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There is hardly a thing more desirable and tempting for human heart than knowing the future. Accordingly,
a great deal of effort was dedicated to development and refinement of prognostic knowledge, an important
component of every pre-modern culture. Furthermore, is often impossible to understand human behavior if
we don’t know what expectations of the future underlay such and such actions.
Yet, analyzing the choices made by historical figures, scholars tended to prefer explanations of material
nature to causal factors arising from beliefs and perceptions. In case of Myanmar history such rationalism
led to certain bias in research: despite the availability of rich source material on traditional Myanmar
futurology and its influence on reality only few attempts to explore it were made. These pioneering
contributions (Than Tun 1960, Aung Thwin 1983, Tun Aung Chain 2000, Saw Tun 2002) clearly show
how much concerned the people of Myanmar were about prophecies and omens.
The purpose of this paper is to initiate closer scrutiny of our knowledge on transfer of capitals in
Myanmar throughout the 14th to 19th centuries. It focuses on information that influenced the establishing of
a new royal city (pyi)1 and choosing of its location. The data under study are found in Myanmar chronicles
belonging to the tradition of mahayazawins or great chronicles of kings2, other narrative sources3, epistles
and submissions to the kings (thwin-za, than-daw-u-tin-gyet), and prophetic literature (thaik-sa). The
abovementioned sources list royal cities preserving the Sasana for 5000 years of its existence and relate the
account of Lord Buddha’s coming to different places in Upper Myanmar to prophecy the rise of royal cities
there. As I hope to demonstrate, these pieces of data are interrelated and may have important bearing on
our understanding of Myanmar history and historiography. Starting with few words about the status of
royal city in Myanmar, I will describe briefly the concepts in question, try to trace their development, and
outline their probable influence on the shifts of seats of sovereign power and chronicle tradition.
In the time when the Lord Buddha became known he undertook a journey and arrived from
Mizimadeitha (Majjhimadesa) to Ngazaunggyan. Having made a prophecy about the locality of
Ngazaunggyan, [he] went to Kaungzin. Having arrived [there he] made a prophecy about Kaungzin.
Thenceforth he descended downstream and standing [atop Mount] Tangyi made a prophecy about
Tagaung. After that he arrived to Mandalay [where] biluma Izamukhi cut off [her] excellent breast and
donated [it to Buddha], whereby [he] made a prophecy that [Mandalay] will be a large royal city
Yadanabon. Thenceforth [he] arrived to the locality of Kyetyet and 4 bilus called Nga Taung Byon, Nga
Taung Kyi, Nga Taung Thaman, Nga Taung Myint who were brothers of biluma Izamukhi donated
pilaf whereby [Buddha] made a prophecy about the locality of Thaungthaman Taungkyi. [He] made the
[following] prophecy: “In times past [there] really was a couple of fowl kings and [they] used to
frequent this place. In locality of Kyethtaung [they] used to sleep”. When thenceforth [he] arrived to a
place where Sagaing was built [subsequently] one little bilu among one hundred bilus stole bathing
waistcloth of the Lord Buddha and ran away. [The remaining] 99 bilus asked permission from the Lord
Buddha and donated pilaf [to him]. Lord Buddha instructed 99 bilus in the Law and helped them to
become established in sotāpatti phala. Bilus took the bathing waistcloth [from] little bilu who stole [it]
and ran away, handed it over to the Lord Buddha and then asked for paribhogacetīya. 99 bilus led by
bilu Zeita built a cetīya and paid homage to it. This stupa is called Zeitawun till now.
Having instructed bilus in the Law the Lord Buddha made a prophecy about the locality of Sagaing.
When thenceforth he arrived to a place where Ava was built [subsequently] one elderly taungdu
donated three ripe cucumbers whereby [Buddha] made [the following] prophecy: “When there will be a
royal city in this place this thaungdu will become a king for three times and will honour my Sasana”. At
that time a little monkey experienced consciousness associated with veneration on seeing the Lord
Buddha and taking an empty beehouse offered [it to him]. The Lord Buddha accepted [the beehouse]
and having fondled her head let her go. That little monkey pulled out the thread which hanged from the
edge of the robe and shinned up the tree. Seeing that, [Buddha] smiled. When younger brother Shin
Ananda asked about the reason of smiling [Buddha] made [the following] prophecy: “Beloved son
Ananda! When there will be a royal city in this place that little monkey will attain kingship for three
generations. When she will become a king she will practice charity. [Yet she] will lack morality. [Thus
she] will propagate and destroy my Sasana at the same time”;
this royal city:
in the times past, in the beginning of the world under [king] Padonmasandathuyiya [it] was called
Ayeyawady-yahta Kanpahtani. Under this king rain of jewels fell three times.
Under king Vayonna [it] was called Puyeindada. Under this king rain of jewels fell 2 times.
Comparison between Zambu-kun-gya and Mahayazawuntha shows that we deal with the same list of
pyis related in reverse (see the table below). The version of Mahayazawuntha is longer but by no means
exclusive of what we find in ZKG. The principal difference between these versions lies in the fact that the
former implies Buddha’s journey upstream the Ayeyawady River with prophecy in chronological sequence
while the later – journey downstream with prophecy in reverse order. The version of Taungbila Hsayadaw
appears a modification of ZKG.
Table 1
Buddha’s prophecies concerning royal cities of Myanmar
Zambu-kun-gya Mahayazawuntha
Pyi Place Addressee/Omen Pyi Place Addressee/Omen
Thayeikhitaya Mt. Tangyi mole/floating cow Nga-zaung-gyan
dung
Arimaddana Mt. Pura pauk tree Kaung-zin
Paukkayama
[Myinzaing] Mt. Tinbwin three bantengs Tagaung Mt. Tangyi
3 brothers-
kings
Yadanapura Dabessway kaing-thu-gyi Mandalay biluma Izamukhi
Ava Yadanabon
Sagaing Mt. Nga Pha white crane on [Amarapura] Kyet-yet 4 bilus: Nga Taung Byon, Nga
acacia/ Taungthaman Taung Kyi, Nga Taung
99 bilus led by Zeita Taungkyi Thaman, Nga Taung Myint
various places Sagaing 99 bilus led by Zeita
identified with Ava taungdu-gyi, little monkey
various Myinzaing [Mt. [three bantengs]
jatakas Tinbwin]7
Pagan [Mt. Tangyi] [pauk tree]
[Thayeikhitaya] [Mt. Tangyi] [mole/floating cow’s dung]
Finally, a black parabaik of the 19th century now at RCAMM (Acc. no. 196) relates the prophecy made
when Buddha was spending the rainy season at Kosala. Being questioned by Ananda as to where Sasana
will be preserved in the future, Buddha provides a list of royal cities with time spans assigned for them as
well as the number of kings who would reign there (RCAMM 196 pu net).
The list in question is essentially a modification of succession shown in Table 1. Besides parabaik
RCAMM 196, there exist numerous versions of it (so far I have identified twelve (see Table 2)). Two
earliest come from replies given by monks Lingathaya Thumyat and Zambuthiyi Thumyat to enquiry made
by Pindale-min (1648-1661) in CS 1019 (1657). The king asked famous abbots and monks skilled in
astrology to comment on the future of his royal city. He referred to a prophecy according to which the life
span of Ava would be 300 years and 26 lords would reign there. Pindale-min calculated that since the city
was founded by Thadominbya (1365-1367) in CS 726 (1365) the prescribed span would elapse in 8 years.
Besides that, to fulfill the prophecy 2 more kings were to ascend the throne of Ava in the meantime.
The copy I’ve consulted contains replies from “12 titled hsayadaws” (da-zeit-ya 12-ba hsayadaw),
successors of Bame Hsayadaw and Myatmuni Thangayaza who performed consecration rituals when
Nyaungyan-min (1597-1606) rebuilt Ava in CS 959 (1597), Lingathaya Thumyat, Zambuthiyi Thumyat,
Damapala Thumyat, and Lokottara Thumyat. Two of them (i.e. Lingathaya and Zambuthiyi) identified a
Implications
Despite the obviously unfinished state of my research, I believe that the data presented here
demonstrate the existence of complex theories and beliefs which underlay the execution of royal
power, the status of royal cities, and development of Myanmar historiography. Though further study is
needed to trace the evolution of these concepts and date them reliably, it’s clear that comprehensive
history of foundation of key royal cities of Myanmar through the 14 th to 19th centuries still remains to
be written and a critical scrutiny of circumstances surrounding these projects is necessary.
At the same time, uncritical following of periodization found in yazawins should be avoided as it
was dictated by conceptual considerations rather than historical events. A good example is the existing
knowledge on the decline of Pagan and rise of alternative seats of power in the late 13th - first half of
the 14th centuries. It’s not improbable that chronicle accounts of secession of dependent territories and
submission of Pagan kings to rulers of Pinya and especially the theory of Pagan’s “destruction” by
Mongol invasion (MYG I: 300-16) are rather symbolic in nature. They might have been influenced by
a belief in shifting of mainstay of Sasana from Pagan to Ava, as argued by the list.
Another important historiographical stereotype – the idea that decline of an old pyi and rise of a
new one comes as utter destruction of the former – might have contributed also. This idea is clear in
such conceptual works of Myanmar historiography as Zambu-kun-gya and Cetīyakathā of Monywei
Hsayadaw (1766-1834) where the succession of royal cities antedating Thayekhitaya was pushed up to
the beginning of time (ZKG: hpo v. – bā v.; CK: 1-5). Though not incorporated into mahayazawin
tradition, this “destruction” perspective obviously influenced the former in certain aspects. Thus, the
still current tendency to terminate the history of Pagan in 1287 or at the turn of the century is an
apparent anachronism. Effective end to Pagan claims to sovereignty was probably brought only by
Thadominbya (1365-1367) and that was just the beginning of accommodation of Pagan elites to
subordinate status. This history is almost forgotten now, but that doesn’t mean it never happened20.
If arguments presented here are essentially correct one may speak of relative conservatism of
Burmese monarchial culture with certain key concepts being developed at an early date and surviving
(in amended form) up till the last days of Myanmar independence. This fact should be given
consideration while trying to appreciate the modernization efforts of the last Konbaung kings (cf., for
example, Thant Myint-U 2001: 104-185; 245-254).
RCAMM 196 (prophecy) RCAMM 196 (list) Egyin Min Yaza (verse) AMTY (text) AMTY (verse)
Pyi Term Kings Pyi Term Pyi Term Kings Pyi Pyi Term Kings Pyi
Thiho pyi 100 3223 Thiho 100 Thiho kyun 300 32 Thiho 300 51 Thi[ho]
Thahton 200
Thayeikhitaya pyi 500 36 Thayeikhitaya 300 [Thayei]khitaya pyi 500 26 [Thayei]khitaya 500 56 Tha[yeikhitaya]
Thahton pyi 300 3 Thahton myo 200 32 Thahton pyi 300 3224 Tha[hton]
Yadanapura 300 36
Paukkan 1000 55 Pagan 1000 Pagan 1000 55 Pu (Pagan) Arimatana pyi 1000 55 Pa[gan]
Myinzaing myo 4
Pa (Pinya)
Sa[gaing] Sagaing myo 6
Pinya myo 6
Yadanapura Inwa 300 36 Inwa 300 Wa [Inwa] Inwa pyi 300 36 I[nwa]
Ot-tha Pegu 100 Pegu 100 50
Padaung-let-tha 100 Padaung-thet-tha 100 5 Thet-tha-padaung myo 100 5 Th[et-tha-padaung]
Ot-tha Pegu 100 5 O[ttha Pegu]
Myei-bon-tha 100 3 Myei-bon-tha 100 Shwe-bon-tha 100 2 Myei-bon-tha 100 2 Myei[-bon-tha]
Shit-htaung-palin 300 2 Thit-htaung-palin 200 Thit-taung-palin 100 2 Shit-taung-palin 200 2 Shit[-taung-palin]
Shwe-bo-kyun 700
Mandalay 200 66 Mandalay 800 Mandalay 800 60 Ma[ndalay] Mandalay 500 66 Man[dalay]
Shwedaung
Tagaung 200 66 Tagaung 200 Tagaung 800 66 Ta[gaung] Tagaung myo 800 9625 Ta[gaung]
Kanyan 100
Kaung-ton 200 3 Kaung-ton 200 Kaung-ton 200 Ka[ung-ton] Kaung-ton Kaung[-ton]
Kaung-zin 200 3 Kaung-zin 200 Kaung-zin 200 Ka[ung-zin] Kaung-zin Kaung[-zin]
Kyun-bo Kyun[-bo]
Nga-zaung-gyan 400 3 Nga-zaung-gyan 200 Nga-zaung-gyan 200 Nga[-zaung-gyan] Nga-zaung-gyan
Shwei-min-wun 300 5
Bibliography
Primary Sources:
DUROISELLE, CHAS. (ed.). Epigraphia Birmanica being Lithic and Other Inscriptions of Burma.
vol. III, pt. II. Rangoon: Supdt., Govt. Printing, 1928
GEIGER, WILHELM (tr.). Culavamsa, Being the More Recent Part of the Mahavamsa. Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1996 (reprint)
GEIGER, WILHELM (tr.). The Mahāvaṃsa or the Great Chronicle of Ceylon. Colombo, Ceylon
Govt. Information Department, 1960
GRAY, JAMES (ed.). Buddhaghosuppatti or the Historical Romance of the Rise and Career of
Buddhaghosa. London: Luzac & Co., 1892
GUNABALA, U. Min-yaza-bon (Relations of Min Yaza). Microfilm of IOL palm-leaf manuscript at
UHRC catalogued as Manrajapuin (MF/283)
HLA TIN, U (ed.). Zatadaw-bon yazawin. Yangon: Yin-gyei-hmu wun-gyi-htana, 1961 (Chronicle-
Relation of Royal Horoscopes)
Hmannan mahayazawin-daw-gyi (Big Great Royal Chronicle of the Glass Palace). Yangon: Pyi-gyi-
mandain, 1967
HSONDA HSAYADAW (NANDAMĀLĀ). Thathana-thokdi-dipaka-pat hnin thathana-thokdi-dipaka-
nithaya. (Text and nissaya of “The Explanation of Purification of Sasana”) Yangon: Thathana-
yei uzihtana, 1980
HTUN YI, U (SHEI-HAUNG SA-PEI THU-TEI-THI TA-U) (ed.). Nyaung-yan-hkit thwinza-mya
(Submissions of Nyaungyan Period). Yangon: Myanma-hmu-beiman sapei-ban, n.d. Copy
available at UHRC (Acc. no. 13448)
HTUN YI, U (SHEI-HAUNG SA-PEI THU-TEI-THI TA-U) (ed.). Shei-haung hmat-sa padeitha.
(Collection of Old Texts). vol. 10. Yangon: Myanma-hmu-beiman sapei-ban, n.d. Copy available at
UHRC (Acc. no. 13894)
HTUN YI, U (SHEI-HAUNG SA-PEI THU-TEI-THI TA-U) (ed.). Thathana-zet e-gyin (Egyin on the
succession of Sasana). Published in Shei-haung sapei: Atwezin – anyun hnin nauk-hset-twe.
[Yangon], n.d., not paginated. Copy available at UHRC (Acc. no. 9705)
JAYAWICKRAMA, N.A. (tr.). The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the Conqueror Being a
Translation of Jinakālamālīpakaraṇam of Ratanapaňňa Thera of Thailand. London: The Pali
Text Society, 1978
KALA, U. Mahayazawin-gyi (Big Great Chronicle). / Ed. by Saya Pwa and U Hkin Soe. Yangon:
Hanthawady, 1960-1961, in 3 vols.
Notes
The author is indebted to the directorate of Universities’ Historical Research Centre, Yangon, for kind permission to study
manuscripts and books in the library of UHRC as well as to UHRC library staff for their patience and assistance during my
library hours. I’d like to thank Daw Tin Phone Nwe, Chief Librarian of the Universities’ Central Library, Daw Myint Myint
Thein, Librarian of the Research Centre for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts, and U Tin Saung, Librarian of the National
Library, Yangon, for their generous help during my visits to their institutions. My sincere gratitude goes to all the staff of
UCL, RCAMM, and NL. This paper would also be impossible without the help of SEAMEO Centre for History and
Tradition, Yangon. Last but not the least, assistance of my good friends U Khin Maung Sein and Aurore Candier was
essential.
This paper was written with kind support of the Russian Foundation for Humanities (grant 05-01-01419а).
1
I prefer rendering word pyi as “royal city” instead of “capital” for the following reasons. Pyi denotes a duly built and
consecrated city which has a lord (min). As there were many mins in precolonial Myanmar besides the sovereign or
overking which was known as the “great lord” (min-gyi), “lord of the Law” (taya-min) or the “great lord of the Law”
(mintaya-gyi), there were numerous pyis in addition to the one where min-gyi’s palace was located. What also contrasts pyi
with the capital is that once consecrated it could not be deprived of its status (e.g. by transfer or conquest).
2
Namely the so called Yazawin-gyo (Celebrated Chronicle) by Shin Thilawuntha, Mahayazawuntha also known as
Mahayazawin (Great Chronicle) attributed to U Kala, Yazawin-thit (New Chronicle) by Thwinthin taikwun Mahasithu U Htun
Nyo, Hmannan mahayazawindawgyi (Big Great Royal Chronicle of the Glass Palace).
3
Zambu-kun-gya (Chief of Jambudipa), Min-yaza-bon (Relations of Min Yaza) by Gunabala, and Yazawin-baung-khyop-sa
(Anthology of Chronicles) (versions of this text were arbitrarily combined by U Hla Tin and published as Zata-daw-bon
yazawin).
4
According to available accounts, the relics initially were concentrated in Thayeikhitaya by king Duttabaung who carried
the Buddha’s frontal bone from “kanyan pyi” (country or royal city of kanyans) and destroyed one of two stupas built by
Taphussa and Ballika moving four hair relics to a new cetīya (MYG I: 119, 199). After the destruction of Thayeikhitaya
kings of Ot-tha (Ussa Pegu) broke the reliquary and moved the relics to their city distributing them between Shweimodo,
Kyaik-ko and royal palace (MYG I: 199). After some time the relics employed in royal ritual were concentrated in Pagan
due to efforts of king Anawrahta who ritually “subdued” other royal cities by means of removal/obtaining of relics. He
carried away “exalted relics kept in jeweled caskets and venerated by generations of kings in the royal city of Thahton”
together with sets of Tipitaka (MYG I: 183); as a token of gratitude for help against gyun warriors “the king of Ot-tha ...
presented to Anawrahta the hair relic which was venerated by generations of kings of Ot-tha kept in a golden casket”
(MYG I: 197), to which the inscription Pl. IV 425a dated CS 678 (1317) adds “. . . . nhlade Buddha, statue of Buddha made
of glass, these buddhas” (SMK III: 2745-6); in Thayeikhitaya Anawrahta destroyed “the royal cetīya built by king
Duttabaung, took the frontal bone relic and carried it away placing on the white elephant in pyathat made of jewels” (MYG
I: 189) (archaeological data confirm the opening of Bobogyi stupa by Anawrahta (Luce 1969 I: 19)). He also attempted to
remove the relics from tayop pyi (China) (MYG I: 184-8), Lanka (MYG I, 191-4), Arakan (YT: 89) and Theingothaya (i.e.
Shweidagon stupa) (MYG I: 398). Thus, almost every major seat of power mentioned in mahayazawins fell victim to him.
Another contribution was made by king Alaungsithu (or Narapatisithu as a famous confusion exists as regards these
monarchs) who again tried to get the tooth relic from tayop pyi and received from Sinhalese monarch a “statue showing
Shin Mahakathapa observing the dhutangas which was venerated by generations of kings of Theingo” during his voyage
round the “great ocean” (MYG I: 223; cf. alternative version in ZKG: bā v. –bu v.).
From accounts on kings of Pinya we learn that Tazishin Thihathu enshrined in Pinya Shweizigon “5 of seven relics
encapsulated in betel bowl during the reign of Anawrahtaminzaw and venerated by succession of kings [of Pagan]” (MYG
I: 324) (note the symbolism of this act as Pagan Shweizigon enshrined the relic moved from ritually subdued
Thayeikhitaya) with two others being delivered to Sagaing later (ZKG: bei v. – be v.).
Afterwards the changes in organization of power made the removal of relics exceptional: the major examples are the
moving of Buddha’s begging bowl and tooth relic, Buddha images, and copies of Tipitaka from Hanthawady to Taung-ngu
in 1599 (MYG III: 100) and transportation of Mahamuni image from Arakan in 1785.
5
There exists a tradition assigning the composition of Zambu-kun-gya to Taungdwingyi Hsayadaw Khingyi Byo (1722-
1762) (Kandawmingyaung Hsayadaw 1906: 11). On the basis of analysis of the text and its comparison with others, I
believe it was probably composed in the late 15th century and revised later in the 17 th or 18th centuries.
6
The same account is given in Hmannan-mahayazawin-daw-gyi (HNY I: 396-398) while in Yazawin-thit it appears in
abridged form (YT I: 197, 199).
7
Details related in other sections of Mahayazawuntha are given in brackets.
8
A slightly incorrect reproduction of the lists from UHRC 575 and 765 is available in (ZDB: 29, 89).
9
I’m reluctant to identify it as complete text as it consists only of three stanzas yet is classified as egyin. Usually egyins or
ceremonial royal cradle-songs are more lengthy.
10
The existence of prophecy concerning Sagaing and its usual absence from the list of 15 royal cities show the difference
between the statuses of royal city (pyi) and “royal city being the repository of Sasana” where the former is applicable to
several locations at a time and the latter is unique.
11
Though Pali texts did not state the exact destination of Buddhaghosa’s journey (Mhv XXXVII.246; BGU: 63) whereby
scholars from different countries of Southeast Asia could have laid claims to his legacy, in Myanmar it was believed that
Buddhaghosa arrived to Mon coastal city of Thahton (Sudhammapura) (MYG I: 146; YG: 65).
12
In the 16th century Thayeikhitaya or Pyi was an important religious centre and monks from there occupied prominent
positions at the courts of Mintaya Shweihti (1531-1550), Hanthawady Hsinbyumyashin (1551-1581) and later in the 17th
century at Ava. In the 18th century several samgha leaders like Atula Hsayadaw Shin Yatha (1700-1786) and Hsonda
Hsayadaw Shin Nandamala (1718-1784) traced their monastic lineage to Thayeikhitaya (RCAMM 544: ba-v. – bu-v.;
TTD: 1; TLS: 3).
13
This belief is reflected, for example, in the thwinza sent by Anandadaza Hsayadaw to Nyaungyan-min in CS 959 (1597).
(Htun Yi (ed.) n.d.a: no. 6).
14
This succession was traced through Thayeikhitaya, Pagan, Pinya/Sagaing, Ava, Taung-ngu/Hanthawady, Ava, etc.
15
Tracing the history of Lanka up to that moment became a common Southeast Asian practice. JKM is a good example
(JKM: 94-96) which may reflect the incorporation of Mon historiographic stereotypes into Northern Thai chronicles.
16
Here and below I follow the chronology of MYW.
17
Such approach is untypical for subsequent chapters where the focus gradually shifts towards chronological documenting
of reigns. These changes in principles of chronicle writing also speak in favor of dating of the concepts in question before
the 17th century.
18
This fragment is confused in the published version: omoemawmfta&twGufodkhr0if rifusyfom_zpfavownf became
omoemawmfta&twGufodkhr0ifcif/usyfom_zpfavownf which gives incomprehensible “Saw Mun Nit, the son of king Kyawzwa, Saw
Nit, the son of Saw Mun Hnit, these 2 generations of kings are simply extra before included into the calculation of Sasana as
Myintzaing, Pinya, and Ava have already appeared” (ZDB: 43).
19
Seemingly, the tradition of writing on palm leaves in Myanmar required that the number of leaves in each volume was
equal. In case the copyist managed to put down the contents on fewer leaves he would add something on his behalf and if he ran
out of space he could leave the text unfinished.
20
Despite the appearance of works where Pagan after the early 14 th century is seen as important cultural and symbolic
centre (Bennet 1971: 4-11, Aung-Thwin 1985: 196-7, Strachan 1989: 11) or even effective centre of authority (Hla
Thamein 1968: 59, Aung-Thwin 1998: 93-120) the date 1287 remains magical for popular literature.
21
26 in RCAMM 515. Ms. UHRC 765 gives the number of kings only for the first six entries (Thiho to Ot-tha Pegu) while
the numbers for Tagaung, Kaungton, Kaungzin, Kyun-bo, and Nga-zaung-gyan appear only in RCAMM 515. The name
Myei-bon-tha occurs only in UHRC 575 while in UHRC 765 it becomes Pyi-bon-tha and Pya-bon in RCAMM 515. Shwe-
bo-kyun appears only in UHRC 575, while both UHRC 765 and RCAMM 515 have Kyun-bo.
22
Three last cities (Kaung-zin, Kyun-bo-lo, and Nga-zaung-gyan) are missing in RCAMM 610 but mentioned in the copy
of that text in UCL manuscript Min-a hset-thwin-de meittaza (Epistles sent to kings) (hgū r.).
23
Number 2 in 32 was added by different hand.
24
Subtotal – 1000 years, 139 kings.
25
Subtotal – 4200 years, 422 kings.