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I dedicate this book to my parents.
They taught me to think for myself.
They now imagine this to be their greatest mistake.
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ix
FOUR Neuroendocrinology 70
FIVE Sociobiology/Evolutionary
Psychology 96
References 149
Index 161
Acknowledgments
One
3
words, because homosexuality is merely a pattern of behavior,
not an identity, homosexuals do not deserve constitutional pro-
tection.
The Traditional Values Foundation, however, is not content
to let the debate rest on constitutional issues. In their effort to
de¤ne homosexuality as behavior, the producers of Gay Rights/
Special Rights outline what kind of activities such behavior en-
tails. Cathy Kay, a registered nurse and director of the National
Healthcare Advocacy, lists several sexual practices that she
equates with a homosexual lifestyle. She states, “the gay agenda
is to have sex anyway you please” (Traditional Values Foundation
1993), suggesting that the effort to contain homosexual behavior
is also an effort to contain desire. Homosexuality now becomes
a practice of pursuing sexual desire, a choice that is dangerously
seductive. The need to contain homosexual behavior stems from
the threat it poses to heterosexuals. As David Nobel (president
of Summit Ministries) argues, if homosexuality is not con-
tained, “we are going to lose thousands of good heterosexuals”
(Traditional Values Foundation 1993).
The anti–gay rights arguments and strategy of these con-
servative organizations can be outlined this way: First, homo-
sexuality is not an identity; it is a behavioral choice. Second, be-
cause homosexuality is a choice, it should not be protected by
4
Reinventing the Male Homosexual law. Third, because homosexuality is a choice, its validation
through legal means will lead to the spread of homosexual be-
havior. In other words, the more legal protections gay people
have, the more gays there will be, and the fewer heterosexuals.
This is how conservatives have constructed the gay rights debate
as a zero-sum game: every gain for gays and lesbians is a loss for
heterosexual families. Furthermore, because these groups have
characterized gay rights as helping only homosexuals, they have
then been able to argue that gays and lesbians are seeking “spe-
cial rights.”
The success of this argumentation strategy has been mixed.
Most of the anti–gay rights state initiatives introduced in the
1990s ultimately failed. The most visible example is Colorado’s
ill-fated Amendment 2, which was struck down by the U.S. Su-
preme Court in 1996 in Romer v. Evans (1996). Antigay forces
have successfully lobbied for passage of the federal Defense of
Marriage Act, however, and currently they are working to out-
law same-sex marriage and reverse efforts to extend partnership
bene¤ts to gay and lesbian couples. Therefore, the anti–gay
rights efforts that began in the early nineties have not abated.
Given this political climate, it is understandable that there
has been a renewed interest in biological research on homosexu-
ality. Speci¤cally, two studies emerged in the early nineties that
gained the attention of gay rights advocates. First, in 1991 Si-
mon LeVay published a study reporting that he had isolated a
nucleus in the preoptic area of the hypothalamus that is smaller
in homosexual men than it is in heterosexual men. Second, in
1993 Dean Hamer published a study in which he correlated ho-
mosexuality with a genetic marker on the Xq28 chromosome
(Hamer et al. 1993). The publication of these studies attracted
media coverage and turned Hamer and LeVay into minor media
stars. Both expressed surprise at the media attention their re-
search received and the political debate that ensued, and both
claimed that their interests were purely scienti¤c. But as Debo-
rah Tannen (1998) has noted, the media are concerned with po-
litical issues to the extent that they are useful for stirring up con-
troversy and debate. If an issue cannot be framed as a standoff,
then it is unlikely to receive airtime. When these studies were
5
a powerful argument for gay rights (Watney 1995). Speci¤cally,
advocates of gay rights maintain that this research proves that
sexual orientation is not chosen; therefore, gays and lesbians
should not suffer discrimination because of their sexuality. Gay
rights advocates believe that biological research will help their
cause in important ways. First, it would establish homosexuality
as an immutable characteristic and thus extend to homosexuals
the constitutional protections included in the Fourteenth
Amendment. Second, it would silence the religious groups who
argue that homosexuality is against the law of God. After all, if
God created homosexuality as a part of nature, then it is unrea-
sonable to assume that God would reject His own creation. Fi-
nally, it would settle the question of choice once and for all and
refute the argument that gays and lesbians are seeking special
protection for their chosen lifestyle.
Apart from these political appeals, the biological research
on homosexuality holds another attraction. Many lesbians and
gays do not believe that their sexuality is a choice; in fact, many
believe that they were born with their sexual orientation. This
belief in a cradle-to-grave homosexuality was buttressed by re-
ports of Hamer’s genetic research and LeVay’s work in neuroen-
docrinology. Hamer has gone on record to suggest that his re-
search does not resolve the choice issue (Burr 1996a), but in spite
6
Reinventing the Male Homosexual of his protests, biological research often is offered as proof that
homosexuality is not a choice. Gays and lesbians are not the only
ones to embrace these ¤ndings. Although the statistics vary, re-
cent studies show that a signi¤cant portion of the population
believes that homosexuality is innate (Leland and Miller 1998;
“Polls show Americans disagree with Lott” 1998). In fact, that
view has become so accepted that even the opponents of gay
rights have adopted new strategies to accommodate the belief in
biological homosexuality. In addition to the position articulated
by the Ramsey Colloquium, religious groups such as Exodus and
organizations such as the National Association for Research and
Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH) argue that in spite of any
biological predisposition, actual homosexual behaviors can be
resisted with the proper therapy (Leland and Miller 1998).
That the biological argument can so easily be co-opted by
anti–gay rights organizations demonstrates the problems of us-
ing scienti¤c research in the arena of public policy and calls into
question its adoption by the Human Rights Campaign Fund and
other gay rights groups. As John Dewey (1946) observed in the
early half of the twentieth century, scienti¤c argument often has
been used to legitimize oppression. It is not unreasonable to
imagine that biological research on homosexuality could also be
used for oppressive purposes; in fact, the biological sciences have
had a prominent role in the history of gay and lesbian oppression
(Terry 1999). Gay rights advocates who have embraced the bio-
logical argument may have forgotten this history. More to the
point, some gay rights advocates are not worried about the nega-
tive implications of the biological research on homosexuality be-
cause they believe that once homosexuality is understood to be a
biological predisposition, only positive results will follow. Un-
fortunately, data do not enter into contentious public policy de-
bates free from interpretation. As Anne Larason Schneider and
Helen Ingram (2000) have noted:
Although many gay rights advocates may believe that the cur-
rent political climate makes the biological argument necessary,
that belief assumes a single bene¤cial interpretation of the bio-
logical research on homosexuality that will lead to speci¤c pub-
lic policies. Unfortunately, gay rights advocates can guarantee
neither the interpretation nor the outcome.
My purpose is to challenge the belief that the biological ar-
gument is an effective and unproblematic argumentation strategy
for the gay rights movement. I believe that the argument needs
to be thoroughly investigated and that such an investigation re-
quires an examination of the evidence on which the argument is
7
based. To be speci¤c, it is necessary to investigate the biological
research to determine exactly what it has to say about homo-
sexuality. The studies of LeVay and Hamer, for example, which
often are associated with the biological argument, were limited
in scope and never have been satisfactorily replicated (Crewdson
1995). In addition, both studies used only male subjects; there-
fore, the data only support the biological argument as applied to
male homosexuals. Finally, both LeVay’s and Hamer’s studies
draw on a wide variety of scienti¤c studies that contain varying
theories of male homosexuality, many of which conceptualize
male homosexuality as pathology. If this research is to be used
as part of a positive political strategy, the absence of lesbians in
these studies raises dif¤cult questions about political solidarity.1
Even more disturbing, however, is the way in which the broader
biological research literature conceptualizes male homosexu-
ality.
Because I see the results of this research extending into the
political realm, I am concerned with which data scientists use to
support the claim that male homosexuality is a biological state
and how they argue their case. In other words, I am interested in
1. In fact, Hamer has gone on record as saying that lesbianism is not genetic
but socially and culturally produced (Gallagher 1998).
how the belief in a biological homosexuality is argumentatively
8
Reinventing the Male Homosexual and rhetorically produced. I choose this approach because the
arguments that emerge out of this research have been imported
into the political discussion on gay rights. To understand the full
implications of the biological research in the context of the gay
rights debate, one must ¤rst understand what this research says
about homosexuality.
As Schneider and Ingram have noted, scienti¤c research is
not introduced into the political arena free of interpretation. The
political arena only recognizes scienti¤c discoveries that can be
used to move political agendas forward. Therefore, the conclu-
sion that homosexuality is biological does not necessarily mean
that the research in question supports a gay-af¤rmative agenda.
The political outcome of the biological argument will be pro-
duced through the interpretation of scienti¤c research, not by the
wholesale adoption of speci¤c conclusions. When gay rights ad-
vocates assume that biological research will settle the question
of choice, they are ignoring a more important question: If male
homosexuality is biological, then what is the biological state of
male homosexuality? Unfortunately, the answer to this question
may not bene¤t gay rights advocates, and the answer that my
analysis exposes may not be what some gay rights advocates have
imagined.
Bio-Power
9
pansion of capitalistic economies; this facilitation he calls “bio-
power.” As Foucault (1978) describes it, bio-power was obtained
through the disciplinary practices that emerged to study and ul-
timately to sanction speci¤c types of sexual behaviors, homo-
sexuality being one such type. Although Foucault relates bio-
power to the disciplining of sexuality in a much earlier period,
the use of power to organize, contain, and direct sexual practice
according to the model of the heterosexual nuclear family cer-
tainly re®ects the efforts of conservatives today. Indeed, the con-
temporary argument that homosexuality harms the family could
have been lifted from the eighteenth-century discourse that
Foucault examines.
The bio-power that Foucault describes also resembles con-
temporary efforts to contain homosexuality; in both cases, po-
litical or economic contingencies are obfuscated by a liberal
appeal to the improvement of human character. The study of
sexuality emerged as a ¤eld intended to improve sexual hygiene
and eliminate the human suffering associated with sexual per-
versity. Although many would question whether contemporary
efforts to contain homosexuality could be considered liberal, our
cultural memory is short, and we may forget that gay rights has
not always been part of the liberal agenda. In fact, the pre-
Stonewall liberal answer to homosexuality was one of compas-
sion and cure. In his book Cures, historian Martin Duberman
10
Reinventing the Male Homosexual (1991) gives a devastating account of how psychiatrists in the
1950s and 1960s approached this “compassionate” cure. Simi-
larly, in The History of Sexuality, Foucault demonstrates that the
scienti¤c study of sexuality does not work in the best interests of
the homosexual; rather, it re-creates him/her as a species of de-
viant, void of subjectivity and exhausted by perversity. Again,
the liberal project of improvement results in greater oppression.
As Foucault points out, the study of sexuality has resulted in a
social panopticism in which everyone’s sexuality is under scru-
tiny and everyone’s sexual behavior is subject to discipline. As he
writes, “there was an explosion of numerous and diverse tech-
niques for achieving the subjugation of bodies and the control of
populations, marking the beginning of an era of ‘bio-power’ ”
(1978, 140).
In his critique of the study of sexuality, Foucault is inter-
ested primarily in the practices of psychologists and psychoana-
lysts. He argues, for example, that the deployment of power
through sexuality is facilitated by the repression hypothesis, the
belief that our sexuality is somehow rooted in our deepest psy-
che. Contemporary gay and lesbian scholars in®uenced by Fou-
cault have extended his critique to challenge the current biologi-
cal research that has emerged. After all, the biological research
on male homosexuality shifts the location of sexuality to a new
depth—to the DNA. For example, Jacquelyn Zita (1998) has ex-
posed how Hamer and his coauthor Peter Copeland discursively
contain human desire by forcing it into a dichotomous model of
heterosexuality/homosexuality. Zita’s analysis is not apolitical,
but her focus is primarily on the epistemology of the body and
how that epistemology is framed by cultural and social beliefs
about sexuality. Martha McCaughey (1996) “queers” evolution-
ary theory to deconstruct sociobiological attempts to rewrite
male heterosexism as natural law. In contrast to Zita, McCaughey
relates her conclusion more directly to the issue of gay rights
when she questions the political potential of the biological re-
search on homosexuality:
11
question their own epistemic centrality or forfeit their authority,
and there is little reason to believe that society will ever reject
scienti¤c theories of sexuality. Instead, gay rights advocates must
carefully determine what types of scienti¤c theories work to
their political advantage, and what types do not. Recently, for
example, the leaders of the Republican Party have compared ho-
mosexuality with criminality and social disease (Ireland 1998).
This disease metaphor is yet another example of the ways in
which the biological argument can be co-opted and reversed by
anti–gay rights forces. Indeed, the greatest danger that the bio-
logical research on homosexuality presents is the ability of poli-
ticians to interpret the research as proof of pathology. Gay rights
advocates need to determine how likely such an interpretation
might be, what political force it might have, and how it might be
resisted. These determinations not only require an examination
of the biological research on homosexuality but an inquiry that
considers how scienti¤c arguments enter political arenas.
Bio-Rhetoric
Rhetorical scholars have been aware of the argumentative
nature of science for some time, and the Rhetoric of Inquiry
school has emerged out of rhetorical studies. This particular
school includes scholars working within and outside the tradi-
12
Reinventing the Male Homosexual tional boundaries of rhetorical studies. John Nelson and Allan
Megill (1986), in an extensive review of the literature, identify
many scholars and theorists from a variety of ¤elds who have
contributed to the rhetorical approach to science (including, but
not limited to, Nietzsche, Heidegger, Dewey, Wittgenstein, Der-
rida, Foucault, Rorty, and Geertz). As Dilip Gaonkar (1993) has
pointed out, the interdisciplinary nature of the Rhetoric of In-
quiry school has generated a fairly promiscuous view of rhetoric,
so that some rhetoricians view all scienti¤c practice as rhetorical.
In a more recent work, John Lyne (1998) has attempted to nar-
row this view, suggesting that rhetoricians should limit them-
selves to the argumentation practices of scientists, particularly if
the Rhetoric of Inquiry school is to survive as a distinct and
valuable contribution to the study of science.
Lyne’s observations have been useful to me in my analysis
of the argumentation practices of those engaged in biological
research on male homosexuality. Lyne too understands that the
arguments generated in scienti¤c projects can subsequently be
introduced into the political sphere and that the success of these
arguments may depend on how well they re®ect the current po-
litical climate. In his analysis of Soviet scientist T. D. Lysenko’s
theory of vernalization, for example, Lyne (1987) argues that
Lysenko’s theories enjoyed wide acceptance in the Soviet Union
not because they were scienti¤cally sound (in fact, they were
later proved false) but because they offered a view of heritability
that supported Soviet ideology. In this analysis Lyne introduces
the concept of bio-rhetoric; he writes, “The discursive structure
in question here is what I would call a bio-rhetoric, a systematic
strategy for mediating between the life sciences and social life,
and also for mediating between Lysenko the phenomenon and
Lysenko the bearer of lessons” (1987, 512). Lyne argues for the
use of bio-rhetoric as a way of imagining the political contin-
gencies of scienti¤c discourse. In a later essay, he expands his
conception of bio-rhetoric and offers this explanation: “A special
instance of this is what might be called a bio-rhetoric, a strategy
for inventing and organizing discourses about biology in such a
way that they mesh with the discourses of social, political, or
moral life. . . . A bio-rhetoric is thus talk ‘on its way’ from an ‘is’
13
¤ndings in biology have translated public debates on sexuality
and parenting into questions of moral responsibility and choice.
Lyne describes how the question of choice has been used to
frame the scienti¤c and political discussions of homosexuality.
He warns that reducing homosexuality to a level of biological
determinism may lead to some negative consequences. Claims
about biological homosexuality can be reworked, for example,
and the scienti¤c evidence offered as proof of disease. Indeed,
my critique shows that biological research and the frame of
choice may not be advantageous for gay rights advocates.
15
point.
Using a Foucauldian genealogy, I trace the way the argu-
ments about homosexuality are produced in the biological re-
search on male homosexuality (Foucault 1978). Some scholars
might argue that a genealogy cannot accommodate the argu-
mentation analysis that I propose, but I disagree and so does
Longino (1990). She argues that Foucault’s critique of discursive
formations illustrates the processes by which dominant ideology
passes for reason. Although Longino takes exception to Fou-
cault’s “monolithic” views of science and power, she suggests that
background beliefs and assumptions can help explain the ways in
which ideology facilitates the production of objects of knowl-
edge. Given her own critical projects, Longino would aver that
an examination of scienti¤c research on gender and sexuality
should engage questions of power and politics.
Although Lyne’s theory of bio-rhetoric offers an explana-
tion of the process by which scienti¤c arguments enter political
discourse, Longino’s theory about the ways in which background
beliefs and assumptions inform scienti¤c inquiry is a tool that
allows the critic to identify the types of scienti¤c arguments that
might become bio-rhetorics and to predict their possible politi-
cal implications. The ability of a scienti¤c discourse to be inte-
grated into political and social discourses is, in some cases, con-
16
Reinventing the Male Homosexual tingent on the presence of background beliefs and assumptions.
In other words, the way scienti¤c evidence can be used to in-
®uence policy may be constrained by the cultural beliefs repro-
duced by the scienti¤c studies in question. The gay gene dis-
course is a case in point. Before I investigate that case, however,
I want to explain how the different forms of biological research
on male homosexuality interact to create a scienti¤c discourse, a
gay gene discourse, and what the speci¤c beliefs and assumptions
are that underlie this discourse.
2. “Monozygotic” refers to twins who have developed from the same egg;
“dizygotic” refers to twins who have developed from different eggs.
his own study, Hamer (Hamer et al. 1993) considered the heri-
17
gins of sexuality at the level of the gene, LeVay attempts to iden-
tify the tissues and organs that produce a homosexual orienta-
tion.3 These related goals re®ect the complementary character of
the gay gene discourse. More to the point, although Hamer may
have found the DNA for sexuality, LeVay may have found the
tissues that this DNA may produce.
LeVay’s research (1993) re®ects the second ¤eld that con-
tributes to the gay gene discourse: neuroendocrinology. He be-
gins his research by referring to work that suggests that the hy-
pothalamus is central to the determination of sexual behavior.
He draws on theories that suggest that men’s and women’s brains
are physically different, a difference related to hormone produc-
tion. LeVay isolated a nucleus in the preoptic area of the hypo-
thalamus that is smaller in women than it is in men. He also
found that this same region is smaller in homosexual men than
it is in heterosexual men. He concludes that this similarity be-
tween the hypothalamus of women and gay men offers an ex-
planation for homosexuality: the brains of women and gay men
are similar; therefore, their sexual behavior is similar.
19
The belief about effeminacy appears in the different scienti¤c
experiments in a variety of ways. Effeminacy is sometimes used
to demonstrate that the subjects of the experiments are, indeed,
homosexual, for example. In other words, the belief that male
homosexuals are effeminate is used as evidence to identify ex-
perimental subjects. By the pathological, I refer to a state of dis-
ease, abnormality, and deviance.5 My investigation shows that
scientists look for genetic, physical, and behavioral deviance in
order to identify subjects. In many cases, the male homosexual’s
deviance is manifest in a physical feminization, an undeveloped
neural nuclei, or an inappropriate response to estrogen. In the
context of the gay gene discourse, beliefs about effeminacy and
pathology are complementary: effeminacy is used to infer pa-
thology, and pathology can be inferred from effeminacy.6
and pathology readily identify behaviors, but they can also be used to refer to
“feminized” physiology and physical disease. Therefore, these particular back-
ground beliefs allow me to cross ¤elds and make comparisons between research
that records physical data and research that indexes behaviors.
My interest, however, is in the political pragmatism of the bio-
The Investigation
21
cal theories of male homosexuality. I use the ¤eld of sociopsy-
chology as a point of comparison. The gay gene discourse is de-
signed to offer a new explanation of male homosexuality;
however, it conceptualizes male homosexuality in a manner that
is similar to earlier psychoanalytic theories of sexuality.7 I trace
the development of sociopsychological theories of homosexuality
to illustrate how theory has advanced in this ¤eld and how these
advances have contributed to the gay rights movement.
In chapter 2 I offer a history of the study of sexuality in the
¤eld of sociopsychology. I trace the emergence of male homo-
sexuality as an object of study through the work of Magnus
Hirschfeld, Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, Sigmund Freud, and the
post-Freudian psychoanalysts. I show how these early theorists
constructed a male homosexual with an effeminate and hence
pathological psyche. I then show that by challenging psychoana-
lytic theories and questioning the background beliefs of path-
ology and effeminacy, Alfred Kinsey’s research led to the de-
velopment of diffuse models of sexuality. Indeed, the ¤eld of
7. In fact, LeVay (1993) admits that his work was motivated by a desire to
disprove the psychoanalytic theories of homosexuality, which he considers un-
scienti¤c.
sociopsychology has gradually moved away from the beliefs
22
Reinventing the Male Homosexual about male homosexual pathology and effeminacy by calling
into question the assumption about discrete sexuality.
In chapter 3 I show that the beliefs about effeminacy and
pathology reemerge in the research of behavioral geneticists.
Several studies maintain that male homosexuals express effemi-
nate behaviors, even when this belief con®icts with their own
¤ndings (Pillard and Weinrich 1986; Bailey and Pillard 1991;
Buhrich, Bailey, and Martin 1991). With regard to pathology,
Hamer mentions that his study was funded only after he argued
for the economy of “using a single group of volunteers, in this
case gay men and their families, to study sexual orientation, HIV
and Kaposi’s [sarcoma], and alcoholism” (Hamer and Copeland
1994, 44). In other words, Hamer represents male homosexuals
as a convenient population in which a variety of diseases and
disorders can be studied. Although Hamer does not classify
homosexuality as pathology, the easy association of homosexu-
ality and disease re®ects the belief about pathology.
In chapter 4 I analyze the ¤eld of neuroendocrinology. Ear-
lier I mentioned LeVay’s argument that the brains of male homo-
sexuals are feminized. Although LeVay is careful to avoid the
question of pathology, other scientists conducting research simi-
lar to LeVay’s have not exercised the same caution. Some of
these scientists classi¤ed subjects as homosexual if they had con-
tracted AIDS from same-sex sexual contact. Not only do these
scientists con®ate sexual practice with sexual orientation, but
they also identify the transmission of disease as an effective way
to identify male homosexuality.
I devote chapter 5 to the ¤elds of sociobiology and evolu-
tionary psychology. Earlier I mentioned that some scientists
have associated altruism with effeminacy. Some sociobiologists
have rejected the theory of altruism and have argued instead
that male homosexuality is maladaptive, while arguing that
homophobia is a proper evolutionary adjustment. These sociobi-
ologists display a belief in male homosexual pathology and claim
that homophobia is a natural reaction to this sexual pathology.
Finally, in chapter 6 I show how the gay gene discourse fa-
cilitates the deployment of bio-power and how the biological ar-
gument operates as a bio-rhetoric in the debate on gay rights. I
23
The Sociopsychological Theories
of Male Homosexuality
Two
25
only a small part of the sociopsychological literature, the more
the literature moves away from these beliefs and assumptions,
the more positively it conceptualizes homosexuality. The resur-
gence of these beliefs and assumptions in the gay gene discourse
reveals that in some important respects, the biological sciences
have not changed the ways in which male homosexuality is
studied; it also suggests that this discourse continues to pose
political dangers for gay rights advocates. A review of the socio-
psychological literature reveals how beliefs about homosexual ef-
feminacy and pathology enter into political discourse. The his-
tory of this literature also reveals that climates of opinion are as
important as background beliefs and assumptions in determin-
ing how research on homosexuality is used in political advocacy.
Common sense suggests that theories of homosexuality that
problematize the concepts of disease and pathology could be po-
litically useful to the gay rights movement, and in certain politi-
cal contexts, they have been. When these theories are considered
26
Reinventing the Male Homosexual in the current political climate, however, the reasons that gay
rights advocates have embraced the gay gene discourse, and dis-
tanced themselves from contemporary sociopsychological theo-
ries, become clear.
27
1981) argues that Ulrichs’ theory may have been in®uenced by
the rigid gender roles of his time. In any event, his theory imag-
ined the male homosexual to be behaviorally and biologically
effeminate.
Like Ulrichs, Magnus Hirschfeld pursued the study of sexu-
ality to secure rights for homosexuals. His motto was Per Scien-
tiam ad Justitiam or “through science to justice” (Haumann
1995, 72). Hirschfeld also worked in Germany, but his efforts to
study homosexuality and promote rights for homosexuals began
in the last part of the nineteenth century and continued until the
rise of Nazism. Hirschfeld succeeded in opening an Institute for
Sexual Research in Berlin and was able to express his views in
public forums. When the Nazis took control of the German
government, however, the institute was destroyed, as was Hirsch-
feld’s hope of eliminating the social and institutional persecu-
tion of homosexuals.
Hirschfeld, like Ulrichs, also failed to gain civil rights for
28
Reinventing the Male Homosexual homosexuals, but his efforts increased the visibility of the rights
movement in Germany, and his theories of sexuality were in-
®uential. He believed that male homosexuals were physically
different from male heterosexuals and that these differences
were the products of hormones secreted by the gonads (Hirsch-
feld 1944). These hormones not only in®uenced sexual orienta-
tion but also were responsible for gender differences between
heterosexuals and homosexuals. He imagined homosexuality to
be an intermediate gender between the feminine and the mascu-
line. Although male homosexuals had the physical bodies of
men, Hirschfeld argued, they had the sex drive and emotions of
the opposite sex. Hirschfeld also believed that hormones altered
the physical bodies of homosexuals so that their secondary sex
characteristics were feminine. He maintained that because male
homosexuals are biologically feminized, they are psychologically
and sexually effeminate as well.
Although Hirschfeld theorized homosexuality as an inter-
mediate gender, his de¤nition of homosexuality did not com-
fortably ¤t his gendered model. He argued that “genuine homo-
sexuality only exists where the physical acts are an outcome of
homosexual mentality” (Hirschfeld 1944, 227); sexual acts not
motivated by desire cannot be attributed to homosexual orienta-
tion. Therefore, it was possible for someone to participate in ho-
mosexual acts without being homosexual. However, Hirschfeld
did not believe in a gender division between active and passive
homosexual acts. He held that both partners in a homosexual act
are, indeed, homosexual if both were acting on their desire.
Like Ulrichs’ theories, those of Hirschfeld seem to represent
male homosexuality as a departure from masculine heterosexual
normality, particularly in their portrayal of the male homosexual
as innately effeminate. Consequently, this portrayal may have
undermined their political agendas. Although their work is
separated by more than ¤fty years, they both wrote under cul-
tural conditions hostile to their theories. Given the rigid gender
roles of Ulrichs’ time and the emergence of Nazism during
Hirschfeld’s life, it is easy to understand that the portrayal of an
effeminate male homosexual, even as a form of biological devi-
ance, could be regarded as evidence of pathology.
The Sociopsychological Theories of Male Homosexuality
Krafft-Ebing, Freud, and Psychoanalysis
29
ual impulses into heterosexual channels. If the patient failed to
follow this regime, he would develop “a deep change of charac-
ter, particularly in his feelings and inclinations, which thus be-
come those of a female” (p. 297).
Krafft-Ebing contrasted situational homosexuality with a
more innate form that he described as abnormal congenital
manifestation. He outlined these homosexual manifestations as
follows:
30
brain (androgyne and gyandry). (1922, 336–337)
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Although he entertained several causes of congenital homosexu-
ality, Krafft-Ebing favored a Darwinian model. He imagined
homosexuality to be the lingering residue of an animalistic bi-
sexuality that would slowly die in the process of evolutionary
advance. In other words, Krafft-Ebing saw homosexuality as a
degenerative condition.2
Although Krafft-Ebing was not a gay rights advocate, his
theories of homosexuality are similar to those of Hirschfeld and
Ulrichs. He imagines that homosexuality is both a biological
and psychological manifestation. He also maintains that in both
situational and congenital cases, male homosexuality is indica-
tive of effeminacy. Krafft-Ebing departs from Hirschfeld and
Ulrichs when he explicitly de¤nes homosexuality as a debilitat-
ing pathology—a view of homosexuality that dominated psy-
chological theory for some time. In particular, his theories set
the stage for those that would emerge in the ¤eld of psycho-
analysis.
Freud’s theories of sexuality take several forms, but certain
elements remain fairly constant. He argued that the child is born
into a state of bisexuality, an innate sexual instinct that he re-
ferred to as “polymorphous perversity” (Freud 1949, 111). The
child’s bisexual energy originally is directed toward the mother,
who is the ¤rst sexual object for the child. This attraction creates
psychological obstacles that differ for the male and the female
child; however, Freud’s theories were primarily concerned with
male sexual development. He believed that the male child enters
a pre-Oedipal stage in which the child’s sexual energy becomes
channeled into a competition with the father for the mother’s
attention and affection. If this stage is resolved correctly, the
child’s sexual development proceeds into heterosexuality. If the
child is not able to reconcile his relationship with his mother,
31
arrested sexual development. In spite of this arrested state, Freud
observes, there are some “inverts” who appear to be normal in
every way except for their sexuality. He suggests that this form
of homosexuality is innate and may be biological (1949). In
other words, Freud did not maintain that homosexuality is al-
ways the product of psychological pathology. Kenneth Lewes
(1988) argues this point well in The Psychoanalytic Theory of
Male Homosexuality. Lewes claims that Freud’s original theories
regarding male homosexuality were actually quite sympathetic
and that the negative view of male homosexuality attributed to
psychoanalytic theory emerged out of the works of psychoana-
lytic theorists who followed Freud. This development is illus-
trated by the assessment of male homosexuality by Edmund
Bergler and William Kroger (1954), both champions of Freu-
dian psychoanalysis: “The man who is suffering from the dis-
ease-entity, ‘perversion homosexuality,’ has regressed to the oral
stage, the ¤rst level of psychic development. It is in this stage
32
Reinventing the Male Homosexual that every child must cope with the inevitable wrench of being
weaned from breast or bottle. . . . Homosexuals are the result
of one of the many abnormal solutions to this early con®ict.
Homosexuals are so furious with the disappointing breast (or
bottle) that they discard the sex responsible for their disappoint-
ment” (pp. 123–124). Although Lewes’s assessment may be cor-
rect, it would be dif¤cult to argue that Freud regarded male
homosexuality as a normal expression of sexual development.
Freud’s own views may have been humane, but the ¤eld of psy-
choanalysis generally imagined male homosexuality to be a state
of effeminate pathology.
I am not completely convinced by his defense of Freud, but
Lewes’s case against the other psychoanalysts is compelling. His
extensive review of the literature demonstrates that psychoana-
lysts have systematically denigrated homosexuality for more
than sixty years. What intrigues me most about these theoretical
developments is how Freud’s original belief in innate bisexuality
has been written out of the discipline.3 This theoretical move
allowed the ¤eld of psychoanalysis to de¤ne heterosexuality and
homosexuality as discrete, dichotomous categories and to regard
heterosexuality as biologically normal and homosexuality as a
psychological dysfunction. Lewes maintains that this theoretical
move indicates how psychoanalysis responded to social, cultural,
and political pressures.
External pressures may have been in®uential, but disciplinary
advantages accrued from these theoretical moves. By eliminating
the possibility of bisexuality and establishing homosexuality as
a discrete category, psychoanalysts isolated male homosexuality
as an object of study. By denying the possibility of a biological
cause and determining male homosexuality to be a psychological
pathology, psychoanalysts were able to claim authority over the
study of homosexuality. In fact, Lewes’s book is a testament to
the ways in which psychoanalysis dominated and policed this
research. To maintain their authority, however, psychoanalysts
33
could be attributed to Alfred Kinsey’s work (for reasons that be-
come clear later in this chapter), and he dismissed its efforts to
change public attitudes. In the second edition, Bergler wrote:
“Kinsey claimed that every third man one meets on the street
has had some homosexual experiences, as an adult. Armed with
these misleading and faulty statistics, homosexuals started to ask
for parity with heterosexuals” (1958, viii–ix).
In the second edition’s chapter on homosexuality, Bergler
explains why such parity is unreasonable by outlining all that is
defective in the homosexual psyche. His motive for opposing the
gay rights effort may be conveyed, albeit indirectly, by the con-
cluding paragraph of the chapter: “There is no longer any
justi¤cation for the homosexual’s claim that his problems entitle
him to pity—and acceptance of the status quo. His unconscious
make-up is now scienti¤cally understood, and the problem of
therapy has been solved. I am proud of having contributed a
good deal to the solution” (1958, 222). Here Bergler is advocat-
34
Reinventing the Male Homosexual ing the use of therapy to cure homosexuality, and he is position-
ing himself as the primary authority on this form of therapy. If,
however, gay rights advocates were to successfully establish so-
cial and political equality with heterosexuals, then the need for
therapy would evaporate, and with it Bergler’s authority. Ber-
gler’s research may or may not have been informed by political
motives, but to protect his work, Bergler had to oppose the early
gay rights efforts of the 1950s.
Bergler was not the only psychoanalyst to hold these views.
Charles Socarides (1996), for example, remains an ardent de-
fender of the position that homosexuality is a mental disease,
and he is still publishing work on the pathology of homosexual-
ity. He also has been a vocal opponent of the contemporary gay
rights movement and is the founder and past president of the
National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexu-
ality (NARTH). Although this organization claims that its pri-
mary purpose is to defend the rights of gays and lesbians who
want to change their sexuality, the organization’s statement of
purpose reveals its stand on gay rights advocacy. According to
the NARTH web page, “When gay advocates reframed the pub-
lic debate as a discussion about ‘who one is’ rather than ‘what one
does,’ they successfully intimidated dissenters by casting them as
personally bigoted and hateful. As a result, most people who de-
fend the reality of male–female design have been embarrassed
into public silence. NARTH stands ready to advise government,
educational, and mental-health agencies as well as the media
and religious groups on issues pertaining to homosexuality”
(National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexu-
ality 1999). Again, advocating therapy for homosexuality entails
opposition to gay rights. For some psychoanalysts, such opposi-
tion is also a defense of their authority and expertise; it is no
accident that psychoanalysts hold leadership roles in NARTH.
35
istence of bisexuality. Kinsey rejected the use of the terms “ho-
mosexuality” and “heterosexuality” as discrete categories of sex-
ual orientation; his data did not support such dichotomization.
Kinsey demanded that sexual theory be based on empirical data,
a demand that stemmed from his own scienti¤c training as a
biologist (Weinrich 1990). Consequently, Kinsey’s work sig-
naled a paradigm shift in the study of sexuality. No longer
would homosexuality be the sole domain of psychoanalysts
whose data were drawn from case histories. This new paradigm
would reconstitute homosexuality as an object of study for the
empirical social sciences (Coleman 1990).
Kinsey’s work also is signi¤cant because it began to chal-
lenge the beliefs about pathology and effeminacy. For example,
Kinsey (Kinsey, Pomeroy, and Martin 1948) acknowledged that
male homosexuals are often regarded as physically weak and in-
clined to engage in feminine behaviors and artistic occupations,
but he also observed that the belief about effeminacy feeds the
36
Reinventing the Male Homosexual supposition that male homosexuals are distinct from male het-
erosexuals. Kinsey questioned the belief about effeminacy and
the assumption of clear distinctions between heterosexual and
homosexual men:
It should be pointed out that scienti¤c judgments on this point
[effeminacy] have been based on little more than the same sort
of impression which the general public has had concerning ho-
mosexual persons. . . . Males do not represent two discrete popu-
lations, heterosexual and homosexual. The world is not to be di-
vided into sheep and goats. Not all things are black nor all things
white. It is a fundamental of taxonomy that nature rarely deals
with discrete categories. Only the human mind invents catego-
ries and tries to force facts into separated pigeon-holes. The liv-
ing world is a continuum in each and every one of its aspects.
The sooner we learn this concerning human sexual behavior the
sooner we shall reach a sound understanding of the realities of
sex. (1948, 638–639)
37
thered the cause of scienti¤c truth” (p. 141).
As Bergler and Kroger recognized, Kinsey’s conclusions
were damaging to the ¤eld of psychoanalysis. In 1973, the
American Psychiatric Association voted to remove homosexu-
ality from its list of mental diseases. The decision did not include
ego-dystonic homosexuality, a condition experienced by homo-
sexuals who wanted to change their sexual orientation (Morin
and Rothblum 1991). Even this exception was rendered imma-
terial in 1997, however, when the APA concluded that psycho-
logical therapies could not cure homosexuality (“Psychologists
vote” 1997). In other words, Kinsey’s work was the beginning of
the end for psychoanalytic theories of homosexuality, including
the claim that these theories were curative.
Kinsey’s legacy lives on in the work of others who have ex-
panded his model. Eli Coleman describes this expansion as a
third paradigm in the study of sexuality, which views sexual
38
Reinventing the Male Homosexual identity and orientation as multidimensional. One of the ¤rst
post-Kinsey models was developed by Michael Shively and John
De Cecco (1977). This model divided sexual identity into four
categories and considered such factors as gender and sex roles.
The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid expanded the categories of
sexuality further (Klein 1985). In addition to considering vari-
ables such as sexual attraction, behavior, and fantasy, this model
asks respondents to indicate their past, present, and future sexual
identity. Coleman has even developed his own model for the
“clinical assessment of sexual orientation” (1990, 271). In this
model, the subject is asked to respond to nine different dimen-
sions of sexual orientation and to indicate a present and future
(“ideal”) sexual identity. Finally, Vivienne Cass (1990) has ar-
gued that in addition to sexual identity, scholars of sexuality
need to study the progression of identity formation. To facilitate
this type of study, Cass outlined six stages that can be used to
assess how far a subject has progressed in identifying and accept-
ing a gay or lesbian sexual orientation.
Sexual theory in the ¤eld of sociopsychology has progressed
to a stage in which sexual orientation is regarded as much more
diffuse than was formerly thought. These models go well beyond
the unidimensional Kinsey scale and are a far cry from the ho-
mosexual/heterosexual dichotomy offered by the psychoanalysts.
I see this theoretical progression as positive because as sexuality
is understood to be more diffuse, the categories of normal and
abnormal sexual behavior become untenable, even obsolete.
In addition, the diffusion of sexuality is a scienti¤c advance
that bodes well for gays and lesbians because it challenges the
stigma of pathology. It would be naïve, however, to assume that
the diffusion model is solely the result of theoretical develop-
ments. Breaking down sexual orientation into multidimensional
models also serves the interests of those working in the social
sciences. These models are designed for empirical data gathering,
and their complexity requires speci¤c methods. To the extent
that they are offered up as more exacting tools for measuring
sexuality, they also are offered as proof that sexuality should be
studied in a certain way. In other words, these models have a
disciplinary function because they fortify the belief that the
39
post-Kinsey theorists vulnerable to the challenge of the gay gene
discourse.
Michel Foucault
41
about his experiences with numerous psychoanalysts who at-
tempted to “cure” him of his homosexuality. These analysts de-
manded Duberman’s complete cooperation and subordination.
His accounts demonstrate the ways in which psychoanalysis
maintains authority over the study of homosexuality generally
and the homosexual patient speci¤cally.
The second exercise of power through the repression hy-
pothesis involves economic conditions. As capitalism expanded
in the Western world and populations became more transient,
the nuclear family became the main economic unit. This new
economic unit, the nuclear family, had the responsibility of en-
forcing sexual mores. As Foucault observes, “the family was the
crystal in the deployment of sexuality: it seemed to be the source
of a sexuality which it actually only re®ected and diffracted”
(1978, 111). Although this control of sexuality was represented
as a moral concern, it actually had an economic function. As
Foucault suggests, sexual discipline was ¤rst embraced by eco-
42
Reinventing the Male Homosexual nomically and politically privileged families who saw their
moral conduct as evidence of their natural superiority over the
lower classes. As Foucault writes, “The bourgeoisie began by
considering that its own sex was something important, a fragile
treasure, a secret that had to be discovered at all costs” (1978,
120–121). Although sexuality was represented as a product of
morality, the rules governing sexual practice actually reinforced
power relations by validating the superiority of the bourgeoisie.
Finally, the repression hypothesis facilitated the dispersion
of power in such a manner that individuals began to police their
sexual behavior. To avoid being classi¤ed as deviant, individuals
avoided certain behaviors. As noted, the bourgeoisie embraced
the control and de¤nition of sexuality to evade the stigma of
deviance and to display their moral superiority. As Foucault ex-
plains in Discipline and Punish (1975), the statistical determina-
tion of normality and abnormality is a disciplining force that
demands that individuals control their behavior. In the context
of sexuality, individuals avoid homosexuality in order to evade
the stigma of deviance; or, more accurately, individuals do not
engage in homosexual acts because they do not want to be
thought of as homosexual. In fact, the belief in homosexual pa-
thology that I have traced through the sociopsychological theo-
ries is part of the disciplining force of the control of sexuality.
As long as homosexuality is thought of as an expression of men-
tal illness, then social pressures will dissuade individuals from
homosexual acts. Remove the stigma of deviance and there is no
longer any rationale for social pressures that censure homosexual
behavior.
Foucault’s work has been troubling for many sex theorists
because Foucault is not a sex theorist in the usual sense. Foucault
makes no attempt to speculate on the causes of homosexuality,
for example, nor does he offer a de¤nition. Instead, he is more
interested in the political conditions of those labeled as homo-
sexuals and in the ways that the scienti¤c study of homosexual-
ity precipitated these conditions. Foucault’s political interests be-
come more apparent toward the end of volume 1 of The History
of Sexuality (1978), where he sets forth his ideas about resisting
43
ered a choice. Instead, they want homosexuality to be thought of
as an immutable characteristic, and the gay gene discourse helps
them in this effort.
45
Behavioral Genetics
Three
Behavioral Genetics
chology.
Sociopsychological theories of male homosexuality have
advanced from a single dichotomous model of sexual orientation
to models that conceptualize sexual orientation as a diffuse and
®uid phenomenon. In addition, psychoanalytic theories that char-
acterize male homosexuality as pathological have been replaced
by more contemporary theories that challenge classi¤cations of
deviance. Because biological theories are intended to supplant
47
sociopsychological theories, one expects biological theories to
postulate different conceptions of male homosexuality. The gay
gene discourse, however, returns to the beliefs and assumptions
characteristic of early sociopsychological research and psycho-
analytic theory.
As noted in chapter 1, there are three levels of the gay gene
discourse: behavioral genetics, neuroendocrinology, and socio-
biology/evolutionary psychology. In this chapter, I focus on behav-
ioral genetics, a ¤eld in which scientists attempt to demonstrate
that sexual orientation is an expression of the characteristics em-
bedded in DNA. Very few of the scientists working in this ¤eld
run DNA tests; most of them infer genetic similarity from in-
heritance. Most of these studies use twins and other siblings to
illustrate the heritability of homosexuality. These studies of
twins operate under the premise that twins share DNA, so any
shared behavior could be genetically predisposed. In fact, some
of the earliest behavioral genetic studies involved twins. My in-
vestigation of the behavioral genetic literature begins with these
early studies; I then consider contemporary studies of twins and
conclude with Hamer’s research on the Xq28 chromosome.
Kallman’s Studies
Behavioral Genetics
psychodynamic in®uences can produce homosexual behavior, but
he claimed that these in®uences only affect a “limited number of
persons” (1952b, 295).
To replace the psychoanalytic etiology, Kallman offered
what he called an “intersexuality theory,” which construes homo-
sexuality as the result of an imbalance in the sex chromosomes.
In the case of male homosexuality, the female X chromosome
overrides the in®uence of the male Y chromosome. Although
49
Kallman admitted that this theory was not well supported, he
attempted to argue its validity:
Behavioral Genetics
ous methodological questions. David Rosenthal (1970) argues
that Kallman failed to recognize discordant pairs—twins who
did not share sexual orientation—and that his theory of in-
tersexuality is not supported by the data he used as evidence for
his theories.1 For example, Kallman made claims about his sub-
jects’ chromosomal makeup, but he did not perform the neces-
sary medical investigation to verify these assertions. In other
words, he did not perform DNA tests on his subjects. To be fair,
51
he did not have today’s technology at his disposal. Although
these failings are acknowledged widely (Bailey and Pillard 1991),
Kallman’s work is cited in current literature, and his in®uence is
still apparent. Experimental methods and designs have advanced
signi¤cantly since Kallman, but the general conception of male
homosexuality has remained constant.
Contemporary Studies
Most of the contemporary studies reviewed in this chapter
were conducted more than thirty years after Kallman’s work was
published, but the belief that male homosexuality is manifested
in effeminate behavior still dominates the behavioral genetic re-
search. Richard Pillard and James Weinrich (1986), for example,
begin their research with the presupposition that male homo-
sexuality is gender-atypical behavior. They cite previous studies
in which adult homosexuals have self-reported behaviors in early
childhood that were considered gender atypical; for example, the
subjects reported that as children they preferred girls’ games and
toys and eschewed more masculine play. Pillard and Weinrich
offer these studies as preliminary evidence that homosexuality
may have a biological basis: if the gender-atypical behavior asso-
ciated with male homosexuality can be traced back to the early
years of childhood, then sexuality is not entirely a matter of en-
vironmental conditioning. The ¤ndings to which Pillard and
Behavioral Genetics
product of biology as environment.
Pillard and Weinrich (1986) acknowledge that their study
raises certain methodological questions, which they attempt to
answer. For example, they note that their recruiting methods
may have encouraged the participation of homosexual siblings,
but they dismiss this possibility because their recruiting materi-
als did not mention sexual orientation. The study excluded mar-
ried men, however, which may have discouraged many hetero-
53
sexual men from participating. Although their study associates
male homosexuality with gender-atypical behavior, the research
they cite correlates this behavior with sexual orientation and not
with sexual practice.3 There are married men who participate in
homosexual acts but do not identify themselves as homosexual.
How these men have been accounted for in the studies of child-
hood gender-atypical behavior is not clear.
Pillard and Weinrich (1986) address another possible bias
in the reports of the index subjects. They suggest that homosex-
ual subjects may be more aware of, and more willing to report,
their siblings’ sexual orientation. They argue that their results
refute this possibility, but their speculation suggests that the
male homosexual subjects might be unusually interested in the
sexual exploits of their siblings. Furthermore, the suggestion
that homosexual men are more likely to report their siblings to
be homosexual evokes an effeminate stereotype: gay men love to
gossip. This speculation and the comment regarding sampling
bias demonstrate that the background belief about effeminacy
informs Pillard and Weinrich’s concept of male homosexuality,
and in their defense of their methods, they do not entertain the
possibility that this assumption might be suspect.
3. In one of the studies cited (Green 1985), 30 of the 44 subjects who re-
ported gender-atypical behavior were deemed to be either bisexual or homosex-
ual according to the Kinsey scale. However, fewer than half of the 44 subjects
(19) could be categorized as homosexual. In two of the studies cited (Saghir and
Robins 1973; Zuger 1978), a Kinsey scale was not used, and sexual orientation
was assessed through self-identi¤cation. In one of these studies (Zuger 1978),
homosexual orientation and gender-atypical behavior are associated in a circu-
lar argument. For some of the subjects who were deemed to have demonstrated
gender-atypical behavior, their effeminate behavior was offered as evidence of
their homosexuality.
A related study by Elke Eckert and colleagues (Eckert et al.
54
Reinventing the Male Homosexual 1986) investigated the theory of homosexual heritability by
studying pairs of monozygotic twins who were raised apart.
Several studies have tested the in®uence of environment by ana-
lyzing the similarities between twins who have been separated
and raised by different families. Most of this research is anecdo-
tal, and the work of Eckert et al. is no exception. The study
analyzed six sets of monozygotic twins, four female and two
male pairs. One of the male pairs was concordant for homosexu-
ality, whereas the other was identi¤ed as “problematic.” Of the
four female pairs, no single pair was sexually concordant. These
results led Eckert et al. to conclude that female homosexuality
probably is acquired rather than biologically determined. Al-
though this conclusion is dif¤cult to evaluate, it re®ects the ex-
clusion of female homosexuality from the gay gene discourse.
Although this study hypothesized the heritability of male
homosexuality in order to dismiss the environmental factors of
psychological development, Eckert et al. (1986) still associated
homosexuality with psychological pathology. The twins who
were concordant for homosexuality are described as “emotion-
ally labile,” suffering from depression and anxiety. The study
also reports on the twins’ promiscuity: one twin had 25 to 30
sexual partners; the other had 500. For reasons that are unclear,
the study also mentions that once this pair was introduced to
each other, they began a sexual relationship. By mentioning the
subjects’ promiscuity and incest, the study reproduces psycho-
analytic views of male homosexuality. The charge of incest also
invokes the Freudian theory of homosexual narcissism, in which
the male child seeks a sex partner who resembles himself. What
could be more narcissistic than making love to a physically iden-
tical partner?
As I noted, the study did not ¤nd full sexual concordance
between the second pair of twins: one twin had been exclusively
homosexual for sixteen years; the other had been exclusively het-
erosexual for ¤fteen years. Therefore, it would not be unreason-
able to identify the problematic pair as sexually discordant. Yet
Eckert et al. (1986) were reluctant to make this classi¤cation
because both twins displayed bisexual behavior for short periods
during their teenage years. Some of the post-Kinsey theories
Behavioral Genetics
discussed in the previous chapter would provide a reasonable ex-
planation for this bisexual behavior. Coleman’s model (1990), for
example, demonstrates that an individual’s sexuality can change
over time. Recognizing the ®uid qualities of human sexuality,
however, would challenge the hypothesis that male homosexu-
ality is a ¤xed, biological trait. Here the ambiguous label of
“problematic” concordance rede¤nes sexual behavior that runs
counter to the biological hypothesis. But this relabeling intro-
55
duces another more important issue: Eckert et al. indicate that
studies of twins often encounter problems in classifying the sex-
ual orientation of their subjects. If sexual orientation cannot be
classi¤ed clearly in twin studies, then there may be a problem
with how these studies conceptualize sexual orientation. Perhaps
part of the problem resides in the implicit assumption that there
are only two discrete categories of sexual orientation: homosexu-
ality and heterosexuality. Finding a biological basis for these dis-
crete categories may be a problem because, as Kinsey has argued,
these categories may not be a biological reality. In spite of these
problems, Eckert et al. express con¤dence that their study accu-
rately measured sexual orientation: “Overall, the male pairs tend
to con¤rm earlier studies of twin families: the concordance rate
for sexual orientation among MZ [monozygotic] pairs is consis-
tently above that of DZ [dizygotic] pairs, and despite all prob-
lems of ascertainment and diagnosis, it is hard to deny genetic
factors an aetiological role” (1986, 424).
There are two reasons to be cautious of drawing a conclu-
sion about genetic factors from this research. First, the studies of
twins raised apart operate under certain assumptions about en-
vironment and upbringing. They assume that because the twins
were raised in different households, they had been exposed to
different environments. Richard Lewontin, Steven Rose, and
Leon Kamin (1984) show that studies of intelligence often fail
to account for similarities in environment. Some of these studies,
for example, include pairs of twins who were separated but were
raised by different members of the same biological family. The
subjects included in the Eckert study appear to have been raised
by unrelated families, but important environmental similarities
still exist. The twins concordant for homosexuality were both
56
Reinventing the Male Homosexual adopted by middle-class families and raised in suburban com-
munities in the same city. The twins whose sexual concordance
was labeled problematic experienced very different environments:
one was raised by a family in a large city in the eastern United
States; the other was raised in the rural South. Considering that
these pairs’ sexual concordance is correlated with environmental
similarities and dissimilarities, it is dif¤cult to understand why
the results are interpreted as demonstrating a genetic rather than
an environmental etiology for homosexuality.
Second, Eckert et al. used an anecdotal method, and only
two pairs of male twins participated in the study. The authors
suggest that the results con¤rm earlier experiments on the sexual
concordance of monozygotic twins, but speci¤c studies are not
cited. Perhaps the authors were alluding to a literature review
conducted by Pillard, Poumadere, and Carretta (1981), which
found a 50 percent sexual concordance rate across several studies.
However, many of the studies in this review analyzed only two
pairs of twins, and in some cases, only one pair. Thus, Eckert et
al. con¤rm anecdotal case studies with another anecdotal case
study. Because their study included only two pairs of twins, the
50 percent concordance rate reported by Eckert et al. does not
exceed the probability of a casual coin toss.
A related study by Fredrick Whitam, Milton Diamond, and
James Martin (1993) illustrates the ways in which background
beliefs about homosexual pathology and effeminacy are associ-
ated. This study included 61 pairs of twins and three sets of
triplets. Again, the researchers hypothesized a biological basis
for sexual orientation, and the subject population included males
and females.4 Of the twin pairs included in the study, only 12
pairs were interviewed directly. In most cases, one or both of the
twins were interviewed over the phone or surveyed with mailed
questionnaires. The subjects’ sexual orientation was determined
by use of the Kinsey scale, and pairs were coded as concordant,
Behavioral Genetics
the pairs tested, Whitam, Diamond, and Martin found a 64.7
percent concordance rate for the monozygotic twins and a 28.6
percent rate for the dizygotic twins; they suggest that these
¤ndings corroborate previous research.
In the discussion of their results, Whitam, Diamond, and
Martin provide information about the twins included in their
study. One pair of male homosexual twins is characterized by
the following account: “As children of 7 or 8 they played a self-
57
invented sex game which they called ‘chase the rabbits.’ Living
near a garbage dump, they disrobed completely in a nearby
wooded area and exhibited themselves to garbage men unload-
ing their trucks. Some of the drivers co-operated in the game
by chasing the nude boys and taking them into their trucks to
fondle them. Each of the twins perceived this as ‘good fun’ and
report they enjoyed the ‘game’ until discovered by their mother
who forced them to stop” (1993, 195). This story is offered to
demonstrate the similarity in sexual practices reported by the
sexually concordant monozygotic twins, but the view of male
homosexuality that it provides is disturbing. First, a pedophilic
experience is represented, with young children playing sexual
games with adult men. In addition, the children are portrayed as
precocious and sexually predatory: it is the adult men who “co-
operate” in the sexual games initiated by the boys. Finally, the
sexual activity takes place at a site where waste is deposited, a
scene fraught with scatological implications.
To advance their claim about monozygotic twins’ concor-
dant behavior, Whitam, Diamond, and Martin offer this de-
scription of another pair of homosexual twins’ effeminate be-
havior: “They lived together, aspired to be entertainers, and had
put together a twin night club act consisting of skits, singing,
dancing and identical costumes” (1993, 195). At a point in the
article at which sexual behavior is being discussed, the authors
Behavioral Genetics
tural conceptions of male homosexuality confound claims about
the heritability of sexual orientation, the authors do not draw
conclusions about gendered behavior but instead offer hypothe-
ses about genetic determination.
On the surface, Michael Bailey and Richard Pillard’s re-
search (1991) appears to be concerned primarily with homo-
sexuality. In the introduction to their report, they argue that a
biological basis for homosexuality would overcome questions of
59
morality and pathology. To support their point, they cite a study
that has correlated the acceptance of homosexuality with the be-
lief that sexuality is biological. Bailey and Pillard imply that a
causal relationship exists between people’s attitudes about ho-
mosexuality and genetic research. Speci¤cally, they maintain
that social and political questions regarding homosexuality have
stimulated interest in biological research, and they suggest that
proof of biological homosexuality will create more tolerant atti-
tudes. Unfortunately, the correlation they describe does not sup-
port this causal inference. In fact, all that it may demonstrate is
that people who are already tolerant of homosexuality are more
willing to believe that it is biological. In chapter 1, I noted that
advocacy of the biological argument is based on some naïve as-
sumptions about how scienti¤c arguments enter into political
debates; Bailey and Pillard’s arguments illustrate my point.
Bailey and Pillard’s study (1991) cites research linking ho-
mosexuality to childhood gender nonconformity. As in similar
experiments, the authors argue that because this nonconformity
is manifested so early in the lives of most homosexuals, homo-
sexuality must precede social conditioning. Consequently, Bailey
and Pillard hypothesize that childhood gender nonconformity
will be highly correlated with heritability, indicating genetic
in®uence on homosexuality. Although they avoid using the label
of pathology, Bailey and Pillard conceptualize homosexuality in
a manner that suggests abnormality. They write, “in childhood
male homosexuals are frequently perceived as ‘sissies,’ and female
homosexuals are frequently perceived as ‘tomboys’ ” (p. 1090).
The concept of childhood gender nonconformity requires that
male homosexuality be regarded as a deviation from normal
masculine behavior. Although Bailey and Pillard wisely acknow-
60
Reinventing the Male Homosexual ledge that many homosexuals do not report childhood gender
nonconformity, they operationalize this behavior as the manifes-
tation of genetically determined male homosexuality.
The subjects for Bailey and Pillard’s study were recruited
through advertisements in gay publications. The inclusion crite-
ria required that subjects be gay or bisexual, with either a male
twin or a genetically unrelated, adopted brother. Their volunteer
subjects were questioned about sexual orientation and childhood
gender nonconformity, and then they were asked to report the
sexual orientation of their siblings. Subsequently, their siblings
were contacted in an attempt to corroborate the index subjects’
reports. The siblings who cooperated were also questioned about
sexual orientation and childhood gender nonconformity. In those
cases in which the siblings refused to cooperate with the study,
Bailey and Pillard relied on the uncorroborated reports of the
index subjects. They justi¤ed their inclusion of this data by re-
ferring to the 97.5 percent accuracy rates of the corroborated
reports. The results indicated that 52 percent of the monozygo-
tic twins included in the study were concordant for homosexu-
ality; 22 percent of the dizygotic twins were concordant as were
11 percent of the adopted brothers.6 Bailey and Pillard are cau-
tious about these ¤ndings and indicate that sampling bias may
affect their results. In regard to childhood gender nonconformity,
Bailey and Pillard’s reported data did not support their hypothe-
sis that childhood gender nonconformity is inherited. Bailey and
Pillard (1991) conclude that their ¤ndings corroborate previous
research, which demonstrates a signi¤cant level of heritability
for homosexuality. They argue that sexuality is not solely the
product of environment but is in®uenced by genetics. They also
suggest that their research demonstrates the existence of homo-
sexual genes, despite the evolutionary argument that such genes
would be selected out of the human population. However, these
6. These results assume that the accuracy rate associated with the cooperative
siblings can be applied to the reports of the index subjects with uncooperative sib-
lings. The refusal to cooperate with the study may indicate alienation between
siblings. In that event, it is not reasonable to assume that alienated siblings would
provide accurate reports on sexual orientation. In any event, the sexual orientation
of some of Bailey and Pillard’s subjects was never veri¤ed.
arguments are designed to demonstrate the contribution of ge-
Behavioral Genetics
netic science to the study of human behavior. Bailey and Pillard
emphasize the genetic implications of their ¤ndings, thereby
shifting the focus away from the more dif¤cult issue of gendered
behavior.
By focusing on genetic implications, Bailey and Pillard
(1991) forego an opportunity to dispute cultural beliefs about
male homosexual effeminacy. The childhood gender noncon-
formity model reproduces the belief that male homosexuals be-
61
have effeminately. Yet Bailey and Pillard’s ¤ndings indicate that
the heritability of homosexuality cannot be reconciled fully with
childhood gender nonconformity. In other words, their data sug-
gest that in order to demonstrate a genetic basis for male homo-
sexuality, the concept of gendered behavior may need to be re-
thought or perhaps abandoned. Bailey and Pillard do not address
this possibility and instead suggest that future experiments should
attempt to reconcile homosexual heritability with the childhood
gender nonconformity model. Because they have argued that the
childhood gender nonconformity studies offer evidence of the
genetic determination of homosexuality, Bailey and Pillard are
not inclined to abandon the model. Their investment in child-
hood gender nonconformity requires them to interpret their data
in a way that reasserts the importance of gendered behavior. Ac-
cordingly, they do not pursue conclusions that potentially could
recon¤gure the way in which male homosexuality is conceptu-
alized.
Bailey collaborated with Neil Buhrich and Nicholas Martin
(Buhrich, Bailey, and Martin 1991) on a similar study that was
published in the same year as that done with Pillard. In this
study, the authors begin by offering two criticisms of the exist-
ing literature on the genetic bases of male homosexuality. First,
they argue that previous studies fail to measure sexual orienta-
tion in relation to “opposite sex–dimorphic behavior.”7 Second,
7. From the way the variable is described, there is little that distinguishes
“opposite sex–dimorphic behavior” from the childhood gender nonconformity
model used in Bailey’s collaboration with Pillard. Speci¤cally, Buhrich, Bailey,
and Martin de¤ne opposite sex–dimorphic behaviors as “those characteristically
seen in females and not males, the extreme of which is recognized as ‘sissy’ be-
havior” (1991, 77).
they observe that previous studies have measured only zygosity
62
Reinventing the Male Homosexual as a causal factor in sexual orientation. Buhrich, Bailey, and
Martin offer a multivariate model that attempts to measure the
in®uence of genes as compared with that of environmental fac-
tors. The study included 161 pairs of male twins who responded
to mailed questionnaires. These questionnaires contained items
that measured childhood and adult sex-dimorphic behavior, sex-
ual identity, and sexual orientation.
As a point of clari¤cation, the study conceptualized sexual
identity and sexual orientation as discrete variables. Sexual iden-
tity referred to the subjects’ comfort with their gender identity.
Sexual orientation was determined through questions concern-
ing sexual attraction. The majority of the survey questions dealt
with sex-dimorphic behaviors that are considered atypical for
the subjects’ biological sex. For example, the subjects were asked
to indicate if in childhood they were ever accused of being a
“sissy,” if they enjoyed playing with girls, and if they avoided
physical harm. Questions designed to gauge masculine behavior
asked the subjects to report whether or not they enjoyed outdoor
activities and contact sports. The authors of the Buhrich study
(1991) acknowledge that the reliability of these survey questions
has not been veri¤ed. Furthermore, the questions seem to be
bound by temporal conceptions of gendered behavior. Because
they use a measurement developed twelve years prior to their
study (McConaghy et al. 1979), Buhrich, Bailey, and Martin es-
sentially assume that gender roles remained constant from 1979
to 1991.
The extent to which these problems affected Buhrich,
Bailey, and Martin’s study (1991) is not clear, but their results
re®ect a tension between sex-dimorphic behavior and male
homosexuality. The authors attribute a signi¤cant level of vari-
ance in sexual orientation to genetic factors. In contrast, variance
in sex-dimorphic behavior is attributed to environmental factors.
The Buhrich study avers that gendered behavior is primarily a
product of conditioning within the family environment, but this
observation runs counter to the authors’ claim that sexual orien-
tation is related to this behavior. As in his collaboration with
Pillard (1991), Bailey and his colleagues do not allow their
¤ndings to dissuade them from conceptualizing male homo-
Behavioral Genetics
sexuality as effeminate behavior. Instead, the authors argue that
the sex-dimorphic scale may not properly measure the Sissy Boy
Syndrome that they claim signi¤es male homosexuality. In fact,
they conclude that more research must be conducted to “elabo-
rate speci¤cation of the core traits of the Sissy Boy Syndrome”
(Buhrich, Bailey, and Martin 1991, 93).
63
Hamer and Xq28
8. As noted earlier, the Kinsey scale maps human sexuality onto a seven-point
scale that ranges from absolute heterosexuality (a score of 0) to absolute homo-
sexuality (a score of 6).
9. Zita (1998) provides a more detailed critique of Hamer’s efforts to contain
choice of the X chromosome as the location of the gay gene.
Behavioral Genetics
Males inherit only one X chromosome from their mothers, so
either they have the gay gene or they do not. Therefore, Hamer
needed a way to conceptualize male sexual orientation as either
homosexual or heterosexual. This exigency explains why Hamer
resisted the possibility of bisexuality inherent in the Kinsey scale
and why he chose to dichotomize sexual orientation. This choice
illustrates the implicit assumption that there are two types of
sexual orientation and two sexes: a male is heterosexual or homo-
65
sexual, a real man or a girl.
The issue of gendered behavior is subtle in Hamer’s re-
search. Whereas other studies were concerned with correlating
gendered behaviors with male homosexuality, Hamer focused on
the correlation to genetic material. Hamer did not overlook the
question of gender; he asked subjects to report childhood gender-
atypical behavior, but testing the gender hypothesis was not his
primary concern. In fact, Hamer’s ¤ndings indicate that homo-
sexual brothers concordant for Xq28 are more likely to display
masculine behavior than discordant brothers are. As in the pre-
vious studies, Hamer’s data call into question the belief that
male homosexuality is marked by effeminate behavior. And like
the other contemporary behavioral genetic scientists, Hamer
failed to interpret his data in a way that would question that
belief; instead, he called for more research to correlate Xq28
with gender-atypical behavior.
More research has been conducted, but two recent studies
did not produce results that support Hamer’s ¤ndings. One
study involving twins (Bailey, Dunne, and Martin 2000) at-
tempted to demonstrate the heritability of sexual orientation,
childhood gender nonconformity, and gender identity. Although
they successfully correlated childhood gender nonconformity to
homosexuality, Bailey, Dunne, and Martin did not report that
Behavioral Genetics
with a potbelly that stretched a T-shirt out over a big leather belt
holding up a pair of dusty jeans” (Hamer and Copeland 1994, 87).
Later, when Hamer learns that Martin lied about his his-
tory of alcoholism, he questions the subject’s self-reported hetero-
sexual identity. Hamer wisely dropped this subject from his data;
however, his account indicates the importance of the mother–
son relationship in his identi¤cation of homosexuality. Not only
does Hamer operationalize the gay gene in such a way that men
67
inherit their homosexuality from their mothers, but he also
holds that male homosexuality, as a behavior, is manifest when a
son bonds too closely with his mother. Like the psychoanalysts
before him, Hamer treats male homosexuality as the product of
female in®uence, although the in®uence is thought to be biologi-
cal rather than psychological. One of his female colleagues also
made this observation. After he showed her data that indicate
that male homosexuality follows lines of maternal inheritance,
she remarked, “That’s right. Blame it on the mothers again”
(Hamer and Copeland 1994, 94). Hamer dismisses the com-
ment as a “snide remark,” but according to his research, mothers
are responsible for their sons’ homosexuality.
Hamer’s work is consistent with Kallman’s concept of male
homosexuality as the product of female pollution. The mother
introduces the gay gene into the male body by passing it along
on a female sex chromosome, which then feminizes the male
body to produce homosexual behavior. Consequently, male homo-
sexuality occurs when masculinity is corrupted by femininity.
The issue of gender is distinctive in this context. Hamer does
not conceptualize male homosexuality as effeminate behavior
per se, but he does conceptualize it as a feminized condition.
The overriding in®uence of the mother is once again rendered in
pathological terms. Like Kallman, Hamer maps the old psycho-
analytic paradigm of the domineering mother onto the chromo-
somes. Hamer may not have intended to associate male homo-
sexuality with pathology, but his model of inheritance re®ects
the psychoanalytic theory that male homosexuality is produced
through an abnormal mother–son relationship.
The issue of pathology in Hamer’s work does not end here,
however. Originally, the study was supposed to determine if
68
Reinventing the Male Homosexual homosexuals were genetically predisposed to alcoholism and an
AIDS-related skin cancer, Kaposi’s sarcoma.12 Hamer’s ¤ndings
(Hamer and Copeland 1994) did not support these linkages.
In his study of HIV-positive brothers with Kaposi’s sarcoma,
Hamer was not able to establish a signi¤cant genetic correlation.
Considering that one of the main goals of the study was to iden-
tify genes related to the progression of AIDS (38 percent of the
study’s male subjects were HIV positive), the research project, in
this regard, was unsuccessful. As Hamer correctly observes,
however, AIDS is a complex disease not easily conveyed by the
experimental simplicity of genetic studies. For his study of alco-
holism, Hamer had many available subjects; at least 29 percent
of the gay male subjects suffered from some form of substance
abuse. He attempted an analysis to determine if a genetic marker
in the vicinity of the D2 receptor gene might correlate with ho-
mosexuality. Again, Hamer was not able to establish a signi¤-
cant correlation. He concluded that any causal association be-
tween substance abuse and homosexual orientation is probably
environmental.
Although Hamer’s interpretation seems to distance homo-
sexuality from physical and mental pathologies, his data demon-
strate high rates of AIDS and substance abuse among his subject
population. Hamer indicates that he was worried that his pro-
posal would not be approved by National Institutes of Health
director Dr. Bernadine Healy, whom he identi¤es as “a conser-
vative political appointee of the Bush White House,” because of
its focus on homosexuality (Hamer and Copeland 1994, 44). He
reports that he was surprised Healy did not make an issue of
sexual orientation. Later, when the study was questioned, the
concern was not sexual orientation but the number of different
conditions Hamer planned to consider. In his response, Hamer
argued for the economy of “using a single group of volunteers, in
this case gay men and their families, to study sexual orientation,
12. Hamer’s study also considered the incidence of depression among gay
men. Although he mentions other genetic studies of depression, he does not pro-
vide a detailed discussion of his own results.
HIV and Kaposi’s, and alcoholism” (p. 44). As Hamer notes, his
Behavioral Genetics
explanation was satisfactory because the study was funded.
Hamer’s study may have been approved because its design
associated male homosexuality with pathology. The powers that
be at the NIH were concerned with how the study would handle
the variables of AIDS and alcoholism, and they seemed unaware
that its primary purpose was to test the heritability of homo-
sexuality. In fact, Hamer suggests that the political climate at
the NIH would have prohibited such research. In other words,
69
the search for the gay gene was approved because it was expected
to yield results that would link homosexuality to pathological
conditions. Any misgivings that Healy and others may have had
about a genetic study of homosexuality may have been allayed
by the focus on different diseases. In this way, the belief about
homosexual pathology functioned not only to secure funding for
Hamer’s project but also to reassure certain members of the
medical community that their beliefs about homosexuals were
correct.
Hamer’s study is still quoted today, not for what he says
about homosexuals but for what he says about homosexuality.
When advocates of gay rights want to evoke the biological argu-
ment, they invariably point to Hamer’s work. In this sense,
Hamer’s study seems to be progressive, but the speci¤cs of his
research reveal a retrograde theory of sexuality. In fact, in the
context of the gay gene discourse, conceptions of male homo-
sexuality have hardly changed in the last forty years. Although
the gay gene discourse attempts to offer an alternative to the
sociopsychological explanations of male homosexuality, apart
from the question of biological etiology, the scientists in the ¤eld
of behavioral genetics have done little to reconceptualize male
homosexuality. Whereas sociopsychological theories have moved
away from beliefs about effeminacy and pathology, in the forty
years that separate Kallman’s study from Hamer’s, male homo-
sexuality as an object of genetic study has remained a condition
characterized by effeminate pathology.
Neuroendocrinology
Four
Neuroendocrinology
is referred to as the organizational/activation model, which rests
on the assumption that the brain is sexually dimorphic, mean-
ing that the brains of women and men are physically distinct.
Many feminist scholars of science have challenged this model
(Bleier 1984; Condit 1996; Fausto-Sterling 2000; Longino and
Doell 1983). Marianne van den Wijngaard’s analysis of the
model’s historical development summarizes the feminist cri-
tique:1
71
Dualistic thought about masculinity and femininity has led to
the belief that male and female brains are essentially different—
probably as a response to the need for a biological theory ex-
plaining the differences in the social functioning of men and
women. Prior to the organization theory, no valid “scienti¤c”
theory existed that based these differences on biological aspects
of the brain. Scientists believed that the variations in behavior
between men and women were caused by androgens that resulted
in sexual initiative, activity, aggression, and intelligence in males.
These characteristics were considered underdeveloped (or far less
developed) in females because of the absence of androgens before
birth. Nature was thought to predestine females to a lifetime of
caring and social and sexual submission. In this context, the
“hormonal” explanation provided by science for these features en-
dowed the dualistic images of masculinity and femininity that
existed in society with a scienti¤c truth. (1997, 45–46)
Neuroendocrinology
whether the effects of hormones can be divided neatly into or-
ganizational and activation effects. After an extensive review of
the research, Arthur Arnold and S. Marc Breedlove (1985)
reached the following conclusion:
73
implying that we can no longer adhere to strict two-process the-
ory of steroid in®uences. The second part of the analysis asked
if we can ¤nd evidence that speci¤c morphological or functional
actions of steroids are limited to the neo-natal or adult periods,
or are singularly permanent or impermanent. In general, the evi-
dence suggests the opposite, that various neural processes (e.g.,
growth, synaptogenesis, and regulation of receptors, perhaps
even neurogenesis) are in®uenced by steroids throughout life.
Thus, the second analysis also argues against a strict division
into two classes of action. (P. 489)
Neuroendocrinology
however, the pituitary gland produces a surge of LH, which
triggers ovulation. This LH surge is thought to be a unique re-
sponse of the female endocrine system. Consequently, positive
estrogen feedback has been operationalized as a variable signi-
fying female neural organization.2
Günter Dörner, Franziska Götz, and Wolfgang Rohde
(1975) measured the LH surge in male rats that had been cas-
trated and treated with estrogen. These rats experienced a slight
75
surge in LH, but their reaction was signi¤cantly greater than
that experienced by control male rats treated with testosterone.
Dörner, Götz, and Rohde conclude that positive estrogen feed-
back indicates a sexually differentiated hypothalamus produced
by the introduction of female hormones. Another study publish-
ed that year found positive estrogen feedback in homosexual
men (Dörner et al. 1975). In this study, Dörner and colleagues
argued that previous experiments suggested that homosexual be-
havior in male rats indicates a “predominantly female brain or-
ganization” and that this type of organization is a “possible
pathogenesis for inborn homosexuality” (1975, 2).
These comments illustrate that background beliefs about
gender and pathology become intertwined and demonstrate that
the methodology of this study is informed by these beliefs.
Dörner et al. (1975) tested 21 homosexual, 20 heterosexual, and
5 bisexual men for positive estrogen feedback. The mean score
of the homosexual subjects indicated a surge in LH after an es-
trogen treatment (20 mg of Presomen), whereas the mean score
of the heterosexual and bisexual subjects did not. Dörner et al.
concluded that “the elicitation of a positive estrogen feedback
effect in the majority of intact homosexual men in contrast to
intact heterosexual men suggests that homosexual men may
possess, at least in part, a predominantly female-differentiated
brain” (p. 6). In other words, male homosexuals may be neuro-
logically feminine, and this biological effeminacy is contrasted
to “normal” heterosexual male neurology.
Neuroendocrinology
feminized brain and 7 out of 20 (or approximately one-third) of
the heterosexual subjects in this experiment experienced in-
creases in LH, then there is no signi¤cant correlation between
male homosexuality and a feminized neural system, and the bio-
logical line between heterosexuality and homosexuality is less
well de¤ned than has been supposed.
Admittedly, it is almost impossible for any experiment in-
volving human subjects to achieve an absolute division between
77
two sets of subjects. In fact, the whole process of statistical com-
parison is designed to allow for variance within sets of subjects.
This particular experiment, however, shows the problems that
can occur when biological research attempts to account for hu-
man sexual behavior. The statistical mean for the sample popu-
lation of homosexuals becomes the standard for the entire popu-
lation of homosexuals, and the scienti¤c conclusions that are
drawn from that standard ignore the variations in the popula-
tion. Sometimes a correlation is mistaken for causation, and the
results of this confusion can be disastrous. The variance in the
LH experiment on human subjects, for example, is signi¤cant
enough to make it dif¤cult to classify any individual subject as
homosexual merely because of positive estrogen feedback, par-
ticularly because the two highest positive estrogen feedback re-
sponses in the Dörner et al. study were registered by heterosexual
subjects. Furthermore, given this variance, it would be dif¤cult
to suggest any corrective medical intervention to cure homo-
sexuality. Yet that is exactly what Dörner et al. propose: “Theo-
retically, a preventive therapy of sexual differentiation distur-
bances could be accomplished during these critical prenatal
organizational periods” (1975, 7). A year after making this sug-
gestion, Dörner (1976) argued that homosexuality in adult males
could be corrected through brain surgery. As Rainer Herrn ob-
serves, Dörner’s research was the basis for a surgical procedure
that “burned out the alleged sexual center of homosexual men”
(1995, 42). Herrn adds that this surgery was performed on 70
homosexual men before it was ¤nally abandoned; the surgeries
resulted in severe mental impairment. Although Dörner et al.
may have isolated a correlated “symptom” of male homosexual-
ity, the variance in their subject population should have been a
78
Reinventing the Male Homosexual warning that they had not isolated the cause of homosexuality.
Similar problems arise in other positive estrogen feedback
experiments. Brian Glaude, Richard Green, and Ronald Hell-
man (1984) compared the LH responses of homosexual men
with those of heterosexual men and women. They determined
that the LH response of male homosexuals was “intermediate
between that of the heterosexual men and that of the women”
(p. 1496). Like Dörner and his colleagues, Glaude, Green, and
Hellman conceptualized male homosexuality as a state of neural
effeminacy; however, their data raise questions about this as-
sumption. Using the Kinsey scale as a measure, the authors pur-
posefully selected subjects who were “such that they represented
the opposite ends of the spectrum of sexual orientation” (p.
1498). Although this method may have produced discrete popu-
lations of homosexuals and heterosexuals, this group does not
represent the general population. The selection of polarized sub-
jects is designed to produce results that would reveal clear dis-
tinctions between the LH responses of the homosexual and the
heterosexual subjects. The subjects’ positive estrogen feedback
responses should have been as distinct as their sexual orientation;
however, this was not the case. Although a signi¤cant number of
male homosexuals did show an LH response, some did not. Like
Dörner and his colleagues, Glaude, Green, and Hellman pre-
suppose a dichotomous view of sexual orientation that is not
supported by their data.
Transsexuality or Stress
Neuroendocrinology
speci¤c physical locations for gender and mating, even though
such locations were never isolated. In any case, although these
studies may indicate that homosexuality and transsexuality are
discrete, the experiments associate the two conditions as gender-
atypical behavior. In other words, transsexuality, like homosexu-
ality, is viewed as signifying an abnormal development of the
brain that is manifested in effeminate behavior.
A second line of research argues that male homosexuality is
79
caused by maternal stress. As I have mentioned, the purpose of
the LH experiments is to prove that the human brain is sexually
dimorphic. Animal experiments suggest that homosexuality oc-
curs in animals when hormonal imbalances disrupt the develop-
ment of the brain. Some of these experiments indicate that the
hormonal imbalances occur in the womb, affecting prenatal de-
velopment and sexual orientation. Drawing on other research
that suggests that maternal stress may produce homosexual be-
havior in rats, Dörner et al. (1980) argued that male homosexu-
ality in humans can also be explained by prenatal stress. In this
study, Dörner et al. looked at the birth dates of 865 German
male homosexual subjects registered with venerologists (physi-
cians who treat and report venereal diseases). Dörner et al. posit
that because so many of these homosexuals were born in the
years during and immediately following World War II, and be-
cause these years were a stressful period for the German people,
it follows that male homosexuality is the product of maternal
stress.
Understandably, Dörner et al.’s theory has many critics.
J. Michael Bailey, Lee Willerman, and Carlton Parks (1991)
give the theory the bene¤t of the doubt when they attempt to
apply it to contemporary American society. Their ¤ndings, how-
ever, indicate that maternal stress cannot explain variance in
sexual orientation. Other scientists are not as conciliatory. In an
essay satirically titled “Does Peace Prevent Homosexuality?”
Gunter Schmidt and Ulrich Clement (1995) attempt to replicate
the ¤ndings of Dörner and his colleagues. They fail, and their
conclusion provides a refreshing critique of the scienti¤c study of
sexuality:
To sum up: Our data do not reveal the slightest evidence that
80
wartime stress during the prenatal period increases the incidence
Reinventing the Male Homosexual of homosexual behavior. There are two conclusions to be drawn:
1. Homosexual men can go on loving peace and getting in-
volved in the peace movement.
2. This paper is a good example of how research often involves
nothing more than dealing with our self-produced problems.
As soon as someone’s idea attains a certain status by being
printed in a serious journal, dozens of researchers seize on the
idea and try to con¤rm, disprove, or modify it. We cram
¤gures into computers and wade through mountains of data
in paying our respects to each other’s ®ights of fancy. Any
attempt to change the state of affairs would be like jousting
with windmills. Nevertheless, we propose to make a begin-
ning with the necessary Don Quixotry and state: On the
question of homosexuality and war, no further research is
needed. (P. 274)
Neuroendocrinology
sexual desire or sexual orientation. Dörner et al. (1980) consider
homosexual behavior, particularly when it passes on a sexually
transmitted disease, to be suf¤cient evidence of sexual orienta-
tion. Later in this chapter, I show that this method of identifying
homosexuality surfaces in other neuroendocrinological studies.
In addition to the maternal stress study, critics also have
challenged the LH experiments. Louis Gooren has raised meth-
odological questions about how sexual orientation, transsexual-
81
ism, and neural dimorphism are inferred from the LH data. In
one study, Gooren (1986a) tested for positive estrogen feedback
in both male and female subjects who were divided into hetero-
sexual, homosexual, and transsexual subgroups. Gooren was not
able to detect any difference in positive estrogen feedback in the
female subgroups. He did detect positive estrogen feedback dif-
ferences in the male subjects but was unable to isolate the differ-
ences according to gender identity or sexual orientation. Instead,
Gooren discovered that the positive estrogen feedback in men
was linked to reduced levels of testosterone. As he explains, “the
results suggest that the quality of testicular steriodogenesis, but
not sexual orientation or gender identity, can be regarded as a
clue in regard to the estrogen response in the male” (p. 587).
Although a biological marker is still being used to measure mas-
culinity, Gooren’s study suggests that male homosexuals cannot
be identi¤ed as neurally feminine. Gooren points out that differ-
ences between his ¤ndings and those of previous studies can be
attributed to a large subject population “and more rigorous en-
docrine testing procedures” (p. 586).3
In another study, Gooren (1986b) measured the LH re-
sponse in both male and female transsexuals before and after sex
reassignment surgery. He observed that before sex reassignment,
both males and females had positive estrogen feedback appro-
priate to their biological sex. After surgery, however, the subjects’
positive estrogen feedback reversed, and they displayed LH re-
sponses that were appropriate for their reassigned sex. If LH re-
Behavioral Research
Neuroendocrinology
experiments is the organizational/activation model. The experi-
ments I analyze are designed to prove that sexual behavior is
produced by the hormonal organization of the brain. The re-
search is concerned primarily with determining the point at
which the brain, in its development, becomes either masculine or
feminine. For my purposes, it is important to note how these
experiments produce male homosexuality in the laboratory, and
how these procedures re®ect beliefs about gender and pathology.
83
William Luttge and Nicholas Hall (1973), for example,
conducted a study to determine the effects of androgens on the
sexual behavior of two strains of mice. In this experiment, 32-
day-old mice were castrated and treated with a variety of hor-
mones, including testosterone. Mice that were treated with tes-
tosterone displayed the greatest levels of male sexual behavior,
which was measured when three different actions were observed:
“mounts with palpations, mounts with pelvic thrusts, and mounts
with intromissions” (p. 34). Although Luttge and Hall point out
that the hormones used in the experiment occur naturally in the
bodies of male mice, their study manipulated synthetic hor-
mones to produce sexual behavior. The mice were castrated and
injected with progressively increased doses of a particular hor-
mone. This is not the way mice naturally experience hormonal
development; rather, it is an experience produced by scienti¤c in-
tervention, which purposefully disrupts normal sexual develop-
ment. The mice that had been treated with hormones other than
testosterone, for example, displayed limited amounts of mount-
ing with palpations but no pelvic thrusts or intromissions. Al-
though this study does not directly consider male homosexuality,
it illustrates how sexual dysfunction is attributed to biological
abnormality, and how sexual deviation is considered to be physi-
cal pathology.
In a similar study, J. Vega Matuszczyk, A. Fernandez-
Guasti, and K. Larsson (1988) examined the sexual orientation
of male rats. Part of the experiment determined orientation by
analyzing the sexual preferences of the experimental animals,
that is, researchers observed whether the subjects chose either a
sexually active male or an estrous female (a female in heat). Sex-
ual preference was recorded using the following measures: “(a)
84
Reinventing the Male Homosexual time spent near the stimulus male; (b) number of visits to the
male; (c) time spent near the stimulus female; and (d) the num-
ber of visits to the estrous female” (p. 366). Female sexual behav-
ior was demonstrated by lordosis (a receptive posture facilitating
the mounting by another male), hop/darting (“a short leap with
the animal landing on all four paws followed by the assumption
of a crouching posture”), and ear wiggling (“a rapid lateral shak-
ing of the head that produces the appearance of distinctive vi-
brations of the ears”) (p. 366). Male homosexual behavior was
operationalized to re®ect both the preferences for a male partner
and the expression of female sexual behavior according to the
listed criteria.
The purpose of this experiment was to determine the point
at which hormones organized the brain in the neonatal period.
Different groups of animals were castrated at different times and
then treated with different hormones. Male homosexuality was
operationalized as behaviors that indicated a disruption of nor-
mal neural development. The rats castrated on the day of birth
and treated with estrogen and progesterone (an ovarian steroid),
for example, displayed a greater preference for male sex partners
and performed more female sexual behaviors than did rats cas-
trated and treated at a later period of development. Matuszczyk,
Fernandez-Guasti, and Larsson conclude that hormonal “secre-
tions in the newborn male in®uence adult sexual orientation”
(p. 363); however, male homosexuality was experimentally pro-
duced by castrating the subjects and injecting them with female
hormones. As Roger Gorski (Burr 1996a) has noted, this type
of experimental design actually creates a transsexual rather than
a homosexual subject; after all, castration and hormone therapy
are necessary elements in sex reassignment surgery. Furthermore,
human male homosexuals do not lack gonads, and studies on the
hormonal differences between homosexual and heterosexual
men have been contradictory (Brodie et al. 1974; Friedman et al.
1977). In spite of these problems, the results of this study have
been reviewed, published, and cited as part of the literature on
the biology of male homosexuality.
If the Matuszczyk, Fernandez-Guasti, and Larsson study is
Neuroendocrinology
accepted as an accurate representation of human sexual develop-
ment, then a male homosexual is neurologically and physiologi-
cally female (or at least more female than male), and this femini-
zation is a result of a hormonal imbalance. The male homosexual
body is seen as unable to produce the hormones necessary for
masculine development. Instead, the male homosexual body is
thought to signify a testicular failure that produces a feminized
brain manifested in effeminate sexual behavior. In this experi-
85
ment, the male homosexual body was not naturally produced but
was invented in the laboratory. Even if this type of body oc-
curred without intervention, it would be dif¤cult to imagine the
male homosexual as anything but an aberration of the male
body. Therefore, it is easy for the scientists to offer up a trans-
sexualized subject (a castrated rat treated with estrogen) as a
homosexual subject; after all, a male homosexual cannot be a
real man.
In a related study, E. R. Stockman, R. S. Callaghan, and
M. J. Baum (1985) attempted to isolate the temporal point of
neural organization by subjecting newborn ferrets to castration
and hormonal treatments. The ferrets were divided into three
groups, each of which was castrated and treated on a different
date. The sexual orientation of each ferret was then determined
by use of partner preferences for “a sexually vigorous, gonadally
intact male and an ovariectomized female brought into genital
and behavioral estrus” (p. 411). These methods were designed to
determine at what point after birth the ferret’s neural systems
were either masculinized or feminized. The study revealed that
“all of the male groups chose stimulus males signi¤cantly less
often than the control females did, in response to EB [estradiol
benzoate] administration, but the MGX5 subjects chose stimu-
lus males signi¤cantly more than the MGX20 or MGX35 sub-
jects did” (p. 412). To put it more simply, those ferrets castrated
on the ¤fth day of life demonstrated a greater frequency of
homosexual behavior than did the other test animals. The re-
searchers acknowledge that even this subject group did not ex-
perience a “complete reversal of sex preference,” leading them to
conclude that “exposure to androgen prior to Day 5 is necessary
86
Reinventing the Male Homosexual for complete differentiation of masculine sociosexual preference
in the ferret” (p. 412). Stockman, Callaghan, and Baum have
attempted to isolate the temporal frame for the sexual differen-
tiation of the brain, and homosexuality becomes the variable
that marks differentiation. In other words, homosexuality is pre-
sent when normal development is disrupted, and thus the brain
develops in a gendered manner opposite that of the biological sex
of the subject. Again, male homosexuality signi¤es a feminized
neural system, and the production of male homosexuality is de-
pendent on manipulative intervention: the subjects are castrated
and treated with estrogen.
A study conducted by Brand et al. (1991) differs from pre-
vious studies in that the animal subjects were not castrated. In-
stead, the scientists inhibited the animals’ ability to convert tes-
tosterone to estrogen, a process theorized as necessary for the
masculinization of the brain in early stages of development. The
stimulus animals that were used to measure sexual preference
were either placed behind a wire screen or tethered with a leather
harness. The conclusion of the study re®ects previous research:
“This study, carried out with intact male rats, clearly shows that
adult partner preference behavior can be added to the list of be-
haviors in the male rat that are (at least partially) ‘organized’
during a critical period” (p. 337). Although the subjects in this
study were not castrated, the hormone treatments were designed
to produce a feminized brain, and male homosexual behavior
was still the marker for neural feminization.
Because homosexual behavior serves this function in these
experiments, it is important to note how this sexual behavior was
coded. The male animals that allowed themselves to be mounted
were coded as displaying homosexual behavior; the male animals
that did the mounting were coded as heterosexual.4 Both sets of
animals were engaging in same-sex intercourse, but only those
animals that adopted the feminized sexual posture were iden-
4. For speci¤c references to the coding of sexual behaviors, see Brand et al.
1991, 325; and Matuszczyk, Fernandez-Guasti, and Larsson 1988, 370. Stock-
man et al. 1985 measured sexual preference by coding partner selection; speci¤c
sexual behaviors were not coded.
ti¤ed as homosexual. In her review of the neuroendocrinology
Neuroendocrinology
literature, Lynda Birke (1981) explains this problem: “This is in
accord with the stereotypes of gay men and lesbians in our soci-
ety. Lesbians are supposed to be ‘masculine’ and assertive, while
gay men are supposedly effeminate. Accordingly, it is not the
‘feminine’ female rat showing lordosis to the mounts of the mas-
culinized female who is deemed homosexual, nor is it the mas-
culine male who mounts the arti¤cially feminized male” (pp.
42–43). Although this view of homosexuality is incongruent
87
with the way in which human homosexuality is generally de-
¤ned, it is consistent with the background belief that male ho-
mosexuals behave as women. In this case, the belief about male
homosexual behavior becomes biologically essentialized in the
tissues of the brain. In contrast, the normality of heterosexual
men operates as an uncontested and incontestable given. The be-
haviors of the untreated male animals were never coded as femi-
nine or abnormal, even though they participated in homosexual
sex. Because these animals displayed supposedly masculine be-
havior, their normality and heterosexuality were never ques-
tioned.
Neural Structures
Neuroendocrinology
important, AIDS signi¤es homosexuality; the disease becomes a
means of identifying homosexuals and facilitating the biological
study of homosexuality. This point becomes more apparent in
LeVay’s experiments.
Although Swaab and Hofman were able to determine dif-
ferences in SCN correlated to sexual orientation, they were not
able to ¤nd differences in the SDN. They argue that their study
“refutes the more global formulation of Dörner’s hypothesis that
89
male homosexuals have a ‘female brain’ ” (1990, 145). Swaab and
Hofman may have been unable to ¤nd a difference in the SDN,
but by correlating the SCN to sexual orientation, and thereby
contrasting heterosexual male subjects to homosexual males,
they weaken their refutation of the “female brain” hypothesis.
Swaab and Hofman still argue that heterosexual men are dis-
tinct from homosexuals, and this distinction relies on the belief
that male homosexuals are different because they have brains
that are physically similar to female brains.
This same distinction is supported by Laura Allen and
R. A. Gorski (1992), who argue that homosexual men not only
are neurologically different from heterosexual men but also are
similar to heterosexual women. In their study, Allen and Gorski
measured the size of the anterior commissure, a structure that
links the right and left hemispheres of the brain. Tissue samples
were taken from the brains of 256 subjects. Sexual preference
was determined by using medical records, and “male and female
subjects were classi¤ed as heterosexual when medical records did
not indicate homosexual orientation” (p. 7199). After eliminat-
ing certain subjects, Allen and Gorski isolated three experimen-
tal groups: “34 homosexual men, 84 heterosexual women, and 75
heterosexual men” (p. 7199). They concluded that the “midsagit-
tal plane of the anterior commissure in homosexual men was
18% larger than in heterosexual women and 34% larger than in
heterosexual men” (p. 7199). In other words, for this particular
part of the brain, homosexual men, neurologically speaking, are
more similar to heterosexual women than they are to heterosex-
ual men.
The method Allen and Gorski used to determine sexual
90
Reinventing the Male Homosexual preference is unclear. Except for the following passage, no expla-
nation is offered: “Although medical records were used to deter-
mine sexual orientation, heterosexual orientation was only as-
sumed, rather than speci¤ed, in men and women who did not die
of AIDS, hepatitis, or a disease associated with immunocom-
promise in young and middle-aged people” (p. 7201). Again, the
speci¤cs of these medical records are not revealed. One thing is
certain: the records would contain information about how the
AIDS virus was contracted by the patient. Therefore, Allen and
Gorski may be operationalizing homosexuality as the transmis-
sion of a sexual disease. Again, that conclusion is speculative, but
Allen and Gorski’s ambiguity invites speculation. As for the
heterosexual subjects, Allen and Gorski seem unconcerned
about actual sexual orientation; as long as the subject had not
contracted a sexually transmitted disease, they saw little reason
to investigate. In other words, they assumed the absence of sexu-
ally transmitted disease to be adequate proof of heterosexuality.
Allen and Gorski acknowledge that their methods for de-
termining sexual orientation are problematic, but they argue that
these problems do not diminish their ¤ndings on the differences
among the anterior commissures of their subjects: “erroneous
classi¤cation of subjects is likely to decrease chances of observ-
ing signi¤cant differences rather than resulting in apparent dif-
ferences that do not exist” (p. 7201). In theory, this observation
is correct, but it reveals the authors’ concern: ultimately, sexual
orientation is only important to the extent that it can be offered
as evidence for a larger theoretical project:
The present report of a correlation between sexual orientation
and the midsagittal area of the AC [anterior commissure], a
structure that is both sexually dimorphic and not believed to be
related to reproductive function, when combined with reports of
similar correlations with hypothalamic nuclei, clearly argues
against the notion that a single brain structure causes or results
from a homosexual orientation. Rather, this correlation supports
the hypothesis that factors operating early in development differ-
entiate sexually dimorphic structures and functions of the brain
in a global fashion. (P. 7202)
Here Allen and Gorski argue that they have not determined the
Neuroendocrinology
speci¤c biological cause for homosexuality. Instead, they suggest
that the results only support the hypothesis of sexual dimor-
phism. Their purpose is to prove that the brain is sexually di-
morphic, and for them, studying homosexuality is merely a
means to this end.
LeVay, on the other hand, claims that homosexuality is his
primary concern. He believes that a more tenable explanation for
homosexuality can be found in the biological sciences, and his
91
study of the hypothalamus was meant to spur further investiga-
tion. In this 1991 study, LeVay determined that one of the in-
terstitial nuclei of the anterior hypothalamus (INAH 3) was
twice as large in heterosexual men than in either heterosexual
women or homosexual men.5 Tissue samples were taken from
the brains of 41 subjects: 19 homosexual men who had died of
AIDS; 16 presumed heterosexual men, 6 of whom had died of
AIDS; and 6 presumed heterosexual women, 1 of whom had
died of AIDS. After examining the tissue samples of these sub-
jects, LeVay concluded that differences in the size of the INAH
3 were correlated to sexual orientation and biological sex. He
concluded that the brain is sexually dimorphic and that the
brains of homosexual men have been feminized. LeVay acknow-
ledges that AIDS patients do not properly represent the gay
male population. He also acknowledges that there are exceptions
to his sample: some heterosexual men will have a small INAH
3, and some homosexual men will not. LeVay offers his results
as a starting point for future research on homosexuality and not
as the ¤nal word.
Unfortunately, because LeVay is an openly gay man, his ob-
jectivity has been questioned (Marshall 1992). LeVay has been
quite candid about his own political interests, but he maintains
that these interests do not interfere with his scienti¤c standards.
Charges of self-interest are particularly important given the
methods LeVay used in his study. The nuclei of the brain are not
Neuroendocrinology
these tissues with homosexuality. In the neuroendocrinological
research, the belief about pathology allows disease to signify and
produce the homosexual subject.
In addition to these operational problems, there are concep-
tual problems. LeVay discusses the developmental difference be-
tween males and females as a matter of absence and presence.
For example, LeVay (1993) de¤nes the female sex genetically
as the absence of the Y chromosome. Speci¤cally, he suggests
93
that when individuals lack the Y chromosome, they develop as
women by default. When he explains how hormones participate
in the development of the human body, he again refers to ab-
sence: “the important point is that in fetal development, the
pathway taken in the absence of sex-speci¤c hormones is the fe-
male pathway” (p. 22). Thus, female development is de¤ned as
an absence and male development as produced by a presence.
When this model of absence and presence is used to explain
the differences between males and females, these differences are
mapped onto a developmental hierarchy. The development of the
human physiology becomes a progression that is dependent on
the presence of certain necessary elements. In the ¤eld of genet-
ics, these elements are thought to be the DNA present in the
chromosomes. If the necessary DNA is absent, or if a chromo-
some is absent, then proper development is arrested. When the
female sex is de¤ned as a form of development that occurs be-
cause of the absence of chromosomes, then the female sex be-
comes a state of arrested development. This idea is not new;
feminist scientists, such as Ruth Hubbard (1990), have already
noted that the female sex is de¤ned as abnormal in relation to
the male sex. LeVay shows that research in neuroendocrinology
uses the same concept of arrested development to describe male
homosexuals in a way that associates them with women. The
research I have reviewed shows that male homosexual neurology
is theorized as an intermediate developmental stage between the
male and female. Therefore, LeVay treats male homosexuality as
a state of arrested development and reproduces the psychoana-
lytic model that he ostensibly has rejected. The neuroendocri-
nological research, like the theories of psychoanalysis, imagines
94
Reinventing the Male Homosexual male homosexuals to be arrested in a developmental stage that
prevents them from becoming real men.
Fear of “Disease”
Neuroendocrinology
because of hormones or a nucleus in the hypothalamus, is im-
paired in his ability to do the work of a man. This sexual im-
pairment certainly raises some questions about the function of
the homosexual in an evolutionary framework. Indeed, if a male
homosexual does not have sex with women, then what is his bio-
logical function? If this question cannot be answered satisfacto-
rily, then the classi¤cation of homosexuality as a disease seems
to be more than a question of semantics. This question is ad-
95
dressed in the ¤elds of sociobiology and evolutionary psychology,
which attempt to explain the evolutionary role of male homo-
sexuals.
Sociobiology/Evolutionary
Psychology
Five
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
ary frame. Accordingly, the explanations offered by evolutionary
theorists are varied and, in some cases, contradictory. In addition,
all scientists who hypothesize about sexuality from this per-
spective do not identify their work under the same rubric. The
term “sociobiology,” as it applies to human behavior, has been
abandoned for the most part and a new label, “evolutionary psy-
chology,” has replaced it. I discuss the shift below, but I use both
terms in this chapter because both have been used by these sci-
entists to describe their work.
Sociobiologists, like evolutionary psychologists, believe that
human behavior is genetically determined and governed by the
evolutionary pressures of natural selection. E. O. Wilson is one
of the more prominent scholars in the ¤eld, and his book Socio-
biology (1975) is considered a seminal work. Wilson has argued
97
that even moral behavior is an expression of genetics, and he
extends this argument in his latest work, Consilience: The Unity
of Knowledge (1998). Richard Dawkins has been credited with
popularizing sociobiology by introducing his theory of the sel¤sh
gene. Hamer, in fact, used Dawkins’s work as an evolutionary
rationale to undergird his work on the gay gene. According to
Dawkins (1976), evolutionary competition does not occur be-
tween species or even individuals; instead, the competition for
survival occurs on the level of the gene but is manifested in kin-
ship behaviors. In Dawkins’s view, genes adapt or die; animals,
including humans, are merely gene-¤ghting and gene-protecting
machines. From this perspective, social behaviors are deter-
mined and motivated genetically. Consequently, behaviors can
be regarded as adaptive or maladaptive, depending on how they
propagate and protect genetic material in relation to evolution-
ary pressures. Although not all of the evolutionary theorists dis-
cussed in this chapter cite Dawkins’s work directly, his theories
re®ect the ways that the discipline conceptualizes the relation-
ship between behavior and biology.
In sociobiology and evolutionary psychology, as in the ¤elds
of behavioral genetics and neuroendocrinology, male homosexu-
ality often is conceptualized in research as a counter-gendered
behavior. Most scientists working in evolutionary theory treat
male homosexuality as an effeminate behavior that either facili-
98
Reinventing the Male Homosexual tates or disrupts evolutionary progress. Consequently, beliefs
about pathology are more equivocal in sociobiology and evolu-
tionary psychology than they are in the other ¤elds of the gay
gene discourse. Some theorists suggest that male homosexuality
is an adaptive means of limiting populations as a response to
limited resources, whereas others maintain that it is a maladap-
tive behavior that threatens the perpetuation of genetic material.
This equivocation can be attributed to the way that sexual evo-
lutionary theory is generated. Although sociobiologists and evo-
lutionary psychologists maintain that their theories of homo-
sexuality are scienti¤c, many of their claims are not supported by
empirical data. Because these theories lack empirical support or
are underdetermined, they evade tests of replication and falsi¤-
cation; thus, there are contradictory evolutionary theories of
homosexuality.1 Theoretical con®icts are not unique to these
¤elds, but con®icts among these theories illustrate the ways that
the gay gene discourse can support divergent political stances
toward homosexuality.
Gender Generally
In contrast to the views of social constructionists, socio-
biologists believe that gender roles and gendered behaviors are
the products of biology. In The Sel¤sh Gene, for example, Daw-
kins (1976) claims that men are more promiscuous than women,
and that this difference in sexual behavior is the result of the
two sexes’ different levels of investment in procreation:
Sperms and eggs too contribute equal numbers of genes, but eggs
contribute far more in the way of food reserves: indeed, sperms
make no contribution at all and are simply concerned with trans-
porting their genes as fast as possible to an egg. At the moment
of conception, therefore, the father has invested less than his fair
share (i.e., 50 percent) of resources in the offspring. Since each
sperm is so tiny, a male can afford to make many millions of
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
large number of children in a very short period of time, using
different females. This is only possible because each new embryo
is endowed with adequate food by the mother in each case. This
therefore places a limit on the number of children a female can
have, but the number of children a male can have is virtually
unlimited. Female exploitation begins here. (Pp. 141–142)
99
in their offspring manifests itself in greater social investment.
Women are more maternal than are men because they have more
biological resources invested in their children than men do; more
to the point, women care for and nurture children because they
have more to lose. Men, on the other hand, have fewer biological
resources invested in their children and thus are relatively indif-
ferent to the responsibilities of child-rearing. As Dawkins ar-
gues, a man can never be completely sure that a child is his own.
With so many promiscuous men about, there is always a chance
that a child may be another man’s progeny. Thus, it would be
unwise for a man to waste time rearing a child that might not be
his; his time would be better spent trying to produce more chil-
dren. From Dawkins’s perspective, the evolutionary task of a
man is to have sex with as many women as he can. Obviously,
Dawkins’s theories are informed by the assumptions that bio-
logical sex is divided into two discrete categories and that an
individual’s biological sex determines his or her sexuality.
Dawkins’s theories exist on a level of abstraction that is far
removed from the speci¤c contexts that many believe are likely
in®uences on sex and gender roles. To be fair, not all evolutionary
theorists invest genetics with the same deterministic power as
Dawkins does. As Mary McDonald Pavelka (1995) points out,
efforts to justify men’s violent actions toward women as biologi-
100 cally inevitable ignore the importance of social values to the hu-
man condition.
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
are unable to perform the masculine behaviors necessary for suc-
cess in the heterosexual competition.
Gallup and Suarez are not claiming that homosexuality is a
direct biological expression of genetics. On the contrary, they are
arguing that all humans, including homosexuals, “are unwit-
tingly bound by a biological imperative that derives from the
evolution of different reproductive strategies for males and fe-
males” (1983, 317). In other words, heterosexuality is a biologi-
cal imperative, and homosexuality only occurs when this im-
perative cannot be realized or is frustrated. Gallup and Suarez
argue that homosexuality exists as an evolutionary irony in
which the basic heterosexual drive for reproduction is thwarted,
which results in maladaptive behavior. They suggest that homo-
phobia is the consequence of this dynamic because homosexu-
101
ality signals the failure of evolutionary competition: homosexu-
ality occurs when a male cannot successfully compete with other
men for a female partner. This male also will be unable to pass
on his genes, so he loses the evolutionary battle. For reasons of
survival, evolutionary failure must be discouraged; therefore, so-
cial pressures seek to ensure that everyone behave as heterosexu-
als, even if some inevitably fail.
Gallup and Suarez’s attempt to reconcile homophobia with
their frustration thesis assumes that social intolerance of homo-
sexual behavior is universal, without cultural or temporal bounda-
ries. Different cultures treat homosexuality differently, however,
and even the prohibitions in Western culture have changed over
time.2 The only example of homophobia that Gallup and Suarez
offer is Anita Bryant’s short-lived and ultimately unsuccessful
Save Our Children campaign, which is hardly evidence of an
evolutionary pressure. Even if homophobia transcended the
boundaries of time and culture, it is dif¤cult to conceive of it as
an evolutionary phenomenon, particularly in light of Gallup and
2. The anthology Hidden from History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past
(Duberman, Vicinus, and Chauncey 1989) includes several essays that document
how the treatment of homosexuals has varied over time and across cultures. In
the next section I present Ruse’s (1981) refutation of the claim that homophobia
in Western culture is an expression of an evolutionary imperative.
Suarez’s frustration thesis. If heterosexual frustration is inevi-
102 table and homosexuality is the product of this frustration, then
it would seem that homosexuality relieves this frustration. In
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
limited resources that, in turn, would necessitate limiting off-
spring. Weinrich also proposes that the altruistic bene¤ts of ho-
mosexual behavior extend beyond actual procreation. He points
to primitive cultures in which homosexual men assumed wom-
en’s roles and infers that these homosexuals improved their sib-
lings’ procreative success by assisting in the care of children. In
this case, the adaptability of the male homosexual is contingent
on effeminate behavior.3
Ruse attempts to augment Weinrich’s theorizing by refram-
ing a common view of homosexual physicality. He argues that
studies of the bodies of homosexual men indicate that in general
they are lighter and weaker than are those of heterosexual men,
and that this empirical evidence supports the view that male
homosexuals’ altruism is realized in their effeminacy. Ruse ac-
103
knowledges that this argument may offend homosexuals because
it perpetuates a stereotype that homosexuals are “sickly, reedy
little runts,” but he offers this explanation: “In reply to this ob-
jection, two points can be made. First, thanks to modern medi-
cine, in our society, someone who has had a childhood disease
can be as perfectly physically ¤t as an adult. Second, there is
nothing vilifying of homosexual men and women in the fact just
related. If heterosexual men are indeed heavier and stronger than
homosexual men, that is simply a fact” (1981, 22). Ruse is pro-
moting the adaptive altruism of homosexuality, but that altru-
ism is a product of effeminate behavior, as he sees it. Unfortu-
nately, he represents effeminacy as physical frailty, suggesting
once again that homosexual men are physically inferior to het-
erosexual men or, more to the point, that homosexual men are
physically similar to women. Put differently, Ruse claims that
effeminacy makes male homosexuality adaptive because it brings
about altruistic behavior, but paradoxically, he characterizes ef-
feminacy as a maladaptive weakness, a physical in¤rmity. Per-
haps this pathologizing explains why Ruse compares homosexu-
ality to childhood disease.
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
other hand, would occur when an individual has two dominant
alleles, or one dominant and one recessive allele. To put Hut-
chinson’s theory of sexuality in Mendelian terms, a homosexual
is homozygous recessive, and a heterosexual is either homozy-
gous dominant or heterozygous. This theory would explain why
homosexuality persists even though it is a recessive trait; hetero-
sexuals who are heterozygous would continue to pass the reces-
sive gene on to their offspring; however, this explanation does
not reconcile the existence of homosexuality with evolutionary
pressures. Sociobiologists are not satis¤ed with the parasitic ex-
istence of homosexuality; the recessive allele must make some
evolutionary contribution.
Elaborating Hutchinson’s theory, Ruse offers an explanation
for the homosexual allele. He posits that heterozygous heterosexu-
105
als enjoy some adaptive advantage over homozygous heterosexu-
als—hence, the name of the theory, balanced superior heterozy-
gote ¤tness, which attributes ¤tness to heterozygosity (1981, 6).
To prove his point, Ruse draws an analogy to sickle-cell anemia.
This disease develops when an individual has two recessive al-
leles for sickle-cell anemia; however, individuals who are homo-
zygous dominant or heterozygous do not develop the disease.
The recessive allele persists because those individuals who are
heterozygous have immunity to malaria. Therefore, individuals
with at least one allele for sickle-cell anemia enjoy an adaptive
evolutionary advantage. Ruse argues that the same holds true for
homosexuality: “Let us also suppose, however, that heterozy-
gotes, possessors of one ‘homosexual gene’ and one ‘heterosexual
gene,’ were ¤tter than homozygotes for ‘heterosexual genes’; in
other words, that by one means or another, heterozygotes repro-
duce more than heterosexual-gene homozygotes. It then follows
naturally that the existence and persistence of homosexuality is
sion. Therefore, this particular species has alleles for both long and short stems,
but the allele for long stems is dominant. Each plant in this species has two
alleles. If a plant has two dominant alleles, or if a plant has one dominant and
one recessive allele, then the plant will have a long stem. But if the plant has two
recessive alleles, it will have a short stem. Plants that have two identical alleles,
either dominant or recessive, are called homozygous; plants that possess one of
each allele are called heterozygous.
a function of superior heterozygote ¤tness” (p. 9). Unfortunately,
106 Ruse, like Hutchinson, does not provide a reason that heterozy-
gotes would be more successful in reproduction, which is where
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
portrayal of homosexuality. He conceives of homosexuals as
sterile for all practical purposes. This presumed sterility renders
homosexuals impotent men and infertile women; in either case,
the homosexual is incapable of ful¤lling the ultimate gender role
of reproduction. Furthermore, in support, Ruse compares homo-
sexuality with sickle-cell anemia; thus, any reproductive advan-
tage for heterozygous heterosexuals is enjoyed at the expense of
those individuals who have inherited the reproductively debili-
tating “disease” of homosexuality.
For Ruse, the comparison to disease is not entirely meta-
phorical; he apparently deems homosexual effeminacy to be a
product of childhood pathology. As in the ¤eld of behavioral
genetics and neuroendocrinology, in evolutionary theory too be-
liefs about gender and pathology are complementary. Further-
107
more, the sense of ¤tness, as Ruse describes it, does not account
for the biological possibility of bisexuality. Heterozygosity
equals heterosexuality; thus, the assumption of two discrete sex-
ual orientations underlies the theory.
Although Henry Howe and John Lyne (1992) did not set
out to demonstrate the underdetermination of evolutionary the-
ory, their critique of the discipline brings this problem into sharp
relief. Howe and Lyne argue that sociobiologists appropriate
terms from other genetic disciplines, speci¤cally from popula-
tion, biometrical, and molecular genetics. Their critique is not
concerned with the intersection of sociobiology and social policy;
rather, they are interested in the ways that the use of genetic
terminology by sociobiologists creates problems of communica-
tion between biological subdisciplines. Howe and Lyne main-
tain that miscommunication and distortion occur because socio-
biologists do not use the same rigorous quantitative methods
109
common to the disciplines from which they appropriate terms.
For example, they write: “Prominent sociobiologists freely use
such genetic terms as ‘gene,’ ‘allele,’ ‘selection,’ ‘¤tness’ and ‘ge-
netic evolution’ in interpreting genetic self-interest in animal and
human behavior. The explicit algebraic de¤nitions of such terms
are common knowledge to practicing geneticists but, as we will
show, their quantitative implications are demonstrably unclear to
many sociobiologists” (p. 116). Although Howe and Lyne limit
themselves to the question of terminology and interdisciplinary
communication, another issue is inherent in their critique: socio-
biologists do not conduct the experimental research that would
lend their theories rigorous scienti¤c support. In spite of their
critical caution, Howe and Lyne conclude their essay with a
metaphor that dramatizes this problem: “To the geneticists
whose words have been co-opted but whose methods and rigor
have been spurned, sociobiologists are careening down the space-
age highway in a Model T Ford, hawking antiquated and often
dangerously obsolete wares. It is not a pretty sight” (p. 150).
Indeed, the underdetermined theories of sociobiologists can
be dangerous, a point I explore in the next chapter. For now,
I stress that although evolutionary theorists have made claims
about the genetic determination of homosexuality, they have not
attempted to isolate the speci¤c gene that might produce it. Al-
110 though Hamer’s research could be held up as support for socio-
biological theories, Dawkins (1993), paradoxically, has expressed
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
teracting with children, it is a reaction shaped by “natural selec-
tion,” designed to protect the “emerging sexuality” of children
(1995, 65). Accordingly, he claims that homophobia, in certain
contexts, is an adaptive behavior.
Gallup concedes that his data offer only tentative support
for his theory. Indeed, his data do not prove that homophobia is
a selected evolutionary trait, nor does he demonstrate that homo-
phobia is genetically determined. Instead, his study indicates
that homophobia is fueled by the cultural misapprehension that
homosexuals are pedophiles, an assumption that he uses to his
advantage.
Gallup admits that his theory is contingent on certain sup-
positions. He assumes, for example, that a “person’s sexual orien-
tation can be affected by modeling and/or seduction effects”
111
(1995, 67). He supports this claim by citing studies that argue
that homosexual orientation is developed in adolescence and not
infancy, including a study by Paul Van Wyk and Chrisann Geist
(1984) that concludes that the development of sexual orientation
occurs in the postpuberty period, an observation Gallup con-
¤rms. Gallup’s survey results, however, indicate that heterosexu-
als registered the highest levels of homophobia when eight-year-
old children were imagined having contact with homosexual
adults. In other words, expression of homophobia was greatest
for contact with children who were well below the age at which
sexual contact would shape their sexual orientation. In fact, Van
Wyk and Geist suggest that for those in the prepubescent age
group, sexual contact with other children had more impact on
their sexual orientation than did sexual contact with adults. Be-
cause Gallup did not test to determine if his subjects had the
same level of fear for children who had passed puberty, his
¤ndings do not support his claim that homophobia functions to
“protect” children’s sexual orientation. If anything, Gallup’s data
show that his subjects’ homophobia was misdirected, because it
was not speci¤c to the relevant contexts that he identi¤es.
Gallup’s subjects also showed a greater concern for male
children than female; given the accepted wisdom in the ¤eld,
this concern also was misdirected. If, as Gallup himself has ar-
gued (Gallup and Suarez 1983), male sexual resources are plen-
112 tiful whereas female resources are limited, then evolutionary
pressure would motivate parents to be more protective of their
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
majority of homosexuals are pedophiles, whereas the study he
cites proves otherwise. The reason is simple: Gallup’s theory is
contingent on whether heterosexuals’ fears of homosexuals are
grounded in fact. If these fears are unfounded, then homophobia
would not be an adaptation to evolutionary pressures, nor would
it be selected and maintained in the human population. Gallup
clearly believes that homophobia is adaptive: “Thus a strong ver-
sion of this model would hold that most people should exhibit
homophobic reactions under certain conditions. Indeed, one
would predict that even homosexuals, given an appropriate hy-
pothetical parenthood instructional set, should respond in much
the same way as their heterosexual counterparts” (1995, 69).
A larger con®ict exists between Gallup’s theory and the
more established sociobiological literature on homosexuality.
113
Whereas previous theories have treated homosexuality as an
adaptive behavior with a genetic basis, Gallup assumes that
homosexuality is socially produced through behavior modeling,
and speci¤cally through pedophilic seduction. Gallup makes no
attempt to reconcile this con®ict; in fact, he ignores other evolu-
tionary theories of homosexuality. This oversight illustrates the
underdetermination of research on the evolution of sexuality.
Because they lack an empirical basis, evolutionary theories of
homosexuality need not be reconciled; there are no concrete data
to reconcile or refute. This point is brought into sharp relief by
John Archer’s (1996) criticism of Gallup’s theory. Archer does
not criticize Gallup for overlooking previous theories on homo-
sexuality; rather, he commends him for offering “a welcome
change from earlier attempts to view homosexuality as possess-
ing some hidden ¤tness-enhancing characteristics” (p. 276).
Archer does not provide a rationale for his obvious dissatisfac-
tion with these theories; instead, he dismisses them without fur-
ther discussion, illustrating once again that evolutionary theories
on homosexuality can be embraced or dismissed without sus-
tained intellectual engagement. In Archer’s case, the dismissal of
existing theory is supported only by his personal opinion.
In Gallup’s case, his theory seems to be supported by his
belief that homosexual men are pedophiles. When Archer ques-
tioned Gallup’s use of the Goode and Troiden study, Gallup
114 (1996) responded by citing several other studies and statistics.
Included in his evidence is the work of Paul Cameron, an oppo-
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
nent of gay rights who has been cited by the American Psycho-
logical Association for ethical violations and whose work has
been discredited (Brown and Cole 1985). He also repeated the
¤nding that more than 80 percent of promiscuous homosexual
males had sex with minors, but he again failed to acknowledge
the limitations of that statistic. Instead, he quoted ¤gures indi-
cating that homosexual pedophiles have had more victims than
have heterosexual pedophiles and that homosexual teachers are
twice as likely to seduce students than are heterosexual ones.
Gallup offered these studies as evidence that the homosexual se-
duction of children is a common occurrence, when in fact none
of the additional data he cited offered any information about the
percentage of homosexuals who actually molest children. He of-
fered this cautious summation: “Not all homosexuals are pedo-
philes, and seduction can also occur among peers. But it should
be clear from data such as these that both the incidence and pu-
tative role of seduction by adult homosexuals are not entirely an
artifact of media exaggeration as Archer implies” (1996, 283).
Although Gallup conceded that not all homosexuals are pedo-
philes, he failed to mention that the study he cited (Goode and
Troiden 1980) indicated that the vast majority of them are not;
his theory requires the assumption that male homosexuals are
pedophiles.
Like other evolutionary theories, Gallup’s theory is informed
by the background belief about pathology, but in this case the
political implications are more apparent. Although some socio-
biologists have offered genetic theories that might be politically
advantageous for homosexuals, these theories can be dismissed
by other sociobiologists. Gallup, by contrast, claims that his the-
ory is not designed to condemn homosexuality, but his published
work claims that people’s hatred of homosexuals is both justi¤ed
and bene¤cial. What other purpose could be served by Gallup’s
theory if not to limit the rights of homosexuals and to exclude
them from certain types of employment? Given that Gallup
supports his theory by drawing on the work of gay rights oppo-
nents, condemnation of gays seems a likely political by-product.
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
The Politics of Evolutionary Psychology
115
times ask: What ever happened to sociobiology? The answer is
that it went underground, where it has been eating away at the
foundations of academic orthodoxy” (pp. 6–7). Wright’s book
attempts to answer some of the political charges made against
sociobiology and evolutionary psychology. Because these ¤elds
often advance theories that defend traditional views of gender
(that men are by nature dominant and women passive), feminist
scholars have been extremely critical of both sociobiology and
evolutionary psychology. Wright claims that feminists do not
understand science generally, and Darwinian theory speci¤cally,
so their criticism is driven purely by political interests.
In a recent work, Anne Fausto-Sterling, Patricia Gowaty,
and Marlene Zuk (1997) responded to Wright’s charges, argu-
ing that the objections many feminists have raised about evolu-
tionary theories have everything to do with science and Darwin.
They point out that evolutionary psychologists oversimplify gen-
der and overgeneralize their conclusions in ways that ignore hu-
man variance. Moreover, they note, Darwin believed that natu-
ral selection worked because of the abundance of biological
variety found in nature. As they write, “A genetically uniform
population cannot evolve because there are no varieties to choose
among, none better suited than others to succeed in the game of
life. Indeed, humans themselves come in many varieties—both
physical and cultural. One great difference between Darwin and
Wright’s favorite modern evolutionists is that all too often
116 the latter present human females and males as invariant” (pp.
411–412).
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Sociobiology/Evolutionary Psychology
derstand homosexuality, they must understand that sexual orien-
tation can be manifested in a variety of ways. In addition, he
claims that evolutionary psychology must experience a paradigm
shift that moves the discipline away from the negative stereo-
types that are often associated with homosexuality, associations
that Muscarella believes have driven sexual evolutionary theory.
In other words, Muscarella draws a conclusion similar to that
drawn by Kinsey: when sexual orientation is understood to be a
diffuse phenomenon, it is less likely that one speci¤c orientation
will be considered deviant.
Even if we were to accept Wright’s claim that evolutionary
theorists are politically disinterested scientists, it does not fol-
low that evolutionary theory is without political implications,
as Gallup’s research illustrates. Yet even those who claim that
117
homosexuality is adaptive offer theories that have political dan-
gers. If the male homosexual performs an evolutionary function,
it would seem to be strictly women’s work. As was the case in the
other facets of the gay gene discourse, in sexual evolutionary the-
ory, too, effeminacy usually signi¤es pathology. Because socio-
biology and evolutionary psychology attempt to offer a global
explanation for homosexuality, these theoretical constructs should
be a warning to those who hope that positive political outcomes
will follow from the gay gene research. Furthermore, the under-
determination of evolutionary theories demonstrates that no
theory enjoys the kind of empirical support that would privilege
it over others. Whether or not homosexuality is adaptive may be
more a matter of personal opinion and political interest than of
empirical ¤nding. Thus, Wright, who holds that homosexuality
is maladaptive, has been senior editor of The New Republic, an
indication that he is not without political interests, but just how
those interests inform his own views of homosexuality is un-
known. When evolutionary theories are considered in the larger
context of the gay gene discourse, however, it is possible to pre-
dict the kinds of political interests these theories might serve.
Beyond the Gay Gene
Six
119
normality, deviance becomes the biological basis for distinguish-
ing between the male heterosexual and the male homosexual.
At every level of the gay gene discourse, scientists from dif-
ferent ¤elds, using different methods, operate from the same set
of beliefs and assumptions about male homosexuality, beliefs
and assumptions that re®ect cultural and social in®uences. When
these cultural and social in®uences enter into scienti¤c inquiry,
they distort the research. As van den Wijngaard (1997) has ar-
gued, dualistic thinking about masculinity and femininity has
acted as a gatekeeper in neuroendocrinological theory, limiting
research that might question the basic belief that men’s and
women’s brains are physically distinct. In relation to studies of
homosexuality, Byne has observed that similar cultural in®u-
ences have “required 25 studies to convince some that testoster-
one levels in adulthood do not reveal sexual orientation” (1996,
336). Both Byne and van den Wijngaard imply that cultural
in®uences can affect the quality of scienti¤c research, thus call-
ing its ¤ndings into question, particularly when these in®uences
introduce or perpetuate conceptual ®aws. As I have shown, crit-
ics have called attention to conceptual ®aws in every area of the
gay gene discourse, ®aws that seem directly related to the per-
sistence of stereotypes about gay men. Of greater signi¤cance is
the impact of the gay gene discourse and the related biological
arguments when they enter social and political arenas.
After all, the idea that homosexuality is a disease has been,
and continues to be, one of the most powerful arguments of gay
rights opponents (Leland and Miller 1998). Lyne (1993), in
fact, has expressed concern that the biological determination of
homosexuality may have negative consequences. Given the ways
that male homosexuals are represented in the gay gene discourse,
120 Lyne’s concerns are justi¤ed. Statements by political conserva-
tives provide further justi¤cation. Republican senator Trent Lott,
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Turf Wars
121
sociopsychology theories of homosexuality vulnerable to the
challenges of the biological sciences.
In an interview with Burr (1996a), LeVay confessed his
general disregard for sociopsychology theory: “To be frank, psy-
chology as an isolated discipline is threatening to reach a dead
end. It ignores a whole way of looking at the mind that is much
more ahead of it. Psychology is not suf¤ciently constrained, and
it is too easy to build theories that are impossible to validate,
either for or against” (p. 228). LeVay’s solution to the psycholo-
gists’ troubles is that they should defer to the biologists: “Ideally,
psychology would provide a description on a mental level of
what needs to be explained by the biologists. The word ‘psy-
chology’ is coming to be used as what it really means, ‘biology’ ”
(p. 229). LeVay’s comments frame the gay gene discourse as part
of a larger battle over intellectual turf. LeVay and other biolo-
gists want to claim homosexuality as an object of study, and to
do so, they hope to demonstrate that their theories are more
valid than those in competing ¤elds.
How can biologists successfully lay claim to the study of
sexual orientation? One way to establish the validity and priority
of their disciplinary perspective is to appeal to what much of
society already believes to be true about homosexuality. The gay
gene discourse has such rhetorical force because it reproduces
cultural beliefs about homosexuality and forti¤es the assump-
tions about both biological sex and sexual orientation. The sissy
boy, the homosexual alcoholic, and the predatory pedophile are
common stereotypes that the gay gene discourse rearticulates
as scienti¤c fact. Given the popularity of oversimpli¤ed notions
of gender, the credibility of the gay gene discourse is enhanced
when its conclusions about male homosexuality are based on re-
122 search that locates gender differences in the brain. Biological re-
search on male homosexuality seems plausible because the studies
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
123
psychologists may be able to chronicle and describe behaviors,
only biologists can tell us why the behaviors occur.
Although the scientists represented in the gay gene dis-
course believe that their work signi¤cantly advances the study of
sexual orientation, analysis shows that it recapitulates the same
concepts of male homosexuality found in psychoanalytic theo-
ries. The gay gene discourse recycles these concepts and uses
them in arguments that support a biological etiology for male
homosexuality. The biological research reinstates pathology as a
de¤ning belief about homosexuality, and in so doing it inserts
itself into a gap opened by Kinsey and widened by sociopsy-
chological theories. The authority biologists command over ho-
mosexuality is contingent on their ability to explain, on a bio-
logical level, the ways that the homosexual deviates from a
heterosexual norm in both a genetic and physical sense. By iden-
tifying a biological cause for homosexuality, the gay gene dis-
course implies the possibility of correction.
Some of the scientists working in the gay gene discourse
have suggested that using biological research to change a per-
son’s sexual orientation would be unethical; however, these ethi-
cal scruples do not preclude the possibility of medical treatments
for homosexuality, and Dörner’s (1976) advocacy of corrective
brain surgery illustrates that the possibility is real. Regardless of
how much certain scientists may want to distance their research
from such possibilities, two facts remain. First, the authority of
those who participate in the gay gene discourse to claim homo-
sexuality as an object of study is contingent on isolating a bio-
logical origin for homosexuality. Second, isolating this origin is
facilitated by a return to the beliefs about effeminacy and path-
ology and the dualistic assumptions about sex and sexual orien-
124
Reinventing the Male Homosexual tation.
Biomedical Impact
125
to change his sexuality? The ethical debate assumes that the
testing, treatment, and ultimate elimination of homosexuality
are ideologically motivated; however, the motivation to develop
tests and treatments is more likely to be commercial.1 In other
words, the biomedical industry will develop these products if
there is suf¤cient demand. Admittedly, homosexuals may be a
comparatively small market, but a likely possibility is that the
gay gene discourse will produce products that will be used by
heterosexuals more often than homosexuals.
When the gay gene discourse asserts biological authority
over male homosexuality, it does so in a manner that can relieve
heterosexual fears. Contemporary sociopsychological theories
have claimed that sexual orientation is ®uid; although certain
people are homosexuals, if the psychological factors were right,
anyone could become homosexual. Of course, the belief that
homosexuality is a developmental psychosis is culturally mani-
fest in the fear that homosexuals are capable of recruiting het-
erosexuals; recall Gallup’s theory about the adaptive value of ho-
mophobia. The gay gene discourse, however, comforts fearful
heterosexuals because homosexuality now becomes a question of
genetic predisposition rather than a matter of psychological con-
ditioning. Homosexuals may still attempt to recruit, but true
heterosexuals have biological immunity.
Another by-product of the gay gene discourse that is often
overlooked is the emergence of the heterosexual gene. Because
Hamer has produced his ¤ndings assuming a bipolar model of
127
homosexual women do not want homosexual children, it would
seem that the desire for heterosexual children is much more per-
vasive and deep-seated than Reilly has imagined.
The gay gene discourse offers economic advantages to the
biomedical community because once it claims authority over
male homosexuality, it is in a position to market new products.
Previously, diagnosis and treatment of homosexuality were the
domain of the sociopsychologists and were conducted in labor-
intensive therapy sessions. When homosexuality is constituted as
an object of biomedical knowledge, then diagnosis and treat-
ment are reconstituted as manufactured tests and drugs. As
Garland Allen (1997) has argued, pharmaceutical manufactur-
ing is less labor intensive and more economically advantageous
than is the sociopsychological counseling paradigm. In other
words, the biology of homosexuality becomes the rationale for a
new line of pharmaceutical products.
The economic potential of the gay gene discourse is not
limited to products developed to test for and treat homosexual-
ity. The discourse also de¤nes the relationship between genes
and social behaviors. As Hamer has argued, “It’s likely that ¤nd-
ing a ‘gay gene’ will be remembered as a breakthrough not so
much for what it explained about sexuality as for opening an-
other door to understanding genetic links to many equally com-
plicated human behaviors and conditions” (Hamer and Cope-
land 1994, 187). Accordingly, the gay gene will be held up as
proof that many social behaviors are biologically determined,
which then could open the door for the medicalization of these
behaviors. There have been reports in the media that intelli-
gence, violence, depression, and other conditions could all be at-
tributed to genetic factors, and like homosexuality, they could
128 become rationales for new lines of tests and treatments. Any new
understanding of genetics that the gay gene discourse may intro-
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
129
The stereotypes about male homosexuals that conservatives
may ¤nd most satisfying are those that the gay gene discourse
perpetuates. The beliefs about effeminate pathology would cer-
tainly not be unwelcome in a conservative discussion of homo-
sexuality, but what should be more attractive to conservatives is
that the gay gene discourse moves the study of sexuality back to
a time before Kinsey. Kinsey and his research have come under
attack from conservatives, who question his methodology as
well as his character. They also equate Kinsey with what they see
as an erosion of sexual mores, and they lay the sexual revolution
at his feet. Tom Bethell (1997), writing for the National Review,
summarizes Kinsey’s legacy: “The sexual revolution has resem-
bled an incoming tide more than a war. Nothing seems able to
resist it, and we can only hope that one day it will turn and move
back out to sea. The cultural wreckage left behind will be con-
siderable. Meanwhile the laws have been changed, good habits
undermined, the string untuned” (p. 37). Undoubtedly, conser-
vatives consider the more tolerant contemporary attitudes to-
ward gays and lesbians to be part of the cultural wreckage.
In its efforts to claim that homosexuality is a product of
biology, the gay gene discourse has had to prove that Kinsey and
his followers were wrong. In an interview with Burr, Hamer ar-
gues that his data prove that sexual orientation is bimodal and
that the Kinsey scale is “a dead model because it doesn’t re®ect
reality” (Burr 1996a, 167). Questions concerning Hamer’s own
methods were raised in chapter 3 of this volume; in his interview
with Burr, Hamer admits that the bipolarity of sexual orienta-
tion that his data produced made it much easier to prove a ge-
netic link. Putting aside concerns about Hamer’s motives, it is
important to recognize that the gay gene discourse displaces
130 Kinsey and the post-Kinsey theories of sexual orientation. The
gay gene discourse suggests that sexual orientation is limited to
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
2. The work of other researchers, such as Evelyn Hooker (1957), was instru-
mental in removing the mark of pathology from homosexuality. Hooker’s re-
search was primarily concerned with the mental health of male homosexuals;
unlike Kinsey, she did not generate new theories or models of sexual orientation.
I have singled out Kinsey because conservatives treat his work as the theoretical
point of departure that brought on moral decline. Therefore, the desire of bio-
logical scientists such as Hamer to discredit Kinsey’s model of sexual orientation
coincides with the desire of conservatives to discredit Kinsey generally.
to psychological/psychiatric conditions provides one way to re-
131
and ethically. (1997, 265)
Is It Immutable?
133
only recently has the gay rights movement embraced the biologi-
cal argument in reaction to the Christian Right and other gay
rights opponents.
Stein (1994) has argued that there are ®aws in the biologi-
cal argument for protected status. He suggests that biology may
be an unnecessary and insuf¤cient basis for gay rights. Stein
notes that the immutable characteristics mentioned in the Four-
teenth Amendment do not have to be biological and that many
protected categories are not biologically based. He offers the ex-
amples of hair color and religion to illustrate his point: a person’s
hair color is biological, but it does not deserve to be a protected
category; a person’s religion is not biological, yet as a category it
merits protection. Thus, a biological basis for homosexuality
need not justify constitutional protection for homosexuals under
the Fourteenth Amendment.
Stein (1994) claims that the discrimination directed toward
gays and lesbians is based on questions of behavior. Although he
does not use this example, the debate surrounding gays in the
military illustrates Stein’s point in that the exclusion of lesbians
and gays from the military has been based on the belief that
their behaviors would threaten heterosexual soldiers and erode
morale. Stein argues that even if the biological basis of homo-
sexuality were accepted, it would in no way dissipate discrimina-
tion that is based on behavior. In other words, a person may be
biologically predisposed to homosexuality, but that does not jus-
tify acting on the predisposition; participating in homosexual
acts remains a “choice” even if those acts are biologically moti-
vated. The analogy to alcoholism, which is often used in the bio-
logical research, illustrates this point. A person may be biologi-
cally predisposed to alcoholism, but the predisposition does not
134 justify, nor should it protect, the choices of an employee who is
drunk on the job. The argument that Stein outlines has already
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
Consider, for example, the sorts of arguments that get made for
equal rights for racial or religious minorities. Rather than ap-
pealing to any facts about the constitution of these types of
people, these arguments involve theories of justice, rights, pri-
vacy, equality, and liberty. The arguments are moral and/or po-
litical in nature. The same is true for arguments for lesbian and
gay rights, protection for lesbian and gay men against discrimi-
nation, respect for queer relationships, and so on; these issues are
moral in nature and arguments for them should be cast in terms
of justice, rights, privacy, equality, and liberty. (1994, 293)
135
ion should be a warning to those who would identify homosexu-
als as a discrete population: the biological argument that homo-
sexuality is an immutable characteristic can be used to single out
homosexuals in discriminatory legislation. Colorado’s Amend-
ment 2 is a case in point.
The discussion of gay rights from the perspective of biology
and constitutional protection, however, does not consider the po-
litical condition of gays and lesbians outside the United States.
Schüklenk and Ristow (1996) have criticized this myopia and
argued that although scienti¤c discoveries about the biology of
homosexuality cross national lines, the protections offered by the
United States Constitution do not. They wonder how this re-
search will be used in countries that do not extend the civil lib-
erties found in the United States, and how it might affect gays
and lesbians living in political climates more oppressive than our
own. Indeed, by embracing the biological argument, advocates of
gay rights have been negligent of the conditions that gays and
lesbians face in other countries. Schüklenk and I collaborated to
investigate the possible political dangers the biological research
may pose for gays and lesbians living outside of the United
States. We discovered that in many countries, including India,
China, Russia, and Singapore, there is interest in using biological
research to test for and control homosexuality (Schüklenk and
Brookey 1998). Recent reports of the treatment of gays and les-
bians in Africa indicate that there are several countries that
should be added to our roster (McGreal 1999).
Clearly, the belief that the biological argument will improve
the political condition of gays and lesbians is, at best, spurious.
Not only is the reasoning ®awed, but the appeal to immutable
characteristics has not been recognized by the U.S. Supreme
136 Court. Because the Court’s ruling on Amendment 2 will be the
basis for future legal tests of gay rights, the political potential of
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
One reason that the gay gene discourse and the biological
argument for rights may be attractive to some gays and lesbians
is that many believe their own sexual orientation to be inborn.
137
This belief in a predetermined sexual orientation is most visible
in the emerging conservatism in the gay rights movement. Al-
though the concept of conservatism seems antithetical to the
cause of gay rights, it has been expressed recently as an effort to
assimilate gays and lesbians into mainstream heterosexual cul-
ture. The assimilationist movement is not so much a challenge
to conservatives as an effort at accommodation. Whereas con-
servatives have portrayed homosexuality as a threat to tradi-
tional values, assimilationists attempt to show that homosexuals
can embrace the same values they are supposed to threaten. As
Michael Warner (1997) points out, some of the strongest propo-
nents of assimilation, including Gabriel Rotello, Bruce Bawer,
Andrew Sullivan, and Chandler Burr, are also political conser-
vatives.
The politics of assimilation came to a head when organizers
suggested that in 2000, the March on Washington, a recurring
gay rights event, should re®ect religious faith and family values,
and that attendees should eschew any overt expressions of their
sexual practices. There was swift reaction to the plans to create
a family-friendly event, particularly to the extent that those plans
excluded public displays of sexual expression (Solomon 1998).
The push for assimilation, however, is not new. The original
homophile organizations of the 1950s, such as the Mattachine
Society, Daughters of Bilitis, and ONE, Inc., adopted a policy
of assimilation. Mattachine was founded by activists who wanted
to challenge the legal and social mechanisms that oppressed
homosexuals, but the society quickly redirected its policies to
accommodate dominant social norms. Central to the policy of
assimilation was the rejection of political activism; instead, Mat-
tachine deferred to the authority of scientists, who they believed
138 might bring about social change through education. Mattachine
sought out professors at UCLA and Berkeley and volunteered its
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
139
from heterosexuals presents a bit of a problem. Indeed, the bio-
logical argument is the weakest point of the assimilationist po-
sition.
Here is how the argument plays out. Gays and lesbians can-
not help being attracted to their own sex; their sexual orientation
is part of their physical being and their genetic code.6 Gays and
lesbians can conduct their lives in responsible ways, however;
they can enter into same-sex marriages and raise families, just
like heterosexuals. Although homosexuals may have no choice
when it comes to their sexual orientation, they can make respon-
sible choices about the ways they conduct their lives. Responsible
choices, as the assimilationists see it, are the same choices hetero-
sexuals make.
The assimilationist position is ®awed because it is based
on the premise that biology cannot be separated from behavior:
homosexuals cannot help it if they want to have homosexual sex.
Stein (1994) has argued that this premise cannot support a legal
argument for gay rights, but I would add that the premise is an
equally inadequate basis for increasing social acceptance of ho-
mosexuality. That gays and lesbians can adapt their behavior in
responsible ways is based on the idea that biological drives can
and should be contained and channeled into a certain type of
relationship, that is, same-sex marriage. That behavior can be
adapted contradicts the biological premise, however, because it
reveals that biology cannot justify behavior. Although one may
be predisposed to homosexuality, ultimately one has to make a
6. Here, again, Sullivan (1995) provides that example. His argument, how-
ever, is not based solely on biology but operates from the premise that homosexu-
ality is a predisposition that precludes choice.
choice to act on that predisposition. When assimilationists argue
140 that this predisposition can be channeled into responsible behav-
ior, they run into a problem, particularly when responsible be-
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
141
capitulation to conservative agendas. In other words, assimila-
tionists have allowed anti–gay rights interests to frame the de-
bate on gay rights as a matter of choice: if homosexuality is a
choice, it is an immoral choice. The assimilationist response is to
argue that homosexuality is not a choice, but for reasons that
I have already addressed, the choice argument is one that gay
rights advocates are bound to lose. Gay gene or no gay gene,
homosexual behavior is ultimately a choice. By framing the gay
rights question as a matter of choice, conservatives not only have
stacked the deck against gay rights advocates, but they have
oversimpli¤ed the debate in ways that obfuscate some important
issues.
To begin with, choice, in and of itself, has no moral content.
Because some action is chosen and volitional does not mean that
it is inherently suspect, yet that is exactly how the frame of the
argument about choice categorizes homosexuality: if it is a
choice, it is immoral; end of the debate. By closing down the
debate, the frame of choice eliminates the opportunity to discuss
the full implications of the gay rights issue. It eliminates debate
about how and why our society believes homosexuality is im-
moral. This is a debate that should not worry gay rights oppo-
nents because a signi¤cant number of people in the United
States still consider homosexuality immoral (Leland and Miller
1998).
There are, however, other debates that should disturb gay
rights opponents. Even if the majority of people consider homo-
sexuality immoral, for example, to what degree do they believe
our government should dictate the sexual behaviors of individu-
als? Considering that gay rights opponents often base their op-
position of homosexuality on a literal interpretation of the Bible,
142 to what degree should government policy be based on religious
fundamentalism? Furthermore, to what extent should the gov-
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
143
continually demands that gays and lesbians justify their actions
and behaviors. What escapes scrutiny, what is never questioned,
are the prejudicial choices and discriminatory actions of homo-
phobic members of our society. In the debate about whether or
not homosexuality is a choice, one fact has gone unnoticed: dis-
crimination is a choice.
Everyone in our society has the right to hold prejudiced
views. Our government is not so intrusive as to try to control the
thoughts that we have about other people, even when those
thoughts are stereotypical, categorical, and bigoted. Our govern-
ment does not allow people to act on their prejudices, however,
particularly when those actions violate the rights of others. A
person can choose to hold prejudicial views but does not have the
right to act in a discriminatory manner. A sexist cannot deny a
person employment because of gender. A racist cannot deny a
person housing because of race or ethnicity. There is one group,
however, whose members have the right to act on their prejudice:
homophobes. Except possibly in those states that have enacted
protective laws, the prejudicial choices that result in discrimina-
tory actions against homosexuals are protected in our society.
Because prejudiced individuals in most states can act in a dis-
criminatory manner without legal consequences, it would be
proper to say that these individuals enjoy special protection and
special rights. Of course, Christian conservatives claim that
their discriminatory behavior is based on their religious be-
liefs—that it does not come from any sense of bigotry; however,
these same Christians are not permitted to discriminate against
individuals whose religious beliefs differ from their own. To put
a ¤ner point on it, although a Christian enjoys the right to deny
employment to a homosexual, a homosexual does not enjoy the
144 right to deny employment to a Christian. In this state of affairs,
who is enjoying special rights? Surely it is not gays and lesbians.
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
What Next?
145
As a bio-rhetoric, the biological argument fails the gay
rights movement. Although those who formulate the argument
may hope to establish that homosexuality is biological, the argu-
ment itself does not indicate what should be done about homo-
sexuals. In both the legal and social realms, the biological ar-
gument has done little to improve the conditions of gays and
lesbians. U.S. Supreme Court decisions have ignored the biologi-
cal argument. Christian conservatives have used biological re-
search to justify therapeutic treatments to “cure” homosexuality.
Given the failure of the biological argument, gay rights advo-
cacy needs a different approach. The necessity for a new ap-
proach became even more apparent when a study published in
Science cast doubt on Hamer’s genetic research. The authors con-
clude their report with this observation: “It is unclear why our
results are so discrepant from Hamer’s original study. Because
our study was larger than that of Hamer et al., we certainly had
adequate power to detect a genetic effect as large as was reported
in that study. Nonetheless, our data do not support the presence
of a gene of large effect in®uencing sexual orientation” (Rice et
al. 1999, 667). Although the authors of this study admit that
their ¤ndings do not preclude the existence of a gene for sexual
orientation, their conclusion erodes any argument for gay rights
based on biological research. After this study appeared, an edi-
torial in the Boston Globe suggested that the “enthusiasm for the
‘gay gene’ research has waned among activists and scientists alike,
and there is growing consensus that sexual orientation is much
more complicated than a matter of genes” (Brelis 1999, C1).
The lesson for gay rights advocates is not to eschew scien-
ti¤c research as a tool in the gay rights movement; instead, they
need to be selective about the research they embrace. If there is
146 a growing consensus that sexual orientation is complex, then gay
rights advocates should base future arguments on scienti¤c re-
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
147
example, subjects were recruited who identi¤ed themselves as
gay. These recruiting tactics would not produce a set of subjects
that re®ected the population at large. Furthermore, such tactics
exclude individuals who participate in homosexual behaviors but
do not read gay publications, participate in homophile organiza-
tions, or incorporate their sexuality into a political identity.
In addition, the studies in the gay gene discourse do not use con-
sistent measures when treating sexual orientation as a variable.
Although Hamer used a truncated version of the Kinsey scale,
LeVay did not attempt to measure sexual orientation at all; in-
stead, he depended on the medical records of his subjects. Given
these vast differences in method, it would be dif¤cult to say that
Hamer and LeVay were studying the same variable, even though
both thought they were studying male homosexuality.
At a time when the political landscape may be shifting and
anti–gay rights forces may have more access to high of¤ce in the
federal government, it would seem that gay rights advocates
must proceed with caution. They should carefully scrutinize the
biological research on homosexuality and challenge the ways
that researchers represent sexuality. This scrutiny is particularly
necessary when the research attempts to structure homosexual
identity in ways that are both stereotypical and degrading. In-
stead, advocates should consider embracing theories that problema-
tize efforts to de¤ne speci¤c sexual orientations as pathological.
Gays and lesbians should not reject the possibility that sexual
desire may have some biological etiology. It should be under-
stood, however, that such knowledge provides little understand-
ing of how sexual orientation is socialized and politicized.
When scienti¤c claims are made about sexual orientation, the
148 members of the various sexual minorities need to make sure that
those claims re®ect their own sexual experience. If the members
Reinventing the Male Homosexual
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Index
163
stereotypes of, 57–59, 66–67; tion of homosexuality as men-
gay gene discourse and, 118–19; tal disease and, 25, 44, 133; gov-
neuroendocrinology research ernments’ role and, 141–43;
and, 71–72, 75, 78–79, 86–87, historical appeals for, 26–28, 43;
94; sociobiology/evolutionary international status of, 26–28,
psychology and, 18, 98, 103– 135–36; military service and,
104, 107, 117, 121; socio- 133, 138, 142–43; politics of, 3–
psychological theories of, 27– 4, 7–11, 21, 23, 25, 42–44, 114,
28, 30–32, 35–36, 121. See also 117, 120, 134–36; special rights
Gender, atypical behaviors and arguments and, 4, 5, 142–44;
Ego-dystonic homosexuality, 37 strategies for, 146–48. See also
Ellis, B., 100 Gay gene discourse
Environmental conditioning, 51, 54– Gay gene discourse: appeal of, 5–6,
56, 60, 62, 68, 73 137; argument in, 128–29, 133;
Estrogen feedback, positive, 74–78, background beliefs/assumptions
81–82 and, 19–21, 25, 45, 47, 56, 118–
Ethics, 123–25, 128 19, 121–22, 128; conservative
Evans, Romer v., 4, 23, 136, 146 co-optation of, 6, 11, 119–20,
Evolution of Desire, The (Buss), 116 128–32; de¤nition of, 16; eco-
Evolution of Human Sexuality, The nomics and, 120, 125–28, 130–
(Symons), 116 31; female homosexuality ex-
Evolutionary arguments, 18, 60, 95 cluded from, 54; ¤elds of study
Evolutionary psychology. See in, 16–19; media coverage of,
Sociobiology/evolutionary 4–5, 130, 132; organizational/
psychology activation model and, 71; psycho-
“Ex-gay” movement, 140 analytic theories and, 21, 33–
Exodus (religious group), 6, 140 34, 43–45; sociopsychological
Extramarital affairs, 107–108 theories and, 39, 44, 130; turf
wars and, 120–24, 128. See also
Family Research Council, 5 Gay and lesbian rights
“Family” values. See Values, moral or Gay Rights/Special Rights (video), 3
“family” Gay studies (academic discipline), 39
Farber, D., 136 Gays in the military, 133, 138,
Fausto-Sterling, A., 20, 73, 115 142–43
Feder, H., 73 Geist, C., 111
Female homosexuality. See Lesbians/ Gender, 98–100; atypical behaviors
lesbianism and, 51, 53, 59–63, 65, 74, 79,
Feminist critiques, 71, 115–16, 118 100–101; background beliefs/
Fernandez-Guasti, A., 83–85 assumptions and, 14–15; dichot-
Fitness theories, 52, 104–107 omy of, 14–15, 20, 28, 50, 65,
Fliers, E., 87–88 73, 93, 99, 118–19, 124
Foucauldian genealogy, 14, 15 Gene talk, 13
Foucault, M., 8–10, 15, 39–44, 120 Germany, gay rights in, 26–28
Fourteenth Amendment (U.S. Con- Glaude, B., 78
stitution), 5, 132–33, 136 Goode, E., 112, 114
Freedom to Differ (Miller), 142 Gooren, L., 81–82
Freud, S., 21, 30–32, 37, 40, 48, 50, Gorski, R. A., 84, 89–91
54, 80 Götz, F., 75
Frontiero v. Richardson, 132 Governments’ role in behaviors,
Frustration, heterosexual, 100–102 141–43
164
Gowaty, P., 115 INAH 1, 88–89
Goy, R. W., 72, 73 INAH 3, 91
Green, R., 78 Incest, 54
Inclusive ¤tness, 52
Index
Hall, N., 83 India, gay rights in, 135
Hamer, D., 63–69; background Ingram, H., 6, 8
beliefs/assumptions of, 22, 65– Institute for Sexual Research (Ber-
66, 122, 125–26; choice debate lin), 27
and, 5–6; critics of, 6–7, 145; Intelligence, genetic determination
ethical concerns of, 124–25; as of, 127–28, 131
expert witness, 132; gay gene Intersexuality theory, 49–50
discourse and, 16–18, 127–28;
gender atypical behaviors and, Jones, S. L., 2
65; maternal attribution and,
17, 63, 66–67, 80, 122, 126; me- Kallman, F., 47–51, 66–67
dia coverage of, 4–5; methodolo- Kamin, L., 55
gies of, 22, 63, 147; pathology Kaposi’s sarcoma, 22, 68
of homosexuality and, 67–69; Kardiner, A., 32n3
sel¤sh gene theory and, 97; Karush, A., 32n3
sexual orientation and, 10, 64– Kay, C., 3
65, 125–26, 129; sociobiology/ Kennedy, A., 134–35
evolutionary psychology theories Kennedy, H., 27
and, 97, 110; sociopsychology/ Kin-selection theories, 18, 97,
psychoanalytic theories and, 67, 102–104
128; test or treatment develop- Kinsey, A., 34–39; critics of, 35, 37,
ment and, 124 129–30; declassi¤cation of
Haynes, J., 64 homosexuality as mental dis-
Healy, B., 68, 69 ease and, 25, 120; on effemi-
Hellman, R., 78 nacy, 35–36; homophile move-
Herrn, R., 77 ments and, 33; in®uence of,
Heterosexuals/heterosexuality, 3–4, 35–36, 45, 123; on pathology
100–102, 125–26. See also of homosexuality, 36–37, 130;
Homophobia sexual orientation and, 21, 35–
Hirschfeld, M., 21, 24, 27–28, 30, 40 36, 44, 55, 117, 121, 130, 146;
History of Sexuality, The (Foucault), treatment and, 37
9, 10, 42–43 Kinsey scale: bisexuality and, 35;
Hofman, M. A., 88–89 critics of, 129; Foucault’s indict-
Homophile movements, 26–28, ment of, 40; structure of, 35, 38;
33, 137 used as measure of sexual orien-
Homophobia, 22, 101, 104, 110–14, tation, 52, 53n3, 56, 57n5, 63–
125, 143, 145–46 65, 78, 147
Hooker, E., 130n2 Klein Sexual Orientation Grid, 38
Hormones, 28, 49, 52, 66, 72–74, 85, Knight, R., 5
95, 122 Koppel, T., 5
Howe, H., 109 Krafft-Ebing, R. von, 29–30, 40
Hubbard, R., 93 Kroger, W., 31, 37
Human Rights Campaign Fund, 5, 6
Hutchinson, G. E., 104–106 Larsson, K., 83–85
Hygiene, sexual, 9 Lesbian studies (academic disci-
Hypermasculinity, 116, 122 pline), 39
Hypothalamus studies, 4, 17, 75, 88– Lesbians/lesbianism, 7, 54, 87,
89, 91–93, 95 103n3, 127, 147
LeVay, S., 91–93; AIDS as homo-
Identity, sexual, 2–3, 30n2, 38, 62. sexuality identi¤er for, 22, 89;
See also Sexual orientation background beliefs/assumptions
Index
of, 22; brain differences and, 17, Neural structures, 87–94
22; choice debate and, 5; critics Neuroendocrinology research, 16–17,
of, 7, 91–92; ethical concerns of, 19, 22, 70–95; animal behav-
124–25; gay gene discourse and, ioral studies and, 82–87, 94;
16–19; media coverage of, 4; background beliefs/assumptions
165
methodologies of, 89, 91–92, and, 74–75, 119; effeminacy
147; sociopsychology/psycho- and, 71–72, 75, 78–79, 86–87,
analytic theories and, 21n7, 46, 94; luteinizing hormone and
93, 121, 123, 128; test or treat- positive estrogen feedback in,
ment development and, 124; Y 74–78, 81–82, 94; maternal at-
chromosome and, 66n10 tribution and, 79–80; neural
Lewes, K., 31–32, 35 structures and, 87–94; organiza-
Lewontin, R., 55 tional/activation model and,
Limerance, 107 71–74, 82–83; pathology of
Longino, H., 13–15, 20, 98n1 homosexuality and, 74, 82–83,
Lott, T., 120 92–95; psychoanalytic theories
Luteinizing hormone (LH) experi- and, 80, 93; stress studies in, 79–
ments, 74–78, 81–82, 94 82; transsexuals and, 78–79, 81–
Luttge, W., 83 82, 84–85
Lyne, J., 12–13, 15, 109, 119–20 Neurotic Counterfeit-Sex (Bergler), 33
Lysenko, T. D., 12 New Republic, The, 117
Nightline (television program), 5
March on Washington, 137 Nobel, D., 3
Marriage, 107–108 Nonconformity, gender. See Gender,
Martin, J., 56–58 atypical behaviors and
Martin, N., 61–62, 65
Masturbation, 29 ONE, Inc., 137
Mathy, R. M., 58 Oosterhuis, H., 30n2
Mating behaviors, 72, 74 Opposite sex-dimorphic behaviors,
Mattachine Society, 33, 137–38 61–62
Matuszczyk, J. V., 83–85 Organizational/activation model of
McCaughey, Martha, 10–11 the brain, 71–74, 82–83, 87
Media coverage, 4–5, 130, 132 Ovesey, L., 32n3
Megill, A., 12
Mendel, G., 104 Parental manipulation theories,
Military service, gays in, 133, 138, 18, 104
142–43. See Gays in the military Parks, C., 79
Miller, D., 142–43 Partnership bene¤ts, 4
Minority group status, 3, 132–35 Pathology, homosexuality as: anti–
Mismeasure of Desire, The (Stein), 20 gay rights groups and, 11, 119–
Moral Animal, The (Wright), 115 20; background beliefs/assump-
Moral behavior. See Values, moral or tions and, 19–22, 56, 58–59, 75,
“family” 92, 114, 129; behavioral genet-
Mothers’ contribution to homosexu- ics research and, 48–49, 54, 56,
ality, 17, 30–32, 50, 63, 66–67, 59, 67–69; declassi¤cation as
79–80, 122, 126 mental disease by APA and, 25,
Murphy, T. F., 124, 136 37, 39, 43, 120, 122; gay gene
Muscarella, F., 116–17 discourse and, 7, 123, 130, 147;
neuroendocrinology research
Narcissism, homosexual, 54 and, 74, 82–83, 92–95; psycho-
National Association for Research analytic theories and, 24, 31–
and Therapy of Homosexuality 32, 37, 40–41, 43, 47–48, 50,
(NARTH), 6, 34 51n1, 67; sociobiology/evolu-
National Institutes of Health, 68–69 tionary psychology and, 98,
Nelson, J., 12 104, 114, 117; sociopsychologi-
166
cal theories and, 25, 28–30, 32– Schlessinger, L., 120
34, 39, 42 Schmidt, G., 79, 80
Pavelka, M., 99–100 Schneider, A. L., 6, 8
Pedophilia, 111–13, 121 Schüklenk, U., 135, 136
Index
Pharmaceutical manufacturers, 127 Science as Social Knowledge (Lon-
Phoenix, C. H., 72, 73 gino), 13–15
Pillard, R., 51–53, 56, 59–61 Science of Desire, The (Hamer and
Positive estrogen feedback, 71, 74– Copeland), 63
78, 81–82 Scienti¤c argument, 6, 8, 11–16, 59
Poumadere, J., 56 Sel¤sh Gene, The (Dawkins), 98
Procreation, 96–99, 108 Sel¤sh gene theory, 18, 97
Progesterone, 84 Separate Creation, A (Burr), 94
Promiscuity, 54, 98–100, 116 Sex differences. See Gender
Psychoanalytic theories: authority of, Sex-dimorphic behaviors, 61–63
32–34, 37, 40–41; gay gene dis- Sexing the Body (Fausto-Sterling), 20
course and, 21, 33–34, 43–45; Sexual Behavior in the Human Male
maternal attribution and, 32, (Kinsey), 35
67, 80; neuroendocrinology re- Sexual orientation: dichotomy of, 10,
search and, 80, 93; pathology of 20, 32, 47, 55, 64–65, 76, 78,
homosexuality and, 24, 31–32, 87, 89, 107, 116, 124–25, 129;
37, 40–41, 43, 47–48, 50, 51n1, empirical models and, 35, 37–
67; sexual orientation and, 32, 39; ®uidity or diffusion of, 35–
35. See also Sociopsychological 36, 38, 44, 47, 55, 73, 117, 121,
theories 125, 130, 146; heritability of,
Psychoanalytic Theory of Male Homo- 16–17, 27, 47, 50, 54–56, 63;
sexuality, The (Lewes), 31 maternal responsibility for, 17,
Psychopathia Sexualis (Krafft- 30–32, 50, 63, 66–67, 79–80,
Ebing), 29 122, 126; measurement of, 52,
53n3, 55–56, 61, 63–65, 78, 80–
Queer theory, 39 81, 83–84, 92, 147; organiza-
tional/activation model and, 72;
Rado, S., 32n3 protection of, 3–4, 101, 110–12;
Ramsey Colloquium, 2, 6 as a recessive trait, 104–106;
Reilly, P., 126–27 social conditioning and, 39–
Religious opinion. See Catholic 40, 48, 59; testosterone levels
Church; Conservatives, religious and, 119. See also Effeminacy;
Repression hypothesis, 10, 40–42 Pathology, homosexuality as
Republican Party, 11 Sexual practice, 3, 22, 40, 43, 47,
Rhetoric of Inquiry school, 11–12 53, 137
Richardson, Frontiero v., 132 Sexual revolution, 129–30
Riddle of “Man-Manly” Love, The Sexuality, study of: authority over,
(Ulrichs), 26 32–34, 39–41, 46, 64, 120–24,
Ristow, M., 135 127–28; behavioral genetics
Rohde, W., 75, 78 research and, 46–47, 55, 64;
Romer v. Evans, 4, 23, 136, 146 DNA tests and, 47, 51, 63; em-
Rose, S., 55 pirical models and, 35, 37–39;
Rosenthal, D., 51 Foucault and, 9–10, 39–40;
Rotello, G., 137–38 psychoanalytic theories and,
Ruse, M., 101n2, 102–107 21, 32–35, 37, 40–41; socio-
Russia, gay rights in, 135 psychological theories and, 21–
22, 24–25, 39; subject identi¤ca-
Same-sex marriages, 4, 138–39 tion for, 19, 22, 52, 60, 63, 78,
Savage, D., 138 80–81, 88–90, 93, 147
Save Our Children campaign, 101 Sexually dimorphic nucleus (SDN),
Schizophrenia, 50 88–89
Index
Sherry, S., 136 Suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN),
Shively, M., 38 88–89
Sickle-cell anemia, 105–107 Supreme Court (U.S.), 4, 23, 132,
Singapore, gay rights in, 135 134–36, 140, 145–46
Sissy Boy Syndrome, 63, 121 Survival behaviors. See Kin-selection
167
Situational homosexuality, 29 theories
Socarides, C., 34 Swaab, D. F., 87–89, 92
Social behaviors, genetic determina- Symons, D., 100, 116
tion of, 127–28
Social constructionists, 98 Tannen, Deborah, 4
Social in®uence, 14 Terry, J., 20
Sociobiology (Wilson), 97 Testosterone, 72, 75, 81, 83, 119
Sociobiology/evolutionary psychology Tests, diagnostic, 124, 126–28, 135
theories, 96–117; background Toulmin, S., 15, 20
beliefs/assumptions and, 22, Traditional Values Foundation, 3
114, 121; behavioral genetics re- Transsexuals, 78–79, 81–82, 84–85
search and, 52; as distinct disci- Troiden, R., 112, 114
plines, 97, 108–109, 115; effemi- Twin studies, 16, 47–48, 51, 54–58,
nacy and, 18, 98, 103–104, 107, 65–66
117, 121; gay gene discourse
and, 16, 18; heterosexual frustra- Uebelhack, R., 78
tion in, 100–102; homophobia Ulrichs, K. H., 21, 24, 26–28, 30, 40
in, 101, 104, 110–14; pathology Underdetermination of theories, 98,
of homosexuality and, 98, 104, 109–110, 113, 117
114, 117; politics of, 115–17;
promiscuity and procreation in, Values, moral or “family,” 2, 9, 41–
98–100, 108; survival behaviors 42, 44, 97, 106, 110, 137, 141
in, 18; underdetermination in, van den Wijngaard, M., 71, 119
98, 109–110, 113, 117 Van Wyk, P., 111
Sociopsychological theories, 24–45; Venereal disease, transmission of, 80–
authority of, 39, 120–24, 128; 81, 88–90
background beliefs/assumptions Violence, genetic determination of,
and, 21–22, 25, 45, 122; choice 127–28
debate and, 44; economics of,
127; effeminacy and, 27–28, 30–
32, 35–36, 121; gay gene dis- Warner, M., 137
course and, 39, 44; pathology of Warrants (in argument), 15, 20
homosexuality and, 25, 28–30, Weinrich, J., 51–53, 102–104,
32–34, 39, 42; sexual orienta- 107–108
tion and, 47, 125, 146. See also Whitam, F., 56–58
Psychoanalytic theories Willerman, L., 79
Sodomy laws, 39–40 Wilson, E. O., 97
Spitzer, R., 94 Wright, R., 115–17
Stein, E., 20, 133–34, 139
Steroids, 73 X chromosome, 17, 66
Stockman, E. R., 85–86 Xq28 chromosome, 4, 17, 63–69
Stress, prenatal, 79–82
Suarez, S., 100–102, 112 Y chromosome, 66, 93, 122
Suicide, 50 Young, W., 72–74
Sullivan, A., 137, 138, 139n6
Summit Ministries, 3 Zita, J., 10, 64n9
Superior ¤tness theory, 104–107 Zuk, M., 115
Robert Alan Brookey is an assistant professor in the Hugh
Downs School of Human Communication in the College of
Public Programs at Arizona State University. His research ex-
amines how social norms regarding sexuality and gender are
produced in scienti¤c discourse and popular culture. His work
has appeared in Critical Studies in Media Communication; Com-
munication Studies; and the International Journal of Sexuality and
Gender Studies.