PAKISTAN CHINA RELATIONS AND CPEC
A Study of 2018 Manifestos of Pakistan’s Political Parties1
T he subject of Pak-China relations not
merely refers to the foreign policy but is
also directly linked to country’s security,
economic, social and cultural spheres. The
foundation of these deep and continuous relations
between the two countries lie in mutual trust and
shared benefits and there is no doubt that the
relations amongst them have only strengthened
despite internal changes in the two countries and
shifting dynamics of the global and regional
politics.
In Chinese system, there is a continuity of one
party’s rule and, there is every possibility that the
same party will be responsible for decision-
making in the coming years as well. Hence, the
consistency in Chinese policies is almost
guaranteed which is very much due to the
consistency in the vision of the leadership of the
Communist Party of China (CPC). The situation
of Pakistan, however, is quite different. Here, not
only the regime, but at times the regimen as well,
changes after every few years. Ensuring national
consensus, thus, remains a mandatory factor
when it comes to the consistency in policies
regarding China.
The significance of this consensus has increased
manifold ever since the announcement of CPEC
1
This brief is part of a larger study being conducted at IPS to understand the national mood in light of the approach of various
Political Parties, participating in the elections 2018, on subjects of important issues related to the National Agenda.
[1]
in 2013 has been made. CPEC is being rightly
regarded as a 'Game Changer' not only for
Pakistan and China but for the whole region,
whereas its impact is expected to spread even well
beyond that. It is thus not very surprising that
adversaries are proactively trying to undermine
this massive, long-term and multi-dimensional
project by instilling confusions and
misunderstandings regarding it.
In this overall context, this brief review will
attempt to analyze the extent of accord over
CPEC among the country's political parties which
otherwise may seem to uphold extremely
divergent viewpoints. Our premise is that the
unanimity of opinions will surely facilitate the
pace and progress of CPEC in the coming days.
The disagreements or divergences, on the other
hand, may raise obstacles in the project's way
impacting it negatively. The 2018 election
manifestos of various political parties help us
reckon their approach towards CPEC and its
multifarious projects as well as the probable state
of acceptance or opposition in the newly formed
parliament over the subject.
If we glance through the debates between
different political parties and the Central and
Provincial governments regarding CPEC during
the last five year, we will observe that despite
having a general consensus over the mega-
project, the divergences over its priorities have at
times been so intense that it sometimes appeared
like a dissent over CPEC itself. Nevertheless,
while the fact remains that generally all parties
have expressed their strong support for the project
a glimpse of the dissent phenomenon can also be
observed in 2018 party manifestoes. Following
are the salient points covered in various Parties’
manifestoes:
• By the name of ‘Reclaiming our Rightful
Place in the World’, Pakistan People’s
Party (PPP) has dedicated the last
chapter of its manifesto to foreign policy
and international relations. ‘Negotiating a
Changing Global Order’ is one important
topic in the chapter that talks about
relations with China stating “PPP has
always considered China to be one of our
strongest allies” and “Deepening
economic and political engagement with
China must continue to be safeguarded
and strengthened”.
The manifesto talks about furthering the
progress over CPEC, however it stresses
over the transparency as well as on the
unanimity of the opinion. The exact words
are: “China will continue to be
encouraged to support its pivotal
investment role via CPEC with higher
transparency and consensus among
provinces in Pakistan” (p.57).
• The fourth chapter in the manifesto of
Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) is about
the ‘Inclusive Economic Growth’. The
chapter discusses CPEC under the
heading of ‘Ensure CPEC translates into a
game changer’. It regards CPEC as a
golden opportunity to revitalize and
improve Pakistan’s economy. In the same
continuity it states that “we will ensure the
completion of CPEC”, though it also
stresses on encouraging “a shift towards
partnerships for project completion”.
Just like PPP, PTI’s manifesto also
emphasizes on transparency stating “it is
[2]
imperative for us to establish a solid and
transparent foundation for a truly
empowering corridor with two-way
linkages”.
Alongside this, PTI has also stressed on
more than one occasions that the capacity
and performance of Pakistan’s industry
and trade should be improved as a result
of this project. In the same relevance, it
also underscores the need of encouraging
local partnerships, enhancing local
manufacturing capabilities, benefitting
from Chinese expertise over increasing
agricultural production, facilitating
opportunities for shared ventures, and
inclusion of Pakistan’s business
community for the completion of CPEC
projects (p.33).
• Though the manifesto of Muttahida
Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) is brief, it does
declare ‘relations with China and
completion of CPEC as ‘important
foundation’ of the foreign policy as stated
under the sections of foreign affairs and
national security.
• Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)
hasn’t talked much about CPEC. It has
however stressed upon expediting the
establishment of Special Economic Zones
under CPEC program (p.11).
• Awami National Party (ANP), in the
context of international affairs, on one
side talks about enhancement and
improvement in relations with China, and
on the other it has provided a detailed
program under a separate title of CPEC.
After presenting the background of the
dispute over priorities in CPEC over
territorial basis, the program states that
“ANP will ensure that the mega CPEC
substantially benefits the least developed
and terrorism affected new districts
(former FATA), Balochistan and
Pakhtunkhwa”. In its chapter on
Economic Development also the ANP
 manifesto refers CPEC by stressing:
“ANP will pursue the project of North
Western highway that would connect
Bajaur to Waziristan and Zhob, joining
the CPEC, after passing through all the
new districts. This will definitely be an
important step towards fully opening the
area and linking it to CPEC”.
In the same context, while talking about
quicker completion of western route from
Gilgit to Gwadar, the program discusses
three different routes. All these three
routes are passing through different areas
of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan.
ANP has also talked about the
rehabilitation of railways and some other
extension projects in the context of CPEC
whereas it has also prominently included
establishment of industrial zones in D.I.
Khan, Khand, Zhob, Quetta, Rashkai,
Bannu, Mohmand, Bajaur, Kohistan, and
Chakdara, in its program.
• Pakistan Muslim League (N) has
dedicated a separate chapter in its
manifesto by the name of ‘CPEC: The
Game-changer’. Following the overall
pattern of the manifesto, this chapter is
also divided into three segments. The first
one shares the PML(N) vision for CPEC
shedding light on its various stages and
approach. The second one presents a
bulleted list of PML(N)’s performance
from 2013-18 in this regard, whereas the
third one ‘Promise 2018-2023’ details 15
new steps and targets under three titles.
Titled ‘Unleash Business’, the steps for
technical and vocational trainings,
innovation centers, special economic
zones, and encouragement of SMEs on the
basis of partnerships are discussed first,
whereas new information technology
clusters including I.T. parks and bringing
together corporations and SMEs
pertaining to the I.T. industry, are
discussed under the title ‘Seed and
Strength the New Cluster’. The next two
[3]
parts of the clusters are about agriculture
and tourism. The agriculture part targets
diversification, value addition and access
to the global market. The next title is ‘The
fast completion of long-term CPEC plan’.
Alongside the transport, Gwadar city and
port, and energy’s preplanned vision, this
part discusses joining CPEC connectivity
plans to regional connectivity plans such
as CAREC (Central Asia Regional
Economic Cooperation).
PML (N) has also referred CPEC under
the subjects of tourism stressing to
“Capitalize on the opportunities provided
by CPEC to encourage Chinese tourism”.
Similarly, in the chapter of Interprovincial
harmony it says it would be
“Implementing CPEC projects with the
objective of developing less developed
areas and ensuring that the fruits of CPEC
reach areas like FATA, GB and AJK”
respectively.
Following results can be concluded regarding
CPEC from the manifestos of aforementioned
political parties:
• There exists a consensus over CPEC. All
parties talk about its progression and swift
completion.
• There can be divergent opinions over the
transparency issues, however the
apprehensions are there. The issue needs
be comprehensively focused upon in the
next stages of the project.
• The partnership of local people and local
organizations is an important subject for
all departments such as agriculture,
industry and business. On one hand
necessary arrangements should be made
for this whereas on the other hand any
impression of ignoring local partnerships
should be avoided as it will negatively
impact the situation by damaging the
spirit of two-way ownership of the
project.
• There was considerable confusion over
which project and which area should be
given priority in CPEC. Despite
decreasing, the confusion still exists. PPP,
Muslim League (N) and ANP have, in
their own ways, pointed out the issue as
well as their approach to solve it. This is
an area which should be continually
focused at the domestic levels and should
guide the negotiations with the Chinese
friends.
The aforementioned analysis includes the study
of Pakistan’s prominent political parties’
manifestos. In the next part of this study, the
manifestos of active parties in Balochistan will
also be included.

Prepared by:
Khalid Rahman
Director General
Institute of Policy Studies (IPS), Islamabad.

For queries:
Syed Nadeem Farhat, Senior Research Coordinator,
nadeem@ips.net.pk | www.ips.org.pk

[4]