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Authenticity in Canadian conservation practice
The paper which follows is a composite perspective on authenticity issues in Canadian conservation. It
has been put together on the basis of contributions from many members of ICOMOS Canada, some
submitted by invitation, other "borrowed". Contributions used in preparation of this paper come from
Wayne Zelmer, Frank Rorvemaker (on the grain elevators of Saskatchewan), Susann Myers (on the
reconstruction of Louisbourg), Walter Jamieson, Fergus Maclaren (on tourism), Alain Lafrenidre (on
vernacular architecture and the City of Hul1), Susan Buggey (on cultursl landscapes), Christina Cameron
(on transportation corridors), Gordon Bennett (on commemorative integrity), Michel Bonnette (on
Quebec City and the restoration of Place Royale), Pierre LaRochelle (on I1e d, Orleans), Christiane
Lefebvre (on definitions), Andrew Powter (on St. George,s Church, Halifax, and on the Library of
Parliament), Dinu Bumbaru (on Montreal), Les Hurt and Jack Brink (on Head-Smashed-in-Buffalo Jump). I
have very much appreciated the substantial contributions each has made in preparation of this paper. I
regret I have not been able to use a11 of the excellent material supplied; as well I should note that I bear
a11 responsibility for the interpretation, use and organisation of their materials.
Where published papers and complete notes have been supplied, I have quoted from them, and cited
the author. Where only rough point-form notes have been supplied, these have been re-phrased for use
in the article with credit usually being limited to use of the contributors' name.
December, 1995
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Introduction
The paper looks at how perceptions of authenticity (and therefore its utility in
conservation practice) have altered over the last three decades in Canada. The paper
develops this theme by looking at the treatment of authenticity questions within a
number of sites of heritage significance, important in defining Canadian cultural
identity. The treatment of the subject is necessarily limited, both by the small
number of heritage sites examined and by the author's personal biases and
experiences.
Authenticity, following the lines of argument developed in the Bergen and Nara
authenticity meetings, is also understood through the attributes of cultural heritage,
since messages or values, as such, are not palpable: they cannot themselves be
touched or viewed or experienced. Authenticity analysis for any particular site
demands first identification of the particular attributes that support or carry those
values, and secondly, an assessment of the degree of truth, or genuineness, or
completeness attached to these.
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Canada, like all of the New World American states illustrates the efforts of
transplanted, mostly-European cultural groups to subjugate the largely wilderness
lands and native peoples they found, over the last several centuries. As well, even
though identifiable heritage conservation practices may be described going back a
century or more in almost all of these countries, most of the significant growth in
conservation theory, practice and capacity has taken place in the last thirty years -
within the life of ICOMOS. An examination of shifting perceptions regarding heritage
values in Canada and accompanying shifts in perceptions of
"authentic" both illuminate some significant shared developmental trends and issues
within the Americas, and the defining characteristics that characterize evolving
Canadian approaches to conservation.
"Authenticity" was very much a touchstone in my first encounters in the late 1970s
with serious conservation practice in Canada. Having just spent two years studying
conservation in Edinburgh (in 1976- 1977, under Colin McWilliam, of Heriot-Watt
University), I had been imbued with a form of what Michael Petzet of ICOMOS
Germany has called "material fetishism" - reverence for the artefact as the single
legitimate transmitter of heritage value. I soon discovered that most of my Canadian
colleagues had a different approach. When they spoke of authentic, they meant
'accurate". Theirs was the world of the pedantic reconstruction, the painstakingly
correct period restoration; their highly developed and well-supported research skills
were put to use in history, archaeology and architecture to uncover lost forms
deemed to be significant for Canadians. And what were these values?
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At that time, Parks Canada - acting for the Government of Canada and continuing a
long-time attachment to reading Canadian history through its military annals -
focused on a significant turning point in the French-English wars - the British
destruction of an early l8th c. French seaport in Nova Scotia, the Fortress of
Louisbourg. In the early 1960s, Parks Canada launched the most extensive historic
reconstruction programme in the nation's history, in order to recapture that early
chapter in French history. Although sparked by efforts to boost a flagging local
economy, Susann Myers notes that the reconstruction was understood as a means to
commemorate a place of profound significance in the struggle for Empire in North
America, and one of the most significant French fishing and trade centers of its era
on the continent.
The reconstruction of 25% of the original town and half its fortifications honed the
skills of the first full generation of conservation professionals in Canada (Parks
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Canada's Restoration Services Division), created in the flush of the boom economic
times that followed the Centennial.
But the rebuilding of Louisbourg fostered more than the development of technical
skills. It fostered an attitude. It suggested that the diligent pursuit of the truth within
archival materials and through archaeology could be realized in the rebuilding of that
vanished truth. Authenticity was understood as a measure of the truthfulness of the
reconstruction, and unprecedented efforts were directed to that goal. And indeed
for Louisbourg, during reconstruction, authenticity was not a critical issue, because
the reconstruction did not appear to require significant choice among competing
heritage values:
- the reconstruction, while built on the location of the original town, did not result in
destruction of more than 5% of the site's archaeological resources. Significant
original material (lower walls, original floor paving, defensive earthworks), where
possible, was retained in the reconstruction; the unexcavated remains on the site
constitute an archaeological resource of incomparable value;
- the essential character of the site (described by Susann Myers as "a fog-shrouded,
ice-packed, bog-ridden site on the very edge of the New World") remains relatively
intact, as anyone who has walked its streets on a foggy morning can attest.
- on the positive side, the rich documentary record (both archival and archaeological)
is recognized as a significant contributing part of the site's authenticity;
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- equally, given the interpretive goal of portraying l8th c. life within the
reconstruction, early decisions to "sanitize" the history presented (minimizing
references to exploitation of the native population, for example) created similar
dilemmas for contemporary interpreters: to admit past biases, or to maintain
continuity with versions of history previously presented?
The preference of those working at the site in 1995 to resolve these dilemmas by
focusing on the spirit of the '60s and '70s reconstruction, suggests that authenticity
here lies in efforts to honestly and truthfully reflect evolving site knowledge.
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the invading English took Quebec from the French. Though the project wasn't
conceived initially at the scale it later assumed, it was nevertheless clearly an
attempt to articulate a distinctive Quebecois identity. The project involved bringing
building volumes and facades back to their mid-l8th c. appearance; this often meant
stripping out the l9th c. brick upper storeys added above stone gables, and removal
of later "modern" facades. In some cases, it meant rebuilding entire structures in
reinforced concrete, onto which traditional materials were applied. Although both
English Canadians and Quebecois came to question the wisdom of the choice of
values represented in the stripping of this section of the city of all evidence of later
building, Michel Bonnette notes the chief authenticity issue has probably been the
exclusive attention given restoration of earlyforms, without particular regard
for function and use within a living historic city.
A colloquium held in 1978 publicly questioned many of the decisions made. The
restorers, propelled by their dreams of establishing an authentic historic backdrop
for contemporary political aspirations, were criticised by many who said the post-
conflict history of English dominion erased was in fact also the history of their
ancestors. As a result, the scale of the project was limited, and an approach to
conservation more respectful of evolution introduced. At the same time, the
importance of an approach mindful of the heritage gualities of the entire historic
town and concerned to integrate conservation measures within an overall approach
to city development evolved. The "Division du Vieux Quebec" within the City of
Quebec was created to manage this comprehensive approach to management of the
historic centre. Its 15 years of effort have greatly strengthened the city's economic
base, its living and working conditions and the quality of the visitor experience.
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Both of these examples - the Fortress of Louisbourg and the Place Royale restoration
in Quebec were conceived of as "historic sites" - places of such special significance
that they deserved to be withdrawn from day-to-day development pressures so that
their special messages could be clearly presented to visitors. The former, the Fortress
of Louisbourg, functions formally as an historic site within the Parks Canada system;
the latter, Place Royale, while part of a living city, has the frozen-in-time character of
an historic site.
While both sites deserve attention in any study of authenticity in Canada (given their
leadership role in providing conservation models for others and their enormous
educational influence on two generations of professionals), in the 25 years since
their initiation, conservation has come to occupy a major place in main stream
planning. Our definitions of heritage embrace a wide range of tangible and intangible
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expressions of our past lives: we no longer focus just on isolated monuments or sites
of exceptional significance, but rather on the integrated array of features and
patterns present in rural and urban landscapes, and the great range of epresentative
social and economic themes they portray. Our conservation efforts are no longer, for
the most part, opposed to developmental pressures, but integrated within them.
Respect for heritage commands a pivotal position in decision-making at federal,
provincial, regional and municipal levels. As a consequence, contemporary views of
authenticity require analysis of considerably greater complexity than those which
dominated in development of Louisbourg, or Place Royale, or the historic site
systems within which they flourished and which they in turn inspired.
Conservation in Canada in 1995 - beyond the world of historic sites - brings forth a
number of important authenticity issues. How do we treat authenticity in significant
structures which remain in living use? How do we deal with authenticity for
structures damaged by catastrophe, natural or human in origin? How do we deal
with authenticity for living historic settlements?
Let us look at these in turn; first, let's look at significant structures in living use.
Current studies of Canada's Library of Parliament provides a useful case study. The
Library, given its siting and the quality of its High Victorian Gothic Revival
architecture, establishes the character of Ottawa's Parliament Hill and is one of
Canada's most remarkable buildings. Over time, continuing changes in operational
requirements have resulted in various cycles of alteration to building fabric - some
respectful, others less so. Current operational requirements suggest the need for
further changes. Building users have questioned whether the need to upgrade once
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What about heritage structures which have suffered catastrophic loss? A good
example is St. George's Church in Halifax, heavily damaged by fire in June 1994.
Constructed in 1800, the church is one of the finest examples of Palladian
architecture in the country.
The debate which followed the fire raised a number of authenticity issues: first, did
enough material survive to communicate the significant values of the church? if the
church were retained as a ruin, would its essential values still be present? or would
restoration be necessary to maintain those values? Once commitment to a six million
dollar restoration had been made, other questions emerged: where areas of
significant value could not be retained, should long-standing perceptions of needed
functional improvements give priority to measures which would meet these needs
rather than simply restore lost fabric? Again here, by assessing the contribution of
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The problems of defining authenticity for single structures are multiplied many times
over in looking at authenticity for a historic settlement or city. Clearly, for example,
in looking at Montreal, authenticity is not to be understood by looking at the sum of
the authenticity assessments for individual buildings, but rather, as Dinu Bumbaru
notes, by finding means to measure the general flavour' or personality of a place.
Questions of building use, street-life and population mix enter into this
determination as much as building attributes. Nor in looking at building fabric, is it
enough to identify discrete monumental and vernacular contributions to that fabric.
Montreal, among North American metropolises, is a rare example of a city to have
substantially maintained the continuity, density, and spatial and material
organisation of its urban tissue, over its entire history. This can be contrasted with
the development of the centre of Hull in the mid 1970s, to permit expansion of the
National Capital to Quebec province across the Ottawa River. The resulting
expropriations, neighbourhood demolitions and new office tower blocks destroyed
the urban tissue of the city's core, and the social fabric that it supported. Successive
waves of demolition have accompanied continued expansion pressures on the ever
more fragile urban tissue of Hull.
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the vernacular. In Montreal, Dinu Bumbaru notes that the particular nature of the
Montreal residential vernacular (stone veneer on wood plank frame) renders these
buildings susceptible to a particular authenticity threatening virus (facadism) and
their owners vulnerable to marketplace blandishments which promote use of cover-
up materials (vinyl, angelstone etc.) in conveying a modern and progressive image.
The current popularity of the "cultural landscapes" framework for defining and
managing significant heritage illustrates how the values of complex territories may
be usefully expressed and managed. Conceived by the World Heritage Committee as
"illustrative of the evolution of human society and settlement over time", Susan
Buggey notes cultural landscapes can be understood to hold both intrinsic values
(expressed in continuity of land uses, land management practices and traditions and
manifest in corresponding patterns of spatial organisation, circulation networks and
in choice of building materials, forms and technologies) and associative values (as
witnesses to traditional and/or spiritual beliefs). Authenticity analysis here, of
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There are many examples of how focus on the dynamic qualities in the initial
evaluation process for a cultural landscape can clarify the true sources of
authenticity, and guide conservation decisionmaking. Recent studies of the le
d'Orleans (Pierre LaRochelle"Le Projet de Paysage au Quebec", Trames, U. de Mtl.,
1994) in the St. Lawrence River, near Quebec City, one of the most celebrated
farming landscapes in Canada and linked in popular myth to the l7th and l8th c.
origins of New France, have demonstrated the value of typo-morphological analytical
approaches focused on the commonplace (rather than as in conventional heritage
analysis, on the distinctive and rare). LaRochelles's focus on morphogenetic
characteristics assists in identifying "permanences structurales"
- that is, forms that maintain a recognizable continuity in spite of the renewal of their
components - and of using these to define guidelines to protect significant vistas, to
determine appropriate forms for new construction and to outline development
project frameworks which will maximize use of existing land layout and circulation
patterns.
Other typical Canadian landscapes are in need of similar analysis to reduce the
threats to their continuing existence. The familiar prairie landscape of grain elevators
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Analysis which would identify the significant patterns and attributes of the prairie
landscape as reflective of characterdefining dynamic processes focus attention on
authenticity indicators, and provide an explicit framework for guiding change in
directions likely to maintain landscape values. Without greater consciousness of
these opportunities the attrition of the most important defining features of the
prairie landscape will undoubtedly continue.
The same analysis is helpful in looking at other defining features of Canada's cultural
landscapes - the many transportation corridors which tie the country together:
national river systems like the St. Lawrence River and the Mackenzie River in the
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Northwest which opened up the continent to the fur trade and to exploration, canals
like the 200 km. long Rideau Canal from Kingston to Ottawa built in the early l9th c.
for defensive reasons, the two trans-continental railway lines built in the late l9th c.
and the Trans-Canada Highway, the world's longest paved road - 7821 kilometres
from St. John's Newfoundland to Victoria, British Columbia.
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Here, evidently, one aspect of maintaining authenticity has required a focus on the
physical, attempting to minimize the intrusion of interpretive devices, including the
Interpretive Center itself.
But even more importantly, for this site, cultural authenticity could be understood to
be a reflection of the nature of the cultural experience offered. At this level, the site
can have a strong impact on visitors. The site is presented exclusively by native
interpreters, who are responsible for communicating the spirit of the site. The
authenticity of the native messages delivered at Head-Smashed-In is assured through
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reference back to native Advisory Boards and elders. Where "native" or "scientific"
interpretations differ, both are presented as "different", not 'competing" views.
Jack Brink, the site's archaeologist, notes that the goal of interpretation is to increase
understanding of the complexity and sophistication of Aboriginal culture with
respect to its communal hunting efforts in particular, and its cultural adaptations in
general. Brink also notes that the site
Visitors are well aware that the site is revered and respected by Aboriginal people
today, and that its spiritual qualities contribute greatly to the sense of authenticity it
offers.
In our current economic climate, with heritage conservation now expected to pay its
own way, perhaps the single largest challenge to maintaining authenticity is the
market-driven indifference of much of the tourism industry to the true qualities of
the heritage attractions promoted and sold.
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More often than not, tourism planning in Canada has diminished rather than
enhanced the authenticity of special sites. But for every authenticity-diluting
summer-time experience in Quebec City or St. Andrews-by-the-Sea (New Brunswick),
where building images are seasonally transformed through store fronts pursuing the
trendy, the fashionable, indeed often the garish - whatever the tourist taste being
wooed - and heritage qualities diluted, there are successes like Granville Island on
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Vancouver's False Creek. Here a waterside light industrial and warehouse site was
redeveloped in the 1970's to become a popular market, recreation center and
marina. Many of the original structures have been converted for modern uses:
shops, restaurants, theatres, a hotel, an art college. Though authenticity of function
has not been maintained (but for the Ocean Cement plant and the Granville Island
Brewery), the surviving fragments of what had become a largely abandoned
industrial site, overlaid with evocative modern signs and colour schemes, all in the
shadow of the Granville Street bridge, recall the earlier era, and convey its significant
historic messages.
One of the most intriguing approaches to authenticity in Canada has come out of the
contemporary historic sites system and the growing need in the 1990s for Parks
Canada, working within an increasingly decentralized decision-making system, and
with local "partners" to a much greater degree than previously, to clarify its
approach to assigning and protecting value in historic sites. The Cultural Resources
Management (CRM) Policy adopted by Parks Canada in 1993 with its focus on five
key principles to be used to assess the appropriateness of development options
(value, understanding, integrity, respect, public benefit) has played a major role in
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Commemorative integrity
"describes the health or wholeness of a national historic site. A national historic site
possesses commemorative integrity when the resources that symbolize or represent
its importance are notimpaired or under threat, when the reasons for the site's
national historic significance are effectively communicated to the public, and when
the site's heritage values are respected by a11 whosedecisions or actions affect the
site."
Gordon Bennett has this to say about the development of commemorative integrity
in the Parks Canada system (in "Commemorative Integrity and National Historic
Sites", printed note revised 15/10/95, Canadian Heritage/Parks Canada):
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The value of this approach lies in its ability to provide an explicitly clear framework
for decision-making. All partners in the process are enabled to work together by their
ability to focus on shared objectives and to use shared option assessment criteria.
Conclusion
The Nara discussions (and the Bergen discussions which preceded them) focused on
clarifying various attributes of cultural heritage through which its values might be
expressed. The "design, materials, workmanship and setting" of the World Heritage
Committee's "test of authenticity" were extended in discussion in Bergen to
include "design/form; materials/substance; function/use; traditions/techniques;
setting/context". The Nara Document refers to these as "sources of information" and
describes:
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"those internal to the monument or site, including form and design, materials and
substance, use and function, traditions and techniques, location and setting, and
spirit and feeling, and other external sources of information. The use of these sources
permits elaboration of the specific artistic, historic, social, and scientific dimensions
of the cultural heritage being examined."
The authenticity analysis and issues looked at for sites examined in this paper point
toward several conclusions worth considering in the context of the Nara Document.
3. The range of examples looked at also confirmed the value of an expanded array of
authenticity attributes, in particular treating questions of function and
ongoing tradition (for sites like cultural landscapes and the vernacular), whose values
lie in characteristic dynamic processes.
4. The examples also directed attention to the need to ensure adequate involvement
of local populations in defining heritage values, related attributes and authenticity.
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Gordon Bennett, Policy, Legislation and Government Relations Branch, National Historic Sites,
Susan Buggey, Historical and Built Environment Research Branch, National Historic Sites Directorate,
Parks Canada, Ottawa;
Les Hurt, Alberta Historic Sites Services, Edmonton; Walter Jamieson, Faculty of Environmental Design,
University of Calgary;
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