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The Bystander Effect
The Bystander Effect is classically defined as a group of people not acting in a time of need because they
think that another bystander will help, instead. Darley and Latante, in 1968, postulated that it “occurs
because responsibility diffuses across the entire set of potential helpers, making it proportionally less
likely that each will intervene” (Darley and Latante, 1968). This article attempts to look into the effect
further by seeing how different levels of knowledge impact a person’s willingness to help someone out.
The experiment process in this study was developed by A. Diekmann in 1985, called the “Volunteer’s
Dilemma”. The basic theory for the experiment is “Participants interact in a volunteer’s dilemma in
which they decide whether to help or shirk, and they receive monetary payoffs depending on everyone’s
choices. Only the relative payoffs are relevant: Players earn the most money when they shirk and others
help, but if others shirk then a player earns more money by helping. These payoffs capture the essence of
a traditional bystander situation—multiple people could take the initiative to help but each person prefers
that someone else assume the burden” (Deikmann, 1985).
The aim of this study is to see varying levels of knowledge and information will impact a person’s
willingness to help “Mr. Smith”, who is the person requesting help in these scenarios. Along with that, to
see if a varying number of participants affects willingness to help. Simply put: “We test whether different
knowledge states affect participants’ propensity to help” (Thomas, De Freitas, DeScioli, & Pinker, 2016,
p. 623).
Ryan Brandstetter
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Ryan Brandstetter
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While there are many predictions presented in this study, the one this summary will focus on is “if the
bystander effect results from a psychological process that does not take other bystanders’ beliefs into
account, there should be no differences in rates of helping across different knowledge levels. In other
words, if it is indeed true that all that matters is one’s knowledge that other bystanders are present (Latané
& Nida, 1981), then rates of helping across the different knowledge levels should be similar, and
responsibility should be equally diffused across all levels of beliefs” (Thomas, De Freitas, DeScioli, &
Pinker, 2016, p. 624). That is, all three experiments should show the same rate of helping no matter the
differences in knowledge given out to participants because it seems to be the “right thing to do”.
A simplified explanation of the study follows: Participants were assigned to groups of two to five
bystanders. Mr. Smith would request help from the subjects each day. The subjects would earn $1.00 per
day for working for Mr. Smith. “If he needed help and a participant decided to help, that participant
earned only 50 cents because they lost half of the day’s earnings while helping. Importantly, Mr. Smith
only needed one of the merchants from their group to help, but if no one helped he would fine them all
$1.00, and thus they would all earn nothing” (Thomas, De Freitas, DeScioli, & Pinker, 2016, p. 625). The
method of message delivery was the independent variable, and the subject’s responses to the help requests
were the dependant variable.
Subjects in the first variation of the experiment were “ 200 participants from the United States through
Amazon’s Mechanical Turk, an online labor crowdsourcing platform” (Thomas, De Freitas, DeScioli, &
Pinker, 2016, p. 624).
Ryan Brandstetter
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During the experiment, common knowledge was presented as a message being played on a loudspeaker
which informed everyone that Mr. Smith required help for the day. Private knowledge was conveyed
from a messenger who would deliver a note to them. In the first experiment, the subjects were not told if
other participants also received a note.
The results of Experiment 1 showed that participants were more likely to act when receiving a private
message than when the message was announced publically. Furthermore, subject were more likely to
help if the group size had two bystanders rather than five. “These results show that a bystander’s decision
to help depends not only on what they know privately but also on what they know about other people’s
knowledge. This shows that the classic bystander effect depends on both the number of bystanders and
common knowledge of the situation.” (Thomas, De Freitas, DeScioli, & Pinker, 2016, p. 625)
The study postulates that this type of response can be applied to more scenarios than just emergencies,
and might be beneficial to things like asking for donations or for help at work “For instance, people who
email requests for help can strategically use “cc” and “bcc” options to create the recursive knowledge
states that promote helping. People who receive requests can conceal evidence that they got the message.
Charities can use recursive knowledge states to convey a donor’s special obligation to help those in
need.” (Thomas, De Freitas, DeScioli, & Pinker, 2016, p. 628)
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In the experiment, the willingness to help was monetarily driven and not a physical emergency in nature.
It would be interesting to see this type of experiment conducted in a such a scenario to measure and
observe if there was an increase in responsiveness to help. Though such an experiment would be difficult
to gauge truthful responses over an experiment that has an incentive; in this case: money.
References
Darley, J. M., & Latané, B. (1968). Bystander intervention in emergencies: Diffusion of
responsibility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 8, 377–383.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/h0025589
Diekmann, A. (1985). Volunteer’s dilemma. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 29, 605– 610.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002785029004003
Thomas, K. A., De Freitas, J., DeScioli, P., & Pinker, S. (2016). Recursive Mentalizing and Common
Knowledge in the Bystander Effect. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General,145(5),
621629. doi:10.1037/xge0000153.supp