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Mohammad Mosaddegh 1

Mohammad Mosaddegh
Mohammad Mosaddegh
‫قدصم دمحم‬

60th & 62nd Prime Minister of Iran


In office
28 April 1951 – 16 July 1952

Monarch Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi

Deputy Hossein Fatemi

Preceded by Hossein Ala'

Succeeded by Ahmad Qavam

In office
21 July 1952 – 19 August 1953

Monarch Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi

Deputy Ahmad Zirakzadeh

Preceded by Ahmad Qavam

Succeeded by Fazlollah Zahedi

Leader of National Front


In office
1 January 1949 – 5 March 1967

Deputy Karim Sanjabi

Preceded by Party created

Succeeded by Karim Sanjabi

Member of Parliament of Iran


In office
1 May 1920 – 1 May 1948

Constituency Tehran

Personal details

Born 16 June 1882Tehran, Iran

Died 5 March 1967 (aged 84)Tehran, Iran

Political party National Front


Mohammad Mosaddegh 2

Spouse(s) Zia od-Saltane (1901-1965)

Children 5

Religion Shi'a Islam

Signature

Mohammad Mosaddegh or Mosaddeq (Persian: ‫قّدصم دمحم‬, IPA: [mohæmˈmæd(-e) mosædˈdeɣ] ( listen)*), also
Mossadegh, Mossadeq, Mosadeck, or Musaddiq (16 June 1882 – 5 March 1967), was the democratically elected[1]
[2] [3]
Prime Minister of Iran from 1951 to 1953 when he was overthrown in a coup d'état orchestrated by the United
States Central Intelligence Agency.
From an aristocratic background, Mosaddegh was an author, administrator, lawyer, prominent parliamentarian, and
politician. During his time as prime minister, a wide range of progressive social reforms were carried out.
Unemployment compensation was introduced, factory owners were ordered to pay benefits to sick and injured
workers, and peasants were freed from forced labor in their landlords' estates. Twenty percent of the money
landlords received in rent was placed in a fund to pay for development projects such as public baths, rural housing,
and pest control.[4]
He is most famous as the architect of the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, which had been under British
control since 1913 through the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) (later British Petroleum or BP). The
Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. was controlled by the British government.[5] Mosaddegh was removed from power in a coup
on 19 August 1953, organised and carried out by the United States CIA at the request of the British MI6 which chose
Iranian General Fazlollah Zahedi to succeed Mosaddegh.[6] While the coup is commonly referred to as Operation
Ajax[7] after its CIA cryptonym, in Iran it is referred to as the 28 Mordad 1332 coup, after its date on the Iranian
calendar.[8] Mosaddegh was imprisoned for three years, then put under house arrest until his death.

Early life
Mossadegh was born to a prominent family in Tehran in 1882; his father, Mirza Hideyatu'llah Khan, a Bakhtiari
tribesman, was a financial administrator in Khorasan province under the Qajar dynasty and his mother, Shahzadi
Malika Taj Khanum, was the granddaughter of the reformist Qajar prince Abbas Mirza, and a great granddaughter of
Fat′h-Ali Shah Qajar.[9] [10] [11] When Mosaddegh's father died in 1892, his uncle was appointed the tax collector of
the Khorasan province and was bestowed with the title of Mosaddegh-os-Saltaneh by Nasser al-Din Shah.[12]
Mosaddegh himself later bore the same title, by which he was still known to some long after titles were abolished.[13]
In 1901, Mosaddegh married Zahra Khanum (1879–1965), a granddaughter of Nasser al-Din Shah through her
mother. The couple had five children, two sons (Ahmad and Ghulam Hussein) and three daughters (Mansura, Zia
Ashraf and Khadija).
Mohammad Mosaddegh 3

Education
Mosaddegh received his Bachelor of Arts and Masters in (International) Law from University of Paris (Sorbonne)
before pursuing a Doctorate in Law from the University of Neuchâtel in Switzerland. Mosaddegh also taught at the
University of Tehran at the start of WWI before beginning his long political career.[14]

Early political career


Mosaddegh started his career in Iranian politics with the Iranian
Constitutional Revolution, at the age of 24, he was elected from
Isfahan to the newly inaugurated Persian Parliament, the Majlis of Iran.
In 1920, after being self-exiled to Switzerland in protest of the
Anglo-Persian Treaty of 1919, he was invited by the new Iranian Prime
Minister, Hassan Pirnia (Moshir-ed-Dowleh), to become his Minister
of Justice; but while en-route to Tehran, he was asked by the people of
Shiraz to become the Governor of the Fars Province. He was later
appointed Finance Minister, in the government of Ahmad Qavam
(Qavam os-Saltaneh) in 1921, and then Foreign Minister in the
government of Moshir-ed-Dowleh in June 1923. He then became
Governor of the Azerbaijan Province. In 1923, he was re-elected to
The National Assembly of Iran, known as the Majlis. In 1925, the
supporters of Reza Khan in the Majlis, proposed legislation to dissolve
Mosaddegh as governor of Fars the Qajar dynasty and appoint Reza Khan the new Shah. Mossadegh
voted against Reza Khan's decision to crown himself Reza Shah
Pahlavi, arguing that such an act was a subversion of the 1906 Iranian constitution. He gave a speech in the Majlis,
praising Reza Khan's achievements as a statesman, while encouraging him to respect the constitution and become the
Prime Minister, not the Shah. On December 12, 1925, the Majlis deposed the young Ahmad Shah Qajar, and
declared Reza Shah the new monarch of the Imperial State of Persia, and the first Shah of the Pahlavi dynasty.[15]

In 1941 Reza Shah Pahlavi was forced to abdicate in favor of his son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi by the British. In
1944 , Mosaddegh was once again elected to parliament. This time he took the lead of Jebhe Melli (National Front of
Iran), an organisation he had founded with nineteen others such as Hossein Fatemi, Ahmad Zirakzadeh, Ali
Shayegan and Karim Sanjabi, aiming to establish democracy and end the foreign presence in Iranian politics,
especially by nationalising the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company's (AIOC) operations in Iran.
Mohammad Mosaddegh 4

Prime minister

Support for oil nationalization


Most of Iran's oil reserves were in the Persian Gulf area and had been
developed by the British Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) for
export to Britain. For a number of reasons — a growing consciousness
of how little Iran was getting from the AIOC for its oil; refusal of the
AIOC to offer of a ‘50–50% profit sharing deal' to Iran as Aramco had
to Saudi Arabia; anger over Iran's defeat and occupation by the Allied
powers — nationalization of oil was an important and popular issue
with "a broad cross-section of the Iranian people."[16]

General Haj-Ali Razmara, the Shah's choice, was approved as prime


minister June 1950. On 3 March 1951 he appeared before the Majlis
Mosaddegh and Kashani
(parliament) in an attempt to persuade the deputies against "full
nationalization on the grounds that Iran could not override its
international obligations and lacked the capacity to run the oil industry on its own." He was assassinated four days
later while praying in the mosque by Khalil Tahmasebi, a member of the militant fundamentalist group Fadayan-e
Islam.[17] This order of events, while appearing in many mainstream historical accounts, confronts countervailing
evidence. Firstly, "[US]embassy staffers early on speculated that Razmara might either be assassinated or become
involved in a power struggle with the Shah."[18] These two concerns appear to converge according to Steven Kinzer,
who notes that:

“[e]vidence emerged to suggest that the fatal shot had been fired not by Tahmasibi but by a soldier acting on
behalf of the Shah or members of his inner circle, and that Asadollah Alam had knowingly driven him to his
fatal rendezvous. Years later a retired Iranian colonel wrote in his memoir that the fatal shot had come from a
Colt revolver, available only to soldiers. “An army sergeant, in civilian clothes, was chosen for the deed”, he
asserted. “He had been told to shoot and kill Razmara with a Colt, the moment Tahmasibi began to shoot…
Those who had examined the wounds in Razmara’s body were in no doubt that he had been killed by a Colt
bullet, not by the bullet of a weak gun.”[19] [20]
While this account is corroborated by several other studies,[21] it remains a point of contention among historians.
After negotiations for higher oil royalties failed, on 15 March and 20 March 1951, the Iranian Majlis and Senate
voted to nationalize the British-owned and operated AIOC, taking control of Iran's oil industry.
Another force for nationalization was the Tudeh or Communist party. In early April 1951 the party organised
nationwide strikes and riots in protest against delays in nationalization of the oil industry along with low wages and
bad housing in the oil industry. This display of strength, along with public celebration at the assassination of General
Razmara made an impact on the deputies of the Majlis.[22]
Mohammad Mosaddegh 5

Election as prime minister


On 28 April 1951, the Majlis (Parliament of Iran) named Mosaddegh as new prime minister by a vote of 79–12.
Aware of Mosaddegh's rising popularity and political power, the young Shah appointed Mosaddegh to the
Premiership. On 1 May, Mosaddegh nationalized the AIOC, cancelling its oil concession due to expire in 1993 and
expropriating its assets. The next month a committee of five majlis deputies was sent to Khuzistan to enforce the
nationalization.[23] [24]
Mosaddegh explained his nationalisation policy in a 21 June 1951 speech:

“Our long years of negotiations with foreign countries… have yielded no results this far. With the oil revenues we could meet our entire budget
and combat poverty, disease, and backwardness among our people. Another important consideration is that by the elimination of the power of
the British company, we would also eliminate corruption and intrigue, by means of which the internal affairs of our country have been
influenced. Once this tutelage has ceased, Iran will have achieved its economic and political independence.
The Iranian state prefers to take over the production of petroleum itself. The company should do nothing else but return its property to the
rightful owners. The nationalization law provide that 25% of the net profits on oil be set aside to meet all the legitimate claims of the company
for compensation…

this allegation absurd; it is utter invention…”


[25]

It has been asserted abroad that Iran intends to expel the foreign oil experts from the country and then shut down oil installations. Not only is

The confrontation between Iran and Britain escalated as Mosaddegh's government refused to allow the British any
involvement in Iran's oil industry, and Britain made sure Iran could sell no oil. In July, Mosaddegh broke off
negotiations with AIOC after it threatened "to pull out its employees", and told owners of oil tanker ships that
"receipts from the Iranian government would not be accepted on the world market." Two months later the AIOC
evacuated its technicians and closed down the oil installations. Under nationalized management many refineries
lacked the trained technicians that were needed to continue production. The British government announced a de facto
blockade, reinforced its naval force in the Persian Gulf and lodged complaints against Iran before the United Nations
Security Council.[23]
The British government also threatened legal action against purchasers
of oil produced in the formerly British-controlled refineries and
obtained an agreement with its sister international oil companies not to
fill in where the AIOC was boycotting Iran. The entire Iranian oil
industry came to a virtual standstill, oil production dropping from
241400000 barrels ( m3) in 1950 to 10600000 barrels ( m3) in 1952.
This Abadan Crisis reduced Iran's oil income to almost nil, putting a
severe strain on the implementation of Mosaddegh's promised
domestic reforms. At the same time BP and Aramco doubled their
Mosaddegh shaking hands with Mohammad-Reza
production in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Iraq, to make up for lost
Shah in their first meeting after Mossadegh's
production in Iran so that no hardship was felt in Britain. election as Prime Minister

Still enormously popular in late 1951, Mosaddegh called elections. His


base of support was in urban areas and not in the provinces.[26] This fact was reflected in the rejection of
Mosaddegh's bill for electoral reform (which no longer disqualified illiterates from electoral participation) by the
conservative bloc, on the grounds that it would "unjustly discriminate patriots who had been voting for the last forty
years".[27]
According to Ervand Abrahamian: "Realizing that the opposition would take the vast majority of the provincial seats,
Mosaddegh stopped the voting as soon as 79 deputies – just enough to form a parliamentary quorum — had been
elected."[28] An alternative account is offered by Stephen Kinzer. Beginning in the early 1950s under the guidance of
C.M. Woodhouse, chief of the British intelligence station in Tehran, Britain's covert operations network had
funneled roughly £10,000 per month to the Rashidian brothers (two of Iran's most influential royalists) in the hope of
buying off, according to CIA estimates, "the armed forces, the Majlis (Iranian parliament), religious leaders, the
Mohammad Mosaddegh 6

press, street gangs, politicians and other influential figures".[29] Thus, in his statement asserting electoral
manipulation by "foreign agents", Mosaddegh suspended the elections. His National Front party had made up 30 of
the 79 deputies elected. Yet none of those present vetoed the statement, and the elections were postponed
indefinitely. The 17th Majlis convened on February 1952.
Tension soon began to escalate in the Majlis. Conservative opponents refused to grant Mosaddegh special powers to
deal with the economic crisis caused by the sharp drop in revenue and voiced regional grievances against the capital
Tehran, while the National Front waged "a propaganda war against the landed upper class".[26]

Resignation and uprising


On 16 July 1952, during the royal approval of his new cabinet, Mosaddegh insisted on the constitutional prerogative
of the prime minister to name a Minister of War and the Chief of Staff, something the Shah had done hitherto. The
Shah refused, and Mosaddegh announced his resignation appealing directly to the public for support, pronouncing
that "in the present situation, the struggle started by the Iranian people cannot be brought to a victorious
conclusion".[30]
Veteran politician Ahmad Qavam (also known as Ghavam os-Saltaneh) was appointed as Iran's new prime minister.
On the day of his appointment, he announced his intention to resume negotiations with the British to end the oil
dispute, a reversal of Mosaddegh's policy. The National Front — along with various Nationalist, Islamist, and
socialist parties and groups[31] — including Tudeh — responded by calling for protests, strikes and mass
demonstrations in favor of Mosaddegh. Major strikes broke out in all of Iran's major towns, with the Bazaar closing
down in Tehran. Over 250 demonstrators in Tehran, Hamadan, Ahvaz, Isfahan, and Kermanshah were killed or
suffered serious injuries.[32]
After five days of mass demonstrations on Siyeh-i Tir (the 30th of Tir on the Iranian calendar), military commanders,
ordered their troops back to barracks, fearful of overstraining the enlisted men's loyalty and left Tehran in the hands
of the protesters.[33] Frightened by the unrest, Shah dismissed Qavam and re-appointed Mosaddegh, granting him the
full control of the military he had previously demanded.

Reinstatement and emergency powers


More popular than ever, a greatly strengthened Mosaddegh convinced parliament to grant him emergency powers for
six months "to decree any law he felt necessary for obtaining not only financial solvency, but also electoral, judicial,
and educational reforms".[34] Mosaddegh appointed Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Kashani as house speaker. Kashani's
Islamic scholars, as well as the Tudeh Party, proved to be two of Mosaddegh's key political allies, although relations
with both were often strained.
With his emergency powers, Mosaddegh tried to strengthen the democratic political institutions by limiting the
monarchy's unconstitutional powers,[35] cutting Shah's personal budget, forbidding him to communicate directly with
foreign diplomats, transferring royal lands back to the state and expelling his politically active sister Ashraf
Pahlavi.[33]
In January 1953 Mosaddegh successfully pressed Parliament to extend "emergency powers for another 12 months".
With these powers, he decreed a land reform law that established village councils and increased the peasants' share
of production.[34] This weakened the landed aristocracy, abolishing Iran's centuries-old feudal agriculture sector,
replacing it with a system of collective farming and government land ownership. Mosaddegh saw these reforms as a
means of checking the power of the Tudeh Party, which had been agitating for general land reform among the
peasants.
However, during this time Iranians were "becoming poorer and unhappier by the day" thanks to the British boycott.
Mosaddegh's political coalition began to fray, his enemies increased in number.[36]
Mohammad Mosaddegh 7

Partly through the efforts of Iranians working as British agents, several former members of Mosaddegh's coalition
turned against him. They included Mozzafar Baghai, head of the worker-based Toilers party; Hussein Makki, who
had helped lead the takeover of the Abadan refinery and was at one point considered Mosadegh's heir apparent; and
most outspokenly Ayatollah Kashani, who damned Mosaddegh with the "vitriol he had once reserved for the
British".[37]

Overthrow of Mosaddegh

Plot to depose Mosaddegh


The government of the United Kingdom had grown
increasingly distressed over Mosaddegh's policies and
were especially bitter over the loss of their control of
the Iranian oil industry. Repeated attempts to reach a
settlement had failed.
Unable to resolve the issue single handedly due to its
post-World War II problems, Britain looked towards
the United States to settle the issue. Initially America
had opposed British policies. After American
mediation had failed several times to bring about a
settlement, American Secretary of State Dean Acheson
concluded that the British were "destructive and
determined on a rule or ruin policy in Iran."[38] By
early 1953, however, Dwight D. Eisenhower won the
presidential election in the United States and a change
in US policy toward Iran ensued.

Despite Mosaddegh's open disgust with socialism,


Winston Churchill told the United States that
Mosaddegh was "increasingly turning towards
communism" and was moving Iran towards the Soviet Soldiers surround the Parliament building in Tehran on 19 August
1953.
sphere at a time of high Cold War fears.[39] [40] [41] [42]
Acting on the opposition to Mosaddegh by the British government and fears that he was, or would become,
dependent on the pro-Soviet Tudeh Party at a time of expanding Soviet influence,[43] the United States and Britain
began to publicly denounce Mosaddegh's policies for Iran as harmful to the country.
In the meantime the already precarious alliance between Mosaddegh and Kashani was severed in January 1953,
when Kashani opposed Mosaddegh's demand that his increased powers be extended for a period of one year.
Mohammad Mosaddegh 8

Operation Ajax
In October 1952, Mosaddegh declared Britain an enemy, and cut all
diplomatic relations.[44] In November and December 1952, British
intelligence officials suggested to American intelligence that the prime
minister should be ousted. The new US administration under Dwight
D. Eisenhower and the British government under Winston Churchill
agreed to work together toward Mosaddegh's removal. In March 1953,
Secretary of State John Foster Dulles directed the US Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA), which was headed by his younger brother
Allen Dulles, to draft plans to overthrow Mosaddegh.[45]
Mosaddegh at the tomb of the Unknown Soldier
of WWI in Arlington National Cemetery in
On 4 April 1953, CIA director Dulles approved US$1 million to be
Virginia used "in any way that would bring about the fall of Mosaddegh". Soon
the CIA's Tehran station started to launch a propaganda campaign
against Mosaddegh. Finally, according to The New York Times, in early June, American and British intelligence
officials met again, this time in Beirut, and put the finishing touches on the strategy. Soon afterward, according to his
later published accounts, the chief of the CIA's Near East and Africa division, Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. the grandson of
U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt, arrived in Tehran to direct it.[46] In 2000, The New York Times made partial
publication of a leaked CIA document titled, Clandestine Service History – Overthrow of Premier Mosaddegh of
Iran – November 1952-August 1953. This document describes the point-by-point planning of the coup by agent
Donald Wilbur, and execution conducted by the American and British governments. The New York Times published
this critical document with the names censored. The New York Times also limited its publication to scanned image
(bitmap) format, rather than machine-readable text. This document was eventually published properly – in text form,
and fully unexpurgated. The complete CIA document is now web published [47]. The word ‘blowback' appeared for
the very first time in this document.

The plot, known as Operation Ajax, centered on convincing Iran's monarch to issue a decree to dismiss Mosaddegh
from office, as he had attempted some months earlier. But the Shah was terrified to attempt such a dangerously
unpopular and legally questionable move, and it would take much persuasion and many U.S. funded meetings, which
included bribing his sister Ashraf with a mink coat and money, to successfully change his mind.
Mosaddegh became aware of the plots against him and grew increasingly wary of conspirators acting within his
government.[48] According to Dr. Donald N. Wilber, who was involved in the plot to remove Mossadegh from
power, in early August, Iranian CIA operatives pretending to be socialists and nationalists threatened Muslim leaders
with "savage punishment if they opposed Mossadegh," thereby giving the impression that Mossadegh was cracking
down on dissent, and stirring anti-Mossadegh sentiments within the religious community. A referendum to dissolve
parliament and give the prime minister power to make law was submitted to voters, and it passed with 99 percent
approval, 2,043,300 votes to 1300 votes against.[49] According to Mark J. Gasiorowski, "There were separate polling
stations for yes and no votes, producing sharp criticism of Mosaddeq" and that the "controversial referendum...gave
the CIA's precoup propaganda campaign an easy target". On or around Aug. 16, Parliament was suspended
indefinitely, and Mosaddeq's emergency powers were extended.
A few days later on Aug. 19, 1953, Mosaddegh was rounded up as the CIA-backed coup came to a successful
end.[50] He was then tried, imprisoned for three years and kept "under house arrest at his estate" until he died in
March 1967.[51]
Mohammad Mosaddegh 9

Shah's exile
In August 1953, the Shah finally succumbed to the CIA plot,
having been finally told by Roosevelt that the U.S. would proceed
with him or without him, and formally dismissed the Prime
Minister in a written decree, an act explicitly permitted under the
constitution.[52] Then, as a precautionary measure, he flew to
Baghdad and from there hid safely in Rome, Italy. He actually
signed two decrees, one dismissing Mosaddegh and the other
nominating the CIA's choice, General Fazlollah Zahedi, as Prime
Minister. These decrees, or Farmāns as they are called, were
specifically written as dictated by Donald Wilbur the CIA architect
of the plan, which were designed as a major part of Wilbur's
strategy to give the impression of legitimacy to the secret coup, as
can be read in the declassified plan itself which bears his name.
Wilbur was later given a letter of commendation by Alan Dulles,
CIA head, for his work. It too is now declassified, and appears in
Wilbur's autobiography.

Coup d'état Shaban Jafari, commonly known as "Shaban the


Brainless" in Tehran
Soon, massive protests, engineered by Roosevelt's team, took
place across the city and elsewhere with tribesmen paid to be at
the ready to assist the coup. Fake anti- and pro-monarchy protesters, both paid by Roosevelt (as he reports in his
book, cited), violently clashed in the streets, looting and burning mosques and newspapers, leaving almost 300 dead.
The pro-monarchy leadership, chosen, hidden and finally unleashed at the right moment by the CIA team, led by
retired army General and former Minister of Interior in Mosaddegh's cabinet, Fazlollah Zahedi joined with
underworld figures such as the Rashidian brothers and local strongman Shaban Jafari,[53] to gain the upper hand on
19 August 1953 (28 Mordad). The military joined on cue: pro-Shah tank regiments stormed the capital and
bombarded the prime minister's official residence, on Roosevelt's cue, according to his book. Mosaddegh managed to
flee from the mob that set in to ransack his house, and, the following day, surrendered to General Zahedi, who was
meanwhile set up by the CIA with makeshift headquarters at the Officers' Club. Mosaddegh was arrested at the
Officers' Club and transferred to a military jail shortly after.
Mohammad Mosaddegh 10

Shah's return
Shortly after the return of the Shah, on 22 August 1953, from his flight
to Rome, Mosaddegh was arrested, tried and convicted of treason by
the Shah's military court. On December 21, 1953, he was sentenced to
death. Later, Mosaddegh's sentence was commuted to three years'
solitary confinement in a military prison, followed by house arrest in
his Ahmadabad residence, until his death, on 5 March 1967.[54] [55] [56]
Mosaddegh's supporters were rounded up, imprisoned, tortured or
executed. The minister of Foreign Affairs and the closest associate of
Mosaddegh, Hossein Fatemi, was executed by order of the Shah's
military court. The order was carried out by firing squad on Oct. 29,
1953.[57]

Zahedi's new government soon reached an agreement with foreign oil


companies to form a consortium and "restore the flow of Iranian oil to
world markets in substantial quantities", giving the U.S. and Great
Britain the lion's share of Iran's oil. In return, the U.S. massively
funded the Shah's resulting government, including his army and secret
police force, SAVAK, until the Shah's overthrow in 1979.[58] Mossadegh under house arrest in Ahmadabad

Legacy

Iran
The secret U.S. overthrow of Mosaddegh served as a rallying point in
anti-US protests during the 1979 Iranian Revolution and to this day he
is said to be one of the most popular figures in Iranian history.[59]
Despite this, he is generally ignored by the government of the Islamic
Republic because of his secularism and western manners.[60]
The withdrawal of support for Mosaddegh by the powerful Shia clergy
has been regarded as having been motivated by their fear of the chaos
of a communist takeover.[61] Some argue that while many elements of
Mosaddegh's coalition abandoned him it was the loss of support from
Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Kashani and other clergy that was fatal to his
Mosaddegh in imperial court in 1955
cause, reflective of the dominance of the Ulema in Iranian society and
a portent of the Islamic Revolution to come. The loss of the political
clerics effectively cut Mosaddegh's connections with the lower middle classes and the Iranian masses which are
crucial to any popular movement in Iran.[62]
Mohammad Mosaddegh 11

U.S. and other countries


The US role in Mosaddegh's overthrow was not
formally acknowledged for many years, although the
Eisenhower administration vehemently opposed
Mossadegh's policies. President Eisenhower wrote
angrily about Mosaddegh in his memoirs, describing
him as impractical and naive. However, Eisenhower
did not admit any involvement with the coup.
Eventually the CIA's involvement with the coup was
exposed. This caused controversy within the
organization and the CIA congressional hearings of
the 1970s. CIA supporters maintained that the coup
was strategically necessary, and praised the
efficiency of the agents responsible. Critics say the
Prime Minister Mosaddegh with President Truman
scheme was paranoid, colonial, illegal, and
immoral—and truly caused the "blowback"
suggested in the pre-coup analysis. The extent of this "blowback," over time, was not completely clear to the CIA, as
they had an inaccurate picture of the stability of the Shah's regime. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 caught the CIA
and the US very much off guard (as CIA reporting a mere month earlier predicted no imminent insurrectionary
turbulence whatsoever for the Shah's regime), and resulted in the overthrow of the Shah (himself a non-democratic
ruler) by a fundamentalist, non-democratic faction opposed to the US, headed by Ayatollah Khomeini. In retrospect,
not only did the CIA and the US underestimate the extent of popular discontent for the Shah, but much of that
discontent historically stemmed from the removal of Mosaddegh and the subsequent clientelism of the Shah. The
US-backed coup, in effect, had ended Iran's last fully democratic government, and there would be no return of
democracy even after the Shah's removal.

In March 2000, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright stated her regret that Mosaddegh was ousted: "The
Eisenhower administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons. But the coup was clearly a
setback for Iran's political development and it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this
intervention by America." In the same year, The New York Times published a detailed report about the coup based on
declassified CIA documents.[6]
Due to his worldwide popularity, defiance of Britain, and fight for democracy, Mosaddegh was named as Time
Magazine's 1951 Man of the Year. Others considered for that year's title included Dean Acheson, then-General (and
future President) Dwight D. Eisenhower and General Douglas MacArthur.[63]
In early 2004, the Egyptian government changed a street name in Cairo from Pahlavi to Mosaddegh to improve
relations with Iran.
Mohammad Mosaddegh 12

Mosaddegh in the media


The figure of Mohammad Mosaddegh is an important element in the 2003 French TV production Soraya,[64] which
deals with the life of the Shah's second wife and former Queen of Iran, Princess Soraya Esfandiary Bakhtiari.
Mosaddegh's role is played by the French actor Claude Brasseur.

References
• In pronouncing his name, Mohammad Mosaddegh, (Persian: ‫قّدصم دمحم‬, IPA: [mohæmˈmæd(-e) mosædˈdeɣ] (
listen) the -[e] is the Izāfa, which is a grammatical marker linking two words together. It is not indicated in writing,
and is not part of the name itself, but is used when a first and last name are used together.
[1] Andrew Burke, Mark Elliott & Kamin Mohammadi, Iran (Lonely Planet, 2004: ISBN 1740594258), p. 34.
[2] Cold War and the 1950s (Social Studies School Service, 2007: ISBN 1560042931), p. 108.
[3] Loretta Capeheart and Dragan Milovanovic, Social Justice: Theories, Issues, and Movements (Rutgers University Press, 2007: ISBN
0813540380), p. 186.
[4] http:/ / www. atimes. com/ atimes/ Middle_East/ FI15Ak03. html.
[5] Daniel Yergin, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money & Power (ISBN 9781439110126).
[6] James Risen (2000-04-16). "Secrets of History: The C.I.A. in Iran" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ library/ world/ mideast/
041600iran-cia-index. html). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2006-11-03.
[7] Dan De Luce (2003-09-20). "The Spectre of Operation Ajax" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ iran/ story/ 0,12858,1022065,00. html).
London: Guardian Unlimited. . Retrieved 2006-11-03.
[8] Mark Gasiorowski; Malcolm Byrne (2004-06-22). "Mohammad Mosaddegh and the 1953 Coup in Iran" (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/
NSAEBB/ NSAEBB126/ index. htm). National Security Archive. . Retrieved 2006-11-03.
[9] Mohammad Mossadegh: political biography By Farhad Dība, p4
[10] The Cold War, 1945-1991: Leaders and other important figures in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, China, and the Third World by
Benjamin Frankel
[11] Afkhami, Gholam Reza (2009). The life and times of the Shah (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=pTVSPmyvtkAC& pg=PA110).
University of California Press. p. 110. ISBN 0520253280. .
[12] Key figures (http:/ / www. telegraph. co. uk/ news/ main. jhtml?xml=/ news/ campaigns/ iran/ irankey. xml), London: telegaph.co.uk, 4 June
2003, , retrieved 2007-11-07
[13] Peter Avery, Modern Iran (Praeger, 1965), p. 273: "Older people still speak of Dr. Musaddiq as Musaddiqu's-Saltanah."
[14] IFVC, The Political Life and Legacy of Mosaddegh, Bahman Maghsoudlou, Iranian Film Directors, New Productions (http:/ / www. ifvc.
com/ life_and_legacy_of_Mossadegh. htm)
[15] Mohammad Mossadegh: political biography By Farhad Dība, p41
[16] Saikal, Amin The Rise and Fall of the Shah, Princeton University Press, 1980, p. 38.
[17] Saikal, 1980, p. 38–9.
[18] Linda Wills Qaimmaqami (1995), "The Catalyst of Nationalization: Max Thornburg and the Failure of Private Sector Developmentalism in
Iran, 1947 - 1951", Diplomatic History, vol.19, no.1, pp.1-31
[19] Stephen Kinzer (2003), All the Shah's Men, Wiley, ISBN 0471265179 pp.78-9
[20] HarperCollins, 2003, ISBN 006055973X, Page 88
[21] See, for example, Homa Katouzian (1981), Political Economy of Modern Iran, p.160; Mostafa Elm (1992), Oil, Power, and Principle, p. 80;
[22] Abrahamian, Ervand. Iran Between Two Revolutions, Princeton University Press, 1982, p. 266.
[23] Abrahamian (1982) p. 268.
[24] Alan W. Ford, The Anglo-Iranian Oil Dispute of 1951-1952. University of california Press, Berkeley 1954, p. 268.
[25] M. Fateh, Panjah Sal-e Naft-e Iran, p. 525.
[26] Abrahamian (1982), p. 268–70.
[27] Abrahamian (1982), p. 268–9.
[28] Abrahamian (1982), p. 269.
[29] Kinzer, All the Shah's Men, (2003) p. 150-1.
[30] Abrahamian (1982), p. 270–1.
[31] Mosaddegh: The Years of Struggle and Opposition by Col. Gholamreza Nejati, p. 761.
[32] Abrahamian (1982), p. 271.
[33] Abrahamian (1982), p. 272.
[34] Abrahamian (1982), p. 273.
[35] Zabih, Sepehr. The Mosaddegh Era: Roots of the Iranian Revolution, p. 65.
[36] Kinzer, All the Shah's Men (2003) p.135-6
[37] Kinzer, All the Shah's Men (2003) p.159
Mohammad Mosaddegh 13

[38] Saikal, Amin, The Rise and Fall of the Shah, Princeton University Press, 1980, p. 42.
[39] Mark J. Gasiorowski and Malcolm Byrne Mohammad Mosaddegh and the 1953 Coup in Iran, Syracuse University Press, May 2004. ISBN
0-8156-3018-2, p. 125.
[40] James S. Lay, Jr. (20 November 1952) (pdf), United States policy regarding the current situation in Iran (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/
NSAEBB/ NSAEBB126/ iran521120. pdf), George Washington University, , retrieved 2007-11-07 Statement of policy proposed by the
National Security Council
[41] Walter B. Smith, Undersecretary (20 March 1953) (pdf), First Progress Report on Paragraph 5-1 of NSC 136/1, "U.S. Policy Regarding the
Current Situation in Iran" (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB126/ iran530320. pdf), George Washington University, ,
retrieved 2007-11-07
[42] (pdf) Measures which the United States Government Might Take in Support of a Successor Government to Mosaddegh (http:/ / www. gwu.
edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB126/ iran530300. pdf), George Washington University, March 1953, , retrieved 2007-11-07
[43] Review of All the Shah's Men by Jonathan Schanzer (http:/ / www. meforum. org/ article/ 1597)
[44] No traction for proposal to name street after Mosaddegh (http:/ / www. tehrantimes. com/ PDF/ 10409/ 10409-16. pdf). Tehran Times. April
10, 2009
[45] Malcolm Byrne, ed. (2 November 2000), The Secret CIA History of the Iran Coup, 1953 (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/
NSAEBB28/ ), George Washington University, quoting National security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 28, , retrieved 2007-11-07
[46] Halberstam, David (1993). The Fifties. New York: Ballentine Books. pp. 366–367. ISBN 0-449-90933-6.
[47] http:/ / web. payk. net/ politics/ cia-docs/ published/ one-main/ main. html
[48] Trying to Persuade a Reluctant Shah (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ library/ world/ mideast/ 041600iran-cia-chapter2. html), New York Times
Dec. 7, 2009.
[49] Abrahamian, Iran between 2 Revolutions, 1982, (p.274)
[50] C.I.A. and Moscow Are Both Surprised (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ library/ world/ mideast/ 041600iran-cia-chapter4. html), New York
Times Dec. 7, 2009.
[51] Eccentric Nationalist Begets Strange History (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ library/ world/ mideast/ 041600iran-cia-mossadegh. html), New
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2009-06-20
[53] Pahlavani: Misinformation, Misconceptions and Misrepresentations (http:/ / www. pahlavani. com/ ish/ html/ ph/ new/ phmis. htm)
[54] Abrahamian, Ervand, Iran Between Two Revolutions by Ervand Abrahamian, (Princeton University Press, 1982), p.280
[55] Mossadegh – A Medical Biography by Ebrahim Norouzi
[56] Persian Oil: A Study in Power Politics by L.P. Elwell-Sutton. 1955. Lawrence and Wishart Ltd. London
[57] Persian Oil: A Study in Power Politics by L.P. Elwell-Sutton. 1955. Lawrence and Wishart Ltd. London. p. 315.
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080654iran-statements. html), The New York Times, , retrieved 2007-11-07
[59] Noreena Hertz, The Silent Takeover: Global Capitalism and the Death of Democracy, HarperCollins, 2003, ISBN 006055973X, Page 88
[60] Abrahamian, Khomeinism (c. 1993).
[61] Nasr, Vali, The Shia Revival, Norton (2006), p. 124.
[62] Mackay, Sandra, The Iranians, Plume (1997), p. 203, 4.
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[64] Soraya (2003) (TV) (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0348076/ ), Internet Movie Database, , retrieved 2007-11-07

Further reading
• Abrahamian, Ervand, Khomeinism: essays on the Islamic Republic. Berkeley: University of California Press, c
1993. 0-520-08173-0
• Abrahamian, Ervand, Iran Between Two Revolutions (http://books.google.com/books?id=qh_QotrY7RkC&
dq=abrahamian+iran+between+two+revolutions&pg=PP1&ots=3DASg9yDz2&
sig=9MFYtoJRIWR3iJB5kJlkBogmLDo&hl=en&prev=http://www.google.com/search?hl=en&
q=Abrahamian,+Iran+Between+Two+Revolutions+&btnG=Search&sa=X&oi=print&ct=title&
cad=one-book-with-thumbnail), By Ervand Abrahamian, Princeton University Press, 1982
• Amir Taheri, The Persian Night: Iran under the Khomeinist Revolution. Encounter Books, 2009, ISBN
978-1594032400
• Farhad Diba, Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh; A Political Biography. London: Croom Helm, 1986, ISBN
0-7099-4517-5
Mohammad Mosaddegh 14

• Mostafa Elm, Oil, Power, and Principle: Iran's Oil Nationalization and Its Aftermath. Syracuse: Syracuse
University Press, 1994, ISBN 0-8156-2642-8
• Mark Gasiorowski, U.S. Foreign Policy and the Shah: Building a Client State in Iran, Cornell University Press,
1991, ISBN 0-8014-2412-7
• Mary Ann Heiss, Empire and Nationhood: The United States, Great Britain, and Iranian Oil, 1950–1954,
Columbia University Press,1997, ISBN 0-231-10819-2
• Sattareh Farman Farmaian & Dona Munker, Daughter of Persia: A Woman's Journey from Her Father's Harem
through the Islamic Revolution. New York: Three Rivers Press, 2006. ISBN 0-307-33974-2
• Stephen Kinzer, All The Shah's Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror, John Wiley &
Sons, 2003, ISBN 0-471-26517-9
• Stephen Kinzer, Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq, Times Books, 2006,
ISBN 0-8050-7861-4
• Nikki R. Keddie, Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution, Yale University Press, 2003, ISBN
0-300-09856-1
• Homa Katouzian, Musaddiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran, I B Tauris & Co, 1991, ISBN 1-850-43210-4
• Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran, edited by Mark J. Gasiorowski and Malcolm Byrne.
Translated into Persian as Mosaddegh va Coup de Etat by Ali Morshedizad, Ghasidehsara Pub. Co.
• Mark J. Gasiorowski, The 1953 Coup D'État in Iran, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 19, No. 3,
p. 261–86 (1987). JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/view/00207438/ap010078/01a00010/0)
• Tom Gabbay, "The Tehran Conviction" William Morrow, (2009), ISBN 978-0061188602

External links
• Dr Mosasdegh's genealogy (http://www.qajarpages.org/mozaffareddinchildren.html) (Qajar website)
• (Persian) Ardeshir Zahedi website contains number of articles related to Mosaddegh (http://www.
ardeshirzahedi.eu)
• James Risen: Secrets of History: The C.I.A. in Iran — A special report; How a Plot Convulsed Iran in '53 (and in
'79) (http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/041600iran-cia-index.html). The New York Times, 16
April 2000.
• New York Times Archive containing declassified US intelligence Documents on the Coup of 1953 (http://www.
nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/iran-cia-appendix-a.pdf)
• In Memory of 19 August 1953 (http://www.counterpunch.org/sasan08192003.html) by Sasan Fayazmanesh,
18 August 2003.
• Mosaddegh's photo album (http://www.iranian.com/Pictory/mos.html)
• Mohammad Mosaddegh and the 1953 Coup in Iran (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB126/
index.htm) Book and declassified documents from the National Security Archive, 22 June 2004
• The Secret CIA History of the Iran Coup – U.S. National Security Archive (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/
NSAEBB/NSAEBB28)
• An alternative view by Ardeshir Zahedi (http://www.ardeshirzahedi.org/cia-iran.pdf)
• "50 Years After the CIA's First Overthrow of a Democratically Elected Foreign Government" (http://www.
democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=03/08/25/1534210)
• How to Overthrow A Government: The 1953 U.S. Coup in Iran (http://www.democracynow.org/article.
pl?sid=04/03/05/1542249)
• A short account of 1953 Coup in Iran (http://www.iranchamber.com/history/coup53/coup53p1.php)
• The Sunday Herald, Over A Barrel (http://www.sundayherald.com/53456)
• Fariba Amini, Don't call me "Sir" - Mosaddegh: Humanity and integrity in government, The Iranian, 9 May 2001,
(http://www.iranian.com/History/2001/May/Amini/index.html).
• Dr Mohammad Mossadeqs Lebenswerk und Kampf (http://www.de-mossadeq.tk/)
Mohammad Mosaddegh 15

• (Persian) A video of Dr. Mosaddegh's house in Ahmadabad (http://www.kalam.tv/fa/video/8020/index.


html)
Article Sources and Contributors 16

Article Sources and Contributors


Mohammad Mosaddegh  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=435213568  Contributors: *drew, 1126thmp, 172, 1776new, AVM, Aboutmovies, Academic Challenger, Acebulf,
Agh.niyya, Agha Nader, Alborz Fallah, Alefbe, Alex Middleton, Alex7777, AlexanderPar, Alfons2, Alimossadegh, Allmightyduck, Almondwine, Alterrabe, Amir.Hossein.7055, Anders.Warga,
Arabbi, Art LaPella, AscendedAnathema, Aucaman, Audaciter, Aumnamahashiva, Azalea pomp, Badanedwa, Bahram.zahir, Banghi, Behi83, BehnamFarid, Bender235, Binksternet, Biruitorul,
Biscuittin, Black Jesus, Bobo192, BoogaLouie, Bradridder, Brandon39, Brunnock, Btmccarthy17, Bulgaroctonus, Burkbraun, ButlerKyle, Buyoof, CBM, CJK, CN3777, Calbaer, Captain Proton,
Catherine Huebscher, Caveh, Celareon, Ceranthor, CharlesMartel, Charley sf, Chase me ladies, I'm the Cavalry, Chicheley, Chowbok, ChrisiPK, Ckape, Claritas, CommonsDelinker,
CoolKid1993, CreazySuit, Ctjf83, Cunado19, Cyrius, Cyrusk22, D, D6, DBrnstn, DIREKTOR, DabMachine, DanKeshet, Dara Barkhordar, Dariuskan, Darkred, Daveswagon, Dcflyer, Deed89,
Definite, DemocraticIranWeneed, Demophon, Dfitzgerald, Dimadick, Discospinster, Dorkrock, Downwards, DragonflySixtyseven, Dryans, Dystopos, Dücanem, E0N, Eagle The Great, Ed Poor,
EdelweissPirate, Ehteshami, El C, Eloquence, Emerson7, Ericd, Ericl, Erxnmedia, Eshgh8453, Everyking, Ezeu, Farhikht, Farzad j, Fatidiot1234, Fdiba, FellGleaming, Fight4truth, Fightcancer,
Fluppy, Francvs, Frank, Frecklefoot, Gabbe, Georgeslegloupier, Gheuf, Gilgamesh he, Goatasaur, Good Olfactory, GraemeLeggett, Granpuff, Grenavitar, Grittykitty, Ground Zero, Guto2003,
Guy Harris, Hadal, Hatef.Z, Headbomb, Heinzlinser, Hempbilly, Hillsbro, Hippietrail, Historian932, Hmains, Homagetocatalonia, Horgen, Houshyar, Ian Pitchford, Indon, IranRussia,
IranianGuy, Ixodeth, J M Rice, JLCA, JaafarAbuTarab, Jacobolus, Jahangard, JavidShah, Jebhemelli, Jeff G., Jerome Charles Potts, Jklams, Jll, Joffeloff, John K, Jose Ramos, Joseph Solis in
Australia, Josve05a, Jun-Dai, Juqi, Justsayer, K.Nevelsteen, Kafshar z, Kashk, KellyBousum, Kermanshahi, Kf4bdy, Khodavand, Khoikhoi, Khorshid, Kingliam, Kingpin13, KneeJuan, Koavf,
Kurdo777, Kwame Nkrumah, Kwamikagami, LambaJan, Lampajoo, Languagehat, Leandrod, LeoO3, Leroy65X, Lightmouse, LilHelpa, Lususromulus, MADemocrat, Macraf, ManiF,
Mardavich, Marmoulak, MarritzN, MartinSpacek, MaryMoo77, Marzieh Vafamehr, Mauimonica, Mav, Mboverload, Mcsoftykins, Melca, Midway, MinnesotanConfederacy, Mitchsensei,
Miyokan, Mjmehr, MlleMFT, MohammadMosaddeq, Moises de la vera, Mrmadi78, Mushroom, Mx3, Mübarek-Demokrasi, N. Harmonik, Naserman, Nateji77, Natty4bumpo, Neilc, Nemozen,
Nemzag, New.Iran2011, Nightscream, Nima Baghaei, Nishkid64, Nsk92, Numbo3, Nuztorad, Nv8200p, Octavian history, Ofhistoricalnote, Ohconfucius, PFHLai, Pantherarosa, Pascal,
Pasitigris1, Patchouli, Paxsimius, Pearle, Persian.Saeed, Perspicacite, PhilKnight, Pir, Plasticup, Pmaguire, Prettyfile, Prezen, Princeofpersia1, Quadell, Rayis, Rdavid2003, Rednapped, Relata
refero, Revolución, RevolutionExpert, Rewinn, RichardRB, Rjwilmsi, Rmarghi, Robbie Davis-Floyd, Robert1947, Roozbeh, S.K., SDC, Saadi2000, Saforrest, Sandash, Sangak, Scarian,
Scientizzle, SeanMcG, Sesel, Shauni, Shervink, Shirulashem, Shunpiker, Silverhorse, SimonP, Sina, Skywriter, Smith3675, Smitty.i.am, Snowolf, Socialsmitty.i.am, Solipsist, SouthernComfort,
Spahbod, Steven J. Anderson, Str1977, SuperJumbo, Sven Manguard, Swedenman, Switchercat, TMLutas, Ta bu shi da yu, Tabletop, Tahmuras, Tassedethe, Taw, Tbp2007, Teachprasad, The
Four Deuces, The Thing That Should Not Be, The machine512, Theboboma, Thomas Gilling, Thorsmitersaw, Tim!, Tommy2010, Trg53, Ugen64, Ukexpat, Utcursch, Vanished user 03, Vargob,
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375 anonymous edits

Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors


file:Mossadegh US04.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mossadegh_US04.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: AgnosticPreachersKid, R. Engelhardt, Ugo14
File:Mohammad_mossadegh_Signature.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mohammad_mossadegh_Signature.svg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: mohammad
mossadegh
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Image:Mossadeghfars.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mossadeghfars.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Arashk rp2, Ervaude, Mkill, Shizhao, Wvk,
Zereshk
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DIREKTOR, Ervaude, Mkill, Wvk
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File:Mosaddegh in Court.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mosaddegh_in_Court.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: ?
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Photographer Abbie Rowe, U.S. National Park Service

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