Originalveröffentlichung in: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 38, 2001, S.
61-76
Queenship in Kush: Status, Role and
Ideology of Royal Women
ANGELIKA LOHWASSER
In the a n c i e n t M e d i t e r r a n e a n world, the ex­
c e p t i o n a l status of q u e e n s in the K i n g d o m of
M e r o e inspired c o m m e n t in t h e works of Greco­
R o m a n writers. T h e s e w o m e n , a n d the kandake
in particular, c o n t i n u e d to attract the a t t e n t i o n
of travelers a n d scholars down into m o d e r n
times. By c o m p a r i s o n , t h e role a n d status of their
predecessors, t h e royal m o t h e r s , wives, sisters,
a n d d a u g h t e r s , f r o m t h e Kushite 25th Dynasty
down t h r o u g h t h e N a p a t a n Period to t h e reign
of Nastasen, r e m a i n e d little known. 1
B e g i n n i n g with G e o r g e A. Reisner's excava­
tions of the royal c e m e t e r i e s at El K u r r u a n d
N u r i a n d Francis LI. Griffith's work at Kawa, a
steadily increasing body of material has b e c o m e
available f o r t h e study of Kushite "queenship."
T h e s e sources fall into t h r e e categories:
1) inscriptional, r a n g i n g f r o m lengthy royal
texts o n stelae f r o m N a p a t a a n d Kawa to t h e
labels a c c o m p a n y i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of royal
w o m e n a n d inscriptions o n objects (primarily
burial e q u i p m e n t ) ;
2) r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l , viz. the d e p i c t i o n s of
royal w o m e n o n stelae a n d t e m p l e walls;
1
T h i s b a c k g r o u n d i n f o r m a t i o n is e x p a n d e d u p o n a n d
d o c u m e n t e d in "Die k o n i g l i c h e n F r a u e n im a n t i k e n Reich
v o n Kitsch," Meroitica 19 (2001), t h e full p u b l i c a t i o n of my
d i s s e r t a t i o n e n t i t l e d "Die k o n i g l i c h e n F r a u e n von Kusch (25.
Dynastie bis z u r Zeit d e s N a s t a s e n ) . " T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t
t h e s e s a n d c o n c l u s i o n s of t h a t w o r k a r e p r e s e n t e d h e r e .
Many r e c e n t studies have d e a l t with aspects of Kushite a n d
Meroitic q u e e n s h i p in various c o n t e x t s ; they a r e duly c o n ­
s i d e r e d below. B u t n o n e of t h e m h a s b e e n d e v o t e d in its
e n t i r e t y to investigating t h e p h e n o m e n o n of Kushite q u e e n ­
ship p e r se, t h e goal of my m o n o g r a p h .
61
3) archaeological: t o m b s a n d associated burial
g o o d s in the c e m e t e r i e s of El Kurru, Nuri,
M e r o e , a n d Abydos.
In Meroitica 19, these data are p r e s e n t e d in cata­
logue f o r m , providing t h e basis f o r t h e con­
clusions which are s u m m a r i z e d below. A s e c o n d
catalogue lists all those royal w o m e n whose n a m e s
are known; each entry includes variant o r t h o g ­
r a p h i e s for the n a m e in question, the titles,
epithets a n d filiation of t h e w o m a n , h e r d o c u ­
m e n t a t i o n a n d a c o m m e n t a r y . Analysis of these
varied sources d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e crucial role
played by q u e e n s h i p as the indispensable c o u n ­
t e r p a r t of m a l e kingship in Kushite ideology.
Royal W o m e n in Society
A royal w o m a n ' s e p i t h e t s a n d filiation, as well
as h e r c o s t u m e a n d regalia, provide i n f o r m a t i o n
a b o u t uniquely Kushite f e a t u r e s of h e r status.
T h e titles a n d e p i t h e t s d o c u m e n t e d f o r Kush­
ite royal w o m e n are few, especially in c o m p a r i ­
son to t h e wealth of such d e s i g n a t i o n s b o r n e by
their p h a r a o n i c Egyptian c o u n t e r p a r t s , 2 Titles
which d o c u m e n t a sacral role i n c l u d e hmt ntr
(priestess), jhjjt (sistrum player)', shmjjt (sistrum
player), hnw (sistrum player), a n d hmt ntr (God's
Wife). N o n e of these sacral titles is specified by
t h e a d d i t i o n of a deity's n a m e , by contrast to
a n c i e n t Egyptian practice. Even in those cases
w h e r e it is clear t h a t the g o d served was A m u n
2
For c o n v e n i e n c e ' s sake, I have a d o p t e d t h e English r e n ­
d e r i n g s e m p l o y e d by Troy (1986) f o r all b u t a few titles a n d
e p i t h e t s below. For d e t a i l e d discussion of specific t e r m s , see
Meroitica 19.
62 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)
(as, f o r e x a m p l e , in t h e case of t h e sistrum
player M a t i q e n 3 ) , this association is n o t explicit
in the title.
S o m e titles imply a specific status at court:
jrj-pctt ( n o b l e w o m a n ) ; tpjt n hm.f (first g r e a t wife
of his majesty), rht njswt (king's a c q u a i n t a n c e ) ,
hnwt hmwt nbwt (lady of all t h e w o m e n ) . O t h e r s
are a n a l o g o u s to king's titles expressing d o m i n ­
ion: hnwt tDivj (tm)lnbt t3wj (lady/mistress of the
[ e n t i r e ] Two L a n d s ) , hnwt smcw mhw (lady of
t h e south a n d t h e n o r t h ) , nbt hjs'wt/tj jct hSs'wt
(mistress/the g r e a t o n e of t h e f o r e i g n c o u n ­
tries), hnwt kmt/kSs/tS s'tj (lady of E g y p t / K u s h /
N u b i a ) , sit rc ( d a u g h t e r of Re, as the f e m i n i n e
c o u n t e r p a r t of "son of Re" d e s i g n a t i n g t h e
king). T h e s e titles were used in parallelism with
those of t h e king. Royal w o m e n are d e f i n e d as
s h a r i n g t h e power to rule, t h e f e m i n i n e equiva­
l e n t of the king. Effective i n f l u e n c e associated
with such titles should n o t b e over­rated, b u t they
d o express t h e ideal of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y (for
which, see below). Since the titles s3t ntr ( d a u g h ­
ter of t h e g o d ) a n d mwt ntr ( m o t h e r of t h e g o d )
a r e b o t h d o c u m e n t e d only a single time, their
i m p o r t r e m a i n s unclear.
T h e majority of e p i t h e t s b o r n e by royal w o m e n
express t h e e s t e e m in which they were h e l d , or
r e f e r to a g r e e a b l e characteristics. Most such epi­
thets g o back to t h e O l d K i n g d o m in p h a r a o n i c
Egypt, a n d they are especially c o m m o n in the
New K i n g d o m a n d in Dynasties XXV a n d XXVI.
T h e y i n c l u d e wrt hsjw (great of praises), bnrt mrwt
(sweet of love), wrtlnbljSmt (great o n e / m i s t r e s s of
loveliness). (Epithets d o c u m e n t e d only a single
time f o r Kushite royal w o m e n are s'htp njswt n hrt
hrw ( o n e w h o satisfies t h e king with [his] daily
n e e d s ) , s'ndm jb hr m ddt.s nb ( o n e w h o sweetens
t h e h e a r t of H o r u s [i.e., the king] with all h e r
words which are said), hnmt hc ntr ( o n e w h o is
u n i t e d with the limbs of the g o d ) , jSm hr jb hr.s
(beloved in the h e a r t of h e r H o r u s [=lord]), hkrt
njswt wct (sole o r n a m e n t of the king), sps't njswt
wct (sole n o b l e w o m a n of the king).) T h e expres­
sion rmt n knit, " i n h a b i t a n t of Egypt" ( s o m e t i m e s
a b b r e v i a t e d simply rmt?) would seem to r e f e r to
3
So in the text of the Adoption Stela of Henuttakebit
(Schafer 1895).
4
N o t e that Priese (1968: 1 9 0 - 9 1 ) believes the word in
question is not to be read rmt, but tjore, the Meroitic word for
king/queen.
t h e origin of the w o m e n w h o b e a r the e p i t h e t ,
b u t since it is also associated with w o m e n w h o
have Kushite n a m e s , its effective m e a n i n g re­
m a i n s unclear.
Kushite Q u e e n s as R e p r e s e n t e d in Art
As a rule, p h a r a o n i c Egyptian c o s t u m e a n d
regalia were a d o p t e d f o r the d e p i c t i o n of Kush­
ite kings, a l t h o u g h certain specifically Kushite
f e a t u r e s m a k e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t h e m as Kush­
ites u n p r o b l e m a t i c . 5 Kushite q u e e n s , however,
look m u c h less "Egyptian" t h a n t h e i r m a l e c o u n ­
terparts. 6 Except f o r the vulture h e a d d r e s s , t h e
d o u b l e ­ f e a t h e r crown, a n d t h e d o u b l e ­ f e a t h e r
crown with sun disc a n d cow h o r n s (which was al­
ready m o d i f i e d a n d "Meroiticized" in the early
N a p a t a n Period), t h e r e are n o Egyptian elements.
A large shawl was w r a p p e d a r o u n d the body
below t h e a r m p i t s or a r o u n d the hips. A s e c o n d
shawl which could b e f r i n g e d or d e c o r a t e d with
woven stripes was worn over the first. S o m e t i m e s
w o m e n d r a p e d a sash over the s h o u l d e r . A small
tab­like e l e m e n t h a n g s below the h e m of a dress
to r e a c h t h e g r o u n d (fig. 1). This diagnostic ele­
m e n t has b e e n d e s c r i b e d as a "little tail." S o m e ­
times t h e r e are fine ridges o n its surface; t h e
cases are few w h e r e it simply resembles a line.
H o f m a n n (1971: 4 9 ­ 5 1 ) i n t e r p r e t e d t h e "little
tail" as a kind of "badge of h o n o r " first associ­
ated with Taharqa's m o t h e r ; she also believed it
identified a w o m a n as a kandake in later times.
However, this i c o n o g r a p h i c f e a t u r e is n o t re­
stricted to d e p i c t i o n s of royal w o m e n . 7 G r a n t e d ,
t h e bull's tail of kingly regalia was i n a p p r o p r i a t e
f o r a w o m a n ; nevertheless, the "little tail" is in­
d e e d r e m i n i s c e n t of an animal's tail. T h e bushy
s h a p e , which occurs in most depictions, a n d t h e
5
See Russmann 1974: 1 1 - 4 4 ; Kushite features include a
ram's-head amulet, rams' horns, d o u b l e uraeus, and "south­
ern" physiognomy.
6
Contra H o f m a n n , 1971: 49; for detailed consideration
of the costume and regalia of Kushite q u e e n s , see Lohwasser
1999.
Examples of non­royal w o m e n with this attribute in­
clude: stela Louvre E 13073 (Munro 1973: pi. 28, fig. 101;
stela Leiden XIV, 13 (van Wijngaarden 1932: pi. TV. 13);
coffin of Kheriru from the Asasif (unpublished; I am in­
d e b t e d to Dr. E. Haslauer for providing access to p h o t o ­
graphs of this piece); stela of Pasalta ( D u n h a m 1963: fig.
220).
 QUEENSHIP IN KUSH
21) »S!
r:
em
Ik!!
is.
<&3>
52^
F i g / . Dream Stela of Tanwetamani (after Grimal 1981a: pi I).
ridges, which could have been intended to imi­
tate the appearance of fur, can be cited in favor
of this proposal.
In ancient Egypt, animal tails tied around the
arm at the elbow were considered typical for
depictions of Nubians. 8 In officials' tombs of the
New Kingdom, Nubian chieftains in tribute scenes
are depicted with animal tails suspended from
their arms or waist. Paintings in the tomb of
Kenamun (TT 93) include the depiction of a
statue of Amenhotep II as a Nubian wearing
animal tails at his elbow.9 Nubian women, too,
wore animal tails: in the tomb of Tutankhamun's
Nubian viceroy Huy (TT 40) a Nubian woman is
shown with an animal tail tied around her arm. 10
Since all these examples show the animal tail(s)
worn on the arm, the depictions of Nubians wear­
ing a tail below the knees in the tomb of Tjanuni
(TT 74) are exceptional. 11 The wearing of deco­
rative amulets (though not tails) at the calves is
also known from representations of Nubians in
the New Kingdom. Finds from Sayala that date
to the Christian era support this evidence; two
8 12
Torok 1990: 172.
9 13
Davies 1930: 26, pi. XVII.
10
Davies/Gardiner 1928: pi. XXX.
11
Drenkhahn 1967: 27; Brack/Brack 1977: pi. 32; Decker
1991: 9 8 - 9 9 , fig. 2.
63
•LJ
V.
L3
A
rtS
skeletons excavated there had fringe tied to the
knees. 12 Nowadays among various African peo­
ples—for example, the Nuba—there is the cus­
tom of wearing feathers and parts of pelts,
perhaps also animals tails, below the knee.
Possibly Kushite women tied an animal tail, as
an amulet insuring fertility, to their knee or calf,
and it hung down below the dress worn over it. I
suggest that the animal in question was a fox.
Fox tails are universally associated with eroticism
and fertility. The ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic
sign used to write words associated with birth
depicted fox pelts bound together. 13 Amulets
were made in the form of this sign. 14 The foxtail
would thus represent the "feminine" pendant to
the "masculine" bull's tail of the king which has
also been interpreted as a fertility symbol.
The wigs worn by Egyptian royal women ex­
hibit considerable variety. By contrast, Kushite
women did not wear wigs. Depictions of their
natural bobbed hair are sometimes detailed to
show small, tight curls. 15 In one of the depictions
of Wedjarenes and in the sole representation of
Bietak/Schwarz 1987: 136, no. 76706, pi. 49.
Borchardt 1907: 7 5 - 7 6 ; Jequier 1921: 9 3 - 9 4 .
14
De Morgan 1903: pi. V no. 29; Vernier 1927: pi.
LXXXII.
15
Staehelin 1966: 1 7 8 - 7 9 ; D r e n k h a h n 1967: 77.
64
Kawa T
(Block 112-3)
Fig. 2. Princesses at Kaiua, Temple T (after Macadam
1955, pi 64 e-i).
Meritamun, little braids hang down from the
back of the head to the neck, terminating in
decorative little tassels or tiny beads. 16
Kushite royal woman are seldom depicted
wearing the vulture headdress. Often a fillet that
served to secure a lotus blossom at the forehead
and/or a uraeus was tied around the head. The
most frequently documented headgear consists
of double plumes with sun disc and cow horns.
The headdress is short and squat by comparison
to its Egyptian prototype.
The "Kushite headdress," unusual headgear
known only from representations of Kushite
women, consists of as many as four components,
shaped like tiny figures of goddesses or papyrus
umbels, attached to a fillet. Band-like elements
spring upward from these "supports" to arch
down over the back of the head (fig. 2). Perhaps
the "bands" are intended to depict feathers. 17
Hofmann (1977: 109) would interpret this head­
gear to identify a member of the royal harim.
Kendall, also, presumes that different kinds of
headdresses reflecting differing status among
royal women. 18 Only royal women of higher rank
were entitled to wear crowns and the uraeus; for
16
For this headgear and its o c c u r r e n c e in the c o s t u m e of
non-royal w o m e n see Russmann 1997: 3 1 - 3 5 .
17
Nuba w o m e n wear a similar feather headdress; cf. e.g.,
Bernatzik 1930: 196, 198.
18
1982: 25; so, too, T6r6k 1995: 116.
JARCE XXXVIII (2001)
royal women of lower rank, the Kushite head­
dress was used.
Status of Royal Women
Designations of kinship are crucial for the
study of the status of Kushite royal women.
Proper interpretation of these terms may con­
tribute to understanding the mechanism of the
succession in Kush which differed from the patri­
linear system in dynastic Egypt. Graeco­Roman
authors considered the unusual manner of regu­
lating the succession in the Kushite kingdom
Kawa T exotic, and it remains to this day a frequently
discussed subject. M. F. Laming Macadam, noting
(Block 135) the supposedly frequent succession of brothers
in the Napatan royal house, argued for a collat­
eral system—i.e., that the throne passed from
brother to brother, until the generation was ex­
hausted. 19 According to this theory, the person
who was entitled to succeed the last brother was
the oldest son of the oldest brother, followed
then by his own brother and so forth. However,
there is only one unequivocal case of a brother
following a brother: Aspelta who succeeded An­
lamani, both sons of Nasalsa.
Karl­Heinz Priese (1981) favors the idea that
the succession was matrilinear—that the throne
passed from one king to the next through a
woman, usually the sister. (This scheme does
not envisage women assuming the throne.) Re­
cently, Laszlo Torok (1995: 107­14; 1999: 280­
81) attempted to establish a patrilineal model,
with the throne passing from father to son. How­
ever, he acknowledged a "female succession
line," with female candidates bearing specific
"cult" titles such as bnrt mriut and nbtjSmt.
The matrilineal component seems especially
significant to me. In matrilineally organized so­
cieties the person who can bestow an office is
always female. 20 Normally this woman is the sis­
ter of the ruler. She bequeaths the right to the
throne to her children. Her male children can
assume the office while the females inherit the
right to pass on the office. There are three sce­
narios that can result from this system; for the
Kushites, Priese (1981: 50, fig. 1) prefers the
19
Macadam 1949: 124.
2
For matrilinearity in general, see Buchler 1980.
 Q U E E N S H I P IN R U S H
s c h e m e whereby all sons of t h e oldest sister may
i n h e r i t the office of king. T h e difficulty with this
alternative is t h a t t h e r e is only a single unequiv­
ocal e x a m p l e of two kings having t h e same
m o t h e r , as I n o t e d above. A n d t h e r e is n o p r o o f
that any of t h e w o m e n involved were oldest sis­
ters. Since we d o n o t know t h e n a m e s of all
kings' m o t h e r s , t h e p r u d e n t m o d e l , f o r t h e
p r e s e n t , is simply "the sons of sisters inherit."
In the matrilineal system, t h e first a n c e s t o r f o r
t h e "male" office of king is male. T h e original
c h i e f t a i n or r u l e r was male, j u s t as t h e r e i g n i n g
king is male. Alara is t h e p e r s o n w h o is con­
sistently cited f r o m Dynasty XXV o n w a r d s as
t h e f o u n d e r of t h e N a p a t a n royal line. 2 1 Pre­
sumably the right to rule originated with him.
W h e n Taharqa cited the female ancestors of his
m o t h e r w h o were Alara's sisters, h e e m p h a s i z e d
the Napatan system of matrilineal descent t h r o u g h
t h e m o t h e r . T h e possibility to pass o n the right
to the t h r o n e was t r a n s f e r r e d f r o m Alara to his
sisters w h o t h e n b e q u e a t h e d this power to their
c h i l d r e n . T h e f e m a l e ancestors w h o were im­
p o r t a n t f o r t h e king to claim r u l e r s h i p traced
t h e i r l i n e a g e back to t h e sisters of Alara. For
this reason they were especially revered. 2 Priese
(1981: 52) would derive additional evidence
f r o m the Assyrian source which calls Tanweta­
m a n i the son of T a h a r q a ' s sister. H e r e , too, t h e
r i g h t to the t h r o n e passed t h r o u g h a sister (s'nt)
to the "son of a sister." W h e t h e r Taharqa's sister
or r a t h e r a titular royal sister (snt njswt) was in ac­
tuality the m o t h e r of Tanwetamani remains m o o t .
Evaluating all available sources a n d d i f f e r i n g
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t h e m , it seems to m e most
likely that t h e snt njswt could pass o n the right to
t h e t h r o n e . I would suggest that all sisters were
equally e n t i t l e d to b e q u e a t h kingship to their
sons. All w o m e n w h o b o r e t h e title snt njswt be­
l o n g e d to a specific category, t h e snwt njswt;
their sons f o r m e d t h e pool of snw njswt. T h e
d a u g h t e r s of these w o m e n in t u r n were snwt
njswt a n d so o n . T h e f r e q u e n t l y m e n t i o n e d snw
njsiut (king's b r o t h e r s ) c o m p r i s e t h e g r o u p of
21
Note, however, that Priese (1970: 23) takes e x c e p t i o n
to lliis view, calling attention to the fact that Aspelta traced
his ancestry two generations back b e y o n d Alara.
22
Taharqa established a cult for the mww.t tpjwc (Kawa VI,
25) while Anlamani placed his m o t h e r u n d e r the special
protection of the g o d s (Kawa VIII, 26).
65
p o t e n t i a l successors to t h e t h r o n e , equals f r o m
a m o n g w h o m t h e new Kushite king was cho­
s e n . 2 3 T h e y b e l o n g e d to this g r o u p b e c a u s e t h e
m o t h e r s of e a c h of t h e m was a snt njswt. Only
w h e n h e r son b e c a m e king did a s'nt njswt attain
t h e status of mwt njswt.
In Rush t h e r e are a series of w o m e n b e a r i n g
b o t h hmt njsiut a n d snt njswt titles w h o are regu­
larly d e s i g n a t e d "sister­wives" in the literature. If
o n e admits, however, that snlsnt d o e s n o t neces­
sarily imply a direct c o n s a n g u i n e o u s relation­
ship, t h e n it is n o t necessary to p r e s u m e incest
or a legitimacy t h r o u g h sibling m a r r i a g e . O f
course, a king chose his consort(s) w h e n pos­
sible f r o m t h e g r o u p of snt njswt. In t h e m o d e l
I p r o p o s e , t h e possibility t h a t h e selected his
actual sister was comparatively r e m o t e . S h o u l d
h e m a r r y a snt njswt, t h e n all of his sons were
potential successors.
T h e genealogy of Aspelta f u r n i s h e s t h e most
i m p o r t a n t d o c u m e n t a t i o n of the matrilineal
c o m p o n e n t in t h e succession. 2 4 T h e legitimacy
of Aspelta's selection was based o n his d e s c e n t
f r o m seven successive g e n e r a t i o n s of snwt njswt.
Each of these seven w o m e n m i g h t have b e e n a
decisive factor in t h e succession of kings be­
tween Alara a n d Aspelta. In the literature they
are customarily called m o t h e r s of kings or crown
princes, b u t this is an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which ig­
n o r e s t h e fact t h a t only f o r t h e first of t h e m ,
Nasalsa, is t h e title mwt njswt actually m e n t i o n e d .
T h e omission of the title mwt njswt f o r t h e o t h e r s
c a n n o t be coincidental, especially since snt njswt
is consistently i n c l u d e d in t h e i r titularies. For
this reason, I d o n o t believe t h a t any of these
seven w o m e n e x c e p t Nasalsa was the m o t h e r or
wife of a king. T h e fact t h a t the king was se­
lected f r o m a m o n g a g r o u p of possible succes­
sors d o e s n o t necessarily imply t h a t all w o m e n in
t h e f e m a l e line of d e s c e n t were wives or m o t h e r s
of kings.
Aspelta's g e n e a l o g y d o c u m e n t s his " p u r e " lin­
e a g e by n o t i n g t h a t seven g e n e r a t i o n s of his
f e m a l e ancestors were snt njswt (fig. 3); they all
b e l o n g e d to t h a t g r o u p of w o m e n w h o m i g h t
23
Previously remarked by Apelt (1990: 28).
24
R e c o r d e d in the text of his Election stela, in the Egyp­
tian Museum, Cairo, JE 48866: Grimal 1981a: pis. V­VII. For
a translation see FHN I: 2 3 2 ­ 5 2 .
 66 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)

a n d Abydos p r e c l u d e p r o p e r analysis, the discus­

sion t h a t follows necessarily focuses o n e v i d e n c e
snt njswt hnwt nj Ks Alara f r o m El Kurru a n d Nuri.
El K u r r u is t h e oldest Kushite royal burial
I g r o u n d . H e r e lie t h e so­called ancestral t o m b s
a n d those of t h e kings of Dynasty XXV, with t h e
snt njswt 00 ?
e x c e p t i o n of T a h a r q a . H e built his p y r a m i d at
N u r i w h e r e his successors of t h e N a p a t a n Period
down t h r o u g h Nastasen were also i n t e r r e d . Two
snt njswt 00
wadis divide t h e c e m e t e r y of El Kurru into t h r e e
sections. T h e m a i n section is in t h e c e n t e r ; t h e r e
lie t h e t o m b s of t h e "ancestors" a n d those of the
snt njswt 00 ?
kings of Dynasty XXV, as well as the p y r a m i d of
an a n o n y m o u s king d a t i n g to the late N a p a t a n
Period. In the section to t h e s o u t h , t h e r e are six
snt njswt 00 ?
p y r a m i d s b e l o n g i n g to royal w o m e n of Dynasty
XXV a n d an a n o n y m o u s p y r a m i d f o r a q u e e n of
t h e N a p a t a n Period. More t o m b s of royal w o m e n
snt njswt dwl ntr 00 ?
a r e l o c a t e d in t h e n o r t h e r n section. In o t h e r
words, royal w o m e n were b u r i e d in two g r o u p s
in t h e El K u r r u necropolis, south a n d n o r t h of
snt njswt mwt njswt Nasalsa oo king t h e kings' t o m b s in t h e central field. U n f o r t u ­
nately, t h e site p r o d u c e d only limited inscrip­
tional e v i d e n c e with a b e a r i n g o n t h e relative
status of t h e s e w o m e n . But t h e location, size a n d
Anlamani Aspelta e q u i p m e n t of t h e i r t o m b s p r o v i d e d a t a t h a t is
indicative of a hierarchical distribution of buri­
Fig. 3. The genealogy of Aspelta according to the text of the
als within t h e cemetery.
Election Stela.
At Nuri, t h e p y r a m i d s were built o n two paral­
lel plateaus. T a h a r q a ' s p y r a m i d , N u . l , occupies
b e q u e a t h t h e r i g h t to t h e t h r o n e , substantiating t h e h i g h e s t p o i n t in t h e necropolis, the p r o m o n ­
t h e legitimacy of his selection. Aspelta thus be­ tory of t h e west plateau, while the p y r a m i d s of
l o n g e d to the pool of snw njswt, a n d , m o r e o v e r , t h e o t h e r kings are situated o n t h e east plateau.
his association e x t e n d e d back t h r o u g h time over T h e t o m b s of royal w o m e n are located o n t h e
seven g e n e r a t i o n s . west p l a t e a u . T h e y f o r m t h r e e g r o u p s : t h e south­
e r n g r o u p inscribes a n arch to t h e south a n d
T h e E v i d e n c e of t h e T o m b s west of N u . l ; t h e s e c o n d g r o u p consists of two
parallel rows n o r t h of N u . l ; while a cluster of
T h e t o m b s of f e m a l e m e m b e r s of t h e Kushite very small t o m b s to t h e far n o r t h f o r m a t h i r d
royal h o u s e are an i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e of infor­ g r o u p (fig. 4). M o r e inscriptional i n f o r m a t i o n is
m a t i o n a b o u t t h e i r status. Many of these w o m e n available at Nuri t h a n at El Kurru; thus it is clear
were b u r i e d in t h e n e c r o p o l i s of El Kurru a n d t h a t kings' m o t h e r s were b u r i e d in t h e s o u t h e r n
Nuri, like t h e Kushite kings. 2 3 A few royal w o m e n g r o u p , in the largest t o m b s of t h e cemetery.
possessed t o m b s in t h e c e m e t e r y of M e r o e , 2 6 S o m e w o m e n b u r i e d in t h e same sector of t h e
a n d t o m b s b e l o n g i n g to Kushite royal w o m e n cemetery, however, d o n o t b e a r the title mwt
have also b e e n f o u n d in Egypt, at Abydos. 2 7 njswt. P e r h a p s they fulfilled o t h e r f u n c t i o n s
Since, however, t h e m i n i m a l r e m a i n s at M e r o e which were t h e prerogative of w o m e n in an es­
25 pecially h i g h position entitling t h e m to burial
Dunham 1950; 1955.
26
Dunham 1924; 1963. alongside kings' m o t h e r s . Kings' wives were laid
27
Leahy 1994. to rest primarily in the two rows of t o m b s n o r t h
 QUEENSHIP IN RUSH
M 30 31
m 32
m
MM
22 21
1 Taharqa
Fig. 4. Female burials in the cemetery at Nuri.
of Nu.l. These women seem to have enjoyed a
median status. The tombs forming the group
to the north are smaller, and they preserve lit­
tle textual information with hardly any titles,
arousing the suspicion that this part of the cem­
etery was reserved for royal women of com­
paratively low status. The form of these smaller
tombs can be cited in support of this interpreta­
tion. While the tombs of the southern group
and those of the two parallel rows possess rela­
tively well­preserved pyramidal superstructures,
the small tombs to the north give no indication
of ever having superstructures of any kind. The
substructures, too, are modest affairs with a sin­
gle chamber, by contrast to the more complex
subterranean arrangements in the other tombs
of royal women at the site.
Although the paucity of texts does not permit
us to determine the precise status of each indi­
vidual tomb owner, we can nevertheless postu­
late that royal women were allotted burial in a
particular part of the cemetery according to
their status.
With few exceptions, Egyptian royal women of
the New Kingdom were not buried alongside the
rulers in the Valley of the Kings, by marked con­
trast to the royal women of Kush who shared the
cemetery of the kings. El Kurru and Nuri were
reserved for the exclusive use of kings and royal
67
mother of a king H H B
sister of a king
wife of a king
daughter of a king yyyy.
48 46
M
[8o|«
« "SSfT^
74 05
o
M
36
P > » * Ik
women—mothers, sisters, and wives of rulers.
Other male members of the royal family were
not given burial there. In the hereafter, as in
life, Kushite royal women were not separated
from the sovereign.
The Role of Kushite Royal Women in Ritual
In the cult of the gods, the royal women of
Kush, like their Egyptian counterparts, assisted
the king by shaking the sistrum. This activity,
like censing, was a preliminary to the ritual.
Kushite royal women are also depicted pouring
libations before Amun, a rite that was the pre­
rogative of the king in Egypt. In Kush it was
quite normal to show women libating (e.g., fig.
I). 2 8 Pouring liquid—milk or water—was an
offering per se, but it might also express a wish
for fertility or be associated with purification.
The motif of royal women libating makes its first
appearance in Dynasty XXV, suggesting that the
practice itself was introduced at that time and
28
In the lunettes of large royal stelae (Tanwetamani: Gri-
mal 1981a: pi. I; Aspelta: Macadam 1949: pi. 40; Harsiyotef:
Grimal 1981a: pi. X; Nastasen: Schafer 1901: pi. I) and o n
temple walls (Gebel Barkal, B 303; Robisek 1989: 113, 114;
Gebel Barkal, B 700: Griffith 1929: pi. V; Sanam: Griffith
1922: pis. XXXVIII, XLV; Kawa: Macadam 1955: pis. 14b,
64e-i).
68 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)
t h a t Kushite royal w o m e n actually p e r f o r m e d
t h e rite in t h e cult of t h e gods. T h e role of
w o m e n in t h e cult took o n a new d i m e n s i o n u n ­
d e r t h e Kushites, a d i m e n s i o n which was n o t
o p e n to Egyptian royal w o m e n . Kushite q u e e n s
a s s u m e d o n e of the roles which was reserved f o r
t h e king in Egypt as "lord of t h e ritual," vis a vis
t h e god. Kushite royal w o m e n n o t only assisted
in p r e p a r i n g f o r t h e cult; they p a r t i c i p a t e d in
t h e cult, c o m m u n i n g themselves with t h e gods.
Royal W o m e n at t h e E n t h r o n e m e n t
T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t event, t h e event which
e n s u r e d t h e c o n t i n u i t y of kingship, was the e n ­
t h r o n e m e n t of t h e new king. In b o t h Egyptian
a n d Kushite ideology, P h a r a o h ' s d e a t h p l u n g e d
t h e l a n d i n t o chaos. T h e e n t h r o n e m e n t of the
successor r e s t o r e d o r d e r to t h e universe, e n d i n g
a p e r i o d f r a u g h t with d a n g e r a n d u n c e r t a i n t y .
Festivals served to i n t r o d u c e t h e new king to t h e
g o d s whose aid h e s o u g h t to p r o t e c t t h e realm
f r o m e n e m i e s a n d m i s f o r t u n e . Royal w o m e n were
m e n t i o n e d a n d r e p r e s e n t e d in association with
the coronation ceremony.
In Kush the rite of c o r o n a t i o n was symbolized
by t h e t a b l e a u " p r e s e n t i n g maat, t h e p e c t o r a l
a n d t h e chain." 2 9 T h e new king p r e s e n t e d maat
in t h e f o r m of a small figure,30 t h e p e c t o r a l a n d
t h e c h a i n to A m u n of N a p a t a (or A m u n of Kar­
nak) w h o h a n d e d over crowns to t h e king in re­
t u r n , as shown o n t h e c o r o n a t i o n stela of Piye. 3 1
T h e l u n e t t e s of t h e stelae of Tanwetamani, H a r ­
siyotef, a n d Nastasen show antithetical r e n ­
d e r i n g s of this scene a c c o m p a n i e d by texts
d e s c r i b i n g t h e e n t h r o n e m e n t of t h e s e kings
( c o m p a r e fig. 1). T h e king is always a c c o m p a ­
n i e d by f e m a l e m e m b e r s of his f a m i l y — i n o n e
scene by his m o t h e r a n d in the o t h e r by his wife.
It is significant t h a t they assist h i m o n the occa­
sion of this crucial c e r e m o n y by s h a k i n g a sis­
t r u m a n d libating, exercising priestly f u n c t i o n s
at this m o s t i m p o r t a n t m o m e n t i n a u g u r a t i n g the
king's reign. T h e i r p r e s e n c e is n o t c o i n c i d e n t a l
b u t p u r p o s e f u l ; they w e r e p a r t i c i p a n t s in t h e
29
For details, consult Lohwasser 1995.
30
From the reign of Harsiyotef onwards maat is n o l o n g e r
included.
31
Khartoum No. 1851: Reisner 1931: pis. V, VI.
c e r e m o n y which e p i t o m i z e d Kushite kingship,
implying that t h e f e m i n i n e c o u n t e r p a r t of t h e
king was e m i n e n t l y i m p o r t a n t . T h e r e is n o r e p r e ­
sentation of the c o r o n a t i o n d u r i n g N a p a t a n
times t h a t excludes the king's wife or his m o t h e r .
T h e king's m o t h e r played a decisive role at
t h e c o r o n a t i o n . As snt njswt, she bestowed u p o n
h e r son the legitimacy essential f o r his c a n d i d a ­
ture. She traveled to t h e c o r o n a t i o n a n d deliv­
e r e d a s p e e c h , calling u p o n A m u n to bestow
r u l e r s h i p o n "their" son. She a s s u m e d a key p o ­
sition in the succession a n d legitimization of the
new ruler.
In t h r e e cases t h e r e is inscriptional e v i d e n c e
f o r suggesting that t h e m o t h e r of a king actually
traveled to h e r son's c o r o n a t i o n . Accordingly,
T a h a r q a ' s m o t h e r Abalo c a m e to M e m p h i s ; An­
l a m a n i a n d I r i k a m a n o t e were b o t h visited by
t h e i r m o t h e r s in N a p a t a . 3 2 T h e texts m e n t i o n ­
ing these j o u r n e y s associate t h e m with t h e myth
of Isis a n d Horns. W h e t h e r the j o u r n e y s o c c u r r e d
in actuality c a n n o t b e proven. But t h e very m e n ­
tion of t h e m d o c u m e n t s t h e i m p o r t a n c e f o r t h e
king of his m o t h e r ' s p r e s e n c e at his side f o r or
shortly a f t e r his c o r o n a t i o n . T h e texts testify to a
tradition that the king's m o t h e r s h o u l d see h i m
newly crowned.
F o u r sources can b e cited in s u p p o r t of t h e
idea t h a t the king's m o t h e r a n d / o r his wife deliv­
e r e d an a d d r e s s o n t h e occasion of the c o r o n a ­
tion. This s p e e c h was n o t a f o r m u l a i c recitation,
b u t an a d d r e s s c o u c h e d in individual terms, even
if the c o n t e n t was in essence u n i f o r m . T h e royal
w o m a n r e q u e s t e d that A m u n bestow t h e ruler­
ship o n t h e new king, that t h e g o d "establish"
h i m as king. T h e fullest version of the s p e e c h is
r e c o r d e d f o r Nasala on the l u n e t t e of Aspelta's
Election Stela. 3 3 It is inscribed in the c e n t e r of
t h e l u n e t t e , o c c u p y i n g t h e most p r o m i n e n t posi­
tion available. A n o t h e r e x a m p l e of this s p e e c h
was f o u n d in T e m p l e B 300 at Gebel Baikal,
r o o m 303 3 4 w h e r e t h e text begins following o n
t h e label identifying t h e king's m o t h e r Abalo a n d
32
Taharqa: stelae Kawa V, 1. 1 6 - 2 1 and Tanis, 1. 1 1 - 2 2
(Macadam 1949: pis. 9, 10; Leclant/Yoyotte 1949: pi. II); An-
lamani: stela Kawa VIII, 1. 2 2 - 2 4 (Macadam 1949: pis. 1 5 -
16); Irikeamanotc: inscription Kawa IV, 1. 8 1 - 8 4 (Macadam
1949: pi. 25).
33
Grimal 1981a: pi. V.
34
Robisek 1989: 1 1 3 - 1 4 .
 Q U E E N S H I P IN R U S H
c o n t i n u e s a f t e r the label of t h e king's wife Taka-
h a t a m a n i . T h e two r e m a i n i n g e x a m p l e s are only
partially preserved. O n the wall of c o u r t 502 in
T e m p l e B 500 at G e b e l Barkal, 3 5 Pekereslo stands
b e h i n d t h e king w h o faces a b a r q u e procession.
T h e inscription above t h e q u e e n is nowadays
mostly destroyed b u t a p o r t i o n of it can b e re­
c o n s t r u c t e d , t h a n k s to the p h o t o g r a p h taken by
t h e Breasted e x p e d i t i o n . T h e f o u r t h a n d last ex­
a m p l e is inscribed in the T e m p l e of S a n a m , in
t h e s h r i n e of Aspelta. 3 6 T h e scene w h e r e t h e text
occurs shows a g o d l e a d i n g the king by the h a n d ;
t h e r u l e r was followed by two f e m a l e figures
whose n a m e s a n d titles were n o t p r e s e r v e d w h e n
Lepsius r e c o r d e d the m i n i m a l r e m a i n s of the
s p e e c h above t h e first figure.
T h e god's investiture of t h e king was n o t
taken f o r g r a n t e d — a t t h e very least t h e r e was a
ritual r e q u i r e m e n t , p e r h a p s of g r e a t antiquity,
t h a t a w o m a n of the royal h o u s e must r e q u e s t
t h e office of r u l e r s h i p f r o m A m u n .
Egyptian I n f l u e n c e
T h e royal w o m e n of Rush a n d Egyptian q u e e n s
b o t h h a d t h e i r own, discrete traditions which
limit t h e viability of c o m p a r i s o n s between t h e m .
Direct b o r r o w i n g s f r o m Egypt can be d e t e c t e d in
t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , b u t the a d o p t i o n of icono­
g r a p h i c f e a t u r e s was, however, relatively limited
a n d n o t c o m p a r a b l e to t h e f r e q u e n t a n d n o t a b l e
a d o p t i o n of Egyptian q u e e n l y titles a n d epithets.
Structural similarities are noteworthy, especially
in respect to t h e hierarchy within the set of royal
w o m e n w h e r e , e.g., t h e king's m o t h e r o c c u p i e d
t h e most i m p o r t a n t position in b o t h cultures.
T h e roles played by royal w o m e n in Rush, how­
ever, followed t h e i r own tradition which h a d few
parallels in Egypt. T h e only e x a m p l e of c o n g r u ­
e n c e is t h e office of "God's Wife" which was
i m p o r t a n t f o r t h e ideology of Rushite r u l e r s h i p
in Rush, as well as f o r the Rushite p h a r a o h s of
Dynasty XXV in Egypt.
I c o n c u r with those scholars w h o have a r g u e d
that t h e p e r s o n w h o a r r a n g e d f o r the a d o p t i o n
of A m e n i r d i s I by the i n c u m b e n t God's Wife
S h e p e n w e p e t I ( d a u g h t e r of O s o r k o n III) was
35
Priese 1968: 177, n. 70.
36
Griffith 1922: pi. XLV.
69
h e r f a t h e r Rashta, n o t h e r b r o t h e r Piye. 3 7 In
s u b s e q u e n t a d o p t i o n s , t h e a d o p t e e was always
t h e d a u g h t e r of t h e r e i g n i n g king. Since Rashta
probably did r e a c h T h e b e s , 3 8 it would s e e m to
have b e e n politically o p p o r t u n e f o r h i m to ar­
r a n g e his d a u g h t e r ' s a d o p t i o n . T h e text of Piye's
victory stela r e c o r d s t h e i n j u n c t i o n s :
W h e n you r e a c h T h e b e s o p p o s i t e R a r n a k , e n ­
ter i n t o t h e water, p u r i f y yourselves in t h e
river, a n d dress yourselves. Lay d o w n your
w e a p o n s ! L o o s e n y o u r arrows! 3 9
In o t h e r words, T h e b e s s h o u l d not b e a t t a c k e d
b u t t r e a t e d as a sacred place. T h e text r e p e a t e d l y
alludes to A m u n of R a r n a k as t h e king's sup­
p o r t e r . T h e r e are g r o u n d s f o r s u p p o s i n g t h a t
Piye did n o t n e e d to c o n q u e r t h e T h e b a n re­
g i o n , q u i t e possibly b e c a u s e Rashta h a d already
c o m p l e t e d T h e b e s ' s pacification. As a m a n i f e s ­
tation of his p o w e r , h e m i g h t well have p r o p o s e d
t h a t S h e p e n w e p e t a d o p t his d a u g h t e r . T h u s Piye
would have f o u n d an ally, r a t h e r t h a n an o p p o ­
n e n t , a p e r s o n w h o m h e c o u l d c o u n t u p o n as a
security f a c t o r in Egypt's s o u t h .
In the tradition of h e r p r e d e c e s s o r a n d a d o p ­
tive m o t h e r , A m e n i r d i s I utilized h e r position as
God's Wife to political advantage. From this time
forward, God's Wives exercised royal rights in an
e x p a n d e d ritual role, a l t h o u g h d e facto p o w e r
probably lay in t h e h a n d s of t h e m a j o r d o m o s
w h o a d m i n i s t e r e d t h e i r p r o p e r t y . T h e ascen­
dancy of the institution of G o d ' s Wife b e g a n to­
wards the e n d of t h e T h i r d I n t e r m e d i a t e Period,
b u t its full flowering was first possible in Dynasty
XXV, t h a n k s to t h e largely p e a c e f u l e n v i r o n ­
m e n t of t h e r e u n i f i e d c o u n t r y a n d to t h e tradi­
tionally i m p o r t a n t role of Rushite royal w o m e n .
C o n t a c t with t h e state g o d A m u n was m a i n ­
t a i n e d primarily t h r o u g h these w o m e n . Accord­
ing to texts p r e s e r v e d o n two stelae of T a h a r q a , 4 0
t h e (mythical) origin of t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between
t h e Rushites a n d A m u n was established by a
37
Bierbrier (1975: 102), Robins (1993: 154), Torok
(1995: 51) and Morkot (1999: 196). Contrast Kitchen (1995:
151) w h o favors her brother Piye.
38
So Priese 1970: 21.
39
FHN I: 71.
40
Kawa IV, 1. 1 6 - 1 9 and Kawa VI, 1. 2 2 - 2 5 (Macadam
1949: pis. 7 - 8 , 1 1 - 1 2 ) .
 70 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)
"contract" between the god and the Kushite royal
house. This arrangement was strengthened by
the presentation of royal women to Amun, the
sisters of the royal ancestor Alara.
The institution of God's Wife provided the
Kushites in Egypt with a means to express their
own concept of rulership and the role of women
in it. The office of God's Wife was the instru­
ment that allowed Rush to manifest Rushite
"queenship" in Egyptian guise in Egypt itself.
There God's Wives were exclusively associated
with Amun. They were the mortals with the clos­
est contact to their divine consort. In their own
kingdom, Rushite royal women were regularly
depicted alongside the king, but in Egypt this
was not common during Dynasty XXV. Instead
the God's Wife accompanied the Rushite king,
for she provided an acceptable alternative for
both Egyptians and Rushites.
The Ideology of Queenship as
Expressed in Religion
The roles of Rushite women were equated
with those of goddesses, "thematized" and inter­
preted sacramentally. 41
Many sources document a maternal role for
goddesses in their relationship with the king.
Goddesses could be shown engaged in maternal
activity while texts describe goddesses as the
king's mother. A particularly intimate expres­
sion of the mother­son relationship is the act of
nursing. Through nursing, a mortal is imbued
with the essence of royalty; he is drawn into the
divine sphere, "sacralized." In Rush the nursing
goddesses were Mut, Bastet, and Isis.42
Isis enjoyed a special status among mother
goddesses as the mother of Horus. Because
Horus is the living king, Isis is also closely asso­
ciated with kingship. The myth of Horus and his
loving mother Isis is frequently found in Rushite
sources, with the king's actual mother compared
to Isis and her son to Horus.
For the c o n c e p t "sakramentale Ausdeutung," see Ass-
m a n n 1977: 21.
42
Mut: aegis of Kashta (Leclant 1963: figs. 2 - 5 ) ; Bastet:
m e n a t of Taharqa (Leclant 1961: pi. I) and in the text of the
Nastasen stela, 1. 3 2 - 3 3 (Schafer 1901: 114); Isis: amulet of
Neferukakashta ( D u n h a m 1950: pis. LXc, L X X b 4 / l ) .
Different goddesses assumed the role of con­
sort for different forms of Amun. Generally,
Amun of Rarnak, Amun of Napata, and Amun of
Sanam were all associated with Mut, the goddess
known from Egypt as Amun's partner. Her pri­
mary function was to accompany the god. She
stands behind him, protecting or simply accom­
panying him and accepting offerings with him.
The presence of his divine wife makes the state
god Amun universal.
Goddesses occur in Rush primarily in two
functions: as mothers and as companions. Royal
women are found in precisely these same two
contexts. The functions overlap, the divine and
mortal spheres thematize the same basic pattern.
Royal Women in the Roles of Goddesses
The most important role of a queen in Rush­
ite rulership is that of king's mother. She is cru­
cial for her son's claim to the throne. Just as
Horus was legitimized by Isis, so the Rushite
king is dependent upon legitimation through
his mother. The prominent role of the king's
mother is apparent at the king's enthronement
when she had elementary functions to fulfill
(see supra). The king's mother was also specifi­
cally associated with Isis. In texts of Dynasty
XXV and the Napatan Period, the comparison
of Horus and Isis with the king and his mother is
a prominent and recurring theme. 4 3 It must be
emphasized that the same myth does not play a
comparable role in Egyptian royal ideology. The
Rushites did not simply adopt many concepts of
rulership that they encountered in Egypt, as
often presumed. Rather, the Rushites purpose­
fully took up individual aspects and adapted
them to accommodate their own ideas of ruler­
ship and to interpret them sacramentally. The
connection between the Isis­Horus myth and
the king's mother is the closest point of contact
between goddesses and queenship: the real world
is projected into the divine sphere and vice versa.
Isis as mother and decisive factor for Horus's
43
Taharqa: stelae Kawa V, 1. 1 9 - 2 1 , Tanis 1. 1 6 - 2 2 (Mac­
adam 1949: pis. 9, 10; Leclant/Yoyotte 1949: pi. II); Anla­
mani: stela Kawa VIII, 1. 2 2 ­ 2 4 (Macadam 1949: pis. 1 5 ­ 1 6 ) ,
Khaliut stela 1. 1 3 ­ 1 5 (Reisner 1934: 4 3 ­ 4 4 ) , Irikeamanote:
inscription Kawa IX, 1. 3 4 ­ 3 5 , 1. 8 1 ­ 8 4 (Macadam 1949: pis.
23, 25).
 QUEENSHIP IN RUSH
legitimacy is equated with the king's mother who
acts as mother and also plays an important role
at the coronation of her son.
Just as goddesses stand behind a god, so royal
women—wives and mothers of kings—stood be­
hind the king. In particular they accompanied
him in tableaus depicting him officiating in the
ritual before the gods; in such contexts royal
women often participated actively in the cult. As
companions they supply the feminine counter­
part to the masculine element embodied in the
king. Just as the King of the Gods Amun is ac­
companied by his wife Mut to embody the prin­
ciple "god" as a whole comprising masculine
and feminine elements, so the king is not de­
picted acting alone as the male ruler but as the
masculine aspect of rulership accompanied by
his royal wife who manifests the feminine aspect.
The accompaniment of the king by his wife is
to be understood as a conscious expression of
gender dichotomy. In their role as companions
of the king, queens have a special function to
fulfill. The importance of both mother and wife
is reflected in their antithetical arrangement in
the scenes depicted in the lunette of large royal
stelae (see, e.g., fig. 1): mother and wife were
thematized as companions of the king.
Queenship in Rush
Down to the present, the only longer study that
considers Kushite queenship is Laszlo Torok's
"The Birth of an Ancient African Kingdom: Kush
and Her Myth of State in the First Millennium
BC" (1995). Torok makes frequent reference to
Troy (1986), and he interprets Kushite queen­
ship by drawing parallels with the institution in
Egypt, as Troy understood it. For her, duality is
the fundamental concept underyling Egyptian
queenship—sexual duality and generational du­
ality. The former defines the relationship between
male and female while the latter encompasses the
relationship between mother and daughter.
By contrast, I believe that the concept "com­
plementarity" is better suited to interpreting
queenship. Hornung (1971: 233­40) borrowed
the term "complementarity" from the natural sci­
ences to explain the juxtaposition of a supreme
god and many gods. "Complementarity" de­
scribes a relationship between components which
71
can be viewed separately as opposites but which
comprise a unified whole when taken together. 44
In general, complementarity is understood as
"parallel complementarity." For example, two
concepts such as "masculine­feminine" are desig­
nated complementarity.
In Egyptian, as in Kushite queenship, there are
a series of elements which are complementary.
For me, the complementarity of man and woman
in rulership is the most noteworthy. The oppos­
ing "male" and "female" principles form a whole.
This tenet is present in many cultures—e.g., Yin
and Yang in Taoism, opposites which comple­
ment one another to form a unified whole. The
creator gods in Egypt, who initially created them­
selves, also embody male and female in one—
they are androgynous.
Both elements, male and female, are not only
opposite poles; they also embody a dynamic
principle. The union of man and woman pro­
duces new life, that itself brings forth life. In
my opinion, Troy's concept of duality does not
comprehend the succession of generations (her
"generational duality"), just as "sexual duality" is
inadequate for interpreting the dichotomy of
the sexes. Dynamism is the principle inherent
in the succession of generations, much more so
than in the "complementarity of both sexes."
Generations do not stand in a dual relationship
to each other; neither are they complementary.
Instead they are the basis for movement, for per­
petual development. Endless progression into
the future is expressed by the "dynamism of gen­
erations." Troy understands Egyptian queenship
to be expressed in both generations, mother
and daughter, seeing them in relation to each
other. In her view they form together the "gen­
erational duality." 45 But when we study ruler­
ship, the king—the ruler himself—must always
be central to our inquiry. Queenship cannot be
equated with rulership; rather it comprises only
part of it. All lines of thought, all associations,
all links proceed from or lead to the king. He is
the pivot; his legitimacy and rule are central
concerns. Rulership and consequently queenship
44
For "complementarity," see in general von Weizsacker
1958, Fischer/Herzka/Reich 1992. Cf. also the remarks of
Baines 1984.
T h e temporal factor is important here (i.e., the gener­
ational succession mother­daughter), not consanguinity.
72 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)
are d e f i n e d in t e r m s of the king. T h u s the "dual­
ity of g e n e r a t i o n s " can only b e e x p l a i n e d starting
with the king. A q u e e n is the king's m o t h e r or the
king's wife. T h e king's m o t h e r a n d the king thus
f o r m the dynamism of t h e g e n e r a t i o n s .
T h e concepts complementarity and dynamism
are f o u n d in Kush. T h i s m a n n e r of t h i n k i n g p e r ­
m e a t e s the e n t i r e world as a n a t u r a l p h e n o m e ­
n o n , f o r in t h e e n v i r o n m e n t d i c h o t o m i e s of two
c o m p l e m e n t a r y opposites o c c u r t i m e a n d time
again. T h e traditional h u m a n b e i n g is s h a p e d by
t h e r h y t h m of day a n d night, c o m i n g into a n d
passing o u t of being.
T h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of this motif into r e p r e ­
sentational f o r m has its roots in Egyptian cul­
t u r e . But t h e a d o p t i o n of f o r m s f r o m Egypt
d o e s n o t imply identity of c o n t e n t . T h e f o r m ,
t h e i m a g e b o r r o w e d f r o m Egypt, was i m b u e d
with Kushite c o n t e n t .
Kushite c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d d y n a m i s m as
they r e f e r specifically to q u e e n s h i p received
t h e i r fullest expression in an antithetical r e p r e ­
sentational s c h e m e . In the l u n e t t e s of the g r e a t
royal stelae (e.g., fig. 1) a n d o n t e m p l e walls a
tableau showing t h e king a c c o m p a n i e d by his
m o t h e r was j u x t a p o s e d antithetically to a tab­
leau d e p i c t i n g h i m a c c o m p a n i e d by his wife.
This s c h e m e is typically Kushite. T h e king p r e ­
sents o f f e r i n g s to A m u n in his two p r i m a r y
m a n i f e s t a t i o n s — A m u n of Karnak a n d A m u n of
Napata. B e h i n d t h e king stands a w o m a n , his
m o t h e r o n o n e side a n d his wife o n the o t h e r . 4 6
For m e , t h e c o n c e p t s of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d
d y n a m i s m can b e r e c o g n i z e d in t h e r e p r e s e n t a ­
tions of these w o m e n . T h e king is shown with his
m o t h e r or wife. T h e m a l e a n d f e m a l e principles,
t h e opposites c o m p r i s i n g a unity a n d g u a r a n t e e ­
ing c o n t i n u a l renewal eternally, are i m m a n e n t
h e r e in t h e king himself a n d in t h e w o m e n w h o
a r e of p r i m a r y i m p o r t a n c e f o r h i m . T h e "com­
p l e m e n t a r i t y of the sexes" occupies a p r o m i n e n t
position; t h e king with his essential f e m i n i n e
c o m p l e m e n t , signifying, as in Egypt a n d m a n y
o t h e r cultures, the universal p r i n c i p l e of t h e
c o n t i n u i t y of life t h r o u g h the u n i o n of m a n a n d
woman.
46
The sole exception being Kawa VIII which shows the
king's mother on both sides.
But the "dynamism of the g e n e r a t i o n s " is j u s t
as a p p a r e n t in t h e c o m p o s i t i o n . T h e m o t h e r of
t h e king b e l o n g s to the previous g e n e r a t i o n , to
his ancestry, while h e e m b o d i e s t h e r u l i n g g e n e r ­
ation. T h e king's m o t h e r a n d h e himself are c o m ­
p o n e n t s in "the dynamism of t h e g e n e r a t i o n s . "
M o t h e r a n d wife of t h e king also f u n c t i o n as
two genealogical t r a n s f o r m e r s . His wife, t h r o u g h
h e r fertility, g u a r a n t e e d t h e c o n t i n u i t y of ruler­
ship; she also i n s u r e d t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n of t h e
family of the actual king. T h r o u g h t h e m e d i u m
of his wife, t h e king could i n f l u e n c e the f u t u r e .
She c o n n e c t e d h i m with his d e s c e n d a n t s . His
m o t h e r provides the link to t h e past, his c o n t a c t
with earlier g e n e r a t i o n s , serving as an i n t e r f a c e
b e t w e e n the king a n d the genealogical network
of his family. She is his link to the past while his
wife is his link to t h e f u t u r e . In this system, t h e
king, a n c h o r e d to t h e p r e s e n t , is c o n n e c t e d to
t h e historical succession of r u l e r s h i p by these
w o m e n as t h e e x p o n e n t s of q u e e n s h i p .
Both these w o m e n , d e p i c t e d in t h e l u n e t t e ,
also e m b o d y two levels of i n f l u e n c e which q u e e n ­
ship h a d o n t h e k i n g — a n d o n the ideology of
r u l e r s h i p . T h e rule of t h e king is based o n two
factors which g u a r a n t e e d t h e durability of ruler­
ship. Barta (1975) a n d A s s m a n n (1990) have
dealt with these factors. T h e s e scholars b e g a n
a n d c o n c l u d e d their r e s e a r c h at d i f f e r e n t points,
b u t they s h a r e t h e s a m e c e n t r a l thesis. Barta
(1975: 16) d i f f e r e n t i a t e d "rites of t r a n s m i t t i n g
r u l e r s h i p " f r o m "rites of exercising rulership." In
t h e f o r m e r c o n t e x t , t h e king reacts; in t h e latter,
h e acts. Assmann (1990: 2 0 8 ­ 9 ) distinguished the
gods, w h o were responsible f o r the investiture of
t h e king a n d initiating his actions, f r o m the king,
whose task was to m a i n t a i n action o n c e set in m o ­
tion. Both l e v e l s — t h e initial a n d u n i q u e action
of a g o d a n d t h e king's c o n t i n u a l m a i n t e n a n c e
of r u l e r s h i p — f o r m the basis of r u l e r s h i p in Kush
as well as in Egypt.
T h e god's investiture of t h e king is a singular
act—"initial." T h i s u n i q u e a n d creative activity
c o n d i t i o n e d t h e c o n t i n u o u s activity of t h e king
as ruler. T h e c o r o n a t i o n established the king
o n c e a n d f o r all as ruler. But in o r d e r to fulfill
his obligations as king vis a vis the g o d s a n d
h u m a n k i n d , h e must b e active, h e must a c c o m ­
plish d e e d s . T h e s e i n c l u d e d b u i l d i n g temples,
 QUEENSHIP IN RUSH

Amun

direct contact

contact
contact
hrough king
through kin

mother of a king king wife of kin

o become king to be kins

connection to connection to
ancestors descendants

Fig. 5. Schema of queenship in Kush.

endowing them with offerings and personnel,
repelling enemies, guaranteeing order in the
kingdom. I propose to confront the unique oc­
currence of "becoming king" with the contin­
uum of "being/remaining king."
Kushite queenship is to be integrated into this
scheme (fig. 5). The antithetical composition of
the lunette renders this image precisely in its
Kushite manifestation. On one side, the mother
of the king is shown in a manner wholly charac­
teristic for Kush: she bears responsibility for her
son's becoming king. By contrast to Egypt, her
ancestry is the primary factor in determining
her son's chances to become king. Furthermore,
she plays an important role at the coronation.
Without her ritual participation, the king can­
not be crowned. She is thus the decisive factor in
his "becoming king."
74 JARCE XXXVIII (2001)
On the other side of the composition, the
king's wife accompanies him. She is the female
component which complements the male ruler,
as in Egypt. In every culture man and woman
are complementary components of the whole.
In Egypt, too, the king requires a consort, just
like the god. Without the female component,
renewal is impossible. Projected into the mortal
sphere and using means comprehensible to the
Kushites, this union of male and female princi­
ples is expressed in the depiction of the king
accompanied by his female complement, his
consort. Her task lies in continually reiterating
that the king "exists and endures."
Mother and wife of the king express the con­
tinuum of renewal, the continuum of the king's
office. Queenship, as a component of rulership,
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