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Lapegna, Pablo. 2016. Soybeans and Power: Genetically


Modified Crops, Environmental Politics, and Social
Movements in Argentina.

Book · October 2016

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S oy b e a n s
and Power
Genetically Modified Crops,
Environmental Politics, and
Social Movements in Argentina
Pablo L apegna
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRSTPROOFS, Mon May 09 2016, NEWGEN

  i

SOYBE ANS AND   P OW ER

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ii

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  iii

SOYBEANS
AND POWER
Genetically Modified Crops, Environmental
Politics, and Social Movements in Argentina

Pablo Lapegna

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iv

1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press


198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2016

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in


a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
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rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form


and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data


[To Come]
ISBN 978–​0–​19–​021514–​9 (paperback)
ISBN 978–0–19–021513–2 (hardcover)

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by WebCom, Inc., Canada

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  v

CONTENT S

Preface  vii
Acknowledgments  xi
List of Acronyms  xv
List of Illustrations  xvii

Introduction: GM Crops, Global Ethnography, and the Dynamics


of Demobilization  1
1. The Dark Side of the Boom: Neoliberalization, GM Soybeans,
and Environmental Change in Argentina  25
2. Emergence—​Peasants, Politics, and Patrons: Rural Social
Movements in Formosa (1970s–​2000s)  52
3. Contention: Peasants Confronting GM Soybeans and
Agrochemical Exposure (2003)  84
4. Demobilization: Peasants, Governments, and Constituents
Across Political Scales (2004–​2013)  115
5. Accommodation: Peasants Negotiating GM Crops
and Agrochemical Exposure (2009–​2013)  136
Conclusion—​Companion Planting: The Crucible of GM Crops,
Global Processes, and Social Movements  160

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vi

v i   
•    Contents

Appendix: On the Ethnographic Craft  173


Notes  179
References  189
Index  217

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  vii

P R E FA C E

“What should we do? Should we park here?” asked Diego shyly from the wheel
of his 1990s pickup truck. We did not answer, still feeling out of place. It was
a foggy morning in March 2004, and I was sitting snugly between Pablo and
Diego, friends and fellow sociologists from the University of Buenos Aires.
We were driving stealthily alongside a highway near San Pedro, in the prov-
ince of Buenos Aires. A wide, open meadow to our right led to Feriagro, an
annual fair organized and promoted by a national media conglomerate. The
entrance featured the logos of agribusiness companies, media outlets, and
governmental offices sponsoring the fair where dozens of large white tents
and colorful flags occupied an area of 1,000 hectares (the equivalent of nearly
1,900 American football fields). I was a bit nervous, as if dreading an impend-
ing embarrassment.
We had gathered in Buenos Aires two hours earlier, assembling a group of
two dozen activists, rural sociologists, community organizers, and alternative
journalists. All of us participated in the Land and Food Forum (Foro de la
Tierra y la Alimentación), a loose network of academics, activists, and NGOs
concerned about the social and environmental consequences of the vast ex-
pansion of genetically modified (GM) soybeans in Argentina. We were in
San Pedro to partake in what we called “a counter-​Feriagro,” that is, a form of
protest mimicking the countersummits of the antiglobalization movement at
an infinitesimal scale. Our goal was “to discuss and think about alternatives,
to regain the joy of a country and an agriculture that belongs to us all,” as
written in the leaflets we distributed.
Hesitantly, we parked near the main entrance to the fair where we erected
a gazebo, installed two large wood panels to paint a mural on, and put up
placards (“Glyphosate and 2,4D KILL,” “There Is No Food Sovereignty with
Transgenics”). We spent the day handing out flyers and painting two murals.
The next day, we participated in a public presentation at the local library titled
“San Pedro: From Orchard to Green Desert,” in which an agronomist talked

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viii

v i i i   
•    Preface

about how the area had gone from growing fruits to planting soybeans. We
were glad to see many locals join us to hear a rock band that we had invited to
close the event with a concert in downtown San Pedro later that night.
We had a great time even though the protest was largely inconsequential,
barely reported in the media, and most likely did not change the minds of
Feriagro attendants. I have briefly recounted this event as a way of making
four points regarding my personal relationship with GM crops and social
movements.
First, my participation in the modest counter-​Feriagro suggests how
and why I became interested in the social and environmental consequences
of GM crops. Around 1998, as an advanced undergraduate student of soci-
ology at the University of Buenos Aires, I  joined a group in the School of
Social Sciences doing research on rural sociology and social movements. In
Argentina, and elsewhere in Latin America, the boundaries between social
research and activism are porous, and the group I joined was not an excep-
tion. After 2001, like many Argentines around that time, group members,
myself included, became even more involved in activism (in the context of the
intensified social mobilization I discuss in c­ hapter 1). In March 2003, I trav-
eled to Formosa with two friends and colleagues, doubling as activists from
the Land and Food Forum and sociologists from the University of Buenos
Aires. As a result of this visit, we wrote a chapter in an edited volume and cre-
ated a short documentary that we later showcased in Formosa.
“Soybeans and Power,” however, is not a translation of activism into
writing. While I  entertain ethical and political questions, this book actu-
ally emerges from my dissatisfaction with what I came to see as Manichean
views on the globalization of food and collective action. As I kept going to
Formosa, for instance, I became increasingly aware of the dangers of project-
ing my own hopes onto the actions of others. My fieldwork, slowly but surely,
convinced me that clear-​cut narratives of global agrarian capitalism did not
accurately depict the views of peasants, or rather tended to give credence to
some voices at the cost of muffling others. In short, I believe that we should
have a critical perspective not only toward the social processes we analyze but
also toward the theories we use to make sense of them.
Third, I also candidly present my participation in anti-​transgenic protests
as a way of unveiling my own position. Issues of reflexivity and ponderings on
the relationship between the researcher, her or his background, the field site,
and fieldwork involve complex and lengthy discussions. I simply want to hon-
estly disclose the conditions that led me to investigate the environmental and
social issues surrounding the expansion of GM crops. Throughout this book

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  ix

Preface      •      ix

I am present in my own narrative not out of egocentrism, but because it is


hard to disentangle my presence and the data I present. This is not a call for a
radical constructivism or postmodern hermeneutics, but simply expresses my
alignment with a straightforward realist constructivism in the sense articu-
lated by Pierre Bourdieu: “Against the illusion which consists of seeking neu-
trality by eliminating the observer, it must be admitted that, paradoxically,
the only ‘spontaneous’ process is a constructed one, but a realist construction”
(Bourdieu 1999: 618, original emphasis).
Fourth and last, in this book I delve into the quotidian activities of social
movements, coming dangerously close to airing dirty laundry. So a few words
on the goals inspiring this research beyond my scholarly interests are in order.
Romanticizing social movements may help in the way of garnering sympathy
toward some causes, but this comes with the risk, I believe, of providing little
in the spirit of constructive criticism or potentially useful cautionary tales for
social movements. In other words, I think that a critical perspective should
not stop at the door of a social movement organization, so to speak, or turn
a blind eye (or a deaf ear) to the inequalities and subordination transpiring
within and between movements and allies. Naturally, this critical perspec-
tive on social movements should always follow the mandate of “do no harm.”
I have made an effort to walk the thin line of being critical without spouting
sterile criticism.
In any case, readers will ultimately decide how well I served the purposes
I set forth when embarking on this endeavor.

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  xi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book would not have been possible without all the people in Formosa
who generously volunteered their scarce and valuable time to have conversa-
tions about experiences and events that oftentimes were not pleasurable to
talk about. I am thus indebted to the members and leaders of MoCaFor for
opening their organization, their homes, and their lives, to allow me to com-
plete this project. Muchas gracias cumpas!
It is hard to find the words to thank my advisor and friend, Javier Auyero.
He has always been there to generously support me—​academically and oth-
erwise. He goes above and beyond the call of duty, comments on my writings
at shocking speed, and is overall outstanding colleague. Let me just say (for
those who are not fortunate enough to know him personally) that his superb
abilities as scholar are only matched by his marvelous warmth and generosity
as a person. Gracias totales O’Sheer!
This book is a thoroughly revised version of my doctoral dissertation, and
I would like to express my gratitude to the exceptional members of my dis-
sertation committee: to Michael Schwartz, because every meeting with him
guaranteed insightful ideas and unparalleled enthusiasm; to Ian Roxborough,
for constantly pushing me to make my arguments more precise and clear; and
to Marc Edelman, for offering generous support and always providing a dif-
ferent and sophisticated viewpoint. I  am also grateful to Eileen Otis, who
encouraged me during the initial years of the PhD program.
I am very thankful to Katherine Jensen and Pamela Neumann for their
editorial assistance and extremely useful comments, and particularly to
Katherine Sobering, a dear friend, insightful colleague, and editor extraor-
dinaire. A  number of friends and colleagues read different portions of the
manuscript (in its various iterations) and provided generous, useful, and
constructive criticism: Claudio Benzecry, Oscar Chamosa, Andrew Deener,
Melissa Forbis, Matthew Mahler, Emily Sahakian, Katherine Sobering, and
Xiahong Xu. At the University of Georgia, my colleagues Patricia Richards

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xii

x i i   
•    Acknowledgments

and David Smilde and PhD students Rebecca Hanson and Jeff Gardner con-
tributed to improve key sections of the manuscript and to create a stimulating
working environment.
In Argentina, Norma Giarracca and the members of the Grupo de
Estudios Rurales of the Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani at the
University of Buenos Aires deserve recognition for enriching the early stages
of my journey to become a sociologist. I  would especially like to mention
Pablo Barbetta, Diego Domínguez, and Pablo Sabatino for the many hours
we spent writing, discussing, doing fieldwork, participating in demonstra-
tions, or just enjoying time together.
In the United States, I was lucky to have friends who enriched my expa-
triate life and who were there through thick and thin:  Bahar Aykan, José
Aznarez, Natalia Chanfreau, Consuelo Figueroa, Angelo Guanazzi, Alberto
Harambour, Barbara Orelli, Victoria Prieto, Alexis Stern, and Emilio Teubal.
My friends and colleagues Diana Baldermann, Can Ersoy, and Lauren Joseph
offered generous support during the long and winding road of my PhD.
I presented portions of this manuscript and benefitted from the com-
ments of the participants at the Yale Comparative Research Workshop, the
Taula workshop at the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies of
the University of Connecticut, the Geography Colloquium at Department
of Geography of the University of Georgia, the Forum of the International
Sociological Association in Buenos Aires, the annual conference of the
American Sociological Association in Denver, and a mini-​conference of the
section on Political Economy of the World-​System (American Sociological
Association) in New York.
I thank several institutions which supported this project in different ways
and at diverse stages:  the Tinker Foundation, the Social Science Research
Council, the National Science Foundation, and, at the University of Georgia,
the Sociology Department, the Latin American and Caribbean Studies
Institute, the Willson Center for Humanities and the Arts, the Franklin
College, and the Center for Teaching and Learning. Grant #P015A140046
from the US Department of Education supported this publication (how-
ever, the contents of this book do not necessarily represent the policy of the
US Department of Education, and endorsement by the federal government
should not assumed).
At Oxford University Press, I was very fortunate to count on the diligent
work of James Cook and Amy Klopfenstein, who did a superb work in bring-
ing the manuscript to print.

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  xiii

Acknowledgments      •      xiii

My parents, Víctor Lapegna and Rita Calogero, my sister Alejandra


Lapegna, my brother-​ in-​
law Claudio Meschini, and my nieces Malena
Meschini and Lara Meschini always offered unconditional love and support.
It is not easy to express the many ways in which I am grateful to my part-
ner in crime, friend, and lover, Roberta Salmi. Tanti grazie Rob, for bringing
unexpected experiences to my life and for teaching me how to see things dif-
ferently. Like everybody says but Ray LaMontagne sings like no other, “you
are the best thing that ever happened to me.”
While this book was in the making, two close friends and colleagues
passed away:  Gastón Joaquín Beltrán and Norma Giarracca. They will be
sorely missed, both as exceptional people and insightful sociologists. This
book is dedicated to their memory.

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NEW FROM OXFORD 
SOYBEANS AND POWER 
GENETICALLY MODIFIED CROPS, ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICS,  
AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN ARGENTINA 
By Pablo Lapegna 


lthough  Argen na's  use  of  gene cally 
modified  (GM)  soybean  seeds  has 
spurred  a  major  agricultural  boom,  it 
has  also  had  a  nega ve  impact  on 
many communi es. In Soybeans and Power, Pablo 
Lapegna  explores  the  ways  in  which  these 
communi es  have  coped  with  GM  soybean 
expansion.  Peasants  ini ally  resisted,  yet 
ul mately  adapted  to  the  new  agricultural 
technologies,  playing  an  ac ve  role  in  their  own 
demobiliza on in order to maneuver the situa on 
to  their  advantage.  A  rare  glimpse  into  the  life 
cycle  of  a  social  movement,  Soybeans  and  Power 
gives  voice  to  the  communi es  most  adversely 
affected by GM technology and the strategies that 
they have enacted in order to survive. 

"This is a brilliant book, one sorely needed. Lapegna's beauƟ-


fully-wriƩen ethnography of the contested poliƟcs of GM
October 2016  crops in ArgenƟna is criƟcal in the best sense of the word - a
Paperback | 248 Pages   vital contribuƟon to a debate that is oŌen rendered in black
and white."
$27.95$19.56  -Wendy Wolford, Cornell University
 978‐0‐19‐021514‐9 

Pablo Lapegna is Assistant Professor of Sociology and La n American and 
Caribbean Studies at the University of Georgia 

Order online at www.oup.com/academic with promo code ASFLYQ6 to save 30%! 
 
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