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Author(s): Baogang He
Source: Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 36, No. 1, Theory, Politics, Power: Essays
in Honour of Barry Hindess (February 2011), pp. 17-24
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23211181
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Alternatives: Global, Local, Political
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Alternatives: Global, Local, Political
36(1) 17-24
Critique of Democracy
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DOI: 10.1177/0304375411401834
http://altsagepub.com
(DSAGE
Baogang He1
Abstract
In the wake of the collapse of the Communist regime in the Soviet Union, liberal democracy
triumphantly celebrated as the "end of history." Against this backdrop, Hindess wrote a num
of critical essays launching his intellectual critique of liberal democracy. His approach
primarily conceptual, highlighting the problems and weaknesses of the conceptualizatio
democracy and democratization. This article reviews and offers a brief assessment of the ke
arguments made in Hindess' writings on democracy and democratization. In particular
attempts to summarize the methodological steps through which Hindess engages concep
critique. While offering an appreciation of Hindess'analysis, insight, and intellectual integrity
also addresses some difficulties in his arguments.
Keywords
democratic theory, liberal democracy, conceptual critique, methodological procedures,
governing community
Barry Hindess is a radical democrat, coming from the British left tradition. His critique of lib
democracy aims to create a space in which political alternatives may be found. His writings
democracy are an integral part of his larger intellectual project that attempts to "chainsaw" m
Western social and political theories such as rational choice theory, class analysis, structural ex
nation, and interested-based analysis.1
In the wake of the collapse of the Communist regime in the Soviet Union, liberal democracy
triumphantly celebrated as the "end of history" by many people, including Francis Fukuyam
Against this backdrop, Hindess wrote a number of critical essays in the 1990s developing a s
intellectual critique of liberal democracy. His approach is primarily conceptual, highlighting
problems and weaknesses of the conceptualization of democracy and democratization. His vie
is so radical that he effectively rejects the concept of democracy as outdated and irrelevant to
temporary conditions. His writings, it has been said, dropped scholarly "B-52 bombs" over the
tlefield of democracy studies,2 greatly disturbing many who believe in liberal democracy.
' School of International and Political Studies, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia
Corresponding Author:
Baogang He, School of International and Political Studies, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia
E-mail: Baogang.he@deakin.edu.au
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18 Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 36(I)
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He 19
Step 2: Identifying the Common Theme of a Self-Governing Community. Hindess has a remark
able procedure for identifying the common presuppositions of a given concept and dissecting it into
several parts. Let us see how he does this in critiquing the concept of democracy. Hindess criticizes
two main democratic theories: John Keane's idea of the democratization of society and Robert
Dahl's idea of democratic decisions.7 Despite their differences, both assume the idea of a self
governing community of citizens.8 There are two important features here. First, this idea presup
poses identification in terms of a clear political demarcation of territory and of population. Secondly,
government must be conceived of as deriving its authority from the community. The community
itself is not only commonly conceptualized as a republic or a community of citizens but also as
an organic whole. If all citizens have equal political standing then the majority of citizens (the
demos) rule and the community may be considered democratic.9
The theme of a self-governing community of citizens has two elements: the idea of a self
governing community, and that of a community of citizens. Self-governing may be understood,
in Hobbesian contract terms, as a correlative sphere of autonomy within which citizens should be
free to act within the framework of rules for which they are collectively responsible. Self
governing also may be understood as that by which important matters of public concern are decided
by some appropriate democratic process within the control of the demos or its delegated agencies.
The idea of delegation as an authorization has been used to bring representative government into the
model of a self-governing community. A community of citizens is one in which independent persons
participate in the government of people with equal rights and capacity to action that is not at the beck
and call or mercy of the state.10
Step 3: Analyzing the Inescapable Tensions. After breaking down the concept of democracy into
different parts, Hindess proceeds with an analysis of the logical tension belying them. The tensions
between liberty and equality and between individualism and collectivism are well-known. Hindess is
not interested in these so much as he is in pointing out the deepening chasm in democratic theory.
The tension between the idea of self-governing and that of a community of citizens is of particular
interest to Hindess as it been a major preoccupation of Western political thought right through to the
modern period. Liberal and "realist" theories of democracy have insisted on the autonomy of the
citizen, but the sway of the rule of law is often at the expense of any real participation. Citizens are
effectively alienated from any control or say in the final process. The socialist agenda has been to
rectify this by bringing economic activity and therefore property within the responsibility of an
active self-government.11
In the republican tradition citizens are required to participate in political life as independent
agents, yet, there is a temptation to rely on government or an expectation that the government right
fully interfere when it comes to the interests of citizens as a whole.12 The new socialist republican
ism that Keane poses attempts to align autonomy, participation, and the economy under the rubric of
socialist concern. As good as this sounds, it will never work. Democracy and socialism do not mix
together all that well. The inclination of democracy is to exercise final control over and above the
socialist inclination to defend the autonomy of citizens.13
Similarly, a tension persists between idea of democracy itself and democratic institutions. Polit
ical arrangements that secure some approximation to self-government often do not correspond to the
way in which institutions are arranged themselves. The nonpolitical life of the community or the
outside world for that matter is never entirely subordinated to the institutional arrangements of com
munity self-government. When institutional arrangements fall short of greater democratic ideals, a
crisis of the idea of democracy is likely to occur as it lends itself to further abstraction and becomes
something unattainable.
As noted above, in developing his critique of the concept of democracy, Hindess examines a clus
ter of concepts or neighboring concepts including autonomous citizens, the self-governing commu
nity, power, and governments. Importantly, he discusses the conceptual relationship relating to other
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20 Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 36(I)
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He 21
Hindess also argues that the problem is not so much that, as Quentin Skinner's approach suggests,
realist or empirical theories of democracy are ideological but rather that the description of a society
as (approximating to) a democracy implies a specification of the community as a political entity that
is misleading in important respects. Hindess' concern is not so much with the empirical circum
stances as with the conceptualization of those circumstances in terms of democracy and
democratization.
Such an inadequate conceptualization creates political problems. It is the widespread commit
ment to the ideas of democracy and of self-governing government that may itself create problems.
The slogan of democratization is of limited value in identifying and providing solutions to practical
problems. Hindess affirms the need for a different framework for approaching and resolving difficult
issues. He rejects as naive the belief that some new and wonderful theory can be developed to
resolve practical problems. He also rejects normative theories of democracy which are not useful
to analyze actual problems.
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22 Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 36( I)
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He 23
under which different social groups employ or manipulate Utopian ideas such as democracy. There is
certainly no harm in entertaining, reaching toward, or even approximating some democratic uto
pia—the "impossible dream." Forfeiting Utopian ideals for some realist alternative, I argue, should
never be a part of Hindess' agenda.
The issue is not whether democracy can be realized or not, but rather that such an idea equips us
with an intellectual capacity to transcend the limitations of the politics. Some Utopian elements or
ideals will no doubt remain just that, but holding them out there will at least enable us to renew our
sense of political purpose, drive, and direction even if we only use them to show up the ugly, dark, or
inhumane world. In short, Utopian or fictional ideas of democracy constitute a lasting cultural
resource on which different social groups can draw in a bid to make the world a better place for all.
The idea of democracy is appealing because it expresses a faith in the commonness of our human
ity; that is, the vast majority of citizens of the world wish to desire political communities that are
truly self-governing. But, we must keep in mind that many people who form government are easily
tempted by other agendas and misuse democracy as a veiled exercise. The confirmation, modifica
tion, or denial of democratic principles has been and will continue to be a perennial issue in dem
ocratic theories. In summary, Hindess regards the concept of democracy as an artifact. His quest has
been to remind us not to get caught up in the delusion that it's still alive and well, or that it ever has
been for that matter. The original ideals of democracy have been lost, buried, or hidden and we now
find ourselves in a serious crisis of democracy with no way out. Hindess' final words on democracy
paint for us a very dark picture indeed, that is, the tragedy of democracy: democracy will inevitably
breed disenchantment. But for all that we must aspire to democracy, we must take Hindess' pessi
mism on board. As Walter Benjamin claims, paradoxically, it is only because of those who are hope
less that hope is given to us.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.
Notes
1. Dryzek, John, "Review of Barry Hindess' Book," Political Choice and Social Structure: An A
Actors, Interests and Rationality (Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1989); in Public Choice 71 (1991)
2. As a gesture of good humor, in the 1990s he put a toy bomb on his own office desk.
3. See Rowse, Tim, "Debating the Categories of Remote Indigenous Society," in this special iss
4. Hindess, Barry, Parliamentary Democracy and Socialist Politics (London: Routledge and K
1983), 11.
5. Hindess, Barry, "Imaginary Presuppositions of Democracy," Economy and Society 20 (1991): 173-95.
6. See Archibugi, Daniele, and David Held, eds., Cosmopolitan Democracy: An Agenda for a New World
Order (Oxford: Polity Press, 1995).
7. Dahl, Robert, Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1982), 15.
8. Hindess, Barry, "Democracy and Big government," in The Idea of Europe: Problems of National and
Transnational Identity, edited by Brian Nelson, David Roberts, and Walter Veit, 96-108 (New York,
NY: Berg, 1992).
9. Hindess, Barry, "Political Equality and Social Policy," Thesis Eleven (1990): 114—20.
10. Hindess, note 8, 98-100.
11. Hindess, note 8, 100-2.
12. Hindess, note 5, 177-9; note 9, 115-7.
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24 Alternatives: Global, Local, Politícal 36( I)
Bio
Baogang He (ΒΑ, Hangzhou Uni, 1981; MA, People's University of China, Beijing, 1986; Ph.D,
ANU, Australia, 1993), is Chair in International Studies at the School of Politics and International
Studies, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia. He is also an adjunct professor in Political Theory
at Tianjin Normal University in China. Professor He is the author of four single-authored books,
three edited books, and 50 international refereed journal articles. His research interests cover delib
erative democracy, Chinese democratization, Chinese politics, comparative politics, political theory,
Asian regionalism, and federalism in Asia.
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