Egungun Masquerades in Iganna

Author(s): Marc Schiltz

Source: African Arts, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Apr., 1978), pp. 48-55+100
Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3335413 .
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 Egungun Masquerades
in Iganna
The methodology I follow here for con-
structing a typology of Egungun mas-
queradesin the Oyo Yorubatown of Iganna
focuses primarilyon thevarioustermsthatthe
people use to identify different Egungun.1
Yorubaclassifications of Egungun, like most
folk classifications, are ad hoc categoriza-
tions based upon very specific criteria. The
result is that often one Egunguncorresponds
to two or more folk types, or the same type
may have very diverse manifestationsfrom
one place to another.Readersshould not as-
sume that the various categories of Egungun
discussed in the literature are necessarily
1. THE EGUNGUN OBADIMEJIIN INISA, WHO IS BOTH AN AGBA EEGUN TYPE AND AN ONIDAN TYPE.
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MARC SCHILTZ
analytically mutually exclusive. Two well- I would also invite the readerto look at the
known types that are described by Bascom Egungun masquerades as condensed ritual
(1969:93-95) and by Morton-Williams symbols. The realities to which they refer
(1956:95-96) illustratethis point. The first is have to do with the Yorubapeople, their per-
the Eegun onidan, or "trickster" Egungun, sonalities and the ways in which they have
and the other is the agba Eegun, or elder been structuringtheir lives. Consequently, in
(senior) Egungun. Although both types are trying to classify and characterizeEgungun
distinctly identified--one gives public per- types we are, in fact, dealing with variations
formancesof conjuringtricks, the otherlooks of human types.
ragged and old--there is no evidence that an Like people, Egungunare identified in the
agba Eegun could not also be an onidan, or first placeby propernames. At the same time,
vice versa. In fact, the EgungunObadimejiin Egungun can also be named after the com-
the town of Inisa, near Osogbo, belongs to pound and lineage to which they belong and
both types (Fig. 1). sometimesalso afterthe nameof the man who
first made the Egungun. Other names, how-
ever, can be quitedistinct, such as Obadimeji,
Laboro, Janduku, Fopomoyo, Olomi-tutu,
Sambileke, and Alapansapa.It is interesting
to note that many of these names appearre-
peatedly,if not within the same town, at least
within the same Oyo culture area.
The extent to which the choice of an Egun-
gun nameis definitelyrelatedto the style of its
mask or to some other attribute,like status or
office, is not always easy to establish. In
Iganna, for example, there are at least a half-
dozen or more Egungun who are called
Obadimeji,yet they do not all resemble each
otherby stylistic or othercriteria.So also, the
EgungunJandukuof Iganna(Fig. 2, center)is
totally different from his namesake in the
town of Otu within the same area (see Houl-
berg, p. 56, fig. 1).
On the otherhand, identicalnamesoften do
referto certainimportantstylistic similarities.
As examples, the history of the Egungun
named Laboroin Igannareveals thatthe man
who first made the mask copied the Laboro
mask in the neighboringtown of Iserin; and
Lucas states that Oya is the most dreaded
Egungun (1948:138), an observation sup-
portedby the EgungunnamedOya in Iganna,
who is the senior royal Egungun in the town
(Fig. 3, right). It would thereforeseem thatthe
names Laboro and Oya, as well as some
others, belong to specific types of Egungun
sharing certain characteristics-a point that
raises two questions: who decides upon the
type of Egungun to be made; and to what
extent is the nameof the Egungundetermined
by the type of mask that is chosen?
At the presentstage of my investigations, I
can only state, in rathergeneralterms, thatthe
three main people concerned in making an
Egungun are the Ifa diviner (babalawo) who
determinesthat an Egungunshould be made,
the manwho is instructedto makea mask, and
the Alapini, or chief of the Egunguncult in the
town, who has to give his approval.Actually,
however, there may be many more people
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involved in choosing the type of Egungun.
Individualcase historiessuggestthatthe deci-
sion is above all that of the man who will
makeit. If he is very ambitious,and the other
people concerned feel that the Egungun he
intendsto makewill be too powerfulor attract
too much admiration,much in-fighting may
develop before the mask finally materializes.
Althoughthe people say that Egungunare
orisa (deities) and as such are believed to be
efficacious religious symbols, the actual
masks that appear in public are to a large
extent status symbols of the men who own
them. Through the masks, which are be-
queathedto their descendants, they hope to
reproduce their achievements and their
names. During the annual festival, each
Egungunis followed by the members of his
lineage dressed in their finest attire, who
dance and sing the Egungun'spraises (oriki)
to the accompanimentof drumsor othermu-
sical instruments.
In orderto shed light uponthe determinants
for choosing a particulartype of Egungunand
the extentto which namesare associatedwith
different kinds of masks, I shall discuss in
some detail the importanttypes of Egungun
masqueradesthat exist in Iganna.
Alago
This type of Egungunis very common among
the Oyo Yoruba. In Iganna there are many
alago masks, each of which is furtheriden-
tified by its proper name, such as Olonu,
Alaso-dudu,or Obadimeji.An alago wears a
sack-like mask made of cloth, which covers
the entire body. The masquerader sees
througha net covering the face.
The most seniorof this type of Egungunare
called baba-alago (baba=father, elder) and
were madeby an ancestorwho is remembered
as a manof high status. A good manyof them
must have been chiefs, as is illustrated in
Igannaby the numberof town chiefs who own
baba-alago masks. Othermasks of this type,
however, were made by men who were in-
fluentialcommoners,such as elders, heads of
compoundsor wealthy farmers.
During the festival, a number of baba-
alago in Igannaare followed by otheralago
called eru-Eegun, slave Egungun. Indeed,
Egungunmasqueradeshave historiesthat go
back to the time when domestic slavery was
very widespread;rich men who had theirown
following of slaves owned Egungun with a
following of eru-Eegun. It is not difficult to
recognize the status distinction between the
baba-alago and the eru-Eeguntype of alago.
The latter are normally smaller, and the
lengths of their cloths are generally propor-
tionate to their size; their masters' cloths,
however, are usually so long that they trail
behindand must be held up by the eru-Eegun
to preventthe baba-alago from tripping, es-
pecially when dancing (Fig. 4).

TOP TO BOTTOM: 2. THE ROYAL EGUNGUN JANDUKU

OF IGANNA (CENTER)WITHHIS GLAMOROUS ESCORTS
OF PAKA EGUNGUN. 3. THE KING OF IGANNA, BRAN-
DISHINGAN ANCESTRALSWORD, DANCES IN THE COM-
PANY OF THE ROYAL EGUNGUN JANDUKU AND OYA
(RIGHT). 4. A BABA-ALAGO EGUNGUN FOLLOWED BY
HIS SLAVE (ERU-EEGUN) HOLDING THE TRAILING
CLOTH.

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 Duringthe year,thealago masks(as well as
all other masks made of cloth) are stored in
baskets kept either in the room that serves as
the Egungunshrinein the compoundor on the
raftersunderthe roof. The latteris often pre-
ferred, as it is more out of reach of mice and
other vermin. Before the festival, the cloth is
inspectedand hung outside to air (sa Eegun).
Occasionally the people of the lineage buy
new cloth, which is fixed on top of the old.
Hence, the older the mask, the more layers of
cloth it is likely to carryas venerablerelics of
generationsof lineage ancestors.
When sacrifices are made to the Egungun
duringthe festival, pieces of the offered kola
nuts are put on the masks, and olele cakes
made from melon (egusi) seeds are deposited
near the masks. Finally, the blood of sac-
rificed goats or chickens is smearedon them.
Such sacrifices may be made simultaneously
for otherlineageorisa if thereare any. During
this period,people in the compoundsrepairto
the graves of their parents, who are buried
underthe rooms and verandas,to make com-
memorativesacrifices to their ancestors, be-
ginning with the most remoteones andending
with the recentlydeceased. This ritual,called
iranti (remembrance),proceeds in the same
manneras those madeat theorisa shrines;the
only difference(typical of the Igannaarea) is
thatthe sacrificialblood is smearedagainstthe
wall, from where it drips down to the floor.
Before the most senior manpresentmakes the
sacrifice, he prays to the ancestors for their
blessing. Meanwhile, the daughters of the
lineage, many of whom have returnedhome
from theirhusbands'compoundsfor the occa-
sion, chantthe praisesof the ancestorsandthe
lineage (oriki-orile).
Huntersin Igannawho want to commemo-
rate their ancestors during the the Egungun
festival or any other orisa festival always
congregateoutside the compoundand use the
occasion to make a sacrifice to Ogun, the
orisa of hunters, warriors, blacksmiths and
woodcarvers. When a chief-hunter (asipa)
organizes such a ritual, all the men of his
society join him. They put their guns on the
ground and place offerings of kola nuts,
cooked beans and palm oil on the buttsof the
guns. Afterwardthe head of a dog or cock is
choppedoff with a single strokeof thecutlass,
andthe blood of the animalis also smearedon
the gun butts.
The proliferation of alago Egungun in
Iganna does not allow a detailed account of
each. The criterionby which these Egungun
are identified refers primarilyto their masks
(ago) made entirely of cloth, although these
can vary a great deal. No fixed status is as-
sociatedwith thealago, since amongthem are
both slave Egungun (eru-Eegun) and those
owned by freeborn men who were either
chiefs or importantcommoners(baba-alago).

TOPTOBOTTOM: 5. PAKAEGUNGUN WITHITSFLOWING

COSTUMEOF APPLIQUESTRIPSOF CLOTH,WHICHIS
IDEALLY
SUITEDFORDANCING ANDENTERTAININGTHE
SPECTATORS.6. IGANNACHILDREN PLAYINGEGUN-
GUN DURINGTHEANNUALFESTIVAL. 7. THEKINGOF
IGANNAFOLLOWED BY HIS CHIEFSPROSTRATINGBE-
FOREHISANCESTRAL EGUNGUN.

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 A final point I wish to mention about the
alago type in Igannaconcernsthe opening of
the annual festival. In many other Yoruba
towns, the first Egungunsemerge from a sa-
credgrove outsidethe town (igbo-igbale), but
in Iganna, the festival opens with a vigil
(aisun), during which a number of famous
alago emerge directly from their respective
house shrines to paradethroughthe town at
night. Among these EgungunsareOberanand
Olonu. The latterwas capturedin war during
the last century-hence, his battleaxe and
magic charms covering his costume. Thus,
even among the alago mask styles, a good
deal of variationin the costumes can occur.
Paka
Another very common type of Egungun in
Iganna and the Oyo area in general is iden-
tified as paka (orpaaraka). The paka can be
recognized by the swirling panels of cloth
attachedto and covering a stick (about 1.2 or
1.5 meterslong) that is balancedhorizontally
across the head of the masquerader(Fig. 2).
Even when the stick slides down behind the
head of the masquerader,the panels are kept
in position and remain fully exposed to the
spectators. The panels of most paka masks
consist of richly decoratedstripsof applique
in bright colors-scarlet, a color frequently
found in ritualcontexts, is abundantlyused.
When the masquerader,who wears a tight-
fitting costume covering his legs and feet,
dances, the panels fan out (Fig. 5).
Manyof thepaka, althoughby no meansall
of them, are also eru-Eegunwho escort some
of the majorEgungun.The assertionthatpaka
anderu-Eegun are identicaltypes, following
Abraham (1958:150), seems unacceptable.
Not only can alago be eru-Eegun, but some
paka in Iganna were made by chiefs (e.g.,
Erigan of the Alapini chiefs) or by wealthy
men like the late Oje-Sango.As he died only a
few decades ago, his descendants proudly
carryhis photographaroundwhen they escort
his Egungun, called Obadimeji, during the
festival.
Olomo
Olomo is a less common type of Egungun.
This masqueraderdepicts a woman who car-
ries a child tied to her back in the Yoruba
manner.In the case of the Egungunolomo,
which literally means "owner of child," a
wooden doll takes the place of the child. The
male masquerader wears a conventional
woman'soutfitconsistingof headscarf(gele),
blouse (buba), and wrapper(iro); as a reflec-
tion of changing fashions, I saw another
olomo in Igannawearing platformshoes and
carrying a woman's flashy handbag. The
face, armsandlegs arecarefullycoveredwith
cloth.
The three or four Eegun olomo in Iganna
never appearedon the two most pageantry-
filled days of the festival; rather,each chose a

TOP TO BOTTOM: 8. THE FIERCE EGUNGUN SAGBA,

ONE-TIMESLAYEROF WITCHESAND CRIMINALS.9. THE
GREAT, FIERCE EGUNGUN OF ISEYIN, ALATE-ORUN,
WHOSE HEADPIECEIS ADORNED WITHHORNS, MONKEY
SKULLS AND HUMAN SKULLS. 10. A MOLOMOLE
EGUNGUN BEING FITTEDWITHNEW PANELS OF CLOTH
BEFORE COMING OUT DURING THE 1975 FESTIVAL.

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 11. THE HUNTERS'EGUNGUN OLOMI-TUTUSTANDING NEAR THE SHRINE OF OGUN, GOD OF HUNTERS AND BLACKSMITHS.THE MAN AT RIGHT HOLDS A BOTTLE
OF PALMOIL TO MAKELIBATIONSON THE OGUN SYMBOLS (IRON STAFFS AND STONE) TO KEEP THE GOD COOL.
day whenonly a few otherEgunguncame out.
Clearly the olomo do not belong to the very
important,royal, or chiefly Egungun in the
town. Nevertheless, their histories showed
that they had been made by prominent,
affluentmen who had been directedby the Ifa
oracle to spend part of their money on an
Eegun olomo.
Making an Egungun, with all that it in-
volves (constructingthe mask, initiationfees
into the Egungun cult society, feasts, etc.),
was always an expensive affairfor the person
making his Egungun. The money that the
Egunguncollects on the days he comes out is
normally shared among the masqueraders,
theirescorts (atokun)and other Egunguncult
members. The rewardfor the person making
the mask consists mainly of the promise of
health and prosperity, longevity and many
offspring. Moreover,havingan Egungunalso
gives one a good reputationin the town. It is
as a statussymbol, then, thatthe Eegunolomo
is particularlysignificant.
ElerulAlate
Underthis headingI group togetherdifferent
kinds of Egungun sharing one style charac-
teristic: cloth fixed to a solid headpiece that
rests on the head of the masquerader.As each
of the Egungunconformsto a type of its own,
this general label is tentative. Both terms
eleru andalate describe the headpieceof the
masquerader.Eleru means "owner of load,"
while alate means "owner of tray." These
terms are known by the people in the Iganna
area, although they might not readily use
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them in the wider generic sense that I am
suggesting here. The five subtypes of Egun-
gun in Igannathatfall underthis generalhead-
ing are: agba Eegun, molomole, ilari/are-
oke, laboro, and Eegun-ode.
Agba Eegun
Bascom describes the agba Eegun as an "el-
der Egungun" that is the most powerful and
most feared. The masqueradewears a cos-
tume of dirty rags with many charms and
carrieson his head a mask that looks like an
amorphous mass of clay inset with skulls
(Bascom 1969:93).2This descriptionfits four
famous Egungun in Iganna (not to mention
similartypes in othertowns), butthese I know
only by theirpropernames. I am not surethat
the term agba Eegun really excludes senior
Egungun that conform to other mask styles,
for Iganna people use the term Eegun agba
("Egungunof elders") in contradistinctionto
Eegun omo kekeke("Egungun of small chil-
dren"). In this structuralcontrast,the former
includes all the Egungun in the town that
belonged to freeborn elders. Eegun omo
kekeke,however,aremorelike toy masksthat
young boys wear for playing Egungunon the
days of the festival when no Eegunagba come
out (Fig. 6).
Theagba Eegun always belong to the most
importantEgungun (Eegun nla nla) in the
town. The most senior Egungunin Igannais
Oya (Fig. 3, right), which was supposedly
owned by the ancestors of the first king-
founderof Iganna(late seventeenthcentury),
who was an exiled princefromthekingdomof
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Save. As the Egunguncult is actuallyalien to
Save traditions, it may well be that the Oya
mask was made after the founding of Iganna
and its integration into the Oyo empire.
Whateverthe truehistory,the kings of Iganna
regardEgungunOya as a permanentlink with
theirlineage of origin in Save. For this reason
they call Oya their Eegun idile ("lineage").
The two otherroyal Egungunin Iganna, Jan-
duku and Atipako, were trophiescapturedin
wars fought by the kings of Iganna for the
Alaafin at Oyo. The fourth agba Eegun in
Iganna, called Sagba, belongs to the chief of
Aiyede's quarter(Fig. 8).
The histories of Atipako and Sagba show
that in the past they might be called upon by
town authorities to punish those who mis-
behaved and, in some cases, even to execute
notoriouswitches and criminals. Even today,
both masquerades,who come out on different
days duringthe festival to avoid clashing with
each other, put on a show of unpredictable
fierceness to frighten the people. The awe-
inspiringappearanceof these masks is further
accentuatedby the huge daggers they bran-
dish menacingly. Also, on the day that
Atipako comes out, his appearance in the
town is announcedby the frighteningsoundof
the bull-roarer(oroke), which is surprising
since the bull-roarerrepresentsthe voice of
Oro, whose cult stands in structuralopposi-
tion to the Egungun cult.
In both Oro andEgunguncults, the author-
ity of men over women is strongly asserted,
but whereas the Egungun spirits show them-
 selves to both men and women during mas- split and cast until an acceptableconfigura- the presenceof the king, chiefs andthousands
querades, the spirit Oro may not be seen by tion appears:two pieces face upwardandtwo of townspeople, the Egungun Oberan (an
the latter.Though Oro can in certain towns face down. This same ritual is later repeated alago), assisted by eru-Eegun of the paka
appearalso as a masquerader,it is foremost twice with the visits to the palace by Atipako type, sacrifice a goat, the blood of which is
throughhis 'voice," the sound of the bull- and by Oya, who arrives by two o'clock. pouredover the headpiece of Atipako who is
roarer,that people recognize his presence. After acknowledging the prostrationsof the sitting on an inverted mortar.It is believed
There is apparently a lot of suppressed king, Jandukucourteouslyinvites him to join that without this sacrifice there would be no
antagonism and competitiveness between in a dance. Before the partyleaves the palace prosperityin Iganna.3The king returnsto the
the Egungunand Oro cults, probablydue to the masqueraderenters a room where he is palace, takes off his crown, and dances a
the overlapping social functions of the two given a glass of gin andallowed to removehis second time with Jandukuwhile holding a
withinmanyOyo Yorubatowns (especially in costume and rest. swordhis ancestorused in the war in which he
maintaininglaw andorderand in dealing with Atipako'sbehavioris totallydifferent.As a capturedJanduku'smask (Fig. 3).
witches and criminals). Though Oro priests powerful magician-executioner,he is tireless A comparisonof AtipakoandJandukumay
have traditionally allowed their people to in his mad, fierce rushesthroughthe town. He provide some clues to correlationsbetween
worshipotherorisa within theircompounds, has no interestin an entourageof eru-Eegun masqueradestyles andEgungunnames. They
Egungun masqueradersmust carefully skirt masks or in the colorfully dressed women of resemble each other physically in the huge
the Oro people's domains when they dance his compound. Even his own henchmen(ato- head-loads and the daggers. The name
through the town (Eegun ko gbodo de'be, kun) have the greatestdifficulty in following, Atipako clearly relates to the large head,
"Egungunsmustnotcome nearthere," as the while his bata drummersregularlylose track ipako means "occiput."4 Janduku, on the
Oro priestspointedout to me). Conversely,in of him. Oya, on the otherhand, behaveslike a other hand, means "a restless person," as
the compounds of the prominent Egungun quiet, dignified elder. He has a large follow- benefits an awe-inspiringEgungunrenowned
worshippers such as the Alapini and the ing, including a half-dozen colorful paka. for his lack of patience in dealing with cul-
Are-Oje, one may find the shrines of many In the late afternoonof the same day, a big prits. These facts would also seem to be com-
orisa but never Oro. sacrifice takes place in the centralmarket.In patible with the two Egunguns' association
The agba Eegun usually look very ragged
and seem contemptuousof fineries, unlike
other masks, which are regularly adorned
with new cloth. Theirhuge, heavy heads also
accentuatetwo importantaspects of Yoruba
culture. First, as elders and, more impor-
tantly,ancestors, they are creditedwith great
wisdom, manifested by their large heads;
therefore, they deserve the highest show of
respect and obedience from the living. Sec-
ond, the head is also the seat of good and bad
luck. Ori, the head, is worshippedas the god
of fate; agba Eegun like Atipako and Sagba
could decide the fate of individuals. People
manifestgreat fear in theirpresence, for they
have the power to give life (demonstratedby
the birth of children after prayers and sac-
rifices have been offered to the Egungun)and
to take life (by punishing criminals and
witches).
On the sixth day (ojo'je) of the annualfes-
tival, as many as forty or fifty Egungunmay
come out, and the three royal masquerades,
Janduku,Oya and Atipako, which are kept in
different compounds, visit the palace to re-
ceive the homageandworshipof the king and
the chiefs. Jandukuis the first Egungun to
visit the palace. He parades through town
with a large following of people of his com-
poundandusuallyeight brightlycoloredpaka
serving as eru-Eegun, or slaves. Although
Jandukubrandishesa dagger,he does not de-
liberately try to scare people. Instead he
dancessolemnly to the rhythmsof the accom-
panyingdundundrummers(Fig. 2).
The king and chiefs welcome the party's
arrivalin the palace. Egungunsit on inverted
mortars(odo) ratherthan the stools used by
mortals. The king takes off his cap and his
shoes and, followed by his chiefs, prostrates
himself three times in front of Janduku(Fig.
7). Aftereach prostration,one of his retainers
(ilari) rubssome earthon the king's forehead
to show that, althoughhighestamongmen, he
is still lower thanhis ancestorsand second to
the gods (ekejiorisa). After the prostrations, 12. THE EEGUN IDAHOMIWITHGROTESQUE FACIALFEATURESREPRESENTINGA DAHOMEANWARRIOR
the earth is cooled with water. Kola nuts are IN FULLBATTLEGEAR. MAGICALCHARMS COVER THE CHEST AND LOINS.

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 with warfareand, hence, with violence and
bloodshed. Yet, in present-dayIganna, only
Atipako stands up to this image of ruthless-
ness; Jandukuappears as a dignified elder
who likes to surroundhimself with people and
otherEgungunin brightcostumes. This situa-
tion seems paradoxical.There is no apparent
reason why both Atikpako and Janduku
should not be fierce, or why Atipako rather
thanJandukushould not play the role of dig-
nified elder.It seems probablethatafterinitial
struggles between different factions in the
town, an agreement was reached about the
statusandrole of each. Thatthe positions and
offices of certainEgungunreflect past politi-
cal strugglescan be documentedby numerous
examples. The fierce EgungunAlate-Orunof
Iseyin (Fig. 9) came to poweronly aftera new
dynastyof kings (issue of a king's daughterin
the beginning of the nineteenthcentury)had
eclipsed the founding dynasty.
Molomole
This uncommonEgungunresemblespaka in
the richly decoratedappliquepanels of cloth
thatconceal thebody of the masquerader.The
panels, however, are affixed to a round
wooden tray instead of a stick. Moreover,
carvedeffigies of humansandanimalsmaybe
attachedon top of the head-tray(Fig. 10; see
also Houlberg, p. 58, fig. 3). When danced,
this mask is among the most colorful in
Iganna. Eachmolomole Egungunhas its own
proper name, as, for example, one called
Jalaja, although thus far I do not see any
obvious correlationbetween the nameandthe
mask type. The molomole belonged to some
high-rankingservants of the king (probably
slaves) and of the powerful nineteenth-
century war chief Balogun Akando.
Ilari/Are-oke
This type was made by the high-ranking
palace retainersknown as ilari or, as they are
commonly referredto in Iganna,are-oke. Al-
though stylistically almost identical with
molomole, they are classified differently by
the people because among the effigies that
adorn the tray, one always finds repre-
sentationsof ilari heads with theirdistinctive
hairstyles(see Houlberg, p. 58, fig. 5). The
ilari used to shave alternatehalves of their
headsevery otherYorubaweek, except for the
occiput; the remaining tuft of hair could be
plaited. Alapala and Olubiko are names of
two ilari Egungun,althoughI have also heard
the same names used for totally different
masks. On the other hand, the ilari them-
selves were given names thatwere distinctive
of theirstatusgroupin the town, as, for exam-
ple, Madarikan,Maroroand Magbabemu.
Laboro
This type is also made of applique panels
fixed to a round head-tray.Unlike the two
previous categories, however, laboro's
head-trayis not adornedwith any effigies; the
only distinctive featureof the head-trayis its
convex shape. Almost black in color and
stained with the blood of sacrificial animals,
the headpiece bears some resemblanceto the
more bulky one of the agba Eegun; but, in
contrastto theagba, its cloth revealsthe same
fineries as the paka, molomole andare-oke.
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13. THE EGUNGUN AJIMAGBODO,WHOSE SECRET IS TO SIT DOWN WITHOUTNEEDING ANYTHINGTO SIT ON.
The only masqueradeof this kind in Iganna
belongs to the lineage of the king's
blacksmiths. Having the king as its patron
gives this lineage greaterstandingthan those
of blacksmithsof the differentquarterchiefs
in the town, and it may explain why it pos-
sesses an Egungun like laboro. It is indeed
strikingthat the three most glamorousmask-
ing types-molomole, are-oke, and
laboro-belonged to high-rankingservantsor
slaves in the community.They and the paka
show sufficient similaritiesin materials,dec-
orations and structureto place them along a
continuum.
Eegun-ode
Eegun-ode, the last type grouped under the
heading elerulalate, literally means "hunt-
er's Egungun." They are made by the chief-
hunters(asipa) in the differenttown quarters.
Stylistically these masks usually consist of a
bulky headpieceto which cloth and/oranimal
skins are fixed. A famous hunter'sEgungun
in Iganna is called Olomi-tutu (Fig. 11),
which means "Cool-water." Coolness is as-
sociated with such attributesas meekness,
health and peace, while heat is associated
with characteristicssuch as anger, war and
killing. Ogun worshippers,like hunters,have
a reputationfor being "hot" andaretherefore
feared.RitualsfortheirdeityOgunarealways
accompaniedby libationsof water and palm
oil to cool the god's anger. Yet, Ogun also
gives life and blessings to those who placate
him; likewise, great hunters are expert
medicine men with large clienteles. In this
sense, the ambivalence is well expressed in
the paradoxicalname "Olomi-tutu" for the
otherwise "hot" Ogun worshippers' Egun-
gun.
Idahomi
During the nineteenth century, western
Yorubaland,includingthe Egbado and Egba
areas, was the scene of repeatedwarfarewith
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
the Dahomey kingdom, which obviously
gave rise to the development of Eegun
Idahomi as a distinct type of Egungun (see
also Drewal & Drewal, p. 35, fig. 16; and
Houlberg, p. 58). The mask represents a
Dahomean warrior in full battle gear (Fig.
12). Among the Oyo and Yorubait is one of
the few types of Egungunwith carvedwooden
face masks. The features of the Dahomean
warriors,especially the mouth,aregrotesque.
Unusual types of Egungun like Idahomi,
Olomi-tutu,olomo, and the differenttypes of
conjuringEgungun, which I shall discuss in
the following paragraphs,do not mix with
otherEgungunon the days of greatpageantry.
All but one, in fact, come out duringthe quiet
days of the annualfestival to monopolize the
attentionand admirationof the people.
Ajimagbodo
Ajimagbodo is a conjuring Egungun whose
only trick is sitting down without needing
anything to sit on (Fig. 13). Since Egungun
can sit down only on invertedmortars(odo),
the "miracle" thatthis type of Egunguncon-
tinually performsis actually alluded to by its
namea-ji-ma-gb'odo, "he stands up and sits
down without using a mortar." The only
Egungun of this type I encountered is in
Iganna, although from what one informant
told me there is apparentlyanotherajimag-
bodo in Ogbomosho. The example in Iganna
is an ancient mask, which was broughtfrom
the formertown of Ijaiye after it was sacked
by Ibadan in 1862. As a miracle worker,
ajimagbodo is an unassumingcharacterwho
quietly walks around the town, without
drumming and dancing. Stopping at every
house, he turnsaroundand sits down without
using a mortar,Afterthis feat, he raisesa clear
voice (unlike the usualrough, disguisedvoice
of other Egungun) and recites incantations
about his own secret powers together with
blessings addressedto the people who honor
 him. An example of his poetry follows: away ... ." After middaySambilekeput on remains regarding the meaning of certain
"Who has ever seen the duck sleeping? / his show of magic in the marketplacein front terms and why they are used in identifying
Nobody knows what the bee uses to make her of a large crowd of spectators.The show was Egunguntypes like molomole andlaboro. Fi-
honey comb, / Nobody knows what the por- well orchestratedwith the assistance of dun- nally, it is clear that, following the above
cupine uses to make its quills, / Nobody dun drummersand the members of his fan typologies, a single Egungun can often be
knows how Ajimagbodo brought his stool club, made up of a dozen boys and girls. The classified in morethanone way. The Egungun
from heaven, / Or does anyone know where interestingthingaboutall his magic trickswas Olomi-tutu, for example, can be identified
the omonigedegede creeperhides its roots? / that each time, coins of five kobo were simultaneously as agba Eegun, eleru,
The day thatthe earthwormbows downfor his changed into nairacurrencynotes (for Sam- Eegun-ode, and Eegun onidan.
ancestors,the earthwill open upandwelcome bileke's benefit). This morecriticalapproachof assessing the
him." In discussing the different types of Egun- names and the terms used by the people of
Onidan gun in Iganna, I have foremosttried to bring Igannato identifythe variousEgungunavoids
Idan in Yorubameans "conjuring";hence an out the criteria by which each folk type is generalizationsaboutmaskstyles of Egungun
Egungunwho is termedonidan gives perfor- identified. It seems clear that the people do that are identified by other criteria. I have
mancesof conjuringtricks.This last Egungun not always classify Egungunaccordingto the tried in this paperto presentthe world of the
type can be found in almost every Yoruba styles of their masks or costumes. Egungun Egungun as a kind of mirror image of the
town. Tryingto identify them by criteriare- types areoften determinedby criteriaof status world of the living, an approach that goes
lated to their costumes and mask styles, as andrank,as in thecase of theagba Eegun, the beyond the more conventional museum and
some authorshave tried to do, seems to me a are-oke, the Eegun-ode, the eru-Eegun, and art collectors' environmentswhere the clas-
futile exercise. Among the onidan, one may others;in other cases, the criteriaare related sification of artifacts is often dominated by
find almost any maskstyle, except maybe the to behavior,as with ajimagbodo and the oni- stylistic considerations. O
alago andpaka types. dan. At the same time, a lot of uncertainty Notes, page 100
In Igannathe hunter'sEgungunOlomi-tutu
describedearlieroccasionally puts on a show
of magic, as does another Egungun called
Ologboju. The most regularperformertoday,
however,is theEgungunSambileke(Fig. 14),
whose ensemble is made entirely of cloth.
The masqueraderwearsa small crown-shaped
headpiece containing a bunch of palm nuts.
Undera ratherloose top in applique,he wears
a tight-fittingcostume covering his legs and
feet but leaves his arms bare, as do most
masqueradersin Iganna. A leatherapronlike
that of Olomi-tutu (Fig. 11) fits over the
chest, and the blood of sacrificial animals is
spilledover it beforethe maskercomes out. In
one hand Sambilekeholds an axe. Wherever
he goes thereis someone who carrieshis per-
sonal sigidi, a special protective charm
against enemies. In 1975 the mask had been
adorned with new pieces of cloth; the most
colorful of these were soccer player socks
worn by the masquerader.
Apart from standardrituals and sacrifices
to the Egungun and ancestors, the mas-
queradersof onidan, usually medicinalprac-
titionersin theirdaily lives, go throughelabo-
rate rituals before appearingin public with
their masks. The masqueraderof Sambileke,
who allowed me to attendall his secretprepa-
rations, took great pains preparing special
charmsto foil the attemptsof rainmakersin-
tent on wreckinghis public performance.He
also covered his chest with protectivecharms
after washing his body with magical soap.
Before coming out, Sambilekegatheredall
the people of his lineage in the enclosed
courtyardof his compound and, standingon
an invertedmortar,he exhortedthe group to
honor him. He then recited lengthy incanta-
tions to secure his success that day and con-
cluded by saying: "Let no one use bad
medicine againstme, Ogunleke [the name of
the masquerader]/Because the snakehas only
one head with which it scareshumanbeings,/
With one single head, I, Ogunleke, go out
today./ The sorcerer will not see me run
away,/ The witch will not see me run away,/ 14. THE EGUNGUN SAMBILEKEPREPARINGTO APPEAR IN PUBLIC DURING THE 1975 ANNUAL FESTIVAL.BEFORELEAV-
ING HIS COMPOUND HE RECITESLENGTHYINCANTATIONSACCOMPANIEDBY RITUALSTO SECURE HIS SUCCESS IN
The herbalistwill not see me runaway,/ Who- PERFORMINGFEATS OF MAGIC IN THE MARKETPLACE.NEW PIECES OF CLOTH ARE AFFIXEDTO THE OLD MASK, AND
ever wantsto do me harmwill not see me run THE MASQUERADERWEARS FANCY SOCCER STOCKINGS.

55

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
gods and otherspiritsand the conveyor of theirmessages to men. His
shrinesappearat all places of exchange and transitionandhis person
is often depicted as androgynous. See J. Pemberton(1975).
11. Conversationwith His Highness, theOrangunof Ila, July 1977.
12. On Yoruba social structuresee Bascom 1942, 1944; Fadipe
1971; Lloyd 1955; Schwab 1955.
13. On the statusof women in patrilinealkinship systems in Africa
see Gluckman(1959:54-80).
14. Sung by Oladepe Abebi, Elemona's compound, Ila-Orangun,
July, 1977.
15. SungbyIbirinade
Amoke,Alapinni's Ila-Orangun,
compound,
July 1977.
16. Sung by Otolorin Ajoke, Ore's compound, Ila-Orangun,July
1977.
17. Bascom's collection of Ifa verses includes a numberof refer-
ences to ejikomi (see Bascom 1969a:187, 471, 475-477, 517).
18. In Ila-Orangunthe person who is the Oba-elect "flees" and
hides until discovered by the senior chiefs. He is taken to Chief
Obale's house, where he is strippedof his clothes, examined for
physicaldeformities,rituallywashed, andgiven a new whitecloth to
wear. For three months he remains in Obale's house, receiving
visitors on the verandabut never leaving the compound. Duringthis
period, he is instructedby the chiefs in his responsibilitiesas Oba.
When I inquiredaboutthe rites of eating the heartor drinkingmaize
gruel from the skull of the deceased Oba, the late Chief Obale said,
"No, that is no longer done. We have our own rites" (July 1974).
19. Iyalode is a title bestowed by the Oba and senior chiefs upon a
woman from either Iyalode's compound in Oke-ede or Iyalode's
compound in Eyindi quarter.As the leaderof the women of Ila, she
has the rank of chief and is the only woman permittedto enter the
sacredgrove of the Egungunat the time of the annualfestival and to
have her own Egungunelewe. This exceptionalsituationis due to the
essentially male role of chief that has been bestowed upon her.
According to Chief Elemona, "The Iyalode is like an Oba to the
women of the town;but she is responsibleto the Orangunat all times.
The Iyalode participatesin all the orisa ceremonies at which the
Orangunappearsand is honoredat the Oro festival for the Orangun.
She sees andknows andkeeps the secretsof Egungun"(July 1977).
20. On Yoruba political structuresee Fadipe (1971), Forde and
Kaberry(1969), Johnson (1921), and Lloyd (1954).
HOULBERG(REMO), Notes, from page 27
I would like to express my gratitudeto the Kress Foundationand to
the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research for
grants which supportedmy fieldwork among the Yorubaof south-
western Nigeria in 1970-71, 1973 and 1975. I would also like to
extend my sincerest thanks to the Alakenne of Ikenne and the
Olodotunof Idotunfor theircourtesy and hospitality;to Funmilayo
Amusa for her valuable assistance in the field; to Tai and Sheila
Solarin for their warm hospitality;and to Klindt Houlberg for his
photographicassistance.
1. Informationcollected at Ikenne from the Alakenne of Ikenne on
October 3, 1973.
2. According to the Area Handbookfor Nigeria (1972:155) "...
estimates indicatethatin the early 1960's about50%of all live-born
infants (in Nigeria as a whole) died before the age of five."
3. Informationcollected at Ikennefrom YesufuEjigboyeon June7,
1975.
4. Informationcollected at Ikenne on June 11, 1975.
5. Personalcommunication,PeterMorton-Williams,June3, 1975.
SCHILTZ,Notes, from page 55
1. Iganna is one of the smaller ancient Yoruba kingdoms in the
formerOyo empire. As partof the wider Oyo culturearea, much of
the materialanalyzed in this article may be useful for furthercom-
parativeanalysis with datafrom otherOyo Yorubatowns. The town
is located some 80 kilometerswest of Oyo, and the presentpopula-
tion exceeds 15,000. In 1963 I spent six months in Igannalearning
the Yorubalanguage, andin 1974-5 I spenta furthereighteenmonths
there studying socio-culturalchange and rural-urbanmigration.
The field researchon which this paperis based was fundedby the
Nuffield Foundation and the Central Research Fund of London
University. I also wish to express my gratitudeto Professor Frank
Willett and to MarilynHoulbergfor giving useful comments on an
earlier draft of this paper.
2. One man in Iganna described these types of masks as olori
rapata, "Egunguns with huge heads."
3. In this drama all the actors are Egunguns, i.e., superhuman
beings. Normally it is the mortalpeople who sacrifice to the orisa.
Acknowledgments
Page
20, 21 (upper left), 22 (left), 24 (upper & lower right), 25 (upper & lower right), 26 (right)
Photographs: KlindtHoulberg
21 (upper right & lower), 23, 24 (lower left), 25 (lower left), 26 (left), 27 (right), 56-61
Photographs:Marilyn HammersleyHoulberg
22 (upper right) Photograph: Chicago Park District
28, 29, 32 (upper left), 33 (lower), 34, 35 (left), 39, Inside Back Cover
Photographs:Margaret ThompsonDrewal
30, 31, 32 (upper right & lower right), 33 (upper), 35 (right), 36, 37 Photographs: Henry John Drewal
40-47 Photographs: John PembertonIII
48-55 Photographs: Marc Schiltz
65, 66 Photographs: Robin Poynor
79 (right & lower center) Photographs: Bill J. Strehorn
86 (upper) Photograph: Hillel Burger
86 (center & lower) Photographs: Peabody MuseumArchives, Harvard University
100
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
As a reversalof roles the presentsacrifice is the only one of its kind I
have ever come across among the Yoruba.
4. The masqueraderof Atipakoexplainedto me thatinside his mask
he carriesthree blacksmith'shammers(omo oowu alagbede meta).
While ordinarymen would collapse undersuch a load, he said, he
could cope with itbecause he was initiatedinto the secretsand magic
of Atipako. Moreover,in his daily life the masqueraderis a diviner-
doctor and memberof the Osanyin cult.
POYNOR, Notes, from page 76
Researchwas made possible by a Fulbright-HaysDoctoralDisserta-
tion Grant. Fieldwork was carriedout with the cooperationof the
NigerianDepartmentof Antiquities,the Universityof Ife, the Olowo
of Owo, the staff of the Owo Museum, and numerousinformantsin
Owo.
1. My historyof Owo was derivedfrom interviewswith Chief M. B.
Asharabased on his History of Owo (1951), and interviewswith the
many chiefs from various lineages in Owo.
2. SoutheasternYorubadialects retain the "gh" sound, whereas
other Yoruba groups substitute a "w" for the sound. See S. O.
Biobaku (1973).
3. The Olisagho greets the Olowo first among the Ilorochiefs when
they pledge theirallegianceduringthe annualIgogo festival in Owo.
4. According to the Alale of Olale, his ancestor descended from
heaven on a chain to the spot where the Idashenvillages now stand.
Such stories are generally acceptedto mean an autochthonicorigin.
5. According to Ashara, the boundaries of Owo extended from
Kabbain the northto Ute in the south, and from near Akure in the
west into Edo country in the east.
6. Ogun is the orisa of iron; Uja is the patrondeity of huntersand
guns; Osanyin is the god of medicine and patron of herbalists;
Orunmuola, the orisa of divination, corresponds to the standard
YorubaOrunmila;Orisa Agbaiye, literally "God of the Universe,"
correspondsto the standardYorubaOlorun or Olodumare.
7. This story suggests that more study should be done in the Owo
area on the relationshipof the cults of egungun, Ogun, and Uja. At
least one masquerade seems to be intimately involved with the
worship of Uja. See the following section on Efon.
8. Ashara, personal interview, July, 1973.
9. Most informantswho associated the egungun phenomenonwith
the ancestorshadbeen trainedin Nigerianschools. It is possible that
generalitieson the Yorubaare taughtin schools and then applied to
local phenomenaby those so trained.
10. Most of these are said definitely to be villages from which the
practitionersofeegun have come. Ado-Ekitiwas also namedby one
informantas an Owo "division."
11. Informantsargued whether Ijumu was actually the town near
Ado-Ekiti or an area fartherto the north, perhaps the area of the
Ijumu subgroupof Yorubas. Moreover,the term Ijan is confusing,
for the family associatedwith the Omalakamasqueradeis referredto
as the Ijanfamily,but referencesare also madeto a town in Akoko or
Ekiti by that name.
12. The Igogo festival is a seventeen-daycelebrationin memoryof
the goddess Oronshenand is associatedwith the eating of new yams
as well. See "Igogo Festival" (1963).
13. Okin is the "king of birds" and its featherscan be obtainedonly
through magic. Only the Olowo and certain Egun're maskers are
allowed to use the feathers.
14. Ehin = "behind"; odi(n) = "wall," "fortification."
15. According to Ashara, Reregenjen'sreign began ca. 1345.
16. Oke-ogun is on the main road to Akure to the west.
17. Ajagbusi Ekun reigned ca. 1719 according to Ashara.
18. Paula Ben-Amos drew this similarity to my attention.
19. Alamurenreigned ca. 1462 according to Ashara.
20. Ogeja reigned ca. 1398 according to Ashara.
21. On the other hand, one of the songs sung in Egun're's festival
states that "the festival is going to Ijan'fe" (Orome ril jan'fe). This
may refer to Oke-Ijan,the quarterof Ife where the Igbo masquerade
comes out duringthe Edi/Oluyarefestival. However, in thatfestival,
the masqueradewears a costume of grass. BabatundeLawal, per-
sonal communication, November 1974.
22. Du ku ma p'okunrin, du ku ma p'obirin.
23. In Ife, Oke-Ijanis not farfromOke-geti, whereOrunmilais said
to have first settledon reachingIfe. Oke-jetimay thenbe a reference
to the Oke-geti at Ife. BabatundeLawal, personalcommunication,
November 1974.
24. Informantspointedout that all Owo egungun but Egun're wear
the blackriga or robe of etu underpalm fronds. Egun'reis different
on bothcounts, in thathe wearsno palmfrondsandhis robe is white.
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25. Ajisafe (1924:68) statesthatin Yorubaland"young palmleaves
are an emblem of sacrednessand warning." They are placed at the
entranceof all sacredgroves and at all shrines as a warningagainst
defilement. They are also used at entrancesto tractsof land, keeping
trespassersaway.
26. Also called atori, the whip or cane used by numerousegungun
and assistants to egungun throughoutYorubaland.
27. Egun'ka has been discussed in Poynor (1976:40-45).
28. Masqueradersare anonymousin the sense thatthe non-initiated
are not supposed to know who is performingunderthe mask. How-
ever, since manyegungun are knownby the typologicalnamewith a
family nameaffixed to it to identifyit with thatfamily,they arerarely
anonymous today.
29. Numbers are said to vary from year to year. About eleven
appearedin 1973.
30. Women from other quartersmay follow the egungun troupe
without any apparentqualms.
31. This black and white combinationfound on a numberof Owo
mask types is shared with a number of groups to the east and
southeast, but it is rarely used by other Yorubagroups.
32. These are now in the collection of his daughter,Mrs. Celia
Barclay.
33. FourhousepostsFagg saw in Owo were apparentlydone by the
same handthathad producedtwo housepostsin the palaceat Idanre.
In Uromi, Ishan, he saw a groupof houseposts in a "not dissimilar
style," which led him to conjecturethat those in Owo and Idanre
might have been carved by alien prisoners of war, perhaps from
Ishan.
34. Paula Ben-Amos, personal communication.Although the lin-
guistic comparisonof the names Agbodogin and Agboghidimay be
ratherfarfetched,theydo suggest anotherdirectionin whichto look.
35. Informationfrom Paula Ben-Amos, 1974.
36. Ede is discussed in Poynor (1976:45).
37. Informantsstated that before trade cloth was used, women's
weave from Owo was used under the robe of etu.
38. Note that in other Owo masks, either carved birds or feathers
may be used to connote anti-witchcraftfunction. Carroll(1956:6)
noted that a numberof feathersare used on tops of masks in Oye.
39. Photographs of Igbirra eku masks appear in Nigeria (June
1970:96).
40. Severalexplanationswere given for thecurlinghornsandforthe
birds. Both weresuggestedto be signs of age-when a buffalois old,
its horns are large andcurling. Birds will then nest in his horns. Age
gives him great power, and thus this power is relatedto that of the
egungun. Others suggested the birds were references to the anti-
witchcraftpowerof theegungunandthatthecurlingof thehornswas
a mere aesthetic device to demonstratethe skills of the carver.
41. FrankWillett informedme of this and provideda photographof
such a mask from the Afo. Personalcommunication, 1975.
ADEDEJI, Notes, from page 64
1. This chant has been extractedfrom Adeboye Babalola's "Oriki
IranOlogbin" in Awon Oriki Orile (1967:92-93). I have modified
English translationsof the Yorubawhere necessary.
2. The numberis a directreferenceto the size of the troupemanaged
by Esa Ogbin.
3. See BakareGbadamosiand Ulli Beier (1959:47).
4. This chantwas recordedon tape in Ikirein 1965 throughthe kind
courtesy of the chief actor and masquedramaturgistof the Olufale
troupe, Amao Oyajoda.
5. Renderedby Alagba Agboola Adeniji, Kajola, Iwo.
6. Renderedby Alagba Agboola Adeniji.
7. The chant is given as recordedby Mr.OludareOlajubu,formerly
ResearchFellow, Universityof Ife, Ile-Ife, who introducedme to the
Akereburutroupe. See his "Iwi Egungun Chants-An Introduc-
tion" (1977).
OPPOSITE PAGE: EGUNGUN WITHBRIGHTLYCOLORED
APPLIQUE CLOTHAND SACRIFICIALBIRD ATTACHEDTO
CARVED IMAGEOF BIRD. ANAGO, 1973.