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Ancient Society
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PATTERNS AND TYPES OF SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION
IN GREECE
FROM THE FOURTH TO THE SECOND CENTURY B.C.*
The period from the first half of the fourth century to the con
of Greece by Rome, in the middle of the second century B.C
marked by an acute social problem in Greece. In the course o
two centuries dozens of attempts were made in Greece to cha
social-economic position by way of revolution.
Social problem is, for the purpose of this study : the problem
polarity in the distribution of wealth - land, other immovab
erty, movable property, monetary assets and income - am
citizens of the 'polis'. It is also a problem of relations, crea
result of this economic polarity, between the class of the aff
(oi €'ovres, 7rX ovctlol, Svvaroi) and the class that had no or
possessions (ot ovk ¿xovreç, aKTrjfioveç , Trevqres). Or, as the
themselves put it, it is a problem of á va)¡xaXía , á vlgÓttjç .
Social-economic revolution is, for the purpose of this st
comprehensive and significant change in the position of prop
owning. In respect of this study an attempt to bring abou
change, even if abortive, is likewise considered a revolution. T
applies to an internal struggle (araats) in a 'polis', when the c
referred to is the aim, or among the aims, of one of the parti
struggle.
The term 'Social Revolution', which is commonly used since the time
of W.W. Tarn, is, if taken as defined above, on the whole adequate,
though 'social-economic conflict and social-economic revolution' would
cover the phenomenon we are dealing with rather more closely.
I refer to Greece here in the connotation of « the old world » - the
Greek mainland and the Greek diaspora outside the dominion of the
Hellenistic monarchies. The economic and social problems of the « new
world» that emerged after Alexander the Great, the world of the
Hellenistic monarchies in the Orient, are widely different from those
of Greece and they do not come within the scope of this study.
* This paper was published in Hebrew in the Proceedings of the Israel Academy of
Sciences and Humanities , Vol, V (1973).
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52 A. FUKS
No thoroughgoing
economic conflict and social-economic revolution in Greece in the late
classical and Hellenistic periods.
At the end of the nineteenth century there appeared the first volume,
and at the beginning of this century the second volume, of Robert
von Pöhlmann's well-known book on the history of communism and
socialism in the ancient world 1. Although this broad-based work,
which begins with the so-called ťearly communism' and concludes
with early Christianity, contains some striking phrases and, at times,
significant analytical passages, its value as a scholarly study is drastical-
ly reduced by the author's general approach. The revolutions in anti-
quity and their outcome were intended by Pöhlmann, to serve, in the
final analysis, as a warning to his contemporaries and to demonstrate
the dangers inherent in the communistic and socialistic movement in
Germany of his day. Also, the social-economic revolution in Greece
from the fourth century to the Roman conquest was not conceived
by Pöhlmann as a single theme and received only partial treatment
in his book. And, even the value of his analysis of those parts of the
theme with which Pöhlmann did deal was impaired by the general,
a priori approach of the author 2.
Real investigation in this field began with W. W. Tarn's paper on the
social question in the third century B.C. 3. Although Tarn's pioneering
article is characterized by penetrating depth, it cannot be considered
a complete and exhaustive study of the late classical and Hellenistic
revolution in Greece. Tarn restricted himself in his paper to investigat-
ing the third century only, thus excluding about three generations
of the revolutionary movement before the commencement of the third
century and some three generations from the entry of Rome into
the Hellenic area to the conquest of Greece. Furthermore, even in the
1 Robert von Pöhlmann, Geschichte des Kommunismus und des Sozialismus in der
antiken Welt , 2 vols., Munich 1893-1901. Second edition of the book appeared under the
title : Geschichte der sozialen Frage und des Sozialismus (1912). Third edition (1925) was
prepared by F. Oertel and includes an 'Anhang' by the editor.
2 Pöhlmann's attacks on the marxista are both frontal and implied; for the reaction
of the latter, see e.g. K. Katjtsky, Die Vorläufer des neueren Sozialismus , Stuttgart
1895, p. 15, note.
3 W.W. Tarn, The Social Question in the Third Century , in The Hellenistic Age ,
Cambridge 1923. Tarn dealt with this theme in some of his other publications ; see for
instance: Hellenistic Civilization , London 1930 2, Chap. Ill; Proceedings of the British
Academy 19 (1933), p. 123 ff. ; Cambridge Ancient History VII, p. 732 ff.
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 53
4 See for instance : M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic
World , 3 vols., Oxford 1941 ; F. Oertel, Anhang , apud Pöhlmann {supra, n. 1) ; F.M.
Heichelheim, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Altertums , 2 vols. Leiden 1938, esp. chaps. VI-VII
in Vol. II ; M.I. Finley, Studies in Land and Credit in Ancient Athens , New Brunswick
1951 ; see albo notes 7-12 below.
5 Th. W. Africa, Phylarchus and the Spartan Revolution , Berkeley-Los Angeles 1961 ;
E. Gabba, Studi su Filarco - Le biografie plutarchee di Agide e di Cleomene , Pavia 1957 ;
D. Asheri, Distribuzioni di terre nelV antica Grecia , Torino 1966; id. Leggi greche sul
problema dei debiti , Pisa 1969; see also A. Passerini, Biforme sociali e divisioni di beni
nella Grecia del IV secolo A.C ., Athenaeum , 8 (1930), p. 273 ff. ; id., I moti politico-
sociali della Grecia e i Romani , Athenaeum, 1 1 (1933), p. 310 ff., even though his conclusions
are, in my view, wrong (see for some pertinent criticisms of Passerini's approach.
A. Aymard, Les premiers rapports de Rome et de la Confédération Achaienne , Bordeaux-
Paris 1938, p. 135-137, n. 16).
6 To appear under the title A History of the Social Conflict in late Classical and Hel-
lenistic Greece (in preparation). Papers published to date, in preparation for this book are :
Agis , Cleômenes , and Equality „ Classical Philology 57 (1962), p. 161 ff. ; The Spartan
Citizen-body in Mid-Third Century B.C. and its Enlargement Proposed by Agis IV ,
Athenaeum 40 (1962), p. 244 ff. ěy Non-Phylarchean Tradition of the Programme of Agis IV,
Classical Quarterly 12 (1962), p. 118 ff.; Redistribution of Land and Houses in Syracuse
in 356 B.C., and its Ideological Aspects, CQ 18 (1968), p. 207 ff. ; Slave War and Slave
Troubles in Chios in the Third Century B.C., Athenaeum 46 (1968), p. 102 ff. ; The Bellum
Achaicum and its Social Aspect , Journal of Hellenic Studies 90 (1970), p. 78 ff. ; Thucydides
and the Stasis in Corcyra : Thuc. Ill, 82-83 versus [ Thuc .] Ill, 84, American Journal of
Philology 92 (1971), p. 48 ff.; Isokrates and the Social-Economic Situation in Greece,
Ancient Society 3 (1972), p. 17 ff. ; Social Revolution in Dyme in Achaia in 116-114 B.C.E.,
Scripta Hierosolymitana 23 (1972), p. 21 ff. ; cf. La Parola del Passato 111 (1966), p. 437 ff.
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54 A. FUKS
1. Economic Backgroun
In the first decades of the fourth century there arises again an acute
social problem. At the end of the seventies of this century there
occurs the first known outbreak in a long series of revolutions that,
from now on, will characterize the life of Greece until the Roman
conquest in mid-second century B.C.
The economic processes that tend to explain the renewal of the acute
social problem from the fourth century onwards are mainly these :
the decline of the small and medium land-holding and the formation
of large agricultural property, on the one hand, and the development
of a quasi-capitalistic type of economy in Greek industry, on the other.
These processes are to be discerned both in economically progressive
states, like Athens, and in agrarian states, like Sparta, although with
different emphasis and intensity.
In Attica there is discernible from the middle of the sixth century
onward a slow process of fragmentation of land-holdings as a result
of the Athenian law of inheritance, which did not recognize the first-
born's right of inheritance and envisaged division of the property
between the sons and daughters. The possibility of bequeathing by
means of a will, which Attic law allowed after Solon, gradually worked
in the same direction. The acts of methodical destruction of Attic agri-
culture - the devastation of crops, the cutting down of trees and plant-
ations, the destruction of equipment, the burning of structures - per-
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 55
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56 A. FUKS
on slave-labour. Thes
panied by correspond
merce, particularly
monetary economy.
turnover in Greece,
foreign trade, and ne
economic activity.
These processes were
'poleis'; they are disc
also in agricultural ar
of the Peloponnese.
The results of the ch
the first half of the f
rural proletariat of th
holdings ; the expansi
who had lost their land
ment both in the vill
to work their estates
because the new- type
of the basic structure
did not permit the
change in the distr
property, movable pr
'polis' with the conce
of comparatively few
or those who posse
7 T€V7}T€s) 7.
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 57
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58 A. FUKS
9 This paragraph is based on W.W. Tarn, Social Question , p. 108-124. Though the
data Tarn bases himself upon come from Delos, there is no valid reason to suppose that
the situation was specific for Delos ; we can reasonably suppose that the situation in other
places was not unlike Delos. Tarn's general conclusion is that « the poor were getting
poorer, and the gap between rich and poor was widening » {ibid., p. 126). For some
general lines of the economic developments in Greece, see, for instance, M. Rostovtzeff,
op. cit . I, p. 161 ff., 132, 142, 164, 169 ff., 159, 183 ff.
10 For Epiros see N.G.L. Hammond, Epirus, Oxford 1967, p. 634 ff. On Roman
warfare on the soil of Greece, see e.g. J.A.O. Larsen, An Economic Survey , IV : Roman
Qreece, New Jersey 1959, p. 261 ff., 311 ff.
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 59
2. Dimensions
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60 A. FUKS
recurrent outbreaks a
second century.
North of these, eve
'stasis' ; at the beginnin
Kassandreia in southe
in the middle of th
movement, which ha
We find many instan
Chios, Syros, Naxos,
occurred in various cities.
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 61
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62 A. FUKS
is not Aristophanes'
rejects it in the play. A
supposed, rooted in ph
schemes, proposals m
he goes on grappling
confrontation betwee
moral-social doctrine
middle road. Untram
poverty. There is in t
posed, as it were, fro
his economic thinking
The economic- social
same in the Ecclesiazu
grapples with are the
ficant evidence for th
and ways of its solu
beginning of the fourt
Plato's Republic is fir
The Republic, to be da
its metaphysical and o
to the economic-socia
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 63
forth both on « the rich » whose lust for riches and power (irX
knows no bounds, and on « the poor » whose craving is to get i
hands the property of the others. Plato's famous dictum abou
actual State, which is « not one, but two States, the one of po
other of rich men ; and they are living on the same spot and
conspiring against one another» (551D) is by no means isolated
Republic ; it is but a pungent formulation of thoughts and sent
frequently expressed in a similar tone in the Republic. This vie
- that of « poverty versus riches » as the root of evil - is most
nent in Books VIII and IX, books of the pathology of the actual
states. But Plato's reaction to the social question of his time is n
fined to this. The model of the ideal state of the Republic is conditi
I believe, in the ultimate analysis, by the economic-social situ
of Greece in his time. Plato's recoil from the evils of the condition
of « poverty versus riches » and of the social-economic ferment leads
him to the severance of any connexion whatsoever between political
power and economic activity. The members of the economic class, who
provide the sustenance of the castes of 'rulers' and 'guardians', belong
to the state in the sense that without them its existence is impossible,
and that the government has to carefully guide them, as it does every-
body and everthing else. But none of the things that make the Ideal
State and the Ideal Life - philosophy, community and togetherness,
the new true education - apply to them. Having thus severed the
nexus between state and economics, Plato soars to heights of un-
tramelled politics. Even what is termed 'Platonic communism' is
essentially political and is based on the exclusion of economic activity
from the state, not on its reorganization. This aristocratic communism
is, to be sure, completely antithetic to the strivings of the masses of the
destitute and needy for a change in the economic-social conditions in
the Greek 'polis'.
In the Laws , more than twenty years after the composition of the
Republic , Plato was still grappling with the same problem. The solu-
tions he proposes in the Laws - an agrarian state of owners of equal,
unalienable, undi visible, and unsaleable allotments (KÁfjpos) worked by
agricultural slaves ; the maximum difference permitted in other forms
of wealth to be in the ratio of four to one, and the government to have
vast powers calculated to ensure strict observance of these economic
regulations - are more realistic than those put forward in the Politeia.
But the same economic-social situation conditioned the Laws and the
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64 A. FUKS
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 65
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66 A. FUKS
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 67
17 Text in : Oxyrhynchus Papyri VIII, London 1911, No. 1082 (editio princeps :
A.S. Hunt) ; J.U. Powell & E.A. Barbee, New Chapters in the History of Greek Literature ,
Cambridge 1921 ; A.D. Knox, The First Greek Anthologist , Cambridge 1923 ; J.U. Powell,
Collectanea Alexandrina , Cambridge 1925, p. 201 ff. ; id., Herodes , Cercidas and the Greek
Choliambic Poets , Cambridge 1953, p. 189 ff.
Analysis and discussion in : H. von Arnim, Wiener Studien 34 (1912), p. 1 ff. ; W.W. Tarn
CAH VII, p. 755 ff. ; id., Hellenistic Civilization, p. 102, 246; id., Social Question , p. 137 ;
D.R. Dudley, A History of Cynicism , London 1937, p. 74 ff. ; M. Rostovtzeff, III, p.
1367 ; id., The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire I, Oxford 1926, p. 3 ;
Th.W. Africa, op. cit. p. 19-20 ; M.P. Nilsson, Griechische RéligionsgeschicUe II, Munich
19612, p. 193-194. See also on Kerkidas, Polybios II 43.2-8; 65.3; 50.1-4.
18 Text in F. Jacob y, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker , No. 63 ; G. Vallauri,
Evemero di Messene , Public.Fac.Lett ., Torino 1956, Vol. VIII, Fase. 3 (1956). See :
R. de Block, Euhémère, Monck 1876; P. van Gils, Questiones Euhemereae , Kerkrade-
Heerlen 1902 ; M.P. Nilsson, op. cit. II, p. 286 ff. ; E. Rohde, Der griechische Roman und
seine Vorläufer , Leipzig 19143, p. 112 ff. ; E. Schwartz, Der griechische Roman , p. 112 ff. ;
F. Susemihl, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur in der Alexandriner-Zeit , Leipzig
1891-1892, 1, p. 318 ; W.W. Tarn, Hellenistic Civilization , p. 41, 112 f. ; id., PBAf p. 43 ff. ;
B.E. Perry, The Ancient Romances , Berkeley-Los Angeles 1967, p. 86 ; H. Braunert,
Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 108 (1965), p. 259 ff. ; A. Pollet, Bulletin Fouad 1
(1947), p. 47 ff. ; H.F. van der Meer, Euhemerus van Messene , Amsterdam 1969;
R. von Pöhlmann, op . cit. II, p. 55 ff.
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68 A. FUKS
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S OCI AL-ECON OMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 69
20 For the question whether the koivt] cipyvrj was separate from the avpiiaxia or not,
see T.T.B. Ryder, Koine Eirene , Oxford, 1965, Appendix X, where the various possi-
bilities are discussed. Our argument does not depend on the solution of this question.
On the 'Corinthian League', see for instance G. Busolt & H. Swoboda, Griechische
Staatskunde II, Munich 1926, p. 1389 ff. ; C.A. Roebuck, CP 48 (1948), p. 73 ff.: M.P.
Nilsson, op. cit. II, p. 47; W.W. Tarn, CAH VII, p. 74; id., Hellenistic Civilization ,
p. 15, 117 ; id., Social Question , p. 127 f. ; R. von Pöhlmann, op. cit. I, p. 336 ; U. Wilcken,
Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie , Munich 1917, p. 1 ff. For the sources, com-
mentary and up-to-date bibliography, see H.H. Schmitt, Die Staatsverträge des Altertums
III, Munich 1969, No. 403 (the arguments of D. Asheri, Distribuzioni , p. 112, who
interprets the bans in the document as political, even though the two classical demands
of the social revolution, Abolition of Debts and Redistribution of Land, are included,
are not convincing ; the commonly accepted view is the correct one ; see also below, p. 76 ff.).
The 'Corinthian League' ceased to exist after Alexander's death ; the attempts of Polyper-
chon, in 319 B.C., and of Antigonos and Demetrios in 302 B.C., to reconstitute it failed
(cf. H.H. Schmitt, op. cit.t p. 12 ff. and also No. 446. (It is possible that the the Instrument
of the League of Antigonos and Demetrios included the bans on social-economic revolu-
tion, but the state of preservation of the inscription (Schmitt, No. 446) does not allow
of certainty.)
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70 A. FUKS
(v€a)T€pio¡jLoí). He h
'irremediable disasters
An examination of the sources leads to the conclusion that the Roman
charges were groundless from both the international-political and
the social viewpoint. The king of Macedonia did all in his power to
avoid war with the Republic; and there is no tangible evidence that
he encouraged revolution in the Greek states, although some of his
tactics in Greece could lend support to such an interpretation.
However, this distortion of the truth by the Senate constitutes
evidence of importance for our theme. The danger of revolution existed
in the first half of the second century B.C. just as it had existed since
the fourth century. The point of special interest in the document is the
fact that Rome identifies the king of Macedonia, in an official declara-
tion, with the revolutionary movement and itself with the preservation
of the existing social-economic order 21.
If we combine the two dimensions of the social conflict and revolu-
tion, the physical dimension - the number of revolutions, their
geographical diffusion, the frequency of the outbreaks, the duration
of the revolutionary regimes - and the dimension of the Greek
consciousness - thought and literature, Utopia, international
agreements and propaganda - we are then able to appraise correctly
the place of the social-economic conflict and revolution in the last two
centuries of the independence of Greece 22.
21 On this inscription see, for instance : G. D aux, Delphes au IIe et au Ier siècle ,
Paris 1936, p. 319 ff. ; P. Meloni, Perseo , Rome 1953, p. 241 ff. (The reading of this
long inscription is in some places doubtful; I adopt the readings of the editor in
W. Dittenberger's Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum?.)
There is to be found in Polybios important evidence for the social-economic conflict
in Greece in the time of Roman interference and Roman protectorate in Greece, and for
its place in the Greek consciousness of this period. This evidence is, in part, cumulative
evidence from Polybios' description of various cases of such conflict, in part from the
attitude he takes towards the social-economic-political conflicts of the time. An analysis
of this evidence will be given in the work cited in note 6.
22 In view of the reaction of the contemporaries to and their preoccupation with the
social-revolution it is reasonable to suppose that the number of actual outbreaks was
greater, in all probability considerably greater, than the seventy cases or so we have
succeeded in recovering from the sources extant (see above, p. 59). Such assumption seems
to be strengthened by generalizations such as e.g. « the evil plight of Hellas ... no part
of which now remains that is not teeming full of war, staseis , slaughter and evils innumer-
able » (Isoer., Ep. IX 8, cf. above p. 64 f.), and elsewhere. It is also possible that the first
violent outbreak of social-economic stasis , which we have pinpointed as that of Argos
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 71
4. Types
in 370 B.C. (below, p. 71 f.), was preceded by others, since generalizations such as the
one cited above are to be found in Isokrates before the end of the seventies.
23 Main sources are : Diodorus XXII 5.1-2 ; Polyaenus, Straiegemata II 29.1 ; IV 6.18 ;
VI 7.1-2; VIII 7.2; Aelianus, Varia Historia XIV 41; Apollodorus, apud : F. Jacoby,
Fragmente der griechischen Historiker , Fr. 88; Dio Chrysostomus XIX 52.1-2; 61.2;
Pausanias IV 5.4-5; Plutarchus, Moralia 555b, 556d, 778e; Seneca, De Ira II 5.1; De
Beneficiis VII 19.7 ; Trogus Pompeius, Prologus 25. See : W.W. Tarn, Antigonos Oonatas ,
Oxford 1913, p. 159-172; id., CAH VII, p. 740; U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
Antigonos von Karystos , Berlin 1881, p. 232 ff. ; Ern. Meyer, BE, Suppl. X, cols. 628 ff.,
s.v. Poteidaia.
Some other tyrannies with social -revolutionary tint are, for instance, Euphron in
Sicyon (368-365 B.C.); Chairon in Pellene (336/5 B.C.); Klearchos in Heraclea Pontica
(364-352); early rule of Agathokles in Syracuse (317/6 B.C.); Archinos in Argos (266-
263 B.C.) ; Molpagoras in Kios (towards end of third century B.C.).
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72 A. FUKS
24
Main source is Diod. XV
52 ;
Dionysius Halicarnassius
814 B; Aelius Aristides, Pa
H. Swoboda, Hermes 53 (1918), p. 94 ff. ; R. von Pöhlmann, op. cit. I, p. 341;
TH.W. Africa, op. cit., p. 76 n. 37 ; K.J. Beloch, op. cit. III 1, p. 174 f. ; Ed. Meyer,
op. cit. V, p. 420; G. Grote, History of Greece (Everyman's Library, 10), p. 271 ff. ;
F. Oertel, op. cit. t p. 35. I would include in this group the following : the wars of the
debtors on the creditors in Aetolia (174/3 B.C.) and in Perrhaebia (173 B.C.); also the
outbreaks in Corinth (c. 365 B.C. ; the story of Theokles and Thrasonides), and in Mytilene
(c. mid-fourth century ; the story of Praxis) ; possibly also the troubles in the islands of
Keos (c. 280 B.C.), Naxos (c. 280 B.C.), Syros (250-240 B.C.) and Amorgos (c. 250 B.C.)
were of this type; and, perhaps, also the internal troubles in Crete in 181/0-174/3 B.C.
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 73
25 The source for the case of Aetolia, 205-204 B.C., is Polybios XIII 1, la, 2. See :
R. Flacelière, Les Aitoliens à Delphes, Paris 1937, p. 310 ff. ; M. Holleaux, CAH
VIII, p. 147 f. ; G. Klaffenbach (ed.), Inscriptiones Graecee IX2, 1, p. xxxii ff. ; B. Niese,
Geschichte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten , Gotha 1899, II, p. 563 ; III, p. 12 ;
F.W. Walbank, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 22 (1936), p. 25 n. 8; U. Wilcken,
RE, s.v. Alexandros (32). Other cases which I include in this group are : Peloponneso
after Leuktra : Megara (370 B.C.) ; Phigaleia (370 B.C.) ; Sicyon (370 B.C.) ; Phlius (370
B.C.); Corinth (370 B.C.); Mantineia (370 B.C.); also, Mesene (c. 215 B.C.); Itanos
(beginning of third century B.C.); Megalopolis (222-217 B.C.); we should also, possibly,
include in this group the events in Boiotia in the late 3rd century, and, perhaps, the
events round Chairon in Sparta, in 182/1 B.C.
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74 A. FUKS
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 75
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76 A. FUKS
5. Patterns
According to a widely held view there are four patterns to the social-
economic revolution in Greece : expropriation of property, redistri-
bution of land, abolition of debts, and manumission of slaves 30. Accord-
29 For sources and evaluation of the Bellum Achaicum see my The Bellum Achaicum
and its Social Aspect, Journal of Hellenic Studies 90 (1970), p. 78 ff. ; see G. de Sanctis,
Storia dei Romani IV 3, Florence 1961, p. 77 ff. Other relevant cases are : Antiochos III
and the Social Question in Greece ; Rome and Nabis' revolutionary rule ; social-economic
troubles in Macedón in 168/7-143/2 B.C. A case of an attempt at social-economic
revolution after the Roman conquest of Greece is that of Dymai in 116-114 B.C., cf.
Scripta Hierosolymitana 23 (1972), p. 21 ff. ; possibly also the case of Malia in Crete is
later than the Roman conquest. Full details on cases mentioned in text and notes of this
paper, and on other cases, will be given in the work cited in n. 6, supra.
30 See, for instance : W.W. Tarn, Social Question , p. 128 : « The complete programme
of the social revolution under four heads»; id., Hellenistic Civilization , p. 112, 124;
R.F. WrLLETS, Aristocratic Society in Ancient Crete , London 1955, p. 226 : « fear of
social revolution... which developed its four-points programme of abolition of debt,
division of land, confiscation of personal property and liberation of slaves to assist its
progress » ; R. von Pöhlmann, op. cit. I, p. 336 ; cf. also G. Busolt & H. Swoboda, op.
cit., p. 1391 f.
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 77
ing to another current view, there were not four but two patt
- abolition of debts and redistribution of land 31. The two views err -
the first both by commission and ommission, the second by ommission.
Expropriation of property and manumission of slaves are not
specific features of the social-economic conflict and are to be excluded,
while two specific characteristics, economic-social equality, or greater
degree of equality, and motivation of the struggle by 'the situation
of wealth and poverty' are lacking.
An examination of all the cases of social-economic conflict and of
the other relevant evidence results in the following.
(1) Redistribution of Land (yrjç avaSaarļios, yrjç fierdSoaiç) is to
be found in many of the cases of social-economic struggle. The redistri-
bution is made in equal allotments. Sometimes the revolution breaks
out in the name of this demand, sometimes the division of land
results from victory in the internal struggle, without there being a
defined request for it beforehand. One way or the other, yrjs avaSaa-
fjLos is a basic feature and characteristic of the revolution 32.
(2) Abolition of Debts (xpeœv ¿77-0^07777, XP€^V afaois) also occurs
in many of the cases, frequently together with redistribution of land.
At times the call is for the complete abolition of all debts, at times the
demand is for the cancellation of a given category of debts only.
Mostly the movement arises for the purpose of obtaining abolition of
debts, but at times this comes after the establishment of the revolu-
tionary regime, in order to strengthen it. One way or the other, xpeow
arroKOTTTj is a basic feature and characteristic of the social-economic
conflict.
(3) Economic-social equality (iaorrjs, icroļioīpia) is likewise to be
counted among the basic features and characteristics of the revolution.
Sometimes iaoTrjs, 'equality', or laofjLOLpia, 'equality of landed
property', appears as declared aim of the movement, sometimes
31 M. Rostovtzeff, op. cit. III, p. 1126 ; H. Bolkestein, op. cit., p. 18 ; A.B. Büchsen-
schütz, op. cit., p. 35 ff. ; Fustel de Coulanges, Pohybe et la Grèce, p. 127 ; G. Glotz,
Travail, p. 177 ff. ; A.B. Ranowitsch, Der Hellenismus , Berlin 1958, p. 16.
32 Cases of limited redistribution following on « proscriptive atimia » are not necessarily
indicative of social-economic conflict (see D. Asheri, Distribuzioni , p. 43 ff., in his
chapter on : « Proscrizione e distribuzione agraria »). It is not difficult to discern between
such cases and those indicative of social-economic conflict. Enlargement of the citizen-
body ( àvaiTÁ-qpújais ) is often accompanied by comprehensive Redistribution of Land;
thus anaplerosis sometimes helps to identify cases of social -revolutionary Redistribution
of Land.
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78 A. FUKS
equality, or greater d
struggle, or after victor
(4) Situation of ' pover
strife in the ' polis ' s
social-economic conflict in late classical and Hellenistic Greece.
The words 7 révères, ťthe poor', and 7 tXovgloc, ťthe rich', which fre-
quently occur as designations of the opposing sides in internal
struggle in the 'polis', do not by themselves indicate the character of
the strife, because they not infrequently stand simply for 'the many'
(oí 7toAAo/ ) and 'the few' (òÁíyoi). However, it sometimes transpires
from the evaluations in the sources themselves, or from the analysis
of the course of events, or from both, that the conflict was due to the
fact that the sides were ťthe poor' and 'the rich' respectively. In other
words, that it arose because of the situation of 'poverty versus riches'
(TT€vla Kal 7tÁovtos). Such a motivation of an internal strife is also
a specific characteristic of social-economic conflict and revolution.
There are cases in which all these four patterns are to be found, and
there are other - more numerous - in which we find some of them,
or one only. Each one of these chracteristics is in itself a sufficient
criterion for diagnosing that the event belongs to the social-economic
conflict and revolution.
On the other hand, 'manumission of slaves' and 'expropriation of
property' are not specific characteristics of the phenomenon under
discussion - pace Tarn and several other scholars, who count them
among the classical patterns of social revolution in the Hellenistic
age.
The freeing of slaves as a solution to the problem of slavery is not
to be found at all in Greek experience. A number of slaves are some-
times liberated in order to increase the manpower during a violent
stasis in a 'polis'. Such manumissions are at times also associated with
instances of social revolution, especially with cases of revolutionary
tyranny. But the liberation of slaves is not specific to social revolution,
and likewise occurs in many cases of internal struggle in a 'polis',
which differ in their nature from the social-economic conflict and
revolution. This also goes for 'expropriation of property'. It accom-
panies revolutions and internal struggles of various types and in
different periods of Greek history. It appears in certain instances of
social conflict, but is not specific to it. Together with the 'manumission
of slaves', the 'expropriation of property' must be regarded as a possible
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 79
6. Ideological Premises
In most of the cases we are faced solely with actions, and can but
conjecture the underlying assumptions. At times, however, we are
able to grasp some ideological premises. Some ideological reasoning
has been preserved for us in respect of the revolutions of Agis and
of Kleomenes in Sparta, and it undoubtedly holds good for the regime
of Nabis, who regarded himself as following in the footsteps of Agis
and Kleomenes, and also perhaps for the attempts of Cheilon and Chairon.
Also, it is a reasonable assumption that the enthusiasm shown by the
Peloponnesian states for the Spartan revolution was inspired not only
by the acts of Agis and Kleomenes but also by some of their ideas.
Outside the Peloponnese we find an ideological justification only in
connection with the Syracusan revolution.
In the ideology of Agis and Kleomenes there are both social-economic
and national features. The return to the 'Ancestral Constitution of
Lykourgos', is a line of thought emphasized in the thinking of both
Agis and Kleomenes. For both of them the declared ideal was a return
38 For some differention between a « political » stasis and a « social-economic » stasis,
the first being characteristic of the classical age and the latter of the late classical and
Hellenistic age, see my paper Thucydides and the stasis in Corcyrai Thuc. Ill , 82-3
versus [Thuc.] Ill , 84, AJPh 92 (1971), p. 48 ff. The comparison of the stasis in Corcyra
as Thucydides sees it and the approach of the later interpolator, who wrote what is now
ch. 84 in Book III, shows a significant difference. To be sure, we should not think in
terms of purely political or purely social-economic conflicts. In the « classical » conflicts,
on the lines of democracy versus oligarchy, the supporters of democracy were, in the main,
the lower classes, who, by and large, identified the democratic interest with their own
economic and social benefit. Also, in many of « political » staseis there are social-economic
motives, and in many of « social-economic » conflicts there are motives of internal politics,
or of external politics, or both.
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80 A. FUKS
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SOCIAL-ECONOMIC REVOLUTION IN GREECE 81
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