Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
net/publication/309230356
CITATIONS READS
6 173
1 author:
Pablo Lapegna
University of Georgia
43 PUBLICATIONS 138 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:
All content following this page was uploaded by Pablo Lapegna on 18 October 2016.
i
ii
Recent Titles in
Concrete Jungles
By Rivke Jaffe
Violence at the Urban Margins
Edited by Javier Auyero, Philippe Bourgois,
and Nancy Scheper-Hughes
iii
SOYBEANS
AND POWER
Genetically Modified Crops, Environmental
Politics, and Social Movements in Argentina
Pablo Lapegna
iv
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by WebCom, Inc., Canada
v
CONTENT S
Preface vii
Acknowledgments xi
List of Acronyms xv
List of Illustrations xvii
vi
v i
• Contents
vii
P R E FA C E
“What should we do? Should we park here?” asked Diego shyly from the wheel
of his 1990s pickup truck. We did not answer, still feeling out of place. It was
a foggy morning in March 2004, and I was sitting snugly between Pablo and
Diego, friends and fellow sociologists from the University of Buenos Aires.
We were driving stealthily alongside a highway near San Pedro, in the prov-
ince of Buenos Aires. A wide, open meadow to our right led to Feriagro, an
annual fair organized and promoted by a national media conglomerate. The
entrance featured the logos of agribusiness companies, media outlets, and
governmental offices sponsoring the fair where dozens of large white tents
and colorful flags occupied an area of 1,000 hectares (the equivalent of nearly
1,900 American football fields). I was a bit nervous, as if dreading an impend-
ing embarrassment.
We had gathered in Buenos Aires two hours earlier, assembling a group of
two dozen activists, rural sociologists, community organizers, and alternative
journalists. All of us participated in the Land and Food Forum (Foro de la
Tierra y la Alimentación), a loose network of academics, activists, and NGOs
concerned about the social and environmental consequences of the vast ex-
pansion of genetically modified (GM) soybeans in Argentina. We were in
San Pedro to partake in what we called “a counter-Feriagro,” that is, a form of
protest mimicking the countersummits of the antiglobalization movement at
an infinitesimal scale. Our goal was “to discuss and think about alternatives,
to regain the joy of a country and an agriculture that belongs to us all,” as
written in the leaflets we distributed.
Hesitantly, we parked near the main entrance to the fair where we erected
a gazebo, installed two large wood panels to paint a mural on, and put up
placards (“Glyphosate and 2,4D KILL,” “There Is No Food Sovereignty with
Transgenics”). We spent the day handing out flyers and painting two murals.
The next day, we participated in a public presentation at the local library titled
“San Pedro: From Orchard to Green Desert,” in which an agronomist talked
viii
v i i i
• Preface
about how the area had gone from growing fruits to planting soybeans. We
were glad to see many locals join us to hear a rock band that we had invited to
close the event with a concert in downtown San Pedro later that night.
We had a great time even though the protest was largely inconsequential,
barely reported in the media, and most likely did not change the minds of
Feriagro attendants. I have briefly recounted this event as a way of making
four points regarding my personal relationship with GM crops and social
movements.
First, my participation in the modest counter-Feriagro suggests how
and why I became interested in the social and environmental consequences
of GM crops. Around 1998, as an advanced undergraduate student of soci-
ology at the University of Buenos Aires, I joined a group in the School of
Social Sciences doing research on rural sociology and social movements. In
Argentina, and elsewhere in Latin America, the boundaries between social
research and activism are porous, and the group I joined was not an excep-
tion. After 2001, like many Argentines around that time, group members,
myself included, became even more involved in activism (in the context of the
intensified social mobilization I discuss in c hapter 1). In March 2003, I trav-
eled to Formosa with two friends and colleagues, doubling as activists from
the Land and Food Forum and sociologists from the University of Buenos
Aires. As a result of this visit, we wrote a chapter in an edited volume and cre-
ated a short documentary that we later showcased in Formosa.
“Soybeans and Power,” however, is not a translation of activism into
writing. While I entertain ethical and political questions, this book actu-
ally emerges from my dissatisfaction with what I came to see as Manichean
views on the globalization of food and collective action. As I kept going to
Formosa, for instance, I became increasingly aware of the dangers of project-
ing my own hopes onto the actions of others. My fieldwork, slowly but surely,
convinced me that clear-cut narratives of global agrarian capitalism did not
accurately depict the views of peasants, or rather tended to give credence to
some voices at the cost of muffling others. In short, I believe that we should
have a critical perspective not only toward the social processes we analyze but
also toward the theories we use to make sense of them.
Third, I also candidly present my participation in anti-transgenic protests
as a way of unveiling my own position. Issues of reflexivity and ponderings on
the relationship between the researcher, her or his background, the field site,
and fieldwork involve complex and lengthy discussions. I simply want to hon-
estly disclose the conditions that led me to investigate the environmental and
social issues surrounding the expansion of GM crops. Throughout this book
ix
xi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book would not have been possible without all the people in Formosa
who generously volunteered their scarce and valuable time to have conversa-
tions about experiences and events that oftentimes were not pleasurable to
talk about. I am thus indebted to the members and leaders of MoCaFor for
opening their organization, their homes, and their lives, to allow me to com-
plete this project. Muchas gracias cumpas!
It is hard to find the words to thank my advisor and friend, Javier Auyero.
He has always been there to generously support me—academically and oth-
erwise. He goes above and beyond the call of duty, comments on my writings
at shocking speed, and is overall outstanding colleague. Let me just say (for
those who are not fortunate enough to know him personally) that his superb
abilities as scholar are only matched by his marvelous warmth and generosity
as a person. Gracias totales O’Sheer!
This book is a thoroughly revised version of my doctoral dissertation, and
I would like to express my gratitude to the exceptional members of my dis-
sertation committee: to Michael Schwartz, because every meeting with him
guaranteed insightful ideas and unparalleled enthusiasm; to Ian Roxborough,
for constantly pushing me to make my arguments more precise and clear; and
to Marc Edelman, for offering generous support and always providing a dif-
ferent and sophisticated viewpoint. I am also grateful to Eileen Otis, who
encouraged me during the initial years of the PhD program.
I am very thankful to Katherine Jensen and Pamela Neumann for their
editorial assistance and extremely useful comments, and particularly to
Katherine Sobering, a dear friend, insightful colleague, and editor extraor-
dinaire. A number of friends and colleagues read different portions of the
manuscript (in its various iterations) and provided generous, useful, and
constructive criticism: Claudio Benzecry, Oscar Chamosa, Andrew Deener,
Melissa Forbis, Matthew Mahler, Emily Sahakian, Katherine Sobering, and
Xiahong Xu. At the University of Georgia, my colleagues Patricia Richards
xii
x i i
• Acknowledgments
and David Smilde and PhD students Rebecca Hanson and Jeff Gardner con-
tributed to improve key sections of the manuscript and to create a stimulating
working environment.
In Argentina, Norma Giarracca and the members of the Grupo de
Estudios Rurales of the Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani at the
University of Buenos Aires deserve recognition for enriching the early stages
of my journey to become a sociologist. I would especially like to mention
Pablo Barbetta, Diego Domínguez, and Pablo Sabatino for the many hours
we spent writing, discussing, doing fieldwork, participating in demonstra-
tions, or just enjoying time together.
In the United States, I was lucky to have friends who enriched my expa-
triate life and who were there through thick and thin: Bahar Aykan, José
Aznarez, Natalia Chanfreau, Consuelo Figueroa, Angelo Guanazzi, Alberto
Harambour, Barbara Orelli, Victoria Prieto, Alexis Stern, and Emilio Teubal.
My friends and colleagues Diana Baldermann, Can Ersoy, and Lauren Joseph
offered generous support during the long and winding road of my PhD.
I presented portions of this manuscript and benefitted from the com-
ments of the participants at the Yale Comparative Research Workshop, the
Taula workshop at the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies of
the University of Connecticut, the Geography Colloquium at Department
of Geography of the University of Georgia, the Forum of the International
Sociological Association in Buenos Aires, the annual conference of the
American Sociological Association in Denver, and a mini-conference of the
section on Political Economy of the World-System (American Sociological
Association) in New York.
I thank several institutions which supported this project in different ways
and at diverse stages: the Tinker Foundation, the Social Science Research
Council, the National Science Foundation, and, at the University of Georgia,
the Sociology Department, the Latin American and Caribbean Studies
Institute, the Willson Center for Humanities and the Arts, the Franklin
College, and the Center for Teaching and Learning. Grant #P015A140046
from the US Department of Education supported this publication (how-
ever, the contents of this book do not necessarily represent the policy of the
US Department of Education, and endorsement by the federal government
should not assumed).
At Oxford University Press, I was very fortunate to count on the diligent
work of James Cook and Amy Klopfenstein, who did a superb work in bring-
ing the manuscript to print.
xiii
A
lthough Argen na's use of gene cally
modified (GM) soybean seeds has
spurred a major agricultural boom, it
has also had a nega ve impact on
many communi es. In Soybeans and Power, Pablo
Lapegna explores the ways in which these
communi es have coped with GM soybean
expansion. Peasants ini ally resisted, yet
ul mately adapted to the new agricultural
technologies, playing an ac ve role in their own
demobiliza on in order to maneuver the situa on
to their advantage. A rare glimpse into the life
cycle of a social movement, Soybeans and Power
gives voice to the communi es most adversely
affected by GM technology and the strategies that
they have enacted in order to survive.
Pablo Lapegna is Assistant Professor of Sociology and La n American and
Caribbean Studies at the University of Georgia
Order online at www.oup.com/academic with promo code ASFLYQ6 to save 30%!
View publication stats