A.H. (Cairo: Al-Hay'a al-'amma li-shu'un al-matabic
al-amiriyya).
'Rain prayers are practised in Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, the Sudan, North Africa, Saudi Arabia
(The Guardian, London, 6 January 1981), and in Iran (Encyclopaedia of Islam [Leiden, 1978],
p. 1978). Miss P. E. Hodgkin also tells me that rain prayers took place in Timbuktu.
2A. Van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. M. B. Vizdom and G. L. Caffee, with an
introduction by S. T. Kimball (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960), pp. viii, 1, 3, 182-83,
189-90.
3V. Turner, "Betwixt and Between: the Liminal Period in Rites de Passage," in The Forest of
Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1967), pp. 94-99, 101.
4E. R. Leach, "Two Essays Concerning the Symbolic Representation of Time," in Rethinking
Anthropology (London: London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology and
The Athlone Press, 1961), pp. 124-32, 133-35.
5E. Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs Connected with Agriculture, Certain Dates of the Solar
Year, and the Weather in Morocco (Helsingfors, 1913); Rituals and Beliefs in Morocco, 2 vols.
(London: Macmillan, 1926).
6W. Marcais and A. Guiga, Textes arabes de Takruna (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1925); Textes
arabes de Takrouna: glossaires, 6 vols. (Paris: Librairie orientaliste, Paul Geuthner, 1958-1961).
7A. Bel, "Quelques rites pour obtenir la pluie en temps de secheresse chez les musulmans
maghrebins" in Receuil de memoires et de textes publies en l'honneur du XIV Congres des orien-
talistes b Alger (Alger, 1905), pp. 49-99.
8Ch. Monchicourt, "Moeurs indigenes: les rogations pour la pluie (tholb en-no)," Revue tunisienne,
109 (1905), 65-81.
9Menouillard, "Moeurs indigenes: pratiques pour soliciter la pluie," Revue tunisienne, 82 (1910),
302-5.
'?Sir James Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study in Religion and Magic (London: Macmillan,
1980).
"Westermarck, Ceremonies, pp. 109, 113; Monchicourt, "Rogations," 74; Bel, "Quelques rites,"
pp. 66, 73, 83, 93-97.
'2Bel, pp. 60-61, 77-78, 91-94; Menouillard, "Pratiques," 304-5; Monchicourt, "Rogations,"
65-67.
13Encyclopaedia Britannica, I 11th ed. (Cambridge University Press, 1911), XX, 85.
14J. Despois, La Tunisie (Paris: Librairie Larousse, 1930), p. 123.
15Encylopaedia Britannica, XX, 85.
'6N. Abu-Zahra, Sidi Ameur: A Tunisian Village (London: Ithaca Press, 1982), pp. 2-8.
71bid., p. 9.
8Qur'an II;163, VI:98, VII:56, XV:21, XXII:4, XXIII:17, XXV:47, XXXI:9, XLI:38, XXV:53,
XXXII:7, LXXVII:19.
"Ibid., L:8-10, XL:12, XLV:4, LI:21. See also Ibn Mansur al-Afriqi, Lisan al-'Arab (Beirut, 1956),
X, 115.
20M. I. al-Bukhari, Sahih muslim, ed. al-Kirmani, 25 vols. (Cairo, 1933-1939), Vol. VI (1933
"Bab salat al-istisqa'," pp. 99-126; A. J. al-Jaza'iri, Minhaj al-muslim (Beirut, 1972), pp. 267-6
and M.I.A. Khatib al-Tabrizi, Mishkat al-masabih, ed. M. N. al-Albani (Damascus, 1961), I,
476-80.
21Monchicourt, "Rogations," 69.
22Bukhari, VI, 125-26; H. M. al-Warthilani, Muzhat al-anzarfifadl 'ilm al-tarikh w'al-akhbar,
2nd ed. (Beirut, 1974), II, 222-30.
23Tunisians also speculate about the mystery of rain and why God sends more rain in some
countries and less in others. People of the Sahel wonder why Egyptians, who share the same faith of
Islam as Tunisians, receive less rain. In 1977, when I was in Kuwait, I was asked about the amount of
rainfall in both Egypt and Canada, and how they compared with Kuwait.
24Qur'an VI:98, XVI:10, XXIV:34.
25A. Ibn Abi-al-Diaf, Ithaf ahl al-zaman bi-akhbar muluk Tunis wa-'ahd al-aman, Vol. II (Tunis,
1964), p. 130; Vol. VI (1965), pp. 86, 136.
528 Nadia Abu-Zahra
-6Bukhari, VI, 101-2, 112-13; M. I. Y. al-Bahuti, Kashshafal-qina' 'an matn al-iqna',

H. M. Hilal (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Nasr al-Haditha, n.d.), pp. 67-68; al-Jaza'iri, Minhaj
al-Fiqh iala al-madhdhahib al-arbaca, Vol. II (Istanbul: Maktabat Isik, 1977), pp. 358-6
7Bukhari, VI, 99-101, 103, 113.
-'A. D. H. D. H. al-Muttaqi, Kanz al-'ummalfi sunnan al-aqwal w'al-af'al, Vol. IV (
1313 A.H.), p. 197.
9 Monchicourt, "Rogations," 66-69.
3"Menouillard, "Pratiques," 305. In Tunisian daily speech hiya is used to indicate an
action to take place. See also Marcais and Guiga, Glossaires, Vol. VIII (1961), p. 4222.
3'Bukhari, VI, 118; al-Bahuti, Kashshaf, pp. 67-68; H.I.Y. Ibn al-Mutahhar al-Hi
al-mutalimin fi ahkam al-din (Damascus: Matbacat al-Tarraqi, 1924), p. 24; al-Jaza
p. 362.
3lbid., p. 363; Ibn Mutahhar, Tabsirat, p. 42.
3Al-Bahuti, Kashshaf, p. 68.
34Al-Jaza'iri, Minhaj, p. 363; Ibn Mutahhar, Tabsirat, p. 24.
35A1-Jaza'iri, Minhaj, p. 363.
36Monchicourt, "Rogations," p. 68.
37Westermarck, Ceremonies, pp. 116-117.
38Menouillard, "Pratiques," 303-4; Westermarck, Ceremonies, pp. 120-24.
39Bukhari, pp. 105, 110, 115; al-Bahuti, Kashshaf, p. 72; I. A. Z. al-Qayrawani, Risalat al-
Qayrawani (Cairo: al-Babi Halibi Publishers, 1936), p. 38; A. S. Sabiq, Fiqh al-sunnan, Vol. I
(Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-'Arabi, 1969), p. 219; Ibn Mutahhar, Tabsirat, p. 42; and Mukhtalaf
al-ShiLafi al-Shari'at, Vol. I (Tabriz, 1905), p. 126.
40H. Wehr, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, ed. J. M. Cowan (Wiesbaden, 1961),
pp. 215-18.
4'Al-Bahuti, Kashshaf, p. 72; Bukhari, p. 105; Ibn Mutahhar, Mukhtalaf, pp. 212-17.
42Wehr, Dictionary, pp. 212-17.
43Bukhari, pp. 118-19.
44Bel hints at this order; "Quelques rites," pp. 70-71.
45Marcais and Guiga, Textes (1925).
46Monchicourt, "Rogations," 68; Bel, "Quelques rites," pp. 59, 66, 70; Menouillard, "Pratiques,"
304.
47Westermarck, Ceremonies.
48Menouillard, "Pratiques," 304; Westermarck, Ceremonies, pp. 118-19, 124.
49Al-Bahuti, Kashshaf, p. 68; al-Jaza'iri, al-Fiqh, p. 363; Ibn Mutahhar, Tabsirat, p. 42, and
Mukhtalaf, p. 125.
50Monchicourt, "Rogations," 68, 71-72.
5'Bukhari, pp. 106-8.
52N. Abu-Zahra, "Baraka, Material Power, Honour and Women in Tunisia," Revue d'Histoire
maghrhbine, 10-11 (1978), 6-8.
53"El-wad" means rain; Marcais, Textes, p. 203.
54These lines are identical with part of the song sung in Takrouna for Mother Tambu; Marcais,
ibid., pp. 24 26.
55Bukhari, p. 104.
56Menouillard, "Pratiques," 303-4.
57N. Abu-Zahra, Sidi Ameur, p. 38.
58Monchicourt, "Rogations," 74-75.
59Bukhari, pp. 108-14.
60Marcais, Textes, p. 207; Westermarck, Ceremonies, pp. 117-20; Monchicourt, "Rogations," 70-
76, 77 78; Menouillard, "Pratiques," 302-5.
6 Westermarck, Ceremonies, pp. 117-19; M. W. Hilton-Simpson, "Some Algerian Superstitions
Noted among the Shawia Berbers of the Aures and their Nomad Neighbours," Folklore, 26, 3 (1906),
24.
62In Tunisia people use the word khubz to refer to bread and 'aysh to refer to porridge.
63Marcais, Glossaires, Vol. VI (1959), pp. 1625-27; Monchicourt, "Rogations," 68.
64Marcais, Textes, p. 18.

65These themes recur throughout the Qur'an. See the following suras: The Indubitable, LXIX;
Resurrection LXXV; The Pluckers LXXIX; The Splitting, LXXXII; The Rending, LXXXIV; The
Enveloper, LXXXVIII; the Clatterer, Cl.
66Bel, "Quelques rites," p. 80.
67Al-Bahuti, Kashshaf, p. 73.
68Bel, "Quelques rites," pp. 66-68.
69Marcais, Textes, p. 20.
70Westermarck, Ceremonies, pp. 121-22.
71R. Tapper, "Holier than Thou," in A. S. Ahmed and D. Hart, eds., Islam in Tribal Societies
From the Atlas to the Indus (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1984), p. 247.
72Encyclopaedia ofIslam, Vol. IV (Leiden, 1978), pp. 269-71.
73"Al-tasawwur al-sha'bi lil-juCwa al-shaba' fi baCd al-bilad al-Carabiyya," Alif: Journal of Com-
parative Poetics, 7 (Spring 1987). Forthcoming article on "al-Hubb aw al-nur 'inda zuwwar al-
Sayyida Zaynab fi-l-Qahira," Alif, 8 (Spring 1988).

Abu-Zahra The Rain Rituals As Rites of Spiritual Passage

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The Rain Rituals as Rites of Spiritual Passage

Author(s): Nadia Abu-Zahra

THE RAIN RITUALS AS RITES OF

nonbelonging to a fixed point in the social structure) is not applicable to

LAND, RAIN, OLIVE GROWING, AND IMAGES OF FERTILITY

ISLAMIC BELIEFS: HUMAN BEHAVIOUR AND DIVINE POWERS

Injustice Prevents "Divine Mercy"

REPENTANCE OF SINS, SUFFERING, AND HUMILITY AUGUR AN

To indicate their need for immediate rain to revive the witherin

Have pity on us, You the Adored One

The order of performance of the rituals is a statement on th

Our parents who are adults

O Rescuer [sender of rain] rescue us [send us rain]

Another hymn goes as follows:

The vegetables are dry and thirsty

Be-jah Sidi Salem Bu-Azza

Another folk supplication is:

The budding plants are under the dried earth

Mother Tambu: Fertility Rites Complete the Rites of Passage

Mother Tambu is beautifully dressed

May God pour rain and rescue us

Other Rites of Reversal, Rites of Expulsion of Drought, and

masquerade is at this stage both what he is (male) and simultaneously female.

This is a study of ritual and symbolism in Muslim society.

authorities on the traditions of the Prophet give the key concepts to

-6Bukhari, VI, 101-2, 112-13; M. I. Y. al-Bahuti, Kashshafal-qina' 'an matn al-iqna',

64Marcais, Textes, p. 18.

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