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Glenn Banks
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This paper reviews the range of developments in the field since Godoy’s essay,
identifies a number of areas that warrant further consideration, and argues the case
for re-conceiving mining projects as sites for critical anthropological research.
The remarkable boom in mineral prices of the late 1970s and early 1980s
(Figure 1) promoted an explosion of mineral prospecting activity across the globe,
particularly in the largely under-explored Asia-Pacific region. Most of the mining
projects realized as a result of the 1980s exploration bonanza have been located
in greenfield territories or frontier zones, among relatively remote or marginalized
indigenous communities (Howard 1988)—often precisely those communities that
have been the classic focus of ethnographic research. These local communities have
swiftly assumed a pivotal position in the politics and analyses of the wider global
mining community, however unequally they might be positioned with respect to
the distribution of the benefits and the negative impacts of the industry.
At least two parallel developments over this same period have further con-
tributed to the strategic significance of mining projects for a broader range of actors.
The first has been the growing recognition of the rights of indigenous communi-
ties, a process marked by events such as the establishment of the United Nations
Working Group on Indigenous Populations in 1982, the subsequent development
of a U.N. Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the increasing
prominence of indigenous social movements and non-government organizations
(NGOs) dedicated to indigenous rights (Pritchard 1998, Ali & Behrendt 2001).
The second has been the institutionalization of impact assessment for large-scale
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mining operations (often the result of considerable external pressure), allowing for
the incorporation of local communities as key players in many of these resource
developments (Vanclay & Bronstein 1995, O’Faircheallaigh 1999). The introduc-
tion of local communities as stakeholders into the previously binary relationship
between states and corporations has led to the widespread adoption by industry an-
alysts of a three-legged or triad stakeholder model (e.g., Howitt et al. 1996a, p. 25).
Although the triad stakeholder model has served usefully as a provisional ana-
lytical device allowing for some flexibility in the identification of key agents and
their interests, it has not generally served to capture much of the complexity of
the relationships that form around mining as a site (Clark & Clark 1999; MMSD
2002, p. 58). As a sense of this broader mining community has developed, so too
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engagement for anthropologists and other social scientists embroiled in the arena
of large-scale mining—a politics with immediate implications for the nature and
direction of academic inquiry.
approach popular in management literature (Rouse & Fleising 1995). Critical el-
ements of this new approach to corporations include analyses of the effects of the
new shareholder-driven capitalism on organizational behavior (Emel 2002) and the
role of institutions and individual investors in shaping corporate decisions (Evans
et al. 2001a), particularly in light of Enron’s collapse in 2001 (Bryce & Ivins 2002).
Similarly, attempts by corporations to come to terms with their place in a rapidly
changing world and to respond to the negative shift in public perception of the min-
ing industry can be revealing processes. One recent example is the controversial
Mining Minerals and Sustainable Development project (MMSD), a major “global”
initiative funded by a consortium of the largest mining corporations and admin-
istered by the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED).
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1987), militancy, and the conflictual nature of labor relations at mine sites are
some of the more enduring themes associated with mining in both developed and
developing nations (Denoon et al. 1996, Session E). In an important study, the life
worlds of generations of African migrant mine workers, their collective organi-
zation, their experiences of and responses to violence (intertribal and interracial),
and the negotiation of sexuality within mining camps have been documented by
Moodie & Ndatshe (1994). A similar analysis of labor relations at the Ombilin
coal mines in Sumatra identifies both transformations and continuities in labor
conditions over more than a century (Erwiza 1999). Subcontractors can be an im-
portant, though often migratory, element in the local community and often are not
subject to the same labor standards (or attention from researchers) as mine workers
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Mining Discourses
Recently, there have been some provocative explorations into the discursive realms
of multinational corporations. Trigger’s (1997) exploration of the rhetoric of min-
ing multinationals, and particularly the language and the ethos that underpin re-
lations between corporations and the landscapes and the local communities with
which they engage, opens up additional fertile ground for anthropologists (see also
McEachern 1995). Tsing’s analysis of the Bre-X scandal—an investor bubble built
upon a nonexistent gold find in Indonesia—highlights the performative aspects of
speculative multinational mining capital, noting that “the self-conscious making
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seeking beasts. Schoenberger (1994) and O’Neill & Gibson-Graham (1999) offer
insight into the intensely personal, political, contradictory, and discursive nature of
decision making among management within various multinational corporations,
suggesting that the logic of capital is routinely undone by other contingent factors:
Capitalist forms and processes are continually made and unmade; if we offer
singular predictions we allow ourselves to be caught by them as ideologies . . . .
Attention to contingency and articulation can help us describe both the cul-
tural specificity and the fragility of capitalist—and globalist—success stories.
(Tsing 2000, pp. 142–43)
Further fragmentation of the monolithic image of multinational mining capital
occurs in the interactions between local, national, and expatriate workers and man-
agement, which span cultural, spatial, and temporal divides. Tensions frequently
arise within corporations between jobsite staff and headquarters management, par-
ticularly in the area of social or community issues (Burton 1996). As Dirlik (2001,
p. 26) notes, “corporations as agents of globalization internalise the contradictions
that are implicit in the incorporation of different cultural situations with their own
productive procedures.” The proliferation of functions within mining multination-
als over the past two decades contributes to this contradiction, creating departments
with conflicting mandates, such as community affairs and company security. In
the case of corporate joint ventures, or many of the recent spate of mergers, the
intersection of different corporate cultures and agendas can produce further inter-
nal tension, such as the unhappy declaration of irreconcilable differences between
the cultures of the recently merged BHP and Billiton corporations (FitzGerald
2003). The diversity contained under the rubric of multinational mining capital is
a significant, though often overlooked, element of encounters between corpora-
tions and other stakeholders. A cursory examination of the World Mining Direc-
tory, a comprehensive global directory of mining companies, reveals substantial
variation in corporate structures, with complex webs of subsidiaries and shared
project ownership (Moreno & Tegen 1998). The links between national corporate
management and political elites, extensively documented in the cases of Freeport-
McMoRan’s Indonesian operations (Leith 2002) and Rio Tinto Zinc’s failed Cerro
Colorado Copper Project in Panama (Gjording 1991), provide valuable insight into
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Globalized Miners
Globalization marks a useful point of departure for discussion of the role of the
state in mining. Hirst & Thompson (1995, p. 409), among others, have argued
convincingly that the death of the nation-state has been greatly exaggerated by
both critics and proponents of globalization: “While the nation state’s capacities for
governance have changed and in many respects [. . .] have weakened considerably,
it remains a pivotal institution.” This holds particularly true in the case of mining
because governments tend to play “an exceptionally large role in the resources
sector of almost all developing countries” (Ross 1999, p. 305; MMSD 2002, p. 66)
for a number of reasons. First, the legal and administrative institutions of nation-
states still regulate the entry of multinational miners into a country, despite World
Bank and International Monetary Fund prescriptions throughout the 1980s and
1990s that encouraged the relaxation of conditions for foreign investors in the
mineral sectors of developing countries (Sassen 2000, p. 228). Although this trend
has been reversed in some cases (the Philippines, for example), most states are now
inclined to view investment by multinational miners more favorably than in the
past (MMSD 2002, p. 172). Nationalization is not currently the threat for mining
houses in their dealings with states that it was in the 1970s; indeed, the privatization
of existing national companies and mining operations is a more common trend.
A second continuing role for states, and one that is increasingly critical in a
competitive global economy, is the setting of financial, labor, and environmental
regulations for mining operations and corporations. Here the danger identified by
industry critics is of a race to the bottom in terms of environmental and labor regu-
lation, and fiscal regimes, as countries reduce standards in order to secure a share of
diminishing global mining exploration funds (Evans et al. 2001b). State responses
to the concerns of offshore NGO critics have been couched almost universally
in the language of national sovereignty, arguing that independent countries and
not western-based NGOs should set these standards. In terms of the relationship
between states and the minerals sector, Shafer (1994) advances an argument that
the state itself will be shaped fundamentally by the nature of the leading export
sector in mineral-dependent economies. Where a small number of large firms with
large, fixed capital investments dominate the country’s exports, the state tends to
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focus on tapping revenue from these sectors to the neglect of other sectors of the
economy and conflates the interests of the dominant sector with the broader long-
term interests of the nation. In this sense, mineral resource exploitation and state
policy direction are intimately connected.
Cursed States?
Mining has been central to the evolution of the notion that resources can be a curse
that gives rise to a lack of development, internal tensions, human rights abuses, and
conflict at the national level. Auty (1993, p. 1) first provided the resource curse label
and systematically demonstrated that “not only may resource-rich countries fail to
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benefit from a favourable endowment, they may actually perform worse than less
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been a factor in attempts at secession, with Zaire and Bougainville (Papua New
Guinea) offering examples of this tendency.
The recent MMSD report (2002, p. 188) notes that human rights abuses as-
sociated with mining are most likely to occur where a corporation is “willing to
work with repressive regimes or in countries with weak governance or rule of
law.” In examples of the first case, the presence of an authoritarian, rent-extracting
state and a complicit corporation is likely to lead to abuses against opponents of
mining operations and particularly local communities (Handelsman 2002; MMSD
2002, pp. 188–89). Dinnen (2001, Chapter 5) provides an example of the second
case, suggesting that state violence around mining projects can also manifest in
weak states, although in a more chaotic and less deterministic way. In weak states,
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is only a concept. It is us, the landowners, who represent real life and people”
(Filer 1996a, p. 68). Under these conditions, communities are likely to pursue and
protect their own interests directly with potential developers, effectively seeking
to bypass the state. In Papua New Guinea this has resulted in major concessions
by the state in favor of mine-affected communities and increasing pressure on
states in the region from host communities to relinquish revenues, control, or
even sovereignty over mineral resources. In both the Porgera and Ok Tedi cases,
control over government mine-derived development revenues has been returned to
the mining companies, with the support of local communities. To developers, this
process appears to be, in Filer’s (1996b, p. 94) colorful phrase, “the ‘Melanesian
Way’ of menacing the mining industry,” a process that is marked by a characteristic
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(2001, p. 102) issues the important caveat that the “language of rights,” read too
literally by those seeking to generate legally binding settlements, can obscure “the
complex processes which distribute people in space.” Li (2000, p. 149) neatly
captures the process whereby a local community is generated when she observes
that the self-identification of a group as tribal or indigenous is not natural or
inevitable, but neither is it simply invented, adopted, or imposed. It is rather a
positioning that draws upon historically sedimented practices, landscapes, and
repertoires of meaning and emerges through particular patterns of engagement
and struggle.
In the process of self-definition in order to represent their interests to government
and corporate agencies, or to other local communities, communities in the vicinity
of a mining project employ both traditional and novel strategies of inclusion and
exclusion. The bases for membership of local communities derive from the tension
between competing strategies of inclusion and exclusion, which often turn upon
rhetorics of land, kinship, myth, and cosmology. Over time, these strategies have the
capacity to introduce inequalities of distribution and marginalization among local
communities, along the classic fault lines of gender, age, class, and group identity.
Many local communities in the vicinity of mining projects have been subjected
to massive dislocation and negative impacts. Indigenous communities have borne
the brunt of much of the exploration and mine development associated with the
1980s boom and are often already marginalized both economically and politically
within the nation (Howard 1991). The log of mining-related grievances endured by
these communities is remarkable, with countless instances of grave abuses of basic
human rights, including dispossession of land and livelihoods, individual murder,
and mass killings (Handelsman 2002). A vast reservoir of often well-grounded
suspicion harbored by local communities and their supporters thus attaches to the
intentions and operations of governments and corporations alike in the context of
mining projects.
However, in contrast with analyses that would view grievances over specific
issues such as ecological damage as the dominant impetus for local community
engagement with mining projects (Hyndman 1994, Kirsch 2001), we contend that
most local communities are fundamentally concerned with questions of control
over their own destinies, both in relation to the state and in terms of the management
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basis for protest with narrowly defined economic interests, as some authors have
implied (Hyndman 2001, p. 39; Kirsch 1997, pp. 128–29), but is rather to suggest
that a concern with control over fundamental questions of community sovereignty
is expressed through a multitude of channels and means and must often appeal
to more powerful (and often western) audiences through the most potent and fa-
miliar tropes, such as abuses of basic human rights or environmental destruction
(Macintyre & Foale 2002).
is concerned primarily with securing access and leasehold rights to territory and
only secondarily with questions of engagement with local residents. Residence
and land ownership thus emerge as the principal bases for corporate and govern-
ment identification and recognition of local community membership—a priority
often swiftly appreciated and strategically incorporated by prospective community
members (Jorgensen 2001). The apparent simplicity and neatness of this cadastral
form of identity is deceptive, however, precisely because land condenses a host
of social relationships for which territory serves as a form of shorthand reference.
Filer (1997, pp. 162–68) and Jackson (1992) have both noted how the resources
boom of the 1980s led to the development of an ideology of landowners in Papua
New Guinea, in which land assumed a new relationship with identity in the na-
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claimants as the substance of the claims must appear to the presiding judges (e.g.,
Amet 1991 on the decision at the Hides Gasfield). The perceived success of some
of these claims has played a part in the widespread revival of interest in the contin-
uing communication and enactment of this knowledge through ritual and initiation
(Guddemi 1997, p. 644). Beyond their more limited function of providing further
evidence in support of rights to ownership, the mythology and cosmology of a
community are also creatively reconfigured to account for disparities in power and
for changing circumstances (Kirsch 2001, Wardlow 2001).
Modes of Marginalization
In addition to their position in classic patterns of exploitation of local or migrant
labor at large-scale mines (Godoy 1985, p. 206; Robinson 1986, p. 239ff), mem-
bers of indigenous communities experience marginalization or exclusion on the
basis of several other forms of discrimination, including ethnicity or group identity,
age, and gender. Encounters with the state and with mining corporations commonly
result in a variety of assaults on local understandings of community sovereignty, in-
cluding dispossession of resources and lands, relocation of communities, and other
abuses of fundamental human rights. Exclusion from decision-making processes
or from the possible benefits of mining revenues are further forms of marginaliza-
tion. Kirsch (1997, 2001) has documented the systematic exclusion from decision
making about impacts to the environment of Yonggom communities downstream
of the Ok Tedi mine. Marginalization on the basis of ethnicity or “race” has also
been documented for the area of the Bougainville mine where, in reaction to their
own previous experiences of discrimination, indigenous Nagovisi and Nasioi have
expressed a common “black” identity in opposition to “redskins” from other parts
of Papua New Guinea (Nash & Ogan 1990).
Filer (1990) describes the impact of the systematic marginalization of younger
members of the local community at the Panguna mine by older kinsmen identified
as the recipients of compensation payments. Filer’s argument, which hinges upon
the role played by younger men in leading the protests that culminated in the
closure of the mine and civil war between Bougainville and the Papua New Guinea
state, extends to a prediction that compensation agreements with landowners ossify
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social relations and act, in the long run, as time bombs that explode after about 20
years, with the passing of decision-making power from one generation to another.
Polier (1996, p. 5) records a different dynamic for the Ok Tedi mine, where the
fortunes of four different age cohorts are shown to vary considerably, reflecting
the opportunities increasingly available to younger Min with better education.
Still more starkly drawn are the forms of marginalization experienced by women
in local communities within the ambit of mining projects (see Macdonald &
Rowland 2002 for a recent overview). Mining is an exceptionally masculinized in-
dustry, in terms of the composition of its workforces, its cultures of production, and
its symbolic despoliation of a feminized nature; mining, argues Robinson (1996,
p. 137), “is so ‘naturally’ masculine [that] its gender effects are invisible.” There
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are limited employment opportunities for women in the industry—in either the
corporations, the relevant government departments, or the local community work-
forces (Ranchod 2001). Loss of land and of resources to mining projects impacts
most heavily the women of local communities as the key subsistence providers
(Emberson-Bain 1994b, Macintyre 1993, Pollock 1996), and women’s rights to
land, and their role in the transmission of land and other rights, are also commonly
diminished (e.g., Guddemi 1997, p. 634), as are their rights to representation within
the mining community. Mining often generates additional pressure on women to
perform as the maintainers of kinship networks and observers of attendant obli-
gations owing to male absenteeism and the further feminization of subsistence
(Polier 1996, p. 10)—a demand that is being met through the emergence of highly
effective women’s organizations operating both locally and internationally (e.g.,
Bonnell 1999, Carino 2002). The rapid influx of cash to local communities is also
associated with augmented domestic violence and with transformations in patterns
of marriage and sexuality (Bonnell 1999; Gerritsen & Macintyre 1991, pp. 47–48;
Robinson 1986, 1996), leading to increases in the transmission of HIV/AIDS and
sexually transmitted diseases to women of local communities.
Strategies of Engagement
In addition to the issue of control over resources, crucial questions surround “the
mechanism and locus of decision-making at the local level” (Weiner 2001, p. 18).
The forms of representation generated by local communities to enter into what are
often novel engagements with agents of the state and corporations must balance
both the requirements of their interlocutors and the internal needs of the commu-
nity (O’Faircheallaigh 1995). At many mining projects, the initial structures of
local community representation tend to be introduced by corporations, state agen-
cies, or consultants acting for either category and are often modeled on similar
structures at other projects. Land councils and associations in Australia (Levitus
1991), incorporated land groups in Papua New Guinea (Weiner 2001), and com-
munity foundations (yayasan) and institutes (lembaga) in Indonesia are just some
of the structured forms of representation adopted in this way by local communities.
Over time, those organizations that persist tend to assume a distinctive, localized
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character that better suits the needs of the community and that is often more active
in the pursuit of community interests.
R. Roberts (1995) describes a continuum of public involvement in decision
making that spans the range from persuasion (which can involve considerable vi-
olence at mining projects), to consultation, to the selective delegation of authority,
and ultimately to self-determination. The history of negotiations for successive
large mines in Papua New Guinea illustrates at least part of this progressive se-
quence (Filer 1999a). During the late 1960s, at the first major mine, Panguna on
Bougainville, community “participation” consisted largely of receiving lectures
on the impending benefits of the mine for the wider nation (Denoon 2000). As
the costs of failing to involve local communities in decision making have become
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apparent, the community share in financial benefits has gradually been augmented
from one mining project in Papua New Guinea to the next, and community rep-
resentatives increasingly have been introduced into negotiations. Formal project
development agreements involving local communities are now almost standard
practice in North America, Australia, and Papua New Guinea (Howitt et al. 1996,
pp. 17–19; O’Faircheallaigh 2002). In Papua New Guinea, mining agreements have
been struck for the Porgera and Lihir mines through a Development Forum pro-
cess, now incorporated into the national Mining Act and applied retrospectively to
other existing projects, which formally identifies project stakeholders and provides
a framework for negotiations (Filer 1996b). However, transformations in the extent
of community involvement are by no means uniformly progressive. In the case of
the Ok Tedi mine, the Papua New Guinea government has repeatedly returned
to earlier practices in overriding community concerns about ecological damage
and mine rehabilitation (Kirsch 2002). Elsewhere, as in Australia and Canada,
considerably more active states have enacted forms of legislation, such as the
Native Title Act 1988 in Australia, which place powerful restrictions on the rights of
indigenous communities to negotiate with resource developers (O’Faircheallaigh
2002).
The potential significance of the benefits of mining for local communities can be
considerable, particularly for many indigenous communities that “are often badly
in need of the additional economic opportunities which mining can generate”
(O’Faircheallaigh 1991, p. 230). The principal forms of benefit include direct
compensation for lands resumed and damages incurred, royalties on the mineral
resource, wage income, equity participation and joint ventures, and access to mine-
related infrastructure and services (O’Faircheallaigh 2002). There is enormous
variation from project to project in the provision for and scale of such benefits (on
compensation in Papua New Guinea, see Banks 1996, Bedford & Mamak 1977,
Connell 1991, Filer et al. 2000, Toft 1997). The community share of mining royalty
payments in Papua New Guinea rose from an initial 5% at the Ok Tedi mine in
the early 1980s (Jackson 1993) to 50% of royalties and an additional 15% equity
share at Lihir in the late 1990s, and ultimately to 100% at the Tolukuma mine
(Filer 1999a). Another area of increasing prominence for local communities in
negotiation over mining agreements is that of ancillary business contracts, though
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BHP on behalf of the Yonggom people living downstream of the Ok Tedi mine
(Kirsch 2002); similar lawsuits have now been lodged against the operators of
the Freeport (Indonesia), Panguna (Bougainville), Gold Ridge (Solomon Islands),
and Awas Tingni (Nicaragua) projects (Downing et al. 2002, p. 27). As opportu-
nities for business projects develop on the margins of large-scale mines, a host of
novel alliances have been formed between local community representatives and
entrepreneurs at the national and local levels (e.g., Banks 1999a). Finally, the in-
crease in social impact analysis that has followed in the wake of the 1980s minerals
boom has provided a point of entry to a very wide range of consultants, including
anthropologists (Goldman 2000). The ethical implications and choices available
for consultants are addressed further below.
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a gathering market interest in compliance may render respect for human rights a
financial imperative (Spar 1998).
field, and anthropologists have adopted bitterly opposed stances at several mining
projects, such as the Coronation Hill gold prospect in Northern Australia, where
debate revolved around claims of neutrality and accusations of partisan advocacy
from either side (R. Brunton 1992, Keen 1993). Two broad visions of an appropriate
role for anthropologists have been articulated, the first proposing that anthropol-
ogists are best suited to an intermediary role as brokers (Downing et al. 2002,
p. 22; Filer 1999b; McNamara 1987), and the second that anthropologists must
choose between an illusory neutrality, which states and corporations are best posi-
tioned to exploit, and a commitment to advocacy on behalf of local communities
(B. Brunton 1997, Hyndman 2001, Kirsch 2002).
Although there may be some truth to the observation that anthropologists in
resource wars often have an inflated sense of the importance of their contribution,
albeit one occasionally shared by local communities (Jorgensen 2001, p. 82), this
hardly absolves us of the requirement for sustained reflection on the implications
and consequences of our interventions. There is indeed scope for the co-optation
of anthropological consultation owing to structural inequalities between different
sides in mining disputes (Whiteman & Mamen 2001). State agencies and mining
corporations are usually much better positioned to commission and direct ethno-
graphic research or to exploit ethnographic knowledge, though they exercise no
monopoly in this respect. However, the distinction between pro- and anti-industry
stances appears overdrawn. A number of critics of resistance studies have ob-
served the dangers inherent in oversimplifying or “sanitizing” the politics of local
communities in conditions of conflict (Edelman 2001, pp. 310–11; Ramos 1998;
Trigger 2000, p. 203)—an often-strategic essentialism characterized by Ortner
(1995) as a form of “ethnographic refusal.” They instead call for close attention
to the contingencies of any given site and for the reclamation of the specific social
and historical contexts for particular conflicts (Marcus 1999, p. 12). An adequate
ethnography of contemporary resource industries such as large-scale mining will
require work at multiple sites and over a sustained period, and the ethics of en-
gagement will vary considerably from one mine site to another, over time at the
same site, and from one perspective to the next within a project.
Without seeking yet to prescribe such an ethics, it is possible to predict that
the nature of ethnographic research around mining will need to depart in at least
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risk the romantic ideal of the solitary scholar, and yet the pursuit of a multi-sited
ethnography of mining appears to lie beyond the competence of any individual
researcher. If the complexities of agency, of relationships, and of scales sketched
briefly in this review are to be imagined ethnographically and adequately ad-
dressed, we shall need to mobilize flexible coalitions or alliances of often-unlikely
partners, including industry think-tanks, NGOs, academics, and community ac-
tivists among others. Jesuit researcher Gjording (1991, pp. xi–xii) describes a
transnational coalition formed along these lines to research the potential impact
on Guaymı́ Indians of the proposed Cerro Colorado copper project. The conflicted
nature of mining as a site for research and the compelling sense that anthro-
pological skills can contribute to the moderation or resolution of resource wars
demand some form of engagement or activism—not necessarily the activism of
causes or allegiances but rather a “circumstantial activism” (Marcus 1995, p. 113)
that mimics and exploits the labile structure of its own field for enquiry in order
to make or re-make the sense of mining, both for the researchers and for their
interlocutors.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Colin Filer, Martha Macintyre, Ciaran O’Faircheallaigh, and Kathy Robinson all
kindly offered comments on drafts of this paper. Numerous other colleagues, cited
or otherwise, have assisted with materials, ideas, and debate.
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CONTENTS
Frontispiece—Ward H. Goodenough xiv
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OVERVIEW
In Pursuit of Culture, Ward H. Goodenough 1
ARCHAEOLOGY
Mississippian Chiefdoms: How Complex?, Charles R. Cobb 63
It’s a Material World: History, Artifacts, and Anthropology,
Elizabeth M. Brumfiel 205
Hunter-Gatherer Archaeology in South America, Vivian Scheinsohn 339
BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Developmental Biology and Human Evolution, C. Owen Lovejoy,
Melanie A. McCollum, Philip L. Reno, and Burt A. Rosenman 85
Environmental Pollution in Urban Environments and Human Biology,
Lawrence M. Schell and Melinda Denham 111
The Neolithic Invasion of Europe, Martin Richards 135
The Social Brain: Mind, Language, and Society in Evolutionary
Perspective, R.I.M. Dunbar 163
Intergroup Relations in Chimpanzees, Michael L. Wilson and
Richard W. Wrangham 363
LINGUISTICS AND COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES
Context, Culture, and Structuration in the Languages of Australia,
Nicholas Evans 13
SOCIOCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Gender and Inequality in the Global Labor Force, Mary Beth Mills 41
Complex Adaptive Systems, J. Stephen Lansing 183
Urban Violence and Street Gangs, James Diego Vigil 225
Sustainable Governance of Common-Pool Resources: Context, Methods,
and Politics, Arun Agrawal 243
Urbanization and the Global Perspective, Alan Smart and Josephine Smart 263
viii
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CONTENTS ix
INDEXES
Subject Index 475
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 24–32 485
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volume 24–32 488
ERRATA
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology
chapters (if any, 1997 to the present) may be found
at http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml