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Edward G Fichtner
To cite this article: Edward G Fichtner (1993) Cleft sentences in English: A comprehensive view,
Word, 44:1, 1-30, DOI: 10.1080/00437956.1993.11435891
(2) the one who served the wine was the butler
(3) the butler was the one who served the wine
1
2 WORD, VOLUME 44, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1993)
results from the insertion of the clefting elements it is . . . who into the
simple sentence:
This sequence is inserted into the frame it is Cc, in which the 'Cc' is
the cleft complement; then the WH- element is reduced. This produces:
he called the 'pseudo-cleft' (his term for the WH-cleft). The IT-cleft
was derived from the latter by Chomskyan transformations in the style
of that time. Akmajian thus believed that sentences like:
(8) it was Agnew who Nixon chose
were derived from sentences of the pattern:
(9) the one who Nixon chose was Agnew
In addition, Akmajian regarded the verb be, which is characteristic of
both of the forms of cleft sentences which he considered, as present in
the underlying structure. In so doing, he detached these sentences from
the simple sentence pattern Nixon chose Agnew. Consistent with this
position, Akmajian makes no attempt to connect the pseudo-cleft with
any deeper layer of structure.
A number of studies of cleft sentences appeared during the sev-
enties in the wake of Akmajian's article. Higgins (1971) followed
Akmajian in deriving the IT-cleft from the WH-cleft, which he saw as
originating in deep structure. Hankamer ( 1974) and Pinkham &
Hankhamer (1974) proposed dual sources for them, one in which they
are derived from a nonclefted structure, another in which they are
base-generated. Gundel (1976, 1977), on the other hand, regarded the
IT-cleft as a reduced form of right-dislocated WH-clefts. More re-
cently, Knowles (1986) has taken a somewhat different view of these
sentence patterns. He regards clefts (IT-clefts) and pseudo-clefts (WH-
clefts) as derived from different underlying structures, although the
clefts overlap with both pseudo-clefts and with relative clauses. As in
his earlier studies, Knowles takes as his point of departure structures
which contain some form of be.
In the scholarship reviewed thus far, several notions about the
structure of cleft sentences can be distinguished. To begin with, there
is the question of the definition of a cleft sentence. While all who have
studied this phenomenon agree that the IT-cleft, i.e., sentence (1), is
indeed a cleft sentence, the use of the term 'pseudo-cleft' for the
WH-cleft, i.e., sentence (2), implies merely its similarity to, but not
actual inclusion in the category of cleft sentences. The simple cleft,
i.e., sentence (3), is usually ignored, although from time to time it is
referred to as somehow coming into comparison with the other two
clefts. Another question has to do with the origin of cleft sentences,
i.e., whether the they are derived from a simple underlying sentence,
from a pseudo-cleft (WH-cleft), or directly from deep structure.
4 WORD, VOLUME 44, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1993)
(17) the butler was the one whom the wine was served by
(18) the one whom the wine was served by was the butler
(20) the butler was the one by whom the wine was served
(21) the one by whom the wine was served was the butler
The test demonstrated to their satisfaction that the phrase the wine is
indeed a noun phrase. But it also shows that a cleft sentence can be
formed by a short sequence of superficial modifications of the structure
of a simple sentence, i.e., the insertion of a pronominal element and a
form of the verb be into a simple English sentence, along with a shift
6 WORD, VOLUME 44, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1993)
+I- Specific, and +I- Plural. These combinations are listed in the
table below:
Since the Focus phrase the wine is -Human, -Specific (it is a mass
noun), and -Plural, the dummy elements RFNT and RLTV are real-
ized as that which. As the table indicates, the combinations of Referent
and Relative also have reduced forms, which may replace the full
sequences except when these have the feature + Specific and stand in
initial position. By these changes and the adjustment of the form of the
verb be, the following simple cleft has been generated:
(25) the butler was the one whom the wine was served by
(26) ??? by the butler was the one who(m) the wine was served
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEFT SENTENCES 11
Although the Focus the drinks is the object of the verb in the under-
lying sentence, it assumes the syntactic role of the subject in the simple
cleft, forcing the verb be to adjust to its number, just as if it were the
grammatical subject of be. The derivation continues as above:
Here again, the Focus the drinks is felt to be the grammatical subject.
And finally:
In this case, however, the dummy pronoun IT precedes the finite verb,
and this word, not the Focus, is felt to be its subject. Since IT is
singular in form, the verb was is also in the singular.
A similar adjustment is required in sentences containing reflexive
objects, e.g., I cut myself. In the following demonstration, the reflex-
ive pronoun object myself is the Focus of the cleft:
US: I cut myself
CLFfZ: I cut myself BE RFNT RLTV
T/CLFfPHR: myself BE RFNT RLTV + I cut
SOP: "I (myself) was the one whom I cut."
Here again, the basic SVO structure of English requires an adjustment
in the form of the Focus such that it must "look like" a normal subject
when it precedes the verb. The reflexive pronoun myself must either be
preceded by, or replaced by, the subject pronoun I. The derivation
continues:
T/BE: BE + myself RFNT RLTV I cut
T/RFNT&FF: RFNT RLTV I cut BE myself
SOP: "The one whom I cut was myself."
1/IT: IT + BE myself RFNT RLTV I cut
SOP: "It was (I) myself (whom) I cut."
The possibility of introducing the pronoun I is probably motivated by
the similarity of this sentence to sentences formed in answer to ques-
tions like: (Who was it?) It was I. Here, as elsewhere, it is possible to
delete a relative pronoun object which immediately follows its ante-
cedent.
However, if the subject I becomes the Focus element, then the
person of the reflexive pronoun has to be changed to conform to the
person, number, and gender of RLTV, which is now the subject of cut.
This appears in the following derivation:
US: I cut myself
CLFfZ: I BE RFNT RLTV cut myself
T/CLFfPHR: I BE RFNT RLTV + cut myself
SOP: ''I was the one who cut himself/herself.''
Since Cleftization changes the subject of the verb of the underlying
sentence into the relative pronoun represented by RLTV, the reflexive
pronoun must be of the same person as that of the relative pronoun
subject, i.e., the myself of I cut myself must change into the himself!
herself of (the one) who cut himself/herself. Both the change in the
14 WORD, VOLUME 44, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1993)
number of the verb described earlier and this change in the form of the
object reflexive pronoun represent adaptations which occur in the cleft
sentence to maintain at least a superficial similarity to the morpholog-
ical features of simple sentences in English. 4
T/BE: BE + I . . . RFNT RLTV cut myself
TIRFNT &FF: RFNT RLTV cut myself + BE I
SOP: "The one who cut himself/herself was lime."
Not only does the reflexive pronoun change to the third person mas-
culine or feminine to agree with the subject of the verb cut, i.e., who,
but the case ofthe pronoun I after the verb was changes, too, reflecting
the tendency in English to change any pronoun following a verb into
the object case. The same problems arise in the case of the IT-cleft:
IIIT: IT + BE I RFNT RLTV cut myself
SOP: "It was lime who cut himself/herself."
In the examples of the clefting transformations which have been
examined so far, it was found necessary to adjust the number of the
verb be introduced by Cleftization so that it agrees in number with its
surface subject. The tense of the verb be, on the other hand, has been
modified without comment to correspond to that of the verb in the
underlying sentence. Thus, the sentence the butler served the wine was
transformed into the simple cleft, the butler WAS the one who served
the wine, without any explanation for the change of be into was. In
fact, there are quite specific constraints which govern the assignment
of tense markers to be in the Cleftization process. One of these can be
observed in the difference between the clefted forms of the following
underlying sentences:
The principle which governs the extension of the tense markers from
the verb in the underlying sentence to the verb be inserted by Clefti-
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEFr SENTENCES 15
zation is very similar to the one which governs the adjustment of the
form of the verb in the reported statement in indirect discourse. Leaving
aside a few exceptions which do not contradict the rule (for which see
QGLS para. 14.32-34, pp. 1026-1033), we can say that a Past Tense
marker of the verb of saying is extended to the verb in the reported
statement; on the other hand, if there is no Past Tense marker in the verb
of saying, then the verb in the reported statement is unchanged. This
is exemplified by the following statements and reports of them:
In much the same way, a Past Tense marker in the verb in the
sentence underlying a cleft is extended to the verb be, a process which
has been applied in all of the examples presented above.
However, there are other variations in the form of the verb in the
cleft sentence which arise from certain peculiarities of modal auxilia-
ries in English. At first glance, the following two sentences seem
identical in structure:
(31) the butler should have served the wine
(32) the butler must have served the wine
The former means that the butler was under an obligation, presumably
occupational, to serve the wine, an obligation which for some reason
he did not fulfill. While this has the subjective elements of any judge-
ment, it is relatively objective in that it refers to an observable situa-
tion, one not the product of the speaker's mental processes. The latter,
on the other hand, posits no obligation, but is rather the subjective
process of inferring a conclusion from an observed fact, i.e., that since
the wine has been served, it is the butler who is the one most likely to
have performed this service. The use of the modal in the former sen-
tence is sometimes called 'deontic', because, as its Greek root implies,
it expresses a 'binding', a duty or an obligation, which in this case
16 WORD, VOLUME 44, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1993)
devolves upon the butler. The use of the modal in the latter example is
frequently called 'episternic', since the sentence in question reflects
the knowledge of the situation which the person who utters it has
acquired by observation and reasoning.
This distinction between the deontic and epistemic uses of modal
auxiliaries is reflected in the ways in which the various tense markers
of the verbs in underlying sentences are extended to the verb be in-
troduced by Cleftization. In the case of the deontic meaning, only the
Past Tense marker is extended from the verb in the underlying sentence
to be. 5 The following derivation differs in no way from the examples
already presented:
US: the butler should have served the wine
CLFfZ: the butler BE RFNT RLTV should have served the wine
T/CLFfPHR: the butler BE RFNT RLTV + should have served the
wine
SOP: ''The butler was (+Past) the one who should (+Past) have
served the wine.''
T/BE: BE + the butler ... RFNT RLTV should have served the wine
T/RFNT&FF: RFNT RLTV should have served the wine + BE the
butler
SOP: "The one who should (+Past) have served the wine was
(+Past) the butler."
1/IT: IT + BE the butler RFNT RLTV should have served the wine
SOP: "It was (+Past) the butler who should (+Past) have served the
wine."
However, in sentences having an epistemic meaning, not only is the Past
Tense marker extended to the verb be, but all other verb modifications,
including the modal auxiliary, are transferred to it as well. Thus, the
verb forms of the underlying sentence containing the epistemic modal
auxiliary are treated very differently when that sentence is transformed
into the various cleft sentence types, as this derivation shows:
US: the butler must have served the wine
CLFfZ: the butler BE RFNT RLTV must have served the wine
T/CLFfPHR: the butler BE RFNT RLTV + must have served the wine
SOP: ? "The butler was the one who must have served the wine."
Here, only the Past Tense marker has been copied from must to be. Yet
·the sentence sounds awkward. Only when the other verb modifica-
tions, Modal and the Perfect Tense, are transferred to the verb be does
the sentence seem unobjectionable:
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEFf SENTENCES 17
SOP: ! ! "The butler must have been the one who served the wine."
Similar changes are required in the case of the WH- and IT-clefts:
T/BE: BE + the butler ... RFNT RLTV must have served the wine
T/RFNT&FF: RFNT RLTV must have served the wine + BE the
butler
SOP: ?? "The one who must have served the wine was the butler."
SOP: ! ! ''The one who served the wine must have been the butler.''
1/IT: IT + BE the butler RFNT RLTV must have served the wine
SOP: ?? ''It was the butler who must have served the wine.''
SOP: ! ! "It must have been the butler who served the wine. " 6
While modal auxiliaries, by their very function, always express a
modal meaning, there are other sentences which do not contain modals
which may also have a modal meaning. When sentences with an
epistemic meaning are subjected to Cleftization, all of the various tense
and mood markers are shifted to the verb be introduced by the clefting
process. The following is just such a case:
US: the butler has by tradition served the wine here
The phrase by tradition suggests here that the speaker is, from his or
her knowledge and experience, affirming a custom of long standing, so
that the sentence is epistemic in character. This is manifested in the
verb forms which appear upon Cleftization:
CLFfZ: the butler BE RFNT RLTV has by tradition served the wine
here
T/CLFfPHR: the butler BE RFNT RLTV + has by tradition served
the wine here
SOP: ? "The butler is the one who has by tradition served the wine
here."
SOP: ! "The butler has been the one who by tradition serves the wine
here.''
Indeed, the sentence would be even more idiomatic if the adverb by
tradition were moved into the verb complex of be along with the verb
modifications, e.g.:
SOP: ! ! "The butler has by tradition been the one who serves the wine
here."
On the other hand, if the adverb by tradition were replaced with,
e.g., always, so that the subjective knowledge implied by the former
18 WORD, VOLUME 44, NUMBER 1 (APRIL, 1993)
SOP: ? ''The one who has by tradition served the wine here is the
butler.''
SOP: ! "The one who serves the wine here has by tradition been the
butler."
SOP: ? "It is the butler who has by tradition served the wine here."
SOP: ! "It has by tradition been the butler who serves the wine here."
Up to this point, the elements which have served as the Focus of
cleft sentences in the examples analyzed have all been noun phrases or
pronouns. Even the agent prepositional phrase by the butler was re-
solved into a simple noun phrase through an additional step in the
series of operations comprising the clefting process. However, there
are other kinds of clause elements which can serve as the Focus of a
cleft sentence, too, such as adverbs, adjectives, infinitives, and de-
pendent finite nominal clauses. The following examples give some
idea of the range of possibilities available to the speaker of English in
selecting a clause element as Focus of a cleft sentence.
The following sentence shows that an adverbial phrase of time can
become the Focus of a cleft:
US: I heard the news this morning
CLFTZ: I heard the news this morning BE RFNT RLTV
T/CLFTPHR: this morning BE RFNT RLTV + I heard the news
SOP: "This morning was (the time) when I heard the news."
The table of surface equivalents above contains an entry showing that
these elements are to be resolved as '' (the time) when'' when the Focus
is an adverb of time. 7
T/BE: BE + this morning ... RFNT RLTV I heard the news
The WH-cleft requires the Topicalization of the Referent and all
forms following it:
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEFr SENTENCES 19
In the first two of these, the adverbial form seems out of place where
one would expect an adjective. The third example clearly expresses the
idea that his manner of address was offensive. But in the fourth in-
stance, the loss of the noun phrase the way changes both the structure
and the meaning of the sentence to suggest that the mere act of his
speaking to her was the cause of offense. Though a Referent is nor-
mally deleted when it immediately follows the Focus, the phrase the
way is necessary in this case to ensure that the word offensive is
understood as an adverb of manner, and not as an adjective modifying
the noun phrase that he spoke to her.
Not only adverbs, but also adjectives, may serve as the Focus of
a cleft sentence, as in this example: 8
US: Sally is amazing
CLFTZ: Sally is amazing BE RFNT RLTV
T/CLFTPHR: amazing BE RFNT RLTV + Sally is
SOP: "Amazing is what Sally is."
T/BE: BE + amazing .. RFNT RLTV Sally is
T/RFNT&FF: RFNT RLTV Sally is + BE amazing
SOP: ''What Sally is is amazing.''
1/IT: IT + BE amazing RFNT RLTV Sally is
SOP: "It is amazing that Sally is!"
When an adjective is the Focus of a cleft, there is usually a strong
connotation of contrast which is especially noticeable in the case of the
IT-cleft.
In an underlying sentence containing a predicate adjective, the
subject noun can also be the Focus of a cleft, as in the case of the
sentence above:
US: Sally is amazing
CLFTZ: Sally BE RFNT RLTV is amazing
T/CLFTPHR: Sally BE RFNT RLTV + is amazing
SOP: "Sally is the one who is amazing."
T/BE: BE + Sally ... RFNT RLTV is amazing
T/RFNT&FF: RFNT RLTV is amazing + is Sally
SOP: "The one who is amazing is Sally."
1/IT: IT + BE Sally . . . RFNT RLTV is amazing
SOP: "It is Sally who is amazing."
The infinitive which forms part of the verb complex may be de-
tached and serve as the Focus of a cleft, as in this example:
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEFr SENTENCES 21
The reason for this apparent exception lies not in the clefting process
itself, but in a constraint in English on dependent finite clauses serving
as the subjects of other dependent finite clauses. This observation is
supported by the fact that the clefting procedures may be applied to this
sentence when Tom is the Focus, provided that the underlying sentence
has first been passivized, as in the following derivation:
Without the insertion of the phrase the fact, the derivation leads to
three unacceptable sentences. However, this is again, not a feature of
the clefting process, but a constraint coming from another area of
English structure, namely, the restriction that a dependent finite clause
introduced by that may not function as the object of a preposition, such
as by in this case, but must rather follow a dummy noun like the fact,
so that the finite clause may be construed as standing in apposition to
it. On the other hand, the entire prepositional phrase by the fact may
be omitted, a change which results in three completely idiomatic cleft
sentences:
CLFTZ: Tom BE RFNT RLTV was annoyed (by the fact) that she sang
off pitch BE RFNT RLTV
T/CLFTPHR: Tom BE RFNT RLTV + was annoyed (by the fact) that
she sang off pitch
SOP: ! "Tom was the one who was annoyed (by the fact) that she
sang off pitch."
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEF!' SENTENCES 23
T/BE: BE + Tom .. RFNT RLTV was annoyed (by the fact) that she
sang off pitch
T/RFNT&FF: RFNT RLTV was annoyed (by the fact) that she sang
off pitch + BE Tom
SOP: ! "The one who was annoyed (by the fact) that she sang off
pitch was Tom.''
1/IT: IT + BE Tom .. RFNT RLTV was annoyed (by the fact) that she
sang off pitch
SOP: ! "It was Tom who was annoyed (by the fact) that she sang off
pitch."
As these examples show, nouns, adjectives, adverbial expressions,
finite clauses, and infinitives can all serve as the Focus of a cleft
sentence.
We turn now to the third of the three questions raised at the
beginning of this article, namely, the communicative function of these
sentence patterns. This has been the subject of several studies in the
recent past, notably Prince (1978) and Declerck (1983 and 1984). Both
of these linguists approach the problem of the way in which clefts are
used by examining a number of passages in which these sentence
patterns appear, and then trying to infer from those citations what
semantic features of the context motivated their authors to use cleft
sentences, and hence what specific contribution the cleft in question
made to those sentences.
One matter must be settled at the start: what sentence patterns are
to be included in the category of cleft sentences. Prince recognizes
only WH-clefts and IT-clefts, as does Declerck, although he refers in
passing at one point to simple clefts as "inverted WH-clefts" (De-
clerck 1984:259). At the beginning ofthis study, we placed all three of
these sentence patterns in the category of cleft sentences, a classifica-
tion which is supported by the fact that all three have been found to be
the output of the same set of operations, though emerging at different
stages of those operations. This being the case, it might be more useful
to approach the question of their meaning and function, first by noting
their formal properties, and then proceeding to a discussion of their
function in various contexts. Just as each has a distinctive form, it also
has a distinctive mode of predication by virtue of by that form. The
three classes which our procedures generated are:
As the captions in the table above suggest, each kind of cleft has,
by virtue of its form, a potential for a certain mode of expression.
Simple clefts are essentially a species of definition, in that they provide
a description of what a term stands for in a given context, e.g., wine
is obviously a fermented beverage made from grapes, but in the hy-
pothetical context suggested by the example, it is what was served by
the butler. Similarly, the task of the WH-cleft is to identify the person
who or thing which fulfills the specifications set forth in the WH-
clause, e.g., the butler may have many duties, but the beverage he
served on this occasion was the wine. In form, the two clefts are mirror
images of one another, in that the single term in the simple cleft is
defined by a clause following the form of the verb be, whereas the
WH-clause of the WH-cleft is followed by a form of be and the term to
which the clause applies. In terms of form, the IT-cleft is in a class by
itself, particularly in that the verb be does not serve as the fulcrum of
a balance between the term to be defined or specified, on the one hand,
and the defining and specifying clause on the other, but along with the
empty pronoun it provides a neutral introduction to the Focus of the
cleft, its most important term, for which reason we label the mode of
predication of the IT-cleft as affirmation.
These modes of predication may have varying discourse functions
in the texts in which they appear. As Prince (1978) and Bromser (1984)
have pointed out, the specific functions which the various clefts may
have depend upon the distribution of old and new information. As
Jones and Jones have recently shown, one of the main discourse func-
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEFf SENTENCES 25
tions for which cleft sentences are used is to highlight the theme of a
given segment of discourse (1985:10f.). Cleft sentences have this ef-
fect, because the clefting process adds a feature to the underlying
sentence which that sentence lacks, i.e., polarity.
What the clefting process does is to express this feature overtly in
the surface structure of the sentence, not merely by means of intonation
patterns, which can, of course, be inferred from the context, but per-
ceived only in actual speech. Not only does the clefting process allow
the speaker or writer to place certain words or phrases at the crucial
points at the beginning or end of the sentence, thus overcoming the
limitations imposed by the rigid SVO word order of English, but it also
divides the sentence into two zones, which makes it impossible for the
reader to interpret it as a simple declaration of fact in which the various
nouns and adverbs are understood merely as participating in the action
represented by the verb. 9 The polarization of the sentence-its sepa-
ration into two zones-implies opposition, and opposition, particu-
larly between elements in the same structure, frequently suggests con-
trast. Moreover, the designation of a specific element as Focus of the
cleft draws attention to that element, and increases the hearer's aware-
ness of any difference between the information presented in the cleft
sentence and that in or suggested by the context.
Having seen how cleft sentences make it possible for the speaker
or writer to escape the limitations of the rigid SVO structure of En-
glish, it is easy to offer an answer to the fourth question raised at the
beginning of this article, namely, where cleft sentences may be situ-
ated in the larger set of syntactic structures of English. Most of those
who have studied these sentence patterns since about 1960-Lees
(1963), Higgins (1971), Gundel (1976 and 1977), Wirth (1978),
Delahunty (1981), Bromser (1984), and Knowles (1986)-regard the
cleft sentence as originating on some level of deep or underlying
structure. The remainder either take no position as to where cleft
sentences should be placed, or, like Jespersen (1965, 1969), treat them
as modifications of existing or possible English sentences.
Several considerations compel us to return to Jespersen's assump-
tion, if not to his explanation. For one thing, it has been amply dem-
onstrated that it is at least possible to generate all of the possible
correctly formed cleft sentences, and only the correct ones, by the
series of operations which we have performed on an underlying struc-
ture which is itself an acceptable English sentence. Thus, there is no
need to refer to deep structure, however that may be understood, in
order to explain how cleft sentences are formed. Moreover, it was
26 WORD, VOLUME 44, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1993)
(37) THERE-transformations:
many prominent people will be at the reception ~
THERE will be many prominent people at the reception
a large number of cases of AIDS have been reported this year
~ THERE have been a large number of cases of AIDS
reported this year I THERE have been reported a large number
of cases of AIDS this year
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEFT SENTENCES 27
(38) IT-transformations:
that this could happen is unbelievable ~ IT is unbelievable
that this could happen
to refute this theory is difficult ~ IT is difficult to refute this
theory
In like fashion, the cleft sentences generated earlier can all undergo
these transformations, too, e.g., into:
(43) a yes-no question: was the butler ... the one who served the
wine?
(44) an information question: WHO was the one who served the
wine?
(45) a relative clause: (the butler,) who was the one who served the
wine, (has retired)
28 WORD, VOLUME 44, NUMBER 1 (APRIL, 1993)
ENDNOTES
1
This article is a revised and expanded version of a lecture presented at a monthly meeting
of the International Linguistic Association held on 9 May 1987.
2
This table is adapted from Bolinger (1972:105).
3
The optional omission of the object whom here is another instance of the possibility in
English of omitting relative pronouns which immediately follow their antecedent, e.g., that was
the man (whom) I met at the conference.
4
Akmajian (1970) considers at some length the possibility of leaving the reflexive pronoun
in the first person, i.e., a sentence like I was the one who cut myself It is important to keep in
mind that a language is a system composed of many subsystems, and even though features such
as subject-verb agreement and subject-reflexive agreement are certainly relevant to the produc-
tion of correctly formed cleft sentences, these are not integral parts of the clefting process, as
Akmajian seems to imply. Sentences like this are probably syntactic conflations of pairs like I cut
myself and I was the one who cut himself, where the speaker's knowledge about the persons on
whom the cut has been inflicted, on the one hand, and his/her sense that a third person reflexive
object is required with a third person subject, on the other, are brought into conflict by the shift
of person introduced by the clefting process.
5
Following Fichtner (1979: 115), the form should is regarded as formed by the combination
of the verb modifications MODAL plus PAST plus SUBJ (subjunctive) plus PSNM (person and
number).
6
Although must is a defective verb in English, it is interpreted in this sentence as being in
the Past Tense on the basis of the equivalent expression, i.e., the butler had to have served the
wine. The general distinction has arisen in English today that have to is deontic, whereas must is
epistemic. When must is used in the Present Tense in American English, it is usually epistemic,
whereas in British English it is often deontic. This can lead to alternative cleft sentence patterns,
e.g., the sentence the butler must serve the wine could form either a deontic cleft, the butler is
the one who must, i.e., has to, serve the wine or an epistemic one, the butler is the one who
habitually serves the wine. On the other hand, the sentence, the butler was the one who had to
serve the wine is incontestably deontic, whereas its counterpart, the butler had to have been the
one who served the wine would be interpreted by most speakers as epistemic.
FICHTNER: ENGLISH CLEFf SENTENCES 29
7
For adverbs of place, the corresponding forms would be "(the place) where", and for
adverbs of manner, "the way in which", of which the reduced form would be "how".
8
Poldauf (1969:20) claims that a 'depictive attribute' cannot serve as the Focus of a cleft, and
cites the following sentence to support his view:
? it was black that he drank his coffee
While this sentence is admittedly questionable, the facts are not so simple. If we take as the
underlying sentence:
he drank his coffee black
and subject it to the clefting procedures used heretofore in this article, we find that an acceptable
simple cleft and WH-cleft can in fact be generated:
CLFfZ: he drank his coffee black BE RFNT RLTV
T/CLFfPHR: black BE RFNT RLTV + he drank his coffee
SOP: ! "Black was the way (that) he drank his coffee."
T/BE: BE + black ... RFNT RLTV he drank his coffee
T/RFNT&FF: RFNT RLTV he drank his coffee + BE black
SOP: ! "The way (that) he drank his coffee was black."
It is true, however, that the IT-cleft is not entirely acceptable:
IIIT: IT + BE black .. RFNT RLTV he drank his coffee
SOP: ? "It was black that he drank his coffee."
What has happened here is an overlap of two structures of the language. The word black in the
cleft sentences is not an adjective, but an adverb of manner-it tells HOW he drank his coffee.
In the simple and WH -cleft, its adverbial character is clear from the presence of the phrase the
way, i.e., black was the way ... in the simple cleft, and the way ... was black in the WH-cleft.
However, in the phrase IT was black, the most likely interpretation of the syntactic role of black
by the typical speaker of English is as a predicate adjective, and it is this forced re-interpretation
of the syntactic role of the word as predicate adjective that makes the IT-cleft seem ill-formed.
9
0n the SVO word order of English, cf. the recent work by Giv6n (1984-1990:190).
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